Cp time racial ideology and time orientation among african americans cathryn d blue

“CP TIME”: RACIAL IDEOLOGY AND TIME ORIENTATION
AMONG AFRICAN AMERICANS
Cathryn D. Blue M.S. (R)
An Abstract Presented to the Faculty of Graduate
Education of Saint Louis University in Partial
Fulfillment of the Requirements for the
Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
2011

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Abstract
Many psychologists agree that race is a socially created construct, used to categorize individuals
into groups for social, political, and economical purposes. Despite its definitional ambiguity, race
has a number of behavioral, affective, and cognitive implications within contemporary American
society. This study seeks to provide evidence for the idea that the way that Black Americans view
their racial group membership (i.e., racial ideology), is associated with how they view and
organize time (i.e., time orientation). Thus, this study aims to investigate the relationship
between racial ideology and time orientation. Furthermore, this study seeks to investigate the
degree to which relationships between racial ideology and time orientation might be modified by
self-construal.

“CP TIME”: RACIAL IDEOLOGY AND TIME ORIENTATION
AMONG AFRICAN AMERICANS
Cathryn D. Blue M.S. (R)
A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of Graduate
Education of Saint Louis University in Partial
Fulfillment of the Requirements for the
Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
2011

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COMMITTEE IN CHARGE OF CANDIDACY:
Associate Professor Richard D. Harvey
Chairperson and Advisor
Professor Eddie Clark
Professor Honore Hughes

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DEDICATIONS
Thanks to the positive people in my life for reminding me of who I am and why I continue to
push for what is most important.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Thanks to God for giving me the strength and mental capacity to get through this process.
I would like to acknowledge Dr. Richard Harvey for his guidance and advice. I also wish to
acknowledge my committee members Dr. Honore Hughes and Dr. Eddie Clark for their
friendship and feedback.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS
........................................................................................CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION 1
CHAPTER 2: REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
.........................................................................................Time Orientation 4
.....................................................Ancient Greek Time Perspectives 5
.....................................................................Duration vs. Succession 6
................................................................Cultural Time Perspectives 6
....................................................Zimbardo Time Perspective Model 6
..........................................................................................Racial Ideology 11
....................................Multidimensional Model of Racial Identity 13
.............Racial Ideology, Time Orientation, and Predicted Relationships 15
............Nationalist Ideology: Past Negative Time Orientation (H1) 17
.................Assimilationist Ideology: Future Time Orientation (H2) 17
.............................................................................................Self Construal 19
CHAPTER 3: METHODOLOGY
.................................................................................................Participants 21
....................................................................................................Materials 21
..............................................................Self Construal Scale (SCS) 21
.................................Zimbardo Time Perspective Inventory (ZTPI) 22
....................Multidimensional Inventory of Black Identity (MIBI) 22
...........................................................Demographics Questionnaire 23
....................................................................................................Procedure 23
CHAPTER 4: RESULTS
.....................................Correlations among Racial Ideology Dimensions 25
...................................Correlations among Time Orientation Dimensions 25
Correlations between Time Orientation and Racial Ideology Dimensions25
.........................Nationalist Ideology and Past Negative Time Orientation 27
..............................Assimilationist Ideology and Future Time Orientation 27
Self-Construal as a Moderator
........................................................................................................27
CHAPTER 5: DISCUSSION
.............................................................................................Self Construal 36
.......................................................................Nationalist Racial Ideology 37
.........................................................................Humanist Racial Ideology 37
.............................................................................Future Time Orientation 38
............................................................................Limitations of the Study 38
................................................................................................Implications 39
..................................................................Directions for Future Research 40

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.........................................................................................................................Appendix 1 42
.........................................................................................................................Appendix 2 43
.........................................................................................................................Appendix 3 44
......................................................................................................................Bibliography 45
......................................................................................................................Vita Auctoris 53

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LIST OF TABLES
Table 1: Zimbardo Time Perspective Inventory (ZTPI) Dimensions ......................10
Table 2: Racial Ideologies of the Multidimensional Model of Racial Identity.........15
Table 3: Correlation Matrix of Relationships between Racial Ideology and Time
.................................................................................................Orientation 26
Table 4: Results of Hierarchical Multiple Regression Analysis Predicting Effects of
Nationalist and Humanist Ideologies on Past Negative Time
Orientation .................................................................................................29
Table 5: Results of Hierarchical Multiple Regression Analysis Predicting Effects of
Nationalist and Humanist Ideologies on Past Positive Time
Orientation .................................................................................................30
Table 6: Correlations among Ratings of Low and High Independent Self
Construal: Ratings of Low Independent Self Construal Appear Below
the Diagonal and Ratings of High Independent Self Construal Appear
....................................................................................Above the Diagonal 31
Table 7: Correlations among Ratings of Low and High Interdependent Self
Construal: Ratings of Low Interdependent Self Construal Appear Below
the Diagonal and Ratings of High Interdependent Self Construal Appear
....................................................................................Above the Diagonal 32

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LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1: Predicted relationships between racial ideologies and time orientation
.................................................................................................dimensions 18

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CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION
Time as we know it today, measured by the hands of a clock, is a relatively new
phenomenon. It came about as a corollary of the industrial revolution which “required worker
discipline if machine and man were to be integrated” (Thrift, 1990, p. 114). Gross and Sheth
(1989) analyzed nearly 100 years of American advertising and gathered that as urbanization and
industrialization increased, the importance of clock time to consumers also increased. Greater
clock-time awareness associated with an increase in time pressure has been accompanied by an
increased need to see time as an asset or utility that must be saved, spent, borrowed, made,
wasted, invested, and conserved like money (e.g., Birth, 1999; Davies, 1993; Graham, 1981;
Kreuter, Lukwago, Bucholtz, Clark, & Sanders-Thompson, 2003). However, the natural flow of
time as it exists astronomically is not a component of the clock-time model. Astronomical time is
arguably more indicative of non-Western time perspectives.
Mukerjee (1943) in an analysis of time in astronomical terms made the following
statement:
Astronomical-time is uniform and homogenous, ceaselessly flowing at a constant rate,
and is a myth of the mathematician. The time which is real, concrete, and objective in
man’s world is related to his experience of the rhythm of life processes in their relations
to the environment and, second, experience of the rhythm of activities of the group with
which his own activities synchronize in the process of social adaptation. (p. 47)
In other words, time is not quantified by nature. Human beings quantify time into units that are
controllable and manipulable. The ways in which humans understand time are relative to their
life activities and are based on social phenomena. These human life activities are influenced by
what is important in the given culture. In some cultures, particularly indigenous, traditional
cultures, life activities are governed by the cycles and processes of nature (Mukerjee, 1943).

9
In the industrial “machine system,” daily activities are not governed by the natural
rhythm of life, but by the speed of the machine (Graham, 1981). Since Western societies are
managed by industry and non-Western societies are managed by nature, the conflict between
nature and industry lays a foundation for conflict between values, behaviors, and beliefs of these
two types of cultures. Furthermore, not only do traditional and modern societies conflict in
primary values, they are also detached in terms of their time perspective, which is a value-driven
construct.
Subsequent to the industrial revolution, time has become a strict, linear, separable, and
limited concept among Western societies, which include Western Europe, the United States, and
other industrialized countries that follow the European-American model (Davies, 1993). The
ability to control and manage time to predict the future is important to the structure of these
cultures. On the contrary, researchers have agreed that people from non-Western cultures, like
those within Asia, Africa, South America and Eastern Europe that are not strictly governed by the
Western European-American industrialized paradigm, tend to view time astronomically; time is
uncontrollable by humans, guided by nature, and governed by social phenomena (Coser & Coser,
1963). The way one views the past, present, and future, including whether one views time as
linear and manipulable, or natural and socially based is referred to as one’s time orientation
(Nuttin, 1964). Time orientation can be formed or developed as a result of various cultural,
institutional, and familial influences and it functions as an individual differences variable
(Zimbardo & Boyd, 1999). In other words, individuals have a certain disposition, or “bias”
toward past, present, or future time orientation that can predict how they respond across life

10
situations (Zimbardo & Boyd, 1999). Time orientation can tell a lot about someone’s priorities,
way of life, and how they relate to others within their society (Zimbardo & Boyd, 1999).
African Americans have been found to adopt aspects of Western time perspectives and
non-Western time perspectives, largely depending upon the way they have been socialized to
view Black racial group membership (Brown & Jones, 2004). Black people in America have an
interesting disposition within mainstream society. There exists a perpetual tug between obtaining
success and acceptance within the mainstream while preserving those aspects of traditional
African culture that make Blacks unique. Empirical models of racial identification have
illustrated that among Blacks, the process of establishing one’s racial identity can be a rather
turbulent one as a result of this “double-consciousness,” or dual identity of being both African
and American (Cross, 1971; Dubois, 1903; Jackson, 1976; Milliones, 1980; Parham & Helms,
1985). The component of racial identity that addresses the values, beliefs, and behaviors
associated with racial group membership is racial ideology (Sellers, Shelton, Rowley, &
Chavous, 1998).
Racial ideology, like time orientation, can tell a lot about what African Americans
consider important in life, including factors that motivate behaviors (Sellers, Rowley, Chavous,
Shelton & Smith, 1997). The way people appraise the world and interact with others depends on
the ideological framework through which circumstances are perceived. The relationship between
racial ideology and time orientation has not been examined empirically. Correlations between
these variables may have behavioral implications, considering the strong theoretical connection
that racial ideology and time orientation have with cultural differences in social behavior
(Gardner, Gabriel, & Lee, 1999). Methods used to confront disparities within the Black

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community, including health disparities (Kreuter et al., 2003) and learning disparities (Brown &
Segal, 1996; Brown & Jones, 2004) may be greatly influenced by the ability of scientists and
practitioners to understand African Americans’ cultural references.

