IJCAP-201402

ISSN 1937-9188
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IACMSP
International Association of Chinese Medical Specialists & Psychologists
New York, USA

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF CHINESE APPLIED PSYCHOLOGY. 2014, 6 (2) ISSN 1937-9188
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IJCAP
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF CHINESE APPLIED PSYCHOLOGY
Volume 6, Number 2, Serial No.10, December 30, 2014
(Semiyearly)
Editor in Chief: DENG Mingyu, M.D., Ph.D.
Directory
【Science Papers】
Rice, Psychology, and Innovation……………………………………………………Joseph Henrich (3)
A Study on the Relationships among Psychological Control, Adolescent Depression and
Antisocial Behavior in Taiwan ……………Yi-Chan Tu, Hung-Chang Lee, Ho-Yuan Chen, et al. (7)
A Structural Equation Model (SEM) of Self-Compassion, Self Esteem, Perceived Partner
Behaviours and Romantic Relationship Satisfaction……………………… WY Chui, MT Leung (20)
Large-Scale Psychological Differences within China Explained by Rice Versus Wheat
Agriculture …………………………………………………… T. Talhelm, X. Zhang, S. Oishi, et al (35)
The Relations between Psychological Capital, Coping Strategy and Job Burnout of the 1980s’
Generation…………………………………………………………………Yuanyuan Luo, Heyi Song (47)
Evaluation Study of Kai’s Sandplay Recording………………………………………Kai ZhiZhong (55)

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【Abstracts】
Family Relationships and Communication Before and After Suicide A Mixed Methods
Approach …………………………………………………………… Chye Hong Liew, Michael Kral (63)
Hearing, Listening and Understanding: A study of aboriginal mental in
Taiwan ………………………………………………………………Wan-Leng Hsu, Siang-Hua Tey (64)
A Correlated Study about Mental Health Status and Coping Style for Junior High School
Students from Tibetan in Shanghai……………………………………Chang XD, Shi JH, Ma DY (65)
Psychological Contract in Indonesian State-Owned
Enterprise………………………………………………………RH Haslan, J. Richards, HM Ramos (66)
Teachers’ Voting Behavior…………………………………FI. Yeban, ML Aggarao, B. Domingcil (67)
A Study of the Relationships among Social Support, Leisure Constraint and Mental Health of
Employed Married Women …………………………………………… Shu-Fen Lin, Chih-Jiun Lin (68)
An Empirical Study on Influence of Work Stress of Employees on Their
Health ……………………………………………………………………Wei Xiangqian, Ma Hongyu (69)
The correlation among explanatory style, depression, and mental health in Taiwan
adolescents ………………………………………………… Yu-shu Wang and Sheng-Fa Chuang (70)
Health-related quality of life and mental health of Chinese primary care patients with lower
urinary tract symptoms…………………………………………………………………Pui-hang Choi (71)
Follow-up Study on Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder in Rescue Soldiers Exposed to The
Wenchuan 2008 Earthquake in China…………ZHang Hua, Wang Yali, Huang Yonglan, et al. (72)
Research on Relationship of Social Support, Employment Appraisal and University Students’
Anxiety………………………………………………………………Yu Binbin and Chen Shaozheng (73)
Board of Editors (Second) ………………………………………………………………………… (74)

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Rice, Psychology, and Innovation
People in wheat-cultivating areas of China are more individualistic and
analytical than those in rice-cultivating areas.
Joseph Henrich
Departments of Psychology and Economics, University of British Columbia,
Vancouver, Canada V6T 1N5
By the late 18th century, the earliest tremors of the industrial revolution were beginning to
shake England. Fueled by a stream of innovations related to textiles, transportation, and steel
manufacturing, this eruption of economic growth would soon engulf northern Europe, spread to
Britain’s former colonies, and eventually transform the globe. For the first time, humanity would be
sprung from the Malthusian trap. The question of why this revolution first emerged in northern
Europe remains one of history’s great questions. If you stood overlooking the globe in 1000 CE,
the most obvious candidates for igniting this engine were perhaps in China or the Middle East,
but certainly not in Europe. Addressing this question, researchers have pointed to differences in
geography, institutions, religions, and even genes (1, 2)
. On page 603 of this issue, Talhelm et al. (3)
take an important step forward by fingering psychological differences in analytical thinking and
individualism as an explanation for differences in innovation, and then linking these differences
to culturally transmitted institutions, and ultimately to environmental differences that influence the
feasibility of rice agriculture.
Decades of experimental research show that, compared to most populations in the world,
people from societies that are Western, Educated, Industrialized, Rich, and Democratic (WEIRD)
(4)
are psychologically unusual, being both highly individualistic and analytically minded. High
levels of individualism mean that people see themselves as independent from others and as
characterized by a set of largely positive attributes. They willingly invest in new relationships
even outside their kin, tribal, or religious groups. By contrast, in most other societies, people are
enmeshed in dense, enduring networks of kith and kin on which they depend for cooperation,
security, and personal identity. In such collectivistic societies, property is often corporately
owned by kinship units such as clans; inherited relationships are enduring and people invest
heavily in them, often at the expense of outsiders, strangers, or abstract principles(4)
.
Psychologically, growing up in an individualistic social world biases one toward the use of
analytical reasoning, whereas exposure to more collectivistic environments favors holistic
approaches. Thinking analytically means breaking things down into their constituent parts and
assigning properties to those parts. Similarities are judged according to rule-based categories,
and current trends are expected to continue. Holistic thinking, by contrast, focuses on

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relationships between objects or people anchored in their concrete contexts. Similarity is judged
overall, not on the basis of logical rules. Trends are expected to be cyclical.
Various lines of evidence suggest that greater individualism and more analytical thinking are
linked to innovation, novelty, and creativity (5)
. But why would northern Europe have had greater
individualism and more analytical thinking in the first place? China, for example, was
technologically advanced, institutionally complex, and relatively educated by the end of the first
millennium. Why would Europe have been more individualist and analytically oriented than China?
Measuring analytical thinking and individualism. To investigate the individualism and
analytical thinking in participants from different agricultural regions in China, Talhelm et al. used
three tests. They measured analytical thinking with a series of triads. Participants were given a
target object, such as a rabbit, and asked which of two other objects it goes with. Analytic
thinkers tend to match on categories, so rabbits and dogs go together. Holistic thinkers tend to
match on relationships, so rabbits eat carrots. The authors also measured individualism in two
ways. First, they asked participants to draw a sociogram, with labeled circles representing
themselves and their friends. In this test, individualism is measured implicitly by how much
bigger the “self” circle is relative to the average “friends” circle. Second, they assessed the
nepotism (in-group loyalty) of participants by asking them about hypothetical scenarios in which
they could reward or punish friends and strangers for helpful or harmful action.
Talhelm et al. hypothesized that different combinations of environments and technologies
influence the cultural evolution of different forms of social organization. Under some techno-
environmental conditions, only intensely cooperative social groups can endure, prosper, and
spread. Although potentially applicable to many situations, including territorial defense and whale
hunting, Talhelm et al. focus on the different labor requirements of paddy rice and wheat
cultivation. By demanding intense cooperation, paddy rice cultivation fosters and reinforces the
social norms that govern patrilineal clans. Growing up in strong clans creates a particular kind of