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CHAPTER 2: REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
Time Orientation
Time orientation refers to the unconscious method by which people divide the course of
their personal lives into past, present, and future (Nuttin, 1964; Zimbardo & Boyd, 1999). This
definition includes whether one views time as linear and manipulable or natural and socially
based (Coser & Coser, 1963; Nuttin, 1964). Western cultures tend to view time as a commodity
similar to money (e.g., Kreuter et al., 2003) and stress preparation for the future (Zimbardo &
Boyd, 1999; Brown & Jones, 2004). On the other hand, people from non-Western cultures that
are more collectivist tend to stress relationships and value present experiences (Zimbardo &
Boyd, 1999; Coser & Coser, 1963). The study of time orientation has varied throughout history,
but researchers agree that time is generally viewed as either linear or socially driven.
Ancient Greek Time Perspective: Chronus and Cronus. Leach (1961) differentiated
between two ancient Greek theories of time, chronus and cronus. Chronus represented the eternal
time that was experienced and understood similarly throughout a society. Cronus, on the other
hand, represented significant events in time that would be experienced differently among persons
within a society, as significant events vary among individuals. The lack of objectivity of chronus
and cronus is representative of the fact that ancient Greeks did not have watches; time was
perceived as relative and general (Leach, 1961). However, within this ancient Greek perspective
was an inherent need to partition time into units that could be manipulated and standardized. This
time perspective could be understood as a robust equilibrium model of time orientation (Arrow,
1997). Robust equilibrium models emphasize constant change within a society marked by early
and late periods, transfusing from a lesser to a more developed state, and emerging to a

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“finished” status of development that remains relatively consistent (Arrow, 1997). Subsequently,
chronus and cronus as time perspectives can be categorized as the “early” status of the robust
equilibrium model of dichotomous time in Western society, with succession and duration
representing the “late” status. Succession and duration, like chronus and cronus, describe time
measurement using events.
Duration versus Succession. Fraisse (1984) introduced duration and succession; a dyadic
concept of time that offers a modern, English representation of the ancient Greeks’ chronus and
cronus. Succession signifies how one event can be seen as following another. Time as succession
is closely linked to planning behaviors (Rojas-Méndez, Davies, Omer, Chetthamrongchai, &
Madran, 2002). Duration is measured as the interval between two successive events. Succession
and duration can be understood in terms of “planning using events” and “time pressure”
respectively (Rojas-Méndez, et al., 2002). Though Fraisse’s (1984) model of time continues to be
referred to throughout modern time orientation literature, it poses a number of operational
complications. For example, issues arise when attempting to standardize the meaning ascribed to
duration. Using “time pressure” to denote duration, perceptions of the “distant past” and “near
past” durations could be completely different depending on the person (Cottle & Klineberg,
1974). The same goes for “near future” and “distant future”; for instance, tomorrow could be
perceived as distant future to someone who has not eaten for a long time. As a result, it is
difficult to standardize and manipulate duration in experiments without standardizing and
manipulating individual perceptions. Another similar issue is the model’s applicability to
Western society. Fraisse’s (1984) model, though intended to be reflective of dichotomous
Western time, lacks the objective, controllable and allocable nature that is more characteristic of

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the view of time endorsed by individual constituents of Western societies. Westerners are likely
to discuss time in ordinal terms, not nominal terms. Non-Westerners, on the other hand, tend to
view time much more generally.
Cultural Time Perspectives. Coser and Coser (1963) recognized that time orientation
varies among societies and groups within societies. This model is unique because it shows how
people conceptualize and use their time in relation to the collective society. For example,
researchers have found that people from more traditional cultures continue to prefer a more
relaxed, socially-based conceptualization of time. Terms like “Any time is Trinidad time,” “Soon
come,” and “CP time” (i.e., Colored People’s time) have been used endearingly by members of
different cultures to describe their partiality toward living in the moment, seeing time in relative
terms, and not being restricted by the clock. Coser and Coser’s (1963) theory champions the
notion that individual perspectives of time are socially constructed. Social constructionism
describes the process by which symbolic characteristics of a society are adopted by its citizens
(Berger & Luckman, 1966). Once a perspective of time becomes reciprocally institutionalized
(based on a common history that group members share) individuals within a particular area may
adopt the time perspective embedded within the social structure of that region. If time orientation
is socially constructed, then attempts to study or measure the construct using a singular, universal
model or method would prove ineffective; no one model of time would represent every societal
structure. Furthermore, researchers must reflect on the multiplicity of social structures when
attempting to create time orientation models and measures.
Zimbardo Time Perspective Model. The Zimbardo time perspective model (Gonzalez &
Zimbardo, 1985) is influenced by Lewin’s (1951) life space model that defines time perspective

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as the “totality of the individual views of [one’s] psychological future and psychological past
existing at a given time.” According to Zimbardo and Boyd (1999) Lewin’s model is similar to
Eastern Zen notions of time and gives credence to circular, non-Western temporal views. The
authors note the significance of cultural differences in time orientation, but Gonzalez and
Zimbardo agree that different people tend to be more present, past, or future oriented, regardless
of culture (Gonzalez & Zimbardo, 1985; McGrath & Tschan, 2004).
Gonzalez and Zimbardo (1985) noted their theoretical and personal bias toward
evaluating time from a future, or Western, time perspective. An assumption embedded within the
model is that a future time orientation yields more positive consequences than a present time
orientation for individuals within Western society (Gonzalez & Zimbardo, 1985). The rationale
that a present or past orientation may be more adaptive for non-Westerners is not examined, so
individuals with a primarily past or present time orientation and who make life decisions based
on these temporal perspectives may be viewed as less ideal. Despite the Western bias of
Gonzalez and Zimbardo’s (1985) model, it does represent individual time perspectives without
focusing on specific definitions of time and is rooted in a theory that recognizes non-Western
perspectives of time (Lewin, 1951).
The Zimbardo Time Perspective Inventory (ZTPI) was derived from the model outlined
by Gonzalez & Zimbardo (1985). It developed as a result of factor analyses, interviews,
discriminant validity analyses, and revisions over several years (Zimbardo & Boyd, 1999). From
1995 to 1997, eight different samples of students from universities and community schools in
California (N = 606) were solicited to respond to 56 items on the ZTPI questionnaire. As a result
of exploratory principle components analyses of these samples, five distinct factors of time

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perspective emerged. The five factors explained 36% of the total variance and no factor loaded
below .30. Using the 5 factor structure as a guide, a confirmatory factor analysis was performed
on a new sample of students (N = 361). The items were significant on the 5 factors as was
expected with two items that had a factor loading of -.26 and .29. These items were retained in
the final ZTPI because they were theoretically important and did not lower the overall validity of
the scale. The test-retest reliability coefficients on all 5 factors ranged from .70 to .80. The five
factors of time perspectives outlined in the Zimbardo Time Perspective Inventory are future,
present hedonistic, present fatalistic, past positive and past negative. Each of these unique
orientations describes specific cognitive, affective, and behavioral motivating factors.
Future time orientation (FTO) is understood as a general ability and desire to forego
present pleasures in lieu of future rewards (Zimbardo & Boyd, 1999). FTO has been associated
with conscientiousness, academic achievement, health maintenance behaviors, and energy
(Zimbardo & Boyd, 1999). Trommsdorff (1983, 1986) noted that FTO is motivational, affective,
and based on subjective needs that individuals anticipate will be real at some point in their lives
beyond the present. Nurmi (1989, 1991) described the motivational property of FTO as a
“multistage process” that includes exploration, goal setting, and commitment. Husman and Lens
(1999) and Boninger, Gleicher, and Strathman (1994) agree that FTO suggests a promotion-
focused cognitive desire to be able to predict events that will occur in the future by engaging in
specific activities in the present that individuals believe will lead to positive short and long term
consequences. In Western society, outcomes of FTO can be seen as the opposite of outcomes of
present hedonistic time orientation (PHTO).

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Zimbardo and Boyd (1999) describe present hedonistic time orientation (PHTO) as a
preoccupation with present pleasure accompanied by a lack of consideration for future
consequences. This time perspective is associated with high drug and alcohol use, unsafe sexual
practices, and omission of preventative health maintenance behaviors (Zimbardo & Boyd, 1999).
Someone with a PHTO is less apt to engage in counterfactual thinking, or consider hypothetical
alternatives to negative outcomes of one’s behavior, than a future oriented individual (Strathman,
Gleicher, Boninger, & Edwards, 1994). As a result, someone with a PHTO rarely learns from
previous mistakes (Strathman et al., 1994). Though PHTO is generally viewed negatively in the
literature, living in the present and enjoying the moment can have some positive psychological
and social outcomes (Randolph and Banks, 1993).
Present fatalistic time orientation (PFTO) is characterized by a belief that fate determines
the outcomes of one’s life (Zimbardo & Boyd, 1999). Often, PFTO is associated with religiosity
and faith in a higher being that has the ultimate control over all things and is positively correlated
Table 1: Zimbardo Time Perspective Inventory (ZTPI) Dimensions
Time Orientation Dimension Associated Cognition
Future Time Orientation (FTO) forego present pleasures in lieu of future rewards
Present Hedonistic Time Orientation (PHTO) preoccupation with present pleasure accompanied
by a lack of consideration for future
consequences
Present Fatalistic Time Orientation (PFTO) belief that fate determines the outcomes of one’s
life
Past Positive Time Orientation (PPTO) reflection on the past that is pleasant and
nostalgic
Past Negative Time Orientation (PNTO) reflection on the past that is unpleasant and
aversive

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with aggression, depression, and trait anxiety (Zimbardo & Boyd, 1999). People who
subscribe to this time perspective have an acquiescent view of the present, as they believe they
are unable to influence either the present or the future by their actions (McGrath & Tschan, 2004;
Zimbardo & Boyd, 1999). As a result, a present fatalistic person lacks a feeling of control or
resolve within his or her life and are not likely to try to change behaviors in order to alter life
situations. Moreover, a present fatalistic time orientation is often used in the context of
religiosity to cope with an uncertain future (Zwingmann & Murken, 2000). These individuals
may be known to make statements like “God is in control” or “Lord Knows.”
Past orientation is separated into two types: past positive and past negative (Boyd &
Zimbardo, 1997). Past positive time orientation (PPTO) represents a reflection on the past that is
pleasant and nostalgic (Boyd & Zimbardo, 1997; McGrath & Tschan, 2004; Zimbardo & Boyd,
1999). PPTO is positively correlated with energy, friendliness, and self-esteem and negatively
correlated with aggression, depression, and trait anxiety (Zimbardo & Boyd, 1999). For those
with a PPTO, reflection on the past brings about positive sentiments that are linked to either
experiences that the individual holds dear from early life (e.g., grandma’s hugs) or experiences
that multiple members of the society deem constructive and reflective (e.g., establishing an
independent government). Individuals with a PPTO emphasize tradition, ancestors, and rituals
rooted in the society’s history. On the contrary, past negative time orientation (PNTO) represents
a reflection on the past that is unpleasant and aversive (Boyd & Zimbardo, 1997; McGrath &
Tschan, 2004; Zimbardo & Boyd 1999). PNTO is positively correlated with aggression,
depression, and trait anxiety and negatively correlated with energy, friendliness, and self-esteem

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(Zimbardo & Boyd, 1999). Former abuse or a history of oppression in a society can contribute
to a PNTO. Table 1 lists the time orientation dimensions of the ZTPI and associated cognitions.

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Racial Ideology
What does it mean to be Black in America? It depends on who is asked. The actions,
physical attributes, philosophies, and feelings individuals demonstrate can be considered
“Black”, “too Black”, or “not Black enough” by others inside and outside of the African
American community (Davis, 2001). One’s perceived level of Blackness can determine how one
is treated by other Blacks and whether or not he or she is accepted by all others in the
community. An individual racial ideology not only deals with how one conducts life and interacts
with society as a Black person, but also includes the characteristics and values one believes other
Blacks have—or should have.
Racial identity has been associated with virtually every facet of life for racial minorities
including health behaviors (Phinney & Kohatsu, 1997), mate preference (Twine, 1996), self-
esteem (Hughes & Demo, 1989; Rowley, Sellers, Chavous, & Smith, 1996), occupational
preference (Helms & Piper, 1994; Parham & Austin, 1994; Woods, 1992), academic
achievement, (Baldwin, Duncan & Bell, 1987; Chavous, 1996) and subjective well being
(Redman, 1996). The literature has used racial identity to refer to a similarity and closeness to a
particular racial ingroup in feelings, beliefs, thoughts, and values (e.g., Broman, Neighbors, &
Jackson, 1988; Gurin, Miller, & Gurin, 1980). Akin to time orientation, racial identity represents
an individual differences variable that directs situational behavior and appraisals (Sellers,
Shelton, et al., 1998).
Racial identification models are helpful in explaining the, values, beliefs, and
philosophies associated with one’s racial group membership. For Blacks, the racial identification
process may include characteristics such as adopting an Africentric world view (Sellers et al.,

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1998), having anti-Black or anti-White attitudes (Vandiver, Cross, Worrell, & Fhagen-Smith,
2000), or desiring to belong to activist groups (Banks, 1970; Gurin, Gurin, Lao, & Beattie, 1969;
Wilderson, 1979). However, based on the definitions offered by scholars, racial identity refers to
one’s commitment to and alignment with a particular racial group (e.g., Helms, 1990). Though
some group-based models incorporate this definition of racial identity into the operationalization
of the construct (e.g., Wilderson, 1979), the developmental (e.g, Cross, 1971) and Africentric
(e.g., Sellers, Shelton, et al., 1998) models deal more or less exclusively with the feelings and
beliefs attached to racial group membership. Accordingly, these models operate more
comprehensibly as racial ideology models. Racial ideology is the component of racial identity
that addresses the values, beliefs, and behaviors associated with one’s racial group membership
and it is categorized as part of the Africentric approach to studying racial identification (Sellers,
Shelton, et al., 1998).
Researchers define the Africentric worldview in terms of the values, assumptions, and
beliefs characteristic of people of African descent. Parallels between Black Americans and
Blacks throughout the Diaspora in the expression of values, beliefs, and relations with others
have been acknowledged (Belgrave, Brome, & Hampton, 2000; Mbiti, 1970, 1990). Some
researchers claim that adherence by Blacks of African descent to an Africentric worldview is
optimal, suggesting clinical and diagnostic uses for these models (Akbar, 1989; Azibo, 1996;
Baldwin, 1981; Baldwin & Bell, 1985; Burlew & Smith, 1991; Myers, 1988). The Africentric
approach also assumes that Blacks with Eurocentric personalities will suffer from cognitive and
emotional dissonance associated with inconsistencies between one’s life philosophy and one’s
natural tendencies and desires (Akbar, 1989; Belgrave, Brome, & Hampton, 2000). Scholars,

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including Akbar (1991a), Azibo (1996), Boykin (1983, 2001), Kambon (2003), Morris (2001),
Myers (1988), Nobles (1991), and Randolph and Banks (1993) have examined dimensions of the
Africentric perspective that describe how Blacks relate to others, understand their own reality,
and express themselves. In their research, Randolph and Banks (1993) outlined eight elements of
an Africentric perspective that encompass all these dimensions: spirituality, communalism,
harmony and balance, time as a social phenomenon (closely linked to present time orientation),
affect sensitivity to emotional cues, expressive communication and orality, multidimensional
perception and verve, and negativity to positivity.
Multidimensional Model of Racial Identity. Sellers, Rowley, Chavous, Shelton, and Smith
(1997) proposed a Multidimensional Model of Racial Identity (MMRI). The MMRI derived from
a synthesis of the mainstream (i.e., developmental and group based) and Africentric perspectives
of studying racial identity. The model explores multiple components of Black identity, including
a racial ideology dimension that identifies four distinctive ideologies: nationalist, oppressed
minority, assimilationist, and humanist. The model is phenomenological in nature, so it
emphasizes one’s own perception of racial group membership. Furthermore, the model does not
suggest any particular definition of what it means to be Black.
A nationalist ideology represents an emphasis on the importance and uniqueness of being
an African-American (Sellers et al., 1997). Those high on the nationalist ideology are stern critics
of political, social, and economical institutions that fail to acknowledge the legal and human
rights to which people are entitled, particularly Black people. Furthermore, a nationalist ideology
declares that Blacks should be in control of their own destiny, devoid of influences from other
groups (Sellers, Chavous, & Cooke, 1998). This includes the creation and maintenance of Black