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collectivistic psychology. In contrast, wheat cultivation permits independent nuclear households
and fosters more individualistic psychologies.
To test these ideas, Talhelm et al. used standard psychological tools (see the figure) to
measure analytical thinking and individualism among university students sampled from Chinese
provinces that vary in wheat versus rice cultivation. Focusing on China removes many of the
confounding variables such as religion, heritage, and government that would bedevil any direct
comparison between Europe and East Asia. The prediction is straightforward: Han Chinese from
provinces cultivating relatively more wheat should tend to be more individualistic and analytically
oriented. Sure enough, participants from provinces more dependent on paddy rice cultivation
were less analytically minded. The effects were big: The average number of analytical matches
increased by about 56% in going from all-rice to no-rice cultivation. The results hold both
nationwide and for the counties in the central provinces along the rice-wheat (north-south)
border, where other differences are minimized.
Participants from rice-growing provinces were also less individualistic, drawing themselves
roughly the same size as their friends, whereas those from wheat provinces drew themselves
1.5 mm larger. (This moves them only part of the way toward WEIRD people: Americans draw
themselves 6 mm bigger than they draw others, and Europeans draw themselves 3.5 mm bigger)
(6)
. People from rice provinces were also more likely to reward their friends and less likely to
punish them, showing the in-group favoritism characteristic of collectivistic populations.
So, patterns of crop cultivation appear linked to psychological differences, but can these
patterns really explain differences in innovation? Talhelm et al. provide some evidence for this by
showing that less dependence on rice is associated with more successful patents for new
inventions. This doesn’t nail it, but is consistent with the broader idea and will no doubt drive
much future inquiry. For example, these insights may help explain why the embers of an 11th
century industrial revolution in China were smothered as northern invasions and climate change
drove people into the southern rice paddy regions, where clans had an ecological edge, and by
the emergence of state level political and legal institutions that reinforced the power of clans(7)
.
Cultural evolution arises from a rich interplay of ecology, social learning, institutions, and
psychology. Environmental factors favor some types of family structures or forms of social
organization over others. Honed and refined over generations, these institutions create the
conditions to which children adapt developmentally, shaping their psychologies and brains. Long
after their ecological causes have become irrelevant, these cultural psychologies and institutions
continue to influence rates of innovation, the formation of new institutions, and the success of
immigrants in new lands. As such, wheat farming may contribute to explaining the origins of
WEIRD psychology and the industrial revolution.
[References]
1. G. Clark, A Farewell to Alms: A Brief Economic History of the World (Princeton Univ. Press, Princeton,
NJ, 2007).
2. J. Mokyr, The Lever of Riches (Oxford Univ. Press, New York, 1990).

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3. T. Talhelm et al., Science 344, 603 (2014).
4. J. Henrich, S. J. Heine, A. Norenzayan, Behav. Brain Sci. 33, 61 (2010).
5. Y. Gorodnichenko, G. Roland, Proc. Natl. Acad. Sci. U.S.A. 108 (suppl. 4), 21316 (2011).
6. S. Kitayama, H. Park, A. T. Sevincer, M. Karasawa, A. K. Uskul, J. Pers. Soc. Psychol. 97, 236 (2009).
7. A. Greif, G. Tabellini, Am. Econ. Rev. 100, 135 (2010).

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A Study on the Relationships among Psychological
Control, Adolescent Depression and Antisocial
Behavior in Taiwan
Yi-Chan Tu 1
, Hung-Chang Lee 2
, Ho-Yuan Chen 3
and Tsai-Feng Kao 4
1 Associate Professor, Natioanl Kaohsiung University of Hospitality and Tourims,
Kaohsiung, Taiwan
2 Associate Professor, Taiwan Shoufu University, Tainan, Taiwan
3 Assistant Professor, Chung Yuan Christian University, Chung Li, Taiwan
4 PhD candidate, National Yunlin University of Science & Technology, Yunlin, Taiwan
[Abstract] We extended prior research by examining the effects of parental psychological
control and adolescent depression on antisocial behavior, as well as the possible mediation
effect of adolescent depression in those processes. To do so, we examined 377 senior high
school students (mean age=15.30 years) from four major cities in Taiwan. Adolescent reported
on perceived parental psychological control and depression on antisocial behavior. The results
of hierarchical regression analyses are concluded as follows. (1) Gender and parents education
level can significant predict antisocial behavior. (2) Maternal psychological control can significant
predict antisocial behavior. (3) Adolescent depression directly influenced the antisocial behavior
and the mediation effect of adolescent depression between psychological control and antisocial
behavior was statistically significant. These results suggested that adolescent depression plays
a more significant role vis-a-vis adolescent depression than the parental psychological control
on Taiwan adolescent antisocial behavior. These results were discussed in terms of their
implications for research and practice.
Introduction
Adolescence is characterized by many changes that are related to adolescents’ perceptions
of themselves and their family life (White & Renk, 2012).An overview of adolescence reveals
that during this stage of development young people are “in an active, purposeful ‘flight’ away
from attachment relationships with parents” (Allen & Land, 1999, p. 319). If parental control is
not diminished it results in increased conflict between adolescents and parents, such as the
breaking of rules and antisocial behavior (Allen & Land, 1999). Developmental psychologists
have examined antisocial behavior from many perspectives, including the academic experience,
and peer relation and socio economic status (Gaik, Abdullah, Elias, & Uli, 2010). Parenting is
generally known as an important risk factor linked with antisocial behavior. As children move into

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adolescence, monitoring becomes an important aspect of parenting. Patterson (1985) found that
an inadequate parents monitoring seems to be important in the emergence and maintenance of
antisocial behavior in children from middle childhood through adolescence.
There are two broad dimensions of behavior disorders; internalizing and externalizing
behavior. Internalizing behavior is directed inward and involves behavioral deficits, such as
isolation, withdrawal and depression. On the other part, externalizing behaviors are in the form
such as disturbing others, verbal and physical aggression, and acts of violence. In fact,
psychologists have been studying many different aspects of child development and how they
relate to the formation of externalizing behavior problems (Gaik, Abdullah, Elias, & Uli, 2010).
Many adolescents experience adjustment problems including externalizing and internalizing
problems. Antisocial behavior is an externalizing behavior that refers to persistent violations of
behavior patterns that are deemed socially appropriate, it is disruptive to individuals, family and
friends, and society (Lue, Wu, & Yen, 2010).
Although the association between antisocial behavior and depression has been widely
supported, the direction and temporal order of this relationship are not fully understood in
adolescence. (Boots, Wareham, & Weir, 2011). Despite widespread recognition of the
occurrence of depression and antisocial behavior in adolescents, the specifics of the relationship
between them have not been clarified (Lue, Wu, & Yen, 2010).Specifically, Wiesner and Kim
(2006) have argued that the need for further inquiry into the developmental origins of affective
problems and delinquency, as few studies to date have sought to explore this relationship over
time with gender sensitivity.
Most research to date on antisocial behavior and depression either has been retrospective,
concentrated exclusively on boys, or has used referred, at-risk, incarcerated samples (Capaldi,
1992). The present study addresses a significant gap in the literature by using a school-based,
no forensic sample of adolescent boys and girls. Thus, this paper focuses on the role of family
relations, especially parental psychological control and adolescent depression, as determining
factors in the development of antisocial behavior among adolescents.
1. Literature review
1.1. Psychological control
Parental control has been regarded as an important dimension of parenting. In the early
work on parenting, control versus autonomy was commonly used to describe parenting attributes
(Becker, 1964; Schaefer, 1965). Psychological control is described as the excessive
enforcement of power used to control thinking and feeling processes which, in turn, impedes the
person’s emotional and psychological development (Barber, 1996). High levels of psychological
control have typically been linked to internalization and expression of anxiety, depression,
loneliness, emotional dysfunction, and confusion (Barber, 1996).Psychological control has been
linked to externalization of problems such as antisocial behavior (Barber, Stolz, & Olsen, 2005).
The role of parenting in children’s relationship is very important in predicting antisocial
behavior (Gaik, Abdullah, Elias, & Uli, 2010). Roman, Human and Hiss (2012) found that a

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positive relationship between parental psychological control and the antisocial behavior of young
adults, maternal psychological control, compared to paternal psychological control, was a
stronger predictor of antisocial behavior. In addition, Mothers are more likely than are fathers to
control their children psychologically (Dobkin, Tremblay, & Sacchitelle, 1997), resulting in the
children having higher levels of depression (Bendikas, 2010). A Taiwanese study has found that
inept parenting, including strict discipline, poor supervision, and non-directive parenting
practices, were all associated positively with depressive symptoms and antisocial behavior (Wu,
Kao, Yen, &Lee, 2007). Tu, Lee and Chan (2012) reported that parental psychological control
(paternal and maternal) directly influenced the adolescent depression in Taiwan.
A review of the literature shows that the number of studies examining parental control in the
Western context is comparatively much higher than that conducted in the Chinese culture (Shek,
2007b).Although in previous studies psychologically controlling parenting has been linked to
various externalized behaviors in children (Latouf, 2008), in the present study we examined the
nature of the relationship between psychologically controlling parenting and the antisocial
behavior of adolescents.
2.2. Adolescent depression
According to the 2001 WHO World Health Report , the worldwide prevalence of depression
is 3%, which equates to a total of 120,000,000 sufferers of depression (World Health
Organization, 2001) .Depression is the most prevalent internalizing problem among adolescents
(Lewinsohn, Hops, & Roberts, 1993). It is estimated that by 2020, depression will be the second
cause of the Disability-Adjusted Life-Year (DALY) behind heart disease (Eisenberg, 1997). A
national survey of physical and mental health in Taiwan conducted in 1999 found that 30.5% of
3487 adolescents aged 12-18years old had experienced depressive symptoms as their most
frequent response to stressful life events (Department of Statistics, Ministry of Interior, Taiwan ,
1999). Some research findings have also shown associations between psychological control and
adolescent internalizing and mood problems (Shek, 2007a).
The youth who internalize distress often report problems that may discourage social
interaction or intimacy with others, decreasing the vulnerability for risky behavior in the context of
depression (Kincaid, Jones, Cuellar, Gonzalez, 2011); these include the desire to be alone,
unwillingness to get involved with others, fearfulness and worthlessness (e.g., Achenbach,
1991).However, some research finding paternal psychological control was not correlated with
depression ( Bean, Barber & Crane, 2006 ).
2.3. Antisocial behavior
Antisocial behavior is defined as external behavioral traits with regard to not obeying rules
and laws (Baumrind, 2005). These behaviors include assault, vandalism, setting fires, theft,
crime and other delinquent acts which conform to social norms (Gaik, Abdullah, Elias, & Uli,
2010).Studies showed that antisocial behavior in adolescence is associated with poor parenting
(Wilson, 1987). More recent investigations have confirmed these results, showing that low levels
of monitoring are associated more frequent involvement in externalizing and criminal behavior
(Barnes, Hoffman, Welte, Farrell, & Dintcheff, 2006); and internalizing problems (Barber, Olsen,

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& Shagle, 1994). Parental monitoring of women and negotiation over the use of free time is
generally stronger than for men and acts as a strong deterrent against antisocial behavior even
in the long term (Borawski, Iervers-Landis, Lovegreen, & Trapal, 2003). The results show that
male, and low level of parental monitoring predict a higher involvement in antisocial behavior
(Bacchini, Miranda, & Affuso, 2011).
In a Taiwanese study of 1109 seventh-grade students, 47.2% reported that they had
engaged in deviant behavior in the past year (Kao, Wu, & Lue, 1998). Although there is
substantial evidence that boys are significantly more likely to display antisocial behaviors than
girls (Zoccolillo, 1993).Wiesner and Kim (2006) reported that girls were more likely to exhibit
comorbid depressive symptoms and delinquent behaviors than were boys (49.5% vs. 25.3%,
respectively). Not all the literature supports this theory, however. Maughan, Rowe, Messer,
Goodman, and Meltzer (2004) reported that the relationship between conduct problems and
depression remained significant for boys but not for girls after controlling for other disorders.
Furthermore, Ingoldsby, Kohl, McMahon, and Lengua (2006) discovered that roughly twice
as many boys as girls exhibited co-occurring deviant behaviors and depressive symptoms in the
fifth and seventh grades. Ritakallio et al. (2008) found that depression was more predictive of
future antisocial behavior than vice versa, this was true only among a sample of girls. In addition,
other scholars have argued that there is no predictive relationship between depressive
symptoms and behavioral problems for either gender (Ingoldsby et al., 2006).
This study investigates the factors associated with antisocial behavior in a society in
transition-Taiwan. The primary aim is to examine how parental psychological control and
adolescent depression contributes to the development of antisocial behavior. Furthermore, the
current study examines whether depression mediate the relation between parental psychological
control and antisocial behavior in adolescent. Thus, the hypotheses were as following,
Hypothesis 1: There would be a significant gender and parental education level differences in
antisocial behavior are reported in this paper. Hypothesis 2: Psychological control and
depression each made independent contributions to antisocial behavior in adolescent.
Hypothesis 3: Adolescent depression could be a moderating variable between psychological
control and antisocial behavior.
3. Method
3.1. Participants
A total of 377 adolescents (i.e., 134 boys, 239 girls, and 4 adolescents who did not endorse
their sex) were participants in this study. An examination of the gender of the sample indicated
that boys made up 35.9% of the sample. This sample of adolescents was recruited through five
senior high school students from major cities in Taiwan (one city in the northern, two in the
southern, one in the western and one in the eastern part of Taiwan) to increase
representativeness in social class and in a broad range of attitudes. Participants were not
compensated in any way. The demographic characteristics of the participants were as follows
(see Table 1). Students who participated in this study ranged from age 15 to 17 years old (M =
15.30, SD = 0.92) and from grade ten through twelve (M =10.40, SD = 0.65). Data was collected

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from 395 of those adolescents who were present during data collection times. The final sample
consisted of 377 participants who provided valid data for the three questionnaires used in the
mediation analyses.
3.2. Measures
3.2.1. Demographics
A demographics sheet requested basic demographic information about participants (e.g.,
sex, age, grade) and their parents (e.g., education level).
3.2.2. Psychological control
Parental psychological control was measured using The Chinese Paternal Psychological
Control Scale (CPPCS) and Chinese Maternal Psychological Control Scale(CMPCS; Shek,
2007a). This measure consists of 10 questions. Participants were asked to respond to questions
about their mothers and fathers on separate questionnaires (e.g. “My mother/father will avoid
looking at me when I have disappointed her/him”) using a five-point Likert-type scale to indicate
the degree to which each statement describes that parent. These items assess the basic
features of psychological control, including invalidating personal feelings and experiences (Items
1 and 2), constraining verbal expression, personal attack, love withdrawal, and excessive control.
The items in the scales were rated on a 5-point scale ranging from 1 (strongly agree) to 5
(strongly disagree). To reflect the correspondence between the item score and the intensity of
psychological control (i.e., 1_lowest psychological control and 5_highest psychological control),
the items were recorded. In a previous report that the CPPCS and CMPCS were internally
consistent in different samples (Shek, 2006). In short, there are research findings supporting the
reliability and validity of the CPPCS and CMPCS based on Chinese adolescents.
3.2.3. Adolescent depression
The Children's Depression Inventory (CDI; Kovacs, 1992) is the most widely used child and
adolescent 7 to 17 years of age self-report measure of depression. The psychometric properties
(i.e., reliability, validity, and normative data) of the CDI have been the most extensively studied
of instruments used to study depression in children and adolescents. The CDI is a 27-item self-
report questionnaire that is used extensively for distinguishing children and adolescents with and
without depressive disorders. These items were aver-aged to construct a scale. Responses are
scored on a 3-point scale, with 2 representing the severe form of a depressive symptom and 0
representing the absence of that symptom. For the current sample, the coefficient alpha values
of the scores of the full scale were .92 for participants.
3.2.4. Antisocial Behavior
The Antisocial Behavioral Scale (ABS) from the Delinquent subscale of the Child Behavior
Checklist-Youth Self-Report (Achenbach & Edelbrock, 1987) was chosen to measure
participants’ self-reported levels of antisocial behavioral. The ABS is a six-item scale (e.g. ‘‘I
hang around with kids who get in trouble’’) often used in antisocial behavioral research with
adolescents. Response categories ranged from 0 = not true to 2 = very true or often true. Higher

12
scores indicated higher levels of antisocial behavior. The ABS has adequate reliability and high
concurrent validity in previous studies (Barber, Stolz & Olsen, 2005). Most important is its
common use in previous work that we hoped to validate and refine here.
3.3. Procedure
Participants were recruited from the middle school in Taiwan. The first author went to the
classes and provided instruction for the purpose of the survey. They agreed and completed the
three inventories in groups. Each participant was asked to review and sign an assent form that
briefly described the study. Student participants were given 15-min to complete the
questionnaire packet. Members of the research team were available to answer questions during
this time. No personally identifying information was solicited on the survey answer sheet.
Following completion of their questionnaire packets, student participants received a debriefing
form providing more information concerning the purpose of the study. No special incentive was
offered to participants. It is common for instructors in Taiwan to agree to such requests and for
students to agree to complete surveys without special incentives.
4. Results
4.1. T-test statistics
Independent samples t-test were used to determine if any significant differences existed
between male and female participants for the measures used in this study, to examine the first
hypothesis. Means and standard deviations, and results of t-test with gender as the independent
variable are provided in Table 1 so that participants’ responses could be put into context.
Gender differences were found to be significant in antisocial behavior, t(371)=4.60, p<.001. For
the differences in specific scales of antisocial behavioral scale, male participants in this sample
were significantly higher in antisocial behavior. Mean score for men in antisocial behavioral scale
were 8.88 and 7.25 for women. Gender effect was found in the antisocial behavior. In general,
these scores suggested that female participants in Taiwan have generally positive perceptions
of their antisocial behavior. Male and female participants did not differ significantly on any of the
other measures in this study, however. As a result, data for male and female participants were
examined collectively for the remainder of the analyses.
Table 1. Means and standard deviations: overall and by adolescent gender