23
schools, businesses, and even Black governmental structures that aim to uplift their community
through the employment of African-based, or Africentric methods (Sellers, Chavous, et al.,
1998).
An oppressed minority ideology represents the recognition of similarities between
African Americans and other oppressed groups (Sellers et al., 1997). A minority ideology
includes feelings that Blacks should form alliances with other oppressed groups in order to
oppose injustice from the majority group (Chavous, 2000). Like the nationalist ideology, those
high on the oppressed minority ideology are aware of the continued oppression of Blacks.
However unlike the nationalist ideology, those who espouse the oppressed minority ideology
empathize with other oppressed groups and see a potential benefit from the interaction between
Table 2: Racial Ideologies of the Multidimensional Model of Racial Identity
Blacks and other minorities (Sellers, Shelton, et al., 1998). An assimilationist ideology
represents an emphasis on similarities between African Americans and the greater American
society (Sellers et al., 1997). Individuals high on the assimilationist ideology do not necessarily
devalue or de-emphasize the importance of being Black and they do recognize the existence of
Racial Ideology Associated Cognition
Nationalist Ideology emphasis on the importance and uniqueness of being an African-
American
Assimilationist Ideology emphasis on similarities between African Americans and the greater
American society
Oppressed Minority Ideology emphasis on similarities between African Americans and other
oppressed groups
Humanist Ideology emphasis on the commonalities among all human beings

24
racism. However, assimilationist thinking justifies the superiority of the dominant culture and
does not advocate for change in the societal structure. Experiences associated with an
assimilationist ideology may be multidimensional. Stages of acculturation (precontact, contact,
conflict, crisis, and adaptation) have been proposed in order to explain the varying outcomes in
behaviors and experiences of those high on assimilationism (integration, separation, segregation,
accommodation, and marginalization) (Berry, 1980; Berry & Kim, 1988).
A humanist ideology represents an emphasis on the commonalities among all human
beings (Sellers et al., 1997). Though the theory on humanism seems progressive (e.g., de St.
Aubin, 1996, Lindeman & Sirelius, 2001), critiques of the humanist ideology note that it is
conservative and individualistic in nature, highlighting the influence of individual people and
undermining the effects of the collective (Purdy, 1994). The individualism of the humanist
perspective is not superior to a collectivist ideology in terms of creating effective change or
being challenging and subversive (Purdy, 1994). Therefore, a humanist ideology offers no real
threat to the mainstream world view and outcomes of a humanistic ideology mimic those of an
assimilationist ideology (Purdy, 1995). Table 2 lists each of the racial ideologies as outlined by
Sellers and colleagues (1997) along with definitions.
Racial Ideology, Time Orientation, and Predicted Relationships
When Africans arrived as slaves to the New World, it was important to them to preserve
the African world view in order to cope with and adapt to the oppressive environment (Nobles,
1991). Furthermore, throughout the centuries of socialization that African Americans have
experienced in the United States, Blacks’ historical exclusion from European American culture
(e.g., not being allowed to read or attend school, exclusion from voting processes, denial of loans

25
to purchase land or start businesses, discriminating employment practices, and geographical
isolation into impoverished inner cities), increased the pull of many African Americans to the
Africentric way of life (Belgrave & Allison, 2006). Still, scholars agree that some Blacks in the
U.S. are more acculturated to Western society than others. Blacks’ level of acculturation often
depends on factors such as geographic location, level of education, and socioeconomic status
(SES). Scholars in the area of Black psychology have argued that African Americans’ deviation
from an African perspective is harmful and contributes to the many social problems that Blacks
encounter in the U.S. (Akbar, 1991b; Azibo, 1996; Baldwin & Bell, 1985; Kambon, 2003). On
the other hand, there are reported benefits associated with acculturation. For example, Flemming
(1984), Fordham (1988), and Hughes (1987) suggested that African American students achieve
more academic success at predominantly White colleges and universities when they lack a sense
of connection to Black culture. Landrine and Klonoff (1996) reported that acculturation (or
assimilation) is associated with the amount of racism experienced, with more assimilated
individuals experiencing less racism than less assimilated individuals. The racism experienced
may be actual or only the individual’s perception.
With respect to time orientation, researchers have grappled with the complexity of
outcomes associated with African Americans’ temporal perspectives. There is evidence that
adhering to an Africentric temporal perspective that includes placing an emphasis on the past and
present helps to promote relationships, increases a sense of camaraderie with other Blacks, and
results in a higher self-esteem (Burlew & Smith, 1991; Hughes, Lerman, & Lustbader, 1996;
Randolph & Banks, 1993). On the contrary the negative outcomes associated with both present
hedonistic and present fatalistic time perspectives include drug use, suicide, poor health

26
outcomes, and the like. Moreover, Black students who are more future oriented tend to have
more positive sentiments toward education, perceive that academic achievement will be
beneficial in their future, and as a result, get better grades (Brown & Jones, 2004; Jones,
Banicky, Pomare, & Lasane, 2002; Markus & Nurius, 1986; Oyserman, Gant, & Ager, 1995;
Oyserman & Harrison, 1998).
Nationalist Ideology: Past Negative Time Orientation (H1). A nationalist ideology has
been associated with an active sense of resolve toward fighting global injustice and racism, and a
desire to establish a strong national state for African Americans (Kotze, 1981). This particular
ideology is rooted in the historical oppression that African Americans suffered at the hands of
Whites both during and after slavery. Thus, inherent within this ideology is a certain distrust of
Whites fueled by negative past intergroup relations between African Americans and Whites. For
this reason, it seems plausible that a higher endorsement of a nationalist racial ideology would be
greatly associated with a strong past negative time orientation (PNTO), which, by definition,
entails cognitive representations of negative past events (Zimbardo & Boyd, 1999). A chronic
commitment to a nationalist racial ideology seems to require a concomitant reflection on the
historical genesis of inequities between African Americans and Whites.
Assimilationist Ideology: Future Time Orientation (H2). An assimilationist ideology has
been associated with an endorsement of the culture, values, attitudes, and behaviors of the
mainstream (Sellers, Chavous, et al., 1998; Sellers et al., 1997). This ideology is rooted in the
perception that behaving in conformity with mainstream Americans, (i.e., White/Anglo
Americans) will result in better outcomes for the individual (e.g., Fordham, 1988). Adherence to
the behavioral standards of mainstream Americans, who are often associated with the privileged

27
class, includes internalization of the time orientation traditionally followed by the privileged
class. People with a traditional Anglo perception of time believe that time well spent in the
present will result in positive outcomes in the future; those with this perception are defined as
having a future time perspective (Kreuter et al., 2003). Studies have shown that in American
culture, a future time perspective is associated with positive outcomes (Kreuter et al., 2003;
Henson, Carey, Carey, & Maisto, 2006). Someone with an assimilationist ideology is likely to
espouse a future time perspective as a result of a desire to achieve positive future outcomes by
traditional Anglo American standards. Subsequently, it stands to reason that a higher
endorsement of an assimilationist ideology would be strongly related to a future time orientation
(FTO), which is dominated by an emphasis on working to achieve positive outcomes in the
future (Zimbardo & Boyd, 1999; Kreuter et al., 2003). Figure 1 shows diagrams of the predicted
relationships.
Assimilationist
Ideology
Past Negative
Time Orientation
Nationalist
Ideology
Future Time
Orientation
Figure 1: Predicted relationships between racial ideologies and time orientation dimensions

28
Self Construal
While the hypotheses above suggest straightforward relationships between racial
ideology and time orientation, it is likely that these relationships might depend to some degree on
the relationship that Blacks have toward their racial group. Whether or not a particular time
orientation is consonant or dissonant with a particular racial ideology might depend upon the
importance of the racial group to the individual. One particular indicator of how important the
racial group might be to the individual is self-construal.
Self construal is defined as an individual’s sense of self in relation to others (Markus &
Kitayama, 1991; Singelis, 1994; Hardin, Leong, & Bhagwat, 2004). One’s dominant self
construal is greatly influenced by the individualist versus collectivist nature of one’s culture
(Markus & Kitayama, 1991). Cultural values that are group focused lead to more collective self
orientations (interdependent self construal) while cultural values that are self focused lead to
more individualist self orientations (independent self construal) (Markus & Kitayama, 1991).
Asian, Hispanic, and traditional African cultures tend to value collective social models while
Western European and North American cultures tend to value individualistic norms (Markus &
Kitayama, 1991; Singelis, 1994). Though robust individualist versus collectivist models of
society exist interculturally, there is also intracultural variation.
It is likely that self-construal could moderate the relationship between racial ideology and
time orientation. It is plausible that the nationalist perspective might vary according to a person’s
particular independent-interdependent self-construal standing. For example, Coser and Coser
(1963) argue that people who perceive themselves as connected to others tend to have a time
perspective that focuses on positive future outcomes for their group. Given that an