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4.2. Correlation analyses
Correlation analyses examined the relationships among participants’ self-reported antisocial
behavior, their perceptions of their parents’ psychological control and depression to examine the
second hypothesis.. Based on the Table 2, participants’ perceptions of paternal psychological
control and maternal psychological control were revealed strong positive correlation to their
depression and antisocial behavior (p=.000 < .01). These findings suggested that adolescents
who perceive their parents to be psychological control report higher levels of depression and
antisocial behavior.
Table 2. Correlation matrix of PPC, MPC, AD and AB Scores
4.3. Results of hierarchical regression analyses
Hierarchical regression analyses were conducted to examine the third hypothesis, which
predicted a significant relation among psychological control, depression and antisocial behavior
(see Table 3). Consistent with the proposed model, variables were entered in the following order:
socio-demographic variables associated with the outcome variable were entered in Block 1;
Paternal psychological control and maternal psychological control were entered in Block 2
primarily to examine the role of psychological control over and above the established role of
psychological control strategies; To examine the main effect of adolescent depression, the
primary variable of interest, adolescent depression was entered in the final block. Hierarchical
regression models were conducted for antisocial behavior.
From Table 3, socio-demographic variables f could explain 9.0% variance of antisocial
behavior before inputting psychological control. The overall test of multiple linear regression
F=8.720 (p<.001) achieved the significance, showing the outstanding effects of socio-
demographic variables on antisocial behavior. The regression coefficient of gender (β=-0.25,
p<.001) and maternal education level (β=-0.17; p<.01) achieved the significance and were
negative; Gender and maternal education level therefore appeared notably negative effects on
antisocial behavior.
After inputting psychological control into the regression model, the overall variance
explained increased 5.5% and F=9.836 (p<.001) reached the significance. Overall speaking,
both socio- demographic variables and psychological control revealed remarkably positive
effects on antisocial behavior. The variance explained was 14.5%, increasing obviously. Before
inputting psychological control, paternal education level did not present significantly positive

14
effects on socio-demographic variables. However, gender, paternal education level, and
maternal education level appeared remarkably effects on antisocial behavior (β=-.23, p<.001;
β=.13, p<.05; β=-.16, p<.01) with the moderating effect of psychological control, and the effect
strength increased. After inputting the adolescent depression between socio-demographic
variables and psychological control, the overall variance explained was increased and F=13.112
(p<.001) reached the significance, showing the outstanding effects on antisocial behavior. With
the moderating effects between socio-demographic variables and psychological control, gender,
paternal education level, maternal education level, maternal psychological control, and
adolescent depression(β=-.27, p<.001; β=.12, p<.05; β=-.14, p<.01; β=.11, p<.05; β=.26,
p<.001) revealed notably effects on Instructional antisocial behavior. H3 therefore was agreed.
Table 3. Moderating effects of socio-demographic variables, psychological control and
adolescent depression on antisocial behavior
5. Discussion
We examined the interrelationship of parental psychological control, adolescent depression
and antisocial behavior in Taiwan. Understanding the relationships between these variables is
important, as adolescents who exhibit antisocial behavior are at heightened risk for a number of
negative outcomes (e.g., assault, vandalism, setting fires, theft, crime; Gaik, Abdullah, Elias, &
Uli, 2010). Therefore, prevention and interventions targeting adolescents who are at high risk for
the development of such behaviors is of the utmost importance for the well being of both the
adolescents themselves, their families, and the community at large.
The first hypothesis of our research was that there would be a significant gender and
parental education level differences in antisocial behavior are reported in this paper. This
hypothesis was largely confirmed. Our findings are consistent with a large literature showing that
men are more likely than women to be involved in antisocial behavior. Several studies have
found that males perform more aggressive behaviors than females (Compton , Snyder,
Schrepferman, Bank ,& Shortt, 2003; Zoccolillo,1993). We had similar findings, male participants
in this study were significantly higher in antisocial behavior. Family variables are important and

15
consistent for early forms of antisocial behavior and for later delinquency. Although many studies
prove that poor monitoring, poor supervision, and harsh discipline are the cause of the child’s
antisocial behavior; family demographic variables such parental education also related to the
antisocial behavior (Elliott et al., 1985). When comparing paternal and maternal educational
level, the results of this study suggest that mother’s educational level in this sample were
significantly higher in antisocial behavior. Overall, gender and maternal education level therefore
appeared notably negative effects on antisocial behavior.
The second hypothesis, that psychological control and depression each made independent
contributions to antisocial behavior in adolescent, was partially confirmed. When comparing
mothers and fathers the results of this study suggest that mothers are perceived as significantly
more psychologically controlling than fathers. Furthermore, maternal psychological control was
the stronger predictor of antisocial behavior. This result extends previous research (Barber, 1996,
2001; Bendikas, 2010) and provides a starting point for re-examining and improving parenting
adolescents in Taiwan. A possible explanation for this finding could be that mothers are often
care for, provide for, and protect their children. In this situation, mothers could be perceived as
controlling (Roman, Human, & Hiss, 2012). Results gained in this study support previous
findings that psychologically controlling parenting and antisocial behavior are significantly and
positively correlated. These results corroborate previous reports that psychological control may
be a significant predictor of youth problem behavior (Barber, 1996; Barber et al., 2005).
The third hypothesis, that adolescent depression could be a moderating variable between
psychological control and antisocial behavior, has been also confirmed. Adolescent depression
moderates the relationship between psychological control and antisocial behavior. Our study
shows that adolescent depression was uniquely associated with antisocial behavior. The link
between psychological control and antisocial behavior was mediated by adolescent depression.
In response to antisocial behavior, adolescents may be more likely to respond with decreases in
depression symptoms. Several studies have revealed that depression and antisocial behavior
associate in adolescence (Ritakallio, et al., 2010). The prevalence of co-occurring depressive
disorders and problem behavior among adolescents is well established in the literature (Pliszka,
Sherman, Barrow, & Irick, 2000). Depression disorders have been identified as significant
correlates of antisocial behavior among youth (Pliszka, et al., 2000). Nebbitt and Lombe (2008)
indicated that gender and depression were significant correlates of antisocial behavior of African
American adolescents. Similarly, antisocial behavior was associated with depression in both
sexes (Ritakallio, et al., 2010).
6. Conclusion
We examined the interrelationship of parental psychological control, adolescent depression
and antisocial behavior in Taiwan. Understanding the relationships among these variables is
important, as adolescents who exhibit antisocial behavior are at heightened risk for a number of
negative outcomes. Therefore, prevention and interventions targeting adolescents who are at
high risk for the development of such behaviors is of the utmost importance for the well being of
both the adolescents themselves, their families, and the community at large.

16
Adolescence is a critical period for the development of externalizing disorders, even for
persons who have never displayed problem behavior during childhood (Moffitt, 1993). In this
study, we sought to establish the relationship among parental psychologically controlling
practice, depression and the antisocial behavior of adolescents in a sample of Taiwan senior
high school students. Our results contribute to the very limited literature regarding parenting in
the phase of adolescents in Taiwan. Furthermore, comprehensive clinical assessment and
treatment of antisocial adolescents should be considered. The convergence of traditional
Chinese culture and modern western values in the 20th century in Taiwan had a significant
effect on family structures and processes (Shen, 2005).The results of this study could provide
important information for therapists and counselors. Specifically for this sample of adolescents, if
they are engaging in antisocial behavior, both adolescents and their parents should receive
assistance through intervention.
7. Limitations and Implications
Research about adolescents with antisocial behavior is an important means of developing
strategies to prevent the problem of adolescent tendency to commit crime, delinquency, or
criminal behavior (Lue, Wu, & Yen, 2010). A major limitation of the current study is the lack of
diagnostic interviews and lack of additional information (e.g. parents, teachers) as psychological
control, depression and antisocial behavior were measured by self-report scales. Some
limitations emerged in this study. Participants were restricted to a sample of senior high school
students in Taiwan, which means that the results may not be generalizable to other populations.
The cross-sectional design of this study provides a certain perspective of the relationships
between parental psychological control, depression and the antisocial behavior of adolescents,
limits its ability to establish causal inference. Further research could be focused on longitudinal
designs or repeated measures of these variables. Furthermore, the accuracy of the data is
limited by the accuracy to which respondents recall and self-reported their feelings and
behaviors. It should be noted that other predictors (not included in this analysis) such as social
support and daily hassles may also influence antisocial behavior.
Despite these limitations this study may make important contributions to understanding
relations between parental psychological control, depression, and antisocial behavior of
adolescents in a culture different from the mainstream research held in America. Although a
certain discrepancy with the existing literature was uncovered, these findings are important
because they help focus more specific attention on the parental psychological control,
depression, and antisocial behavior of adolescents in Taiwanese families.
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20
A Structural Equation Model (SEM) of Self-
Compassion, Self Esteem, Perceived Partner
Behaviours and Romantic Relationship Satisfaction
Wing-Yip Chui and Man-Tak Leung
Department of Counselling and Psychology, Hong Kong Shue Yan University
[Abstract] Self-compassion was found to be positively predictive of romantic relationship in
the U.S. Nevertheless, the mechanism of how self-compassion affects and the perceived
romantic relationship in Chinese culture is yet to be established. Structural equation modelling
(SEM) allows the authors to establish relationships among various variables and constructs
directly. The current study (N = 345 Chinese adults), the researchers examined the relationship
among self-compassion, self-uncompassion, self-esteem, partner positive behaviour as social
context (PPBSC), partner negative behaviour as social context (PNBSC) and romantic
relationship satisfaction. Self-compassion would have significant and positive contributions to
self-esteem, PPBSC and romantic relationship satisfaction. Self-uncompassion would have
significant and negative contributions to self-esteem, and romantic relationship satisfaction
whereas it would have a significant and positive contribution to PNBSC. Self-esteem would have
significant and positive contributions PPBSC and romantic relationship satisfaction while it would
have a significant and negative contribution to PNBSC. PPBSC would have a significant and
positive contribution to relationship satisfaction yet PNBSC would have a significant and
negative contribution to relationship satisfaction. The model provides a room for reforming the
conventional couple therapy which usually and concurrently works with both parties. Based on
the current study, Romantic relationship satisfaction could be enhanced by cultivating one’s self-
compassion, self-esteem and perception of partner behaviours.
[Key words] Self-compassion, Relationship Satisfaction, Self-esteem, Perceived Partner
Behaviours, Structural Equation Modelling.
1. Conceptual Overview
1.1. Cultural Differences in Relationship Satisfaction
Researches illustrated cultural differences between Chinese and Westerners' love attitudes
and behaviours (Luo, 2008). Chinese people fulfill their romantic relationship needs differently
from what their Western counterpart do (Wan, Luk, Lai, 2000). When compared to Western
cultures, Chinese people tend to focus on less passionate elements in romantic relationship
(Kline, Horton, & Zhang, 2008). Chinese are also more likely to take commitment more serious

21
and to involve that in a romantic relationship (Gao, 2001). When compared to the American
counterpart, Hong Kong Chinese experienced a stronger linkage between “partner support and
romantic attachment avoidance” (Ho et al., 2010). Furthermore, Hong Kong Chinese and Anglo-
Australian demonstrated different romantic coping strategies (Leung, Moore, Karnilowicz, Lung,
2011). Emotional suppression is conceptualized to be a maladaptive coping strategies in
Western culture (Cheng, Cheung, Bond, & Leung, 2005). Nonetheless, Chen and colleagues
found that emotional suppression could not predict the psychological well-being of the Chinese
individuals. In general, the aforementioned researches implies that cultural differences are
present in the elements of romantic relationships across Chinese and Western cultures.
1.2 Self-Esteem
According to James (1910), one's self-esteem is a derivative of one's perceived competence
in one's valued area. As stated by Cooley (1902), an individual's self-esteem involves the
individual's reflected self-perceptions of others i.e. one's self-esteem entails the self-worth from
the “looking glass self”. An individual's self-esteem was also viewed as others' evaluation of the
individual's self-worth (Baumeister, 1993). Nonetheless, recent researchers found that there were
two domains under the in construct of self-esteem: (i) “contingent self-esteem” (Neff, 2003;
Rosenberg, 1965), and (ii) “true self-esteem” (Neff, 2003; Kernis, 2003).
According to Neff and Rosenberg, contingent self-esteem is one's self-evaluation about
competence in one's valued life domains. It is similar to James' and Cooley's definitions of self-
esteem. Contingent self-esteem is relatively unstable that depends on one's capacity of
successful coping with stressful life events on situation-to-situation basis (Neff, 2003).
On the contrary, as espoused by Neff and Kernis, true self-esteem is relatively stable and
independent of one's actions and competence of coping. Deci and Ryan (1995) evinced that true
self-esteem would be conceptualized similar to the unconditional positive regards (Rogers, 1961)
and self-compassion (Neff, 2007; Neff, & Vonk, 2009). “True self-esteem” is a concept grounded
on the self-determination theory (SDT; Deci, & Ryan, 2000). Ryan and Deci espoused three
basic human needs for optimal psychological well-being: (i) competence, (ii) autonomy, and (iii)
relatedness. So far as SDT, competence refers to an individual's successful interaction with the
environment (Guay et al., 2003). Moreover, an individual would experience a sense of optimal
functioning given that the individual achieved accomplishments with autonomy. By SDT,
autonomy is conceptualized as an individual's endeavour to experience volitional initiation,
sustainment, evaluation and modification of the individual's behaviours. Ryan and Deci defined
relatedness as one's need to communicate with others. An individual experience a healthy self-
esteem by whatever the aforementioned three basic human needs are satisfied (Moller,
Friedman, & Deci, 2006). For the sake of specificity, the term “self-esteem” refers to the
“contingent self-esteem” here and after.
1.3 Self-Compassion
Neff (2003) defined that self-compassion is a construct of three intercorrelated components
demonstrated by humans whenever in psychological distress. Every single component is a
construct with both positive and negative portions. The subcontructs are: (i) self-kindness, (ii)

22
common humanity, and (iii) mindfulness. The composite of the positive portions of the construct
is termed as “self-compassion” while the composite of negative portions of the construct is
named as “self-uncompassion” here and after.
1.4 Self-kindness
This is concenptualized as the extent to which one could experience forgiveness, empathy
and warmth in all aspects of one's life (Gilbert, & Irons, 2005, Neff, 2003). Selfkindness is
deemed as unconditional in nature regardless of stressful events and failures. The opposition to
self-kindness is self-judgement (Neff, 2003) which comprises self-criticism, self-hatred and
hostility towards self. A self-judgemental individual tends to disapprove their thought feelings,
thoughts, behaviours and even self-worth (Brown, 1998). Whelton and Greenberg (2005) viewed
that self-judgement is ruthless that may trigger secondary psychological distress. The secondary
negative affect is possibly more distressful than the actual triggers (Germer, 2009).
1.5 Common humanity
This concept stemmed from Buddhism (Brown, 1998). According to Brown, common
humanity refers to the shared desires for intimate and subtle connections among humans. Neff
stated that common humanity integrates self-acceptance of being a human with limits and self-
forgiveness as being imperfect. In contrast to common humanity, that is isolation. A self-isolated
individual tends to confine failures and inadequacy to himself/herself exclusively. The self-
isolated individual has a conviction that only the individual himself/herself tussles with failures
and inadequacy alone.
1.6. Mindfulness
Mindfulness is one’s moment-by-moment awareness from a non-judgemental, friendly and
receptive stance (Kabat-Zinn, 2003). Mindfulness facilitates one's awareness to experience the
here-and-now moment (Neff, & Vonk, 2009) so as to reduce maladaptive rumination. Mindful
awareness could reduce an individual's avoidance to experiencing negative feelings (Hayes,
Strosahl, & Wilson, 1999; Kabat-Zinn, 2003). Neff stated two contrasting alternatives to
mindfulness: overidentification and avoidance.
An individual displays overidentification by recurrently ruminating the individual's failures
and inadequacy. Hence, the individual is inhibited from experiencing the here-andnow moment
in depth (Gilbert, & Procter, 2006) which would result in a cognitive distortion of
catastrophization (Neff, Hsieh, Dejitterat, 2005). An avoidant individual tends to avoid distressful
thoughts, feelings and experiences (Neff, 2003). Similar to “experiential avoidance” of
acceptance-commitment therapy (ACT) (Hayes, Strosahl, & Wilson, 1999), the immediate relief
brought about by avoidance would be rendered to a more intense negative feeling in the long
run (Germer, 2009).
1.7. Partner Behaviour as Social Context (PBSC)
Ducat and Zimmer-Gembeck (2012) developed a construct measuring partners' behaviours
as a social context. The construct is grounded on the self-determination theory (STD). Deci and