29
interdependent nationalist outlook is likely to be more group (i.e. race) focused, this outlook is
likely to invoke a future time orientation in that it focuses on the future improvement and
betterment of the racial group. Likewise, it is probable that the assimilationist perspective might
vary according to one’s level of independent or interdependent self-construal. For example,
Markus and Kitayama (1991) suggest that those with a more interdependent self-construal aim to
occupy the appropriate position in society. Furthermore, it has been argued that people who view
themselves as part of a collective believe that cultural norms are valid (Shweder & LeVine,
1984). Considering that mainstream beliefs about Blacks in America are generally negative
(Brown & Jones, 2004), it is reasonable to believe that an assimilationist ideology could entail
some fatalistic attitudes for Blacks who see themselves as a part of mainstream culture and have
internalized negative mainstream attitudes about Blacks. Thus, negative beliefs associated with
one’s racial group could possibly lead to a present fatalistic time orientation in spite of the logical
connection between an assimilationist racial ideology and a future time orientation. Thus, this
research, in addition to testing the two hypotheses stated above, will explore the role of self-
construal as a potential moderator of the relationships between racial ideology and time
orientation.

30
CHAPTER 3: METHODOLOGY
Participants
Participants (178 female, 63 male) included a collection of collegiate and non-collegiate
Black individuals (N = 252, 11 participants did not provide information regarding their sex) from
a variety of backgrounds, professions, incomes, and education. Ages ranged from 18-70 years
old, with a mean age of 41. The majority of participants identified themselves as Black/African
American. Those who identified as anything other than Black/African American were not
included in the sample. Household incomes ranged from $0-over $250,000; $0-9,999 (n = 11),
$0-19,999 (n = 17), $20,000-39,999 (n = 55), $40,000-59,999 (n = 60), $60,000-79,999 (n = 33),
$80,000-99,999 (n = 24), $100,000-149,999 (n = 23), $150,000-199,999 (n = 9),
$200,000-249,999 (n = 4), and $250,000+ (n = 1). Fifteen participants did not indicate household
income. Levels of education among participants included less than a high school diploma (n = 1),
at least a high school diploma or GED equivalent (n = 8), 1 year of college (n = 8), 2 years of
college (n = 31), 3 years of college (n = 20), 4 years of college (n = 87), and graduate school (n =
87). 10 participants did not indicate level of education.
Materials
Self Construal Scale (SCS). Participants’ levels of independent versus interdependent self
construal were assessed using the 30-item SCS (Singelis, 1994). Respondents indicated the
degree to which they endorsed items on a 7-point Likert-type scale that ranges from 1(strongly
disagree) to 7 (strongly agree). The SCS calculates separate scores for an independent self
construal (Chronbach’s α = .701) and an interdependent self construal (Chronbach’s α = .736)
with higher scores indicating greater strengths of independence or interdependence. Examples of

31
independent items include “I enjoy being unique and different from others in many respects” and
“Being able to take care of myself is a primary concern for me.” Examples of interdependent
items include “I feel good when I cooperate with others” and “My happiness depends on the
happiness of those around me.”
Zimbardo Time Perspective Inventory (ZTPI). The way in which participants organize
their lives with respect to time was assessed using the 56-item ZTPI (Zimbardo & Boyd, 1999).
Participants indicated their agreement with each of the items on a 5-Point Likert-type scale from
1(very uncharacteristic) to 5(very characteristic). Separate scores for each of the 5 subscales:
future (Chronbach’s α = .669), present hedonistic (Chronbach’s α = .795), present fatalistic
(Chronbach’s α = .699), past positive (Chronbach’s α = .693), and past negative (Chronbach’s α
= .821) were calculated. Examples of items include: “I make lists of things to do” (future), “I
take risks to put excitement in my life” (present hedonistic), “Since whatever will be will be, it
doesn't really matter what I do” (present fatalistic), “Familiar childhood sights, sounds, and
smells often bring back a flood of wonderful memories” (past positive), and “I think about the
bad things that have happened to me in the past” (past negative).
Multidimensional Inventory of Black Identity (MIBI) Ideology Subscale. The definition
that Blacks attribute to their racial group membership was assessed using the 36-item Ideology
subscale of the MIBI (Sellers et al., 1997). Respondents indicated their level of agreement with
items on a 7-point Likert-type scale that ranges from 1 (strongly disagree) to 7 (strongly agree).
Separate scores were calculated for each of the 4 ideologies: Nationalist (Chronbach’s α = .786),
Oppressed Minority (Chronbach’s α = .775), Assimilationist (Chronbach’s α = .769), and
Humanist (Chronbach’s α = .638). Examples of items include “Blacks would be better off if they

32
adopted Afrocentric values” (Nationalist), “Blacks should learn about the oppression of other
groups” (oppressed minority), “Blacks should view themselves as being Americans first and
foremost” (assimilationist), and “Being an individual is more important than identifying oneself
as Black” (humanist).
Demographics Questionnaire. Race, sex, age, income bracket, and highest level of
education were included in the demographic questionnaire and controlled for. Respondents were
asked to indicate their race to ensure that only Black participants were included in the data
analyses. Sex (i.e., female versus male) and age have been shown to interact with self construal
in past research (e.g., Hardin et al., 2004). Educational achievement has been shown to correlate
with perceptions of racial group membership and time perspective (e.g., Fordham, 1988; Barber,
Munz, Bagsby, & Grawitch, 2008). Also, income has been shown to be related to racial group
membership (e.g., Bailey, 1987).
Procedure
Recruitment statements were used to inform the participants of the purposes and
measures of the study and their options for participation (see Appendix 1). Black individuals
were approached in various public places by black experimenters and asked to complete a survey
on their social attitudes (see Appendix 2). After completing the questionnaire, participants were
debriefed and thanked. To maximize the reach of this study beyond the immediate geographical
location of the researchers, an on-line version of the survey was also used. Participants were
recruited via email from social networking sites like Facebook and list serves connected to non-
profit and professional networking organizations and asked to participate in the survey by

33
clicking a link that transported them to a reputable survey site. All documents presented in the
online survey were identical to the paper and pencil version. By using both methods, the
researcher was able to avoid a sample that was concentrated either in one geographical location
or within the higher socio-economic status. Since the recruitment method is predominantly based
on convenience, participants were not randomized.

34
CHAPTER 4: RESULTS
Table 3 displays means, standard deviations, and correlation coefficients for all of the
racial ideology and time orientation variables used in this study.
Correlations among Racial Ideology Dimensions. Consistent with previous studies
(e.g., Sellers et al., 1997), among the racial ideology dimensions, a significant positive
correlation emerged between the assimilationist ideology and the humanist ideology.
Furthermore, a significant negative correlation emerged between the nationalist ideology and
both the assimilationist ideology, and the humanist ideology. These findings suggest that as a
Nationalist ideology increases, both an assimilationist and humanist ideology decrease.
Correlations among Time Orientation Dimensions. As theory and previous research
findings suggest (e.g., Henson, Carey, Carey, & Maisto, 2006; Keough, Zimbardo, & Boyd
1999), higher present hedonistic time orientation scores were significantly correlated with higher
present fatalistic time orientation scores. Some unexpected findings included the positive
correlation between past negative time orientation and present fatalistic time orientation scores
and the positive correlation between past positive scores and present hedonistic scores.
Correlations between Time Orientation and Racial Ideology Dimensions. Higher
Present Hedonistic Time Orientation scores were correlated significantly with both higher
Nationalist and Oppressed Minority Ideology scores. Present hedonism is associated with an
emphasis on enjoyment, excitement, and pleasure in the present with a lack of consideration for
future consequences (Zimbardo & Boyd, 1999).

31
Table 3: Correlation Matrix of Relationships between Racial Ideology and Time Orientation
____________________________________________________________________________________
________________________________
M SD 1 2 3 4 5
6 7 8 9
1. Assimilationist 4.62 1.00 1.00
2. Humanist 5.36 0.75 0.48** 1.00
3. Nationalist 4.01 0.86 -0.51** -0.41** 1.00
4. Oppressed Minority 5.06 0.89 0.01 0.14 0.11 1.00
5. Present Hedonistic 3.28 0.49 -0.06 -0.01 0.17** 0.20** 1.00
6. Present Fatalistic 2.16 0.50 0.09 0.01 0.15 -0.01 0.32** 1.00
7. Past Negative 2.91 0.63 0.00 -0.06 0.12 0.03 0.13
0.44** 1.00
8. Past Positive 3.85 0.51 0.03 0.13 0.04 0.05 0.23** -0.03
-0.19** 1.00
9. Future 3.75 0.40 -0.10 -0.02 0.01 0.08 -0.26** -0.35**
-0.06 0.09 1.00
_____________________________________________________________________________________________
____________________________________
**. Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed).
*. Correlation is significant at the 0.05 level (2-tailed).

27
Nationalist Ideology and Past Negative Time Orientation
The first hypothesis stated that a Nationalist Ideology would be indicative of a past
negative time orientation. A regression analysis indicated a significant relationship between the
nationalist ideology subscale of the MIBI and the past-negative time orientation subscale of the
ZTPI, t (251) = 1.970, p = .05, β = .124. These results demonstrate that participants with a
higher Nationalist Ideology as defined by the MIBI are also more likely to view the past as
negative, as measured by the ZTPI.
Assimilationist Ideology and Future Time Orientation
The same process of analyses was used to test the hypothesis regarding the relationship
between an Assimilationist Ideology and Future Time Orientation. No significant relationship
was found between the Assimilationist subscale of the MIBI and the Future Time Orientation
subscale of the ZTPI., even after a hierarchical regression analysis to control for effects of both
the Nationalist Ideology and the Oppressed Minority Ideology on the assimilationist-future time
orientation relationship, t (251) = -1.610, p = .11, β = -.10
Self-Construal as a Moderator
It was hypothesized that Self Construal would serve as a moderator between racial
ideology and time orientation. The specific hypotheses concerned the relationships between
Nationalist and Assimilationist ideologies and Future and Present Fatalistic time orientations,
respectively. None of the analyses on these two time orientations yielded significant results.
However, self construal did moderate many of the relationships between racial ideologies and the
two past (i.e., positive, negative) time orientations. Tables 4 and 5 show the results of
hierarchical multiple regressions used to test the moderation effects of Self Construal (i.e.,

28
independent and interdependent) on the relationships between Nationalist and Humanist racial
ideologies and the past time orientations.
With respect to the effects of Nationalist Racial Ideology and Independent Self Construal
on Past Negative Time Orientation, a hierarchical regression was run. In the first step of the
analysis, only Nationalist Ideology proved to be a significant predictor of Past Negative Time
Orientation. However, in the second step, the interaction effect of Nationalist Ideology and
Independent Self Construal proved to be significant. Thus, Independent Self Construal did
appear to moderate the relationship between Nationalist Racial Ideology and Past Negative Time
Orientation. Upon inspection of the correlations between Nationalist Racial Ideology and Past
Negative Time Orientation across the median split of the Independent Self Construal variable, it
appears that the correlation between Nationalist Racial Ideology and Past Negative Time
Orientation was only significant for those people with low independent self construal (r (129) = .
24, p =.007) (See Table 6).
Likewise, Interdependent Self Construal also moderated the relationship between
Nationalist Racial Ideology and Past Negative Time Orientation. In the first step of the analyses,
only Nationalist Racial Ideology was significant. However, as with the first analysis, the
interaction effect was significant in the second step. Upon inspection of the correlations across
the median split of the interdependent self construal measure, it appears that the correlation
between Nationalist Racial Ideology and Past Negative Time Orientation was only significant for
those people with low Interdependent Self Construal (r (121) = .22, p =.014) (See Table 7).

29
Table 4: Results of Hierarchical Multiple Regression Analysis Predicting Effects of Nationalist and Humanist
Ideologies on Past Negative Time Orientation
Dependent Variable: Past Negative Time Orientation
Predictor β SE t R2
Nationalist & Independent Self-Construal
Step 1
Nationalist Ideology 0.12 0.05 1.97* 0.02
Independent SC -0.09 0.06 -1.47 0.01
Step 2
Nationalist Ideology x Independent SC -0.11 0.07 -1.68* 0.04
Nationalist & Interdependent Self-Construal
Step 1
Nationalist Ideology 0.12 0.05 1.97* 0.02
Interdependent SC 0.05 0.05 0.96 0.00
Step 2
Nationalist Ideology x Interdependent SC -0.13 0.06 -1.99* 0.02
Humanist & Independent Self-Construal
Step 1
Humanist Ideology -0.06 0.05 -1.00 0.00
Independent SC -0.09 0.06 -1.47 0.01
Step 2
Humanist Ideology x Independent SC 0.08 0.08 1.25 0.02
Humanist & Interdependent Self-Construal
Step 1
Humanist Ideology -0.06 0.05 -1.00 0.00
Interdependent SC 0.05 0.05 0.96 0.00
Step 2
Humanist Ideology x Interdependent SC 0.24 0.07 3.73** 0.06
_____________________________________________________________________________________________
*p ≤ .05. **p ≤ .01.

30
Table 5: Results of Hierarchical Multiple Regression Analysis Predicting Effects of Nationalist and Humanist
Ideologies on Past Positive Time Orientation
Dependent Variable: Past Positive Time Orientation
Predictor β SE t R2
Nationalist & Independent Self-Construal
Step 1
Nationalist Ideology 0.04 0.04 0.59 0.00
Independent SC 0.16 0.05 3.41** 0.05
Step 2
Nationalist Ideology x Independent SC 0.09 0.05 1.46 0.06
Nationalist & Interdependent Self-Construal
Step 1
Nationalist Ideology 0.04 0.04 0.59 0.00
Interdependent SC 0.19 0.04 4.67** 0.08
Step 2
Nationalist Ideology x Interdependent SC 0.16 0.05 2.56** 0.11
Humanist & Independent Self-Construal
Step 1
Humanist Ideology 0.13 0.04 2.01* 0.02
Independent SC 0.16 0.05 3.41** 0.05
Step 2
Humanist Ideology x Independent SC -0.14 0.06 -2.22* 0.07
Humanist & Interdependent Self-Construal
Step 1
Humanist Ideology 0.13 0.04 2.01* 0.02
Interdependent SC 0.19 0.04 4.67** 0.08
Step 2
Humanist Ideology x Interdependent SC -0.04 0.05 -0.71 0.09
_____________________________________________________________________________________________
*p ≤ .05. **p ≤ .01.

31
Table 6: Correlations among Ratings of Low and High Independent Self Construal: Ratings of Low Independent
Self Construal Appear Below the Diagonal and Ratings of High Independent Self Construal Appear Above the
Diagonal
____________________________________________________________________________________
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
1. Nationalist --- -.25** .29** .18 .03 .16 .00
2. Humanist -.56** --- -.09 -.01 .02 .04 .00
3. Present Hedonistic .12 -.01 --- .35** .12 .26** -.34**
4. Present Fatalistic .12 .02 .32** --- .42** -.04 -.35**
5. Past Negative .24** -.12 .18* .49** --- -.14 -.15
6. Past Positive -.05 .13 .11 -.02 -.22* --- .05
7. Future -.01 -.03 -.21 -.34** .00 .07 ---
_____________________________________________________________________________________________
n = 129 for low self construal; n = 115 for high self construal.
*p < .05. **p < .01.
With respect to the effects of Humanist Racial Ideology and Independent Self Construal
on Past Negative Time Orientation, a hierarchical regression was run. In the first step of the
analysis, no significant predictions were found between a Humanist Ideology and a Past
Negative Time Orientation. Also, in the second step, the interaction effect of Humanist Ideology
and Independent Self Construal yielded no significant findings.
Regarding the effects of Humanist Racial Ideology and Interdependent Self Construal on
Past Negative Time Orientation, the first step of the hierarchical regression revealed that neither
Humanist Ideology nor Interdependent Self Construal were significantly related to Past Negative
Time Orientation. However, in the second step, the interaction of Humanist Ideology and
Interdependent Self Construal was shown to significantly predict Past Negative Time
Orientation. Thus, it appears that the Interdependent Self Construal does moderate the effect of
Humanist Racial Ideology on Past Negative Time Orientation. Upon inspection of the
correlations across the median split of the Interdependent Self-Construal measure, it appears that