23
Ryan defined “social context” as an individual's ongoing interactions with others. “Proximal social
contexts” refer to immediate significant others while “distal social contexts” refer to cultural and
societal influences. PBSC comprises three behavioural constructs with positive and negative
dimensions respectively (Ducat and Zimmer-Gembeck, 2012). In the current study, the positive
dimensions are termed as “partner positive behavior as social context (PPBSC)” which
comprised: (i) “warmth” (expression of “affection, love, nurturance and enjoyment”), (ii)
“autonomy support” (Encouragement for “genuine opinions” and support for “freedom of
expression”), and (iii) “structure”(“consistent responding, predictability, and unambiguous
behaviour”). On the other hand, the negative dimensions are entitled as “partner negative
behaviour as social context (PNBSC) which is constituted of: (i) “rejection” (expression of
“aversion, hostility and ignoring”), (ii) “coercion” (“controlling, intrusive and demanding”
behaviours), and (iii) “chaos” (“inconsistent and unpredictable” behaviours).
2. Hypotheses
The theoretical model comprises three main components. First, as found by Neff,
selfcompassion was hypothesized to have a significant and positive contribution to romantic
relationship satisfaction while self-uncompassion would exert a significant and negative
influence on romantic relationship satisfaction. Neff and Vonk (2009) found that selfcompassion
could be positively associated with self-esteem. In addition, according to Sciangula's and Morry's
(2009) study, individuals with relatively high self-esteem would be more likely to perceive their
partners' positive behaviours, so as other their relationships. Second, self-esteem would be
hypothesized to have a significant and positive contribution to romantic relationship satisfaction
whereas self-esteem would have a significant and negative contribution to romantic relationship
satisfaction. Third, the author extend the conceptualization beyond Neff’s (2013) finding that direct
effect of self-compassion on the perceived partner behaviours and identifies the mediating role of
partner positive behavior as social context (PPBSC) as well as partner negative behaviour as
social context (PNBSC) between self-compassion and couple relationship. In other words,
PPBSC was hypothesized to exert a significant and positive influence on romantic relationship
satisfaction while PNBSC was hypothesized to have a significant and negative influence on
romantic relationship.
3. Methods
Participants (N = 345) were recruited under the criteria of being (i) Chinese, (ii) heterosexual,
(iii) 18-64 years old, and (iv) those who have been in a couple relationship for at least three
months at that point (Sciangula, & Morry, 2009) since three months would be a sufficient period
of mutual understanding between partners.
The sample (N = 345) was composed of 56.5% females and 43.5% males, with a mean age
of 30.63 years (SD = 8.52, range = 18-64). All of them identified with themselves as Chinese and
heterosexuals. The mean duration of the couple relationship was 5.79 years (SD = 6.40, range
= .25 to 48). 61.2% of the samples reported that they were in dating relationships, 31.9%
reported that they were married, and 7% reported that they cohabited with their romantic
partners at the point of research.

24
3.1. Instrumentations
i. Relationship satisfaction indicator
Relationship satisfaction was measured by Hendrick’s (1988) 7-item relationship
assessment scale (RAS, α= .86 in the current study) using 5-point Likert-type scale.
ii. Self-esteem indicator
Self-esteem was measured by Rosenberg (1965) 10-item self-esteem scale (RSE, α= .89
in the current research) using 4-point Likert-type scale.
iii. Self-kindness, mindfulness, common humanity, self-judgement, over-identification and
isolation indicators
They were all measured by Neff’s 26-item Self-Compassion Scale (SCS, α= .90 in the
current study, with item 20 & 22 deleted) using 5-point Likert-type scale. The internal
consistencies of all the aforementioned indicators and factors were displayed in Table 1.
iv. Autonomy support, warmth, structure, chaos, rejection and coercion indicators
They were all measured by by the Partner Behaviour as Social Context Scale (PBSCS, α
= .93 in the current study) which was developed by Ducat and Zimmer-Gembeck (2012).
The PBSC is a 30-item inventory using a 6-point Likert-type scale. The internal
consistencies of all the aforementioned indicators and factors were displayed in Table 1.
4. Results and Discussion
4.1. Rationale for Analyses
The analyses were composed of three phases. First, the sub-scales of indicators were
summed. In the second step, the relationships among the indicators and the factors were
evaluated by confirmatory factor analyses (CFAs) by means of maximum likelihood (ML)
estimation. There were two first-order measurement models: (i) self-esteem and (ii) relationship
satisfaction. In addition, there was two second-order measurement models: (i) self-compassion
and self-uncompassion, and (ii) partner positive and negative behaviour as social context
(PPBSC and PNBSC). According to Marsh, Byrne, and Yeung (1999), the second step would be
conducive to investigating and ameliorating the potential measurement problems. The final step
was validation of the integrated structural model.
In SEM, there is an assumption of normality regarding the data since violation of normality
would lead to a biased results Nevertheless, the problem of skewness and kurtosis would not
become a major concern provided that the sample size were larger than 200 (Tabachnick, &
Fidel, 2001). Prior to the CFAs, multivariate and univariate data screening had been conducted

25
involving the investigating outliers, skewness and kurtosis. All of the data were retained because
the examinations of skewness and kurtosis demonstrated no outliers.
Table 1. The internal consistencies of scales measuring the indicators and factors.
The CFAs and structural equation modelling were conducted with LISREL 8.51 by means of
maximum likelihood estimation (Byrne, 1998). Item-parcels were adopted in this study (West,
Finch, & Curran, 1995) because of its important advantages to reduce the noises of items. The
goodness of fit of the models were assessed by the conventional chi-square (χ2
) test, the
goodness-of-fit index (GFI, Byrne, 1998), the comparative fit index (CFI; Bentler, 1990), and the
root-mean-square error of approximation (RMSEA; Browne, & Cudeck, 1993).
Step 1: Preliminary Analyses Correlations

26
Table 2 demonstrates the zero-order Pearson correlations amongst all the investigated
variables. The correlations illustrates that self-kindness, mindfulness, common humanities, self-
esteem, perceived partners' autonomy support warmth as well as structure could be significantly
and positively associated with couple relationship satisfaction. On the other hand, self-
judgement, over-identification, isolation and perceived partners' chaos, rejection together with
coercion could be negatively related to the perceived couple relationship. The size of the
aforementioned correlations demonstrates a pattern consistent with the hypotheses.
Step 2: Measurement Models
There were two first-order single factors models: (i) relationship satisfaction, and (ii) self-
esteem and two second-order models with six factors respectively: (i) self-compassion and self-
uncompassion, (ii) PPBSC and PNBSC. As for both the Self-compassion Scale and the Partner
Behaviour as Social Context, each subscale (observed variables) comprises 4 to 5 items.
Parcelling was adopted so as to examine fewer parameters, to improve model fit, and reduce
noises in investigating the structural models (Bandalos, 2002; Little, Cunnigham, Shahar,
Widaman, 2002). In addition, then internal consistencies and high eigenvalues reflect the
unidimensionality of SCS and PBSC. Unidimensionality is a prerequisite for item parcelling
(Bandalos, 2002). The eigenvalues of the subcales of SCS and PBSC are listed in the table 3.
All the measurement models were evaluated by using maximum likelihood estimation. Table
4 indicates major goodness-of-fit indices, such as Chi-square(χ2
) degree of freedom (df),
goodness-of-fit index (GFI), the comparative fit index (CFI) and the root mean square error of
approximation (RMSEA).

27
Table 3. The eigenvalues of the subscales of SCS and PBSCS
Table 4. The goodness-of-fit indexes of all the measurement models.
Step 3: Structural Model
The model for self-compassion, self-uncompassion, self-esteem, PPBSC, PNBSC and
couple relationship satisfaction demonstrates a predictive process: (i) from self-compassion to
self-esteem; (ii) from self-compassion to PPBSC;(iii) from self-uncompassion to self-esteem; (iv)
from self-uncompassion to PNBSC; (v) from self-esteem to PPBSC; (vi) from selfesteem to
PNBSC; (vii) from self-esteem to relationship satisfaction; (viii) from PPBSC to relationship
satisfaction, and (ix) from PNBSC to relationship satisfaction. In total, we investigated 9 direct
structural paths in the current structural model. Four sets of indirect effects were under concern:
(i) self-compassion·self-esteem·PPBSC·relationship satisfaction, (ii) self-uncompassion,
self-esteem·PNBSC·relationship satisfaction, (iii) self-compassion·PPBSC, relationship
satisfaction, (iv) self-uncompassion·self-esteem·PNBSC·relationship satisfaction.
The model demonstrated sufficient fit: X2
(66, N = 345) = 160.81, p < .01, GFI = .94, CFI
= .96, RMSEA = .065. To sum up, the indices suggested that the hypothesized model could

28
adequately describe the antecedent and outcome relationships among, self-compassion, self-
uncompassion, self-esteem, partner positive behaviour as social context (PPBSC), partner
negative behaviour as social context (PNBSC) and couple relationship satisfaction. Furthermore,
the model also illustrate the predictive impacts of self-compassion, selfuncompassion, self-
esteem PPBSC and PNBSC on relationship satisfaction. Figure 1 demonstrates the
relationships among self-compassion, self-uncompassion, self-esteem, PPBSC, PNBSC and
relationship satisfaction.
The standardized parameters estimates of all indicators loaded sufficiently (λ> .04) on their
corresponding factors. Consistent with our hypotheses, self-compassion would have a significant
and positive contribution to self-esteem (γ= .35, p < .001) while selfuncompassion would have a
significant and negative contribution to self-esteem (γ= -.46, p < .001). Self-compassion would
have a significant and positive contribution to partner positive behaviour as social context
(PPBSC; γ= .19, p < .01) whereas self-uncompassion would have a significant and positive
influence on partner negative behaviours as social context (PNBSC; γ= .17, p < .05). Self-
esteem would have a significant and positive impact on PPBSC (β= .15, p < .05) but have a
significant and negative influence on PNBSC (β= -.24, p < .01). Self-esteem would have non-
significant direct contribution to relationship satisfaction. PPBSC would have a significant and
positive contribution to relationship satisfaction (β= .71, p < .001) whereas PNBSC would have a
significant and negative contribution to relationship satisfaction (β= -.15, p < .05).
The intercovariance coefficient ( φ = .-61, p <. 001) of self-compassion and
selfuncompassion revealed that self-compassion and self-uncompassion were on the opposite
directions on the same dimension in the identical construct i.e. self-compassion and
selfuncompassion negatively covaried with each other. The intercovariace coefficient (ψ= -.59,
p< .001) of partner positive behabviour as social context (PPBSC) and partner negative
behaviour as social context (PNBSC) indicated that the aforementioned factors covaried
negatively with each other.
4.2. Indirect effects: Suggestion of mediators
The standardized indirect effects of the exogenous variables on the endogenous variables
are illustrated in table 5.
According to the results illustrated in table 5, self-compassion had a significant and positive
indirect contribution to relationship satisfaction (.18, p < .001) whereas selfuncompassion had a
significant and negative indirect contribution to relationship satisfaction (-.08, p < .01). On one
hand, via self-esteem, self-compassion had a significant and positive contribution to partner
positive behaviour as social context (PPBSC) (.05, p < .05). On the other hand, via self-esteem,
self-uncompassion had a significant and positive contribution to partner negative behaviour as

29
social context (PNBSC) (.11, p < .05). With the aforementioned significant direct and indirect
effect of the exogenous variables on the endogenous variables, it was suggested that self-
esteem would serve as a mediator between self-compassion, self-uncompassion, PPBSC and
PNBSC.
Table 5. Standardized Indirect Effects of the Exogenous Variable on the Endogenous Variables.
Figure 1. Structural equationmodel

30
Self-esteem would have a significant and positive indirect contribution to relationship
satisfaction (.14, p < .05). In addition, it was suggested that partner positive behaviour as social
context (PPBSC) and partner negative behaviour as social context (PNBSC) would play as
mediators between self-compassion, self-uncompassion, self-esteem as well as romantic
relationship satisfaction.
4.3. Error variance
The structural model indicated a significant error covariance between the indicator “warmth”
and “coercion” (θε= .07, p< .05) which reflected the positive covariance of the indicator “warmth”
and “coercion”. The significant and positive error covariance might contribute to the double
loading of the indicator “coercion” on the factor “partner positive behaviour as social context
(PPBSC)” (λ= .49, p < .001) and the factor “partner negative behaviour as social context”
(PNBSC) (λ = .93, p < .001) either.
4.4. General Discussion
The purpose of the study was to examine a hypothesized model in which coupled
individuals' self-compassion and self-uncompassion could influence self-esteem, perceived
partner behaviour as social context and in turn the couple relationship satisfaction. The current
validated structural model was consistent with the Neff’s (2013) finding that selfcompassionate
individuals would tend to perceive their partners as well as the relationship more positive.
Nevertheless, this study discovered that global self-esteem could serve as a mediator between
self-compassion and perceived partner behaviour. Furthermore, self-esteem could function as a
mediator among self-compassion, self-uncompassion, partner positive behaviour as social
context (PPBSC) and partner negative behaviour as social context (PNBSC). The current study
result was inconsistent with Neff’s finding that self-esteem could not predict couple relationship
satisfaction. The result of this study on self-esteem reflected a phenomenon stipulated by “the
expression-based authenticity doubts model” (Lemay, & Clark, 2008). The model indicated that
the individuals with lower self-esteem or “reflected appraisals of vulnerability” would be prone to
“authenticity doubts” i.e. they would tend to “believe that their partners would express more
positive regards than he or she truly feels and conceals”. In a nutshell, the individuals with lower
self-esteems would be more sceptical about their partners’ positive regards but more likely to
personalize their partners’ negative regards. The expression-based authenticity doubts model
echoes the structural model of the current study i.e. self-esteem could have a significant and
positive contribution to PPBSC while self-esteem could have a significant and negative
contribution to PNBSC. Although the expression-based authenticity doubt model demonstrated a
circular path between reflected appraisal of vulnerability, authenticity doubts and relationship
satisfaction, the structural model of the current study revealed two precursors for self-esteem
and perceived self-vulnerability, namely self-compassion and self-uncompassion. Suggested by
the model of the current study, more self-compassionate individuals would tend to have higher
self-esteems while less self-compassionate individuals would be likely to have lower self-
esteems. Self-compassionate and self-uncompassionate individuals would undergo different
mechanisms of perceiving their partners' behaviours which would influence how they perceive
their couple relationships as mentioned above.