32
Table 7: Correlations Among Ratings of Low and High Interdependent Self Construal: Ratings of Low
Interdependent Self Construal Appear Below the Diagonal and Ratings of High Interdependent Self Construal
Appear Above the Diagonal
____________________________________________________________________________________
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
1. Nationalist --- -.41** .26** .14 .02 .23* .02
2. Humanist -.40** --- .04 .07 .22* .07 -.03
3. Present Hedonistic .14 -.10 --- .27** .19* .18* -.29**
4. Present Fatalistic .15 -.05 .35** --- .45** -.12 -.24**
5. Past Negative .22* -.29** .06 .44** --- -.14 .01
6. Past Positive -.12 .13 .17 .01 -.30** --- .03
7. Future -.01 .03 -.22** -.44** -.15 .18* ---
_____________________________________________________________________________________________
n = 121 for low self construal; n = 124 for high self construal.
*p < .05. **p < .01.
the correlation between Humanist Racial Ideology and Past Negative Time Orientation was
significant and positive for people with high Interdependent Self Construal (r (124) = .22, p =.
013), but negative for people with low Interdependent Self Construal (r (121)= -.29, p =.001)
(See Table 7).
With respect to the effects of Nationalist Ideology and Independent Self Construal on
Past Positive Time Orientation, the first step of the hierarchical regression analysis revealed no
significant relationship between Nationalist Ideology and Past Positive Time Orientation.
However, Independent Self Construal significantly predicted change in Past Positive Time
Orientation. In the second step of the analysis, the interaction between Nationalist Ideology and
Independent Self Construal did not significantly predict changes in Past Positive Time
Orientation.
Likewise, with regards to the effects of Nationalist Ideology and Interdependent Self
Construal on Past Positive Time Orientation, Interdependent Self Construal proved to be a

33
significant predictor of Past Positive Time Orientation while Nationalist Ideology did not in step
1 of the analysis. In step 2, however, the interaction effect of Nationalist Ideology and
Interdependent Self Construal significantly predicted changes in Past Positive Time Orientation.
This finding supports the notion that an Interdependent Self Construal moderates the effects of a
Nationalist Racial Ideology on Past Positive Time Orientation. Upon inspection of the
correlations across the median split of the Interdependent Self Construal measure, it appears that
the correlation between Nationalist Racial Ideology and Past Positive Time Orientation was only
significant for people with high Interdependent Self Construal (r (124) = .23, p =.011) (See Table
6).
For Humanist Ideology and Independent Self Construal, the hierarchical analysis
revealed a significant relationship between Humanist Ideology and Past Positive Time
Orientation in step 1. Furthermore, a significant relationship emerged between Independent Self
Construal and Past Positive Time Orientation. In step 2, an interaction effect of Humanist
Ideology and Independent Self Construal predicted Past Positive Time Orientation (See Table 4).
Thus, it appears that both Humanist Ideology and Independent Self Construal predict changes in
Past Positive Time Orientation. Furthermore, it appears that Independent Self Construal
moderates the relationship between a Humanist Racial Ideology and Past Positive Time
Orientation. More specifically, for those with an Independent Self Construal, as Humanist Racial
Ideology increases, Past Positive Time Orientation decreases (r (124) = -.26, p ≤ .05).
In the case of Humanist Ideology and Interdependent Self Construal, step 1 of the
hierarchical analysis revealed that a Humanist Ideology significantly predicted changes in a Past
Positive Time Orientation. Additionally, Interdependent Self Construal also was significantly

34
related to Past Positive Time Orientation. In step 2, the interaction effects of Humanist Ideology
and Interdependent Self Construal yielded no significant results (See Table 5).

35
CHAPTER 5: DISCUSSION
The purpose of this study was to examine the relationship between racial ideology and
time orientation. The main hypotheses focused on the relationships of the Nationalist and
Assimilationist Racial Ideology with the Past Negative and Future time orientations,
respectively. In addition, this study sought to examine whether self-construal would moderate
these proposed relationships. Overall, the results did suggest the existence of relationships
between racial ideology and time orientation; however, results bearing on the proposed
hypotheses were mixed. Furthermore, the results also suggested that self-construal, both
independent and interdependent, did moderate many of the relationships between subsets of both
racial ideology and time orientation.
There was a significant relationship between a Nationalist Ideology and a Past Negative
Time Orientation. This suggests that individuals who view their Black racial group membership
in nationalist terms tend to view the past more negatively. However, this relationship was found
to be moderated by both Independent and Interdependent Self Construal. With respect to
Independent Self Construal, a higher endorsement of Nationalist Racial Ideology was only
related to a greater Past Negative Time Orientations among those people with low Independent
Self Construal. On the other hand, a higher endorsement of Nationalist Racial Ideology was only
related to a greater Past Negative Time Orientation among those with a low Interdependent Self
Construal. Thus, Nationalist Racial Ideology only appears to be related to Past Negative Time
Orientation when people were low on both Independent and Interdependent Self Construal.
These findings may reflect that for those with a Nationalist Racial Ideology, a low self construal
of any kind would result in a more negative view of the past.

36
Assimilationism scores on the Multidimensional Inventory of Black Identity (Sellers et
al., 1997) yielded no significant results when regressed on time orientation as measured by the
Zimbardo Time Perspective Inventory (Zimbardo & Boyd, 1999), nor when interacting with Self
Construal as measured by the Self Construal Scale (Singelis, 1994). These findings are
inconsistent with the predictions brought forth in this study. A possible explanation for these
results is the effect of history on the current Black population. An increase in social collateral
among Blacks, specifically in politics with the appointment of the first Black President of the
United States, may have decreased the perceived need for assimilation into White culture among
many Black individuals. Furthermore, due to the increased diversity among communities as a
result of globalization and immigration, Blacks may have found greater advantages in adopting a
Humanist perspective as opposed to an Assimilationist perspective.
Self-Construal
As defined earlier Self Construal reflects the degree to which a person views themselves
as independent and separate from others (i.e., Independent Self Construal) or connected and
integrated with others (i.e., Interdependent Self Construal) within society. Additional analyses in
this study explored whether both Independent and Interdependent Self Construal moderated the
relationships between racial ideologies and time orientations. These analyses focused primarily
on both the Nationalist and Humanist racial ideologies because these were the most polarized
dimensions of racial ideology; thus representing the two extremes on a bipolar dimension of
racial ideology. Furthermore, because much of Black racial ideology is focused around the
historical experiences of Blacks in the U.S., the analyses also concentrated only on the two past
time orientations, namely, Past Negative and Past Positive.

37
Nationalist Racial Ideology
In addition to the moderation of Self Construal on the relationship between Nationalist
Racial Ideology and Past Negative Time Orientation, Interdependent Self Construal also
moderated the relationship between Nationalist Racial Ideology and Past Positive Time
Orientation. More specifically, higher Nationalist Racial Ideology was associated with higher
Past Positive Time Orientation, but only for those with a high Interdependent Self-Construal.
This seems to suggest that for individuals who view themselves as connected with other black
people, that is have a Nationalist, interdependent perspective, the past is viewed as more positive.
A possible explanation for this finding is that a collective self esteem is reinforced among Blacks
who view the world through a Nationalist perspective. In addition to the existence of negative
affect toward Whites, Nationalism is also characteristic of a positive view toward Blacks (Sellers
et al., 1997). Having a positive view about one’s identity as a Black person in a collective may
encourage a greater amount of reflection on positive things that Black people have done in the
past as opposed to the negative things that White people have done to Black people in the past.
Humanist Racial Ideology
A Humanist Ideology is characterized by an emphasis on the commonalities among all
human beings. This factor was shown to correlate positively with an Assimilationist Ideology
and negatively with a Nationalist Ideology in this study and in previous research (e.g., Sellers et
al., 1997). Interdependent Self Construal moderated the relationship between Humanist Racial
Ideology and Past Negative Time Orientation. More specifically, higher Humanist Racial
Ideology was associated with lower Past Negative Time Orientation for those with a low

38
Interdependent Self Construal. This finding suggests that for people who feel connected to all
races, the past seems less negative, but only when these people see themselves as less connected
to other people within society. Additionally, a higher Humanist Racial Ideology was associated
with a higher Past Negative Time Orientation for those with a high Interdependent Self
Construal. This finding suggest that for people who feel connected to all races, the past seems
more negative when these people view themselves as more connected to others within society.
This finding is somewhat of a paradox. However, considering the high correlation between
humanism and assimilationism (Sellers et al., 1997), there is reason to conclude that a humanist
would experience more positive life outcomes as an individualist.
Future Time Orientation
Researchers have argued that a Future Time Orientation results in better life outcomes for
African Americans (Brown & Jones, 2004; Jones, Banicky, Pomare, & Lasane, 2002; Markus &
Nurius, 1986; Oyserman, Gant, & Ager, 1995; Oyserman & Harrison, 1998). It can be argued
that in order to endorse a Future Time Orientation, one would also have to assimilate into the
majority culture of the United States. However, this study showed no significant connections
between an Assimilationist Ideology and Future Time Orientation.
Limitations of the Study
A large part of the data was collected using an online survey tool. Some weaknesses of
electronic surveys are the demographic confines of respondents, since everyone may not have
access to a computer. Other weaknesses of online databases are lower levels of confidentiality
than written surveys, possible technical problems with the software, and a lack of additional
instruction or information if needed by respondents (Ilieva, Baron & Healey, 2002). Furthermore,

39
though income and age were distributed relatively normally among the sample, the level of
education of the participants was skewed toward those who attended college and/or graduate
school. The high levels of education among participants were not representative of the larger
Black community according to the 2010 U.S. Census report (n.d.).
Implications
This study brings forth a number of useful implications. First, researchers may find it
advantageous to consider studying racial ideology as a predictor of time orientation. Based on
the results of this study, the way in which one views oneself with respect to race is directly
correlated with the way in which one organizes one’s life with respect to time.
Secondly, this study provides evidence that Self Construal also serves as a predictor of
time orientation. Results suggest that the degree to which one views oneself as a connected
member of society versus an independent individual within society is correlated with the way in
which one organizes one’s life with respect to time. Furthermore, the interaction between racial
ideology and Self Construal can help researchers to understand the intricacies of time orientation,
including what leads an individual to follow one time perspective over another.
For practitioners, other implications emerge. First, the results indicate that a Future Time
Orientation, which is deemed by researchers and practitioners to be the most optimal for life
efficacy (e.g., Brown & Jones, 2004), is not significantly related to any of the Black racial
ideologies proposed by Sellers and colleagues (1997). However, upon examination of this study,
it appears that an emphasis on time may not necessarily be the only indicator of positive life
outcomes for Black people. In fact it seems that examining the interaction of one’s racial
ideology and self construal are better predictors of positive life outcomes than one’s time

40
orientation alone. Historically, a lack of emphasis on time orientation as an impetus for positive
life outcomes and a greater emphasis on relationship building, social interaction, and
communalism has been found to be more culturally appropriate for Black people (e.g., Coser &
Coser, 1963; Sellers, Shelton, et al., 1998). A culturally appropriate understanding of racial
ideology, self construal, and how these factors contribute to time orientation as it is experienced
by Black people can have a great impact on the way in which individuals outside of the African
American ingroup interact with Black populations. An understanding of the way in which Black
people organize their time can result in more helpful prescriptive measures that can reach people
in a way that is relevant to them and, subsequently, begin to close the disparity gap.
For Black people, this study implies the need for an increased understanding and
acceptance of the degree to which interconnectedness may have some bearing on how positive
one’s life experience is. Building relationships and emphasizing social interaction and
community are characteristics that make African American culture unique (Sellers et al., 1997;
Randolph & Banks, 1993). Furthermore, there may be a greater advantage to tackling disparities
that exist in Black communities by people within Black communities. The results of this study
may lay a foundation for building a greater respect for African American culture and a pride
among Black people that will enable them to heal their communities from the inside.
Directions for Future Research
In addition to self construal, other moderating variables could be explored in the context
of the racial ideology-time orientation relationship. Barber, Munz, Bagsby, and Grawitch (2008)
argue that self-control as a moderating variable eliminates the effects of time orientation on
college grade point average (GPA). In their study, students with high self-control had higher

41
GPAs than students with low self-control whether they were present or future oriented. However,
even in the high self-control group, non-Caucasian students still had lower GPAs than Caucasian
students.
Previous research on time orientation has emphasized the positive psychological effects
of having a future perspective or a past-present-future balance (e.g., Boniwell & Zimbardo,
2004). However, a past time perspective has not been a focus in the context of African American
populations. The field could benefit from the exploration of a past time perspective among Black
people and the psychological ramifications thereof. In addition to the lack of empirical
examination of a past time orientation among Black people is the lack of operationalizations
regarding non-Western time perspectives. Zimbardo and Boyd (1999) recognize the empirical
bias toward a future time perspective in time research which translates into an implicit bias
toward Western time perspectives. A bias toward Western time perspectives ignores the inherent
cultural importance of a time perspective that centers on the cycles of nature, social interaction,
and reverence for tradition as outlined by Coser and Coser (1963).
Time has been largely examined in the context of a Western cultural paradigm. This bias
toward Western understandings of time, which also results in a bias toward a future time
orientation, negates the importance and relevance of other time perspectives that may exist
within non-Western cultural frameworks. There is clearly a need for more empirical research on
not only the relationship between time orientation and racial ideology but also non-Western time
perspectives. Studying Blacks who espouse an African worldview within the context of their own
cultural experiences can increase practical understanding of the unique challenges that Blacks
deal with in America. In addition, studying time orientation from a non-Western cultural

42
perspective can help expand our perceptions of African American time orientations. Ultimately,
mental health professionals, educators, and social workers will be better equipped to help African
Americans achieve success by their own definitions of what success is.

43
APPENDIX 1: RECRUITMENT STATEMENT
SAINT LOUIS UNIVERSITY
Recruitment Statement for Research Participation
1. Cathryn Blue, M.S.R., a graduate student in the Department of Psychology at Saint Louis
University, is inviting you to participate in this research study.
2. The title of this study is “Racial Ideology and Time Orientation amongAfricanAmericans.”
The purpose of this study is to explore feelings, values, and beliefs about yourself and
your culture.
3. Your participation in this study will involve completing 4 surveys about your values and
beliefs. The first survey asks you questions about the importance you place on different
life events. The second survey asks you questions about your attitudes about your culture.
The third survey asks you questions about how you interact with others. The fourth and
final survey asks you to provide demographic information, such as age, sex, income,
education, and race. Participation in the present study should take no longer than 20
minutes.
4. The risks to you as a participant are minimal. These include loss of anonymity, boredom,
loss of time, and fatigue. These risks will be minimized as responses will be anonymous
and no identifying information will be collected or recorded.
5. The results of this study may be published in scientific research journals or presented at
professional conferences. However, your name and identity will not be revealed and your
record will remain anonymous. Anonymity will be protected as you will not be providing
any information, such as your name, which would link your responses to you.
6. This study may benefit society by demonstrating how individuals feel about the groups
they belong to. Furthermore, this study may benefit society by educating health
professionals on factors that may contribute to how some people view time ultimately,
how they respond to treatments by health care professionals.
7. You can choose not to participate. If you decide not to participate, there will not be a
penalty to you or loss of any benefits to which you are otherwise entitled. You may
withdraw from this study at any time.
8. If you have questions about this research study, you can contact Cathryn Blue through
email at bluecd@slu.edu or Dr. Richard Harvey at (314) 977-3678. If you have questions

44
about your rights as a research participant, you can call the Saint Louis University
Institutional Review Board at (314) 977-2029.
APPENDIX 2 : INSTRUCTIONS
Instructions
The pages in this packet consist of questions pertaining to your thoughts about yourself, society, and your
racial group. This questionnaire is completely anonymous; therefore, please do not write your name
anywhere on this packet.
Your participation is greatly appreciated. All of the surveys will be analyzed and examined together and
not individually, so no one’s answers will be traceable back to that person. Therefore, we hope that you
feel comfortable answering all questions truthfully. It is extremely important that you attempt to answer
every question as accurately and honestly as possible. Of course, you have the right to not participate
and/or refuse to answer any question that you choose not to answer.
The purpose of this research is to gain a better understanding of people's perceptions and opinions about
themselves society. We do not anticipate that you will experience any negative side effects as a result of
participation in this study. There will be no direct benefits to you for your participation in this study.
Should you wish to learn more about the topics we are studying or have questions regarding this research,
please feel free to contact the Principal Investigator shown below at BLUECD@slu.edu.
Sincerely,
Cathryn D. Blue, Principal Investigator
Richard D. Harvey, Ph.D., Advisor
Dept. of Psychology
Saint Louis University
(314) 9773678

45
APPENDIX 3: DEMOGRAPHIC QUESTIONNAIRE
Demographics
Please answer the following questions about your background by checking the appropriate space.
Again, your answers are completely anonymous.
1. Your sex: _______Male _______Female
2. Your preferred racial identity label:
_______Black/African American
_______White/Caucasian
_______Hispanic/Latino
_______Asian/Pacific Islander
_______Native American
_______Mixed
_______Other
3. Your age: _______
4. In what economic bracket do you belong (What is your household income)?:
_______$0 - $9,999 _______$10,000-$19,999
_______$20,000-$39,999 _______$40,000-$59,999
_______$60,000-$79,999 _______$80,000-$99,999
_______$100,000-$149,999 _______$150,000-$199,999
_______$200,000-$249,999 _______$250,000+
5. What is the highest level of education you have completed?:
_______Less than a diploma (please specify number of years in school)
_______High school/GED
_______1 year of college
_______2 years of college
_______Graduate school

46
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