31
Owing to the higher level of perceived common humanity, self-compassionate individuals
would be more receptive to their partners’ caring and warm expressions. They would tend to
accept their own and their partners’ limitations. In addition, self-compassionate people would be
inclined to adopt a here-and-now attitude because of their higher mindfulness levels, a moment-
to-moment awareness. Hence, self-compassionate individuals would tend to cherish the every
positive moment with their partners but not to ruminate their partners’ transgressions. On the
contrary, self-uncompassionate individuals would tend to be self-critical, to internalize the
relationship failures and to dwell on the negative emotions and thoughts associated with the
partners as well as the relationships. According to Raes (2010), the individuals with depleted
self-compassion would be prone to ruminating their negative emotions so that they may be over-
reactive in resolving conflicts with their partners (Neff, 2013). On the other hand, self-
compassionate individuals would appear to compromise upon relationship conflicts because of
their intentions for the welfares of both parties (Yarnell, & Neff, 2013).
It came to the authors’ attentions that the indicator “coercion” loaded on both the factor
“partner positive behaviour as social context” (PPBSC) and “partner negative behaviour as
social context” (PNBSC). Based on the structural model, the error covariance of “warmth”, which
was loaded on “PPBSC”, might have contributed to the “coercion’s” loading on the “PNBSC”.
Partners unavoidably pin expectations upon each other. As the intimate relationship
develops, the individuals would construct expectation towards their partners’ behaviours and the
nature of the intimate relationships (Fincham, 2003). Weiner’s (1992, 2002, 2005) attribution
theory illustrates that individuals expectation upon their partners would be partially determined
by their cognitive attributions. The items of the indicator “coercion” reflected not only the
participants’ partners’ irrational demands, but also their rational expectations towards the
participants. The participants might have attributed the rational expectations to the expression of
love and care. Hence, the error covariance between the indicator “coercion” and “warmth was
found to be significantly positive. Nevertheless, because of the higher factor loading of the
indicator “coercion” on the factor “PPBSC” (λ= .93, p < .001) than that on “PNBSC” (λ= .49, p
< .001), the authors suggested that the behaviours described by the items of the subscale
“coercion” were perceived as more negative than positive in terms of the partner behaviour as
social context.
5. Limitations
Several limitations should be taken into account when evaluating the current study. First,
the data collected in the current study were on the basis of self-report which was void of
observations of behaviours. The sampling size (N = 345) suggested that the potential biased
errors were present and generalization to other samples might be limited. The current study was
fundamentally a cross-sectional survey in Chinese culture. The research design was not a
longitudinal study investigating the causal effects among the variables. Hence, the causal
relationships among the currently studied variables might not be valid. Further interpretations
must be made carefully and modestly in the current study.
6. Implications

32
Therapists could integrate the current model into their clinical work to raise relationship
satisfaction by fostering one's self-compassion by means of the interventions on self-
compassion. With increased self-compassion, not only relationship quality, but also general
psychological well-being could be fostered (Neff, 2011). Compassion focused therapy (Gilbert,
2000, 2005, 2009, 2010; as cited in Ashworth, Gracey, & Gilbert, 2011), which is an
comprehensive therapy integrating social and neurophysiological approaches and the
attachment theory, appears promising in promoting psychological well-being. CFT is conducive
to affect regulation via three distinctive systems (Depue, & Morrone-Strupinsky, 2005; Ashworth,
Gracey, & Gilbert, 2011). Given that the current structural model had been validated, some
personal psychotherapy comprising self-compassion element, namely: a) acceptance-
commitment therapy (ACT; Hayes, Strosahl, & Wilson, 1999), b) dialectic behavioural therapy
(DBT; Linehan, 1993), and c) mindfulness-based cognitive therapy (MBCT, Segal, Williams, &
Teasdale, 2002), could be extended to couple therapy by working on the single party only. That
would reform the format of the conventional couple therapy which could be reduced from the
conventionally dyadic level to the individual level.
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35
Large-Scale Psychological Differences within China
Explained by Rice Versus Wheat Agriculture
T. Talhelm,1
X. Zhang,2,3
S. Oishi,1
C. Shimin,4
D. Duan,2
X. Lan,5
and S. Kitayama5
1 Department of Psychology, University of Virginia, Charlottesville, VA 22904, USA.
2 Department of Psychology, Beijing Normal University, Beijing, China.
3 State Key Lab of Cognitive Neuroscience and Learning, Beijing Normal University, Beijing
100875, China.
4 Department of Psychology, South China Normal University, Guangzhou, China.
5 Department of Psychology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, MI 48109, USA.
[Abstract] Cross-cultural psychologists have mostly contrasted East Asia with the West.
However, this study shows that there are major psychological differences within China. We
propose that a history of farming rice makes cultures more interdependent, whereas farming
wheat makes cultures more independent, and these agricultural legacies continue to affect
people in the modern world. We tested 1162 Han Chinese participants in six sites and found that
rice-growing southern China is more interdependent and holistic-thinking than the wheat-
growing north. To control for confounds like climate, we tested people from neighboring counties
along the rice-wheat border and found differences that were just as large. We also find that
modernization and pathogen prevalence theories do not fit the data.
Over the past 20 years, psychologists have cataloged a long list of differences between
East and West (1–3)
. Western culture is more individualistic and analytic-thinking, whereas East
Asian culture is more interdependent and holistic-thinking. Analytic thought uses abstract
categories and formal reasoning, such as logical laws of noncontradiction—if A is true, then “not
A” is false. Holistic thought is more intuitive and sometimes even embraces contradiction— both
A and “not A” can be true.
Even though psychology has cataloged a long list of East-West differences, it still lacks an
accepted explanation of what causes these differences. Building on subsistence style theory (1, 4)
,
we offer the rice theory of culture and compare it with the modernization hypothesis (5)
and the
more recent pathogen prevalence theory (6)
.
The modernization hypothesis argues that, as societies become wealthier, more educated,
and capitalistic, they become more individualistic and analytical. World Values Surveys (7)
and
studies on indigenous Mayans’ transition to a market economy (5)
have given some support to

36
the modernization hypothesis. But this theory has difficulty explaining why Japan, Korea, and
Hong Kong are persistently collectivistic despite per-capita gross domestic products (GDPs)
higher than that of the European Union.
The pathogen prevalence theory argues that a high prevalence of communicable diseases
in some countries made it more dangerous to deal with strangers, making those cultures more
insular and collectivistic (6)
. Studies have found that historical pathogen prevalence correlates
with collectivism and lower openness to experience (6)
. However, pathogens are strongly
correlated with heat (8)
. Because rice grows in hot areas, pathogens may be confounded with
rice—a possibility that prior research did not control for.
1. The Rice Theory
The rice theory is an extension of subsistence style theory, which argues that some forms of
subsistence (such as farming) require more functional interdependence than other forms (such
as herding). At the same time, ecology narrows the types of subsistence that are possible. For
example, paddy rice requires a significant amount of water. Over time, societies that have to
cooperate intensely become more interdependent, whereas societies that do not have to depend
on each other as much become more individualistic.
In the past, most subsistence research has compared herders and farmers, arguing that the
independence and mobility of herding make herding cultures individualistic and that the stability
and high labor demands of farming make farming cultures collectivistic (1)
. We argue that
subsistence theory is incomplete because it lumps all farming together. Two of the most
common subsistence crops—rice and wheat—are very different, and we argue that they lead to
different cultures.
The two biggest differences between farming rice and wheat are irrigation and labor.
Because rice paddies need standing water, people in rice regions build elaborate irrigation
systems that require farmers to cooperate. In irrigation networks, one family’s water use can
affect their neighbors, so rice farmers have to coordinate their water use. Irrigation networks also
require many hours each year to build, dredge, and drain—a burden that often falls on villages,
not isolated individuals.
Paddy rice also requires an extraordinary amount of work. Agricultural anthropologists
visiting pre-modern China observed the number of hours farmers worked and found that growing
paddy rice required at least twice the number of hours as wheat (9)
. The difference in man-hours
was not a difference only noticeable to scientists. Medieval Chinese people grew both wheat
and rice, and they were aware of the huge labor difference between the two. A Chinese farming
guide in the 1600s advised people, “If one is short of labor power, it is best to grow wheat”
[quoted in (10)
]. A Chinese anthropologist in the 1930s concluded that a husband and wife would
not be able to farm a large enough plot of rice to support the family if they relied on only their
own labor (11)
. Strict self-reliance might have meant starvation.
To deal with the massive labor requirements, farmers in rice villages from India to Malaysia
and Japan form cooperative labor exchanges (12)
. Farmers also coordinate their planting dates

37
so that different families harvest at different times, allowing them to help in each others’ fields (12)
.
These labor exchanges are most common during transplanting and harvesting, which need to be
done in a short window of time, creating an urgent need for labor. In economic terms, paddy rice
makes cooperation more valuable. This encourages rice farmers to cooperate intensely, form
tight relationships based on reciprocity, and avoid behaviors that create conflict.
Fig. 1. Percent of cultivated land devoted to rice paddies in 1996. Three major herding provinces are
not shaded: Tibet, Xinjiang, and Inner Mongolia. Along the rice-wheat border (highlighted), people from
the rice counties thought more holistically than their neighbors in wheat counties.
In comparison, wheat is easier to grow. Wheat does not need to be irrigated, so wheat
farmers can rely on rainfall, which they do not coordinate with their neighbors. Planting and
harvesting wheat certainly takes work, but only half as much as rice (9)
. The lighter burden
means farmers can look after their own plots without relying as much on their neighbors.

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