Working paper prepared by the Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC) within the project «Middle East: Political Dynamics and Russia’s Interests». The authors examine the main trends in the development of the political and economic situation in Egypt, analyze the state of Russian-Egyptian relations, lead recommendations for their further development, examine the role of Egypt through the prism of the exacerbation of regional conflicts and threats in the Middle East, analyze the prospects for Russian-Egyptian cooperation in addressing regional problems.
Russia and the Visegrad Group: The Ukrainian ChallengeRussian Council
The Eastern Partnership policy that triggered the Ukrainian crisis has provided ample opportunity to reflect on Russia–EU relations, alongside with evaluating cooperation between Russia and the Visegrad Group countries (also called the Visegrad Four or V4). The Visegrad Four have taken on responsibility for the eastward enlargement of the European Union having become its members.
The Ukrainian Challenge for Russia: Working paper 24/2015Russian Council
The events in Ukraine in 2013-2014 did not reveal any new, deep-rooted contradictions between Kiev and Moscow; they had existed long before, albeit not so acutely. They have, however, triggered the fiercest confrontation between the two biggest countries in the post-Soviet space, which has raised numerous questions regarding the future of Russian-Ukrainian relations, along with exposing a whole range of serious problems within the entire international security system.
Authors: A.V. Guschin, Ph.D. in History; S.M. Markedonov, Ph.D. in History; A.N. Tsibulina, Ph.D. in Economics
This report is the result of a series of brainstorming sessions between American, Russian, and European
experts funded by a grant from Carnegie Corporation of New York.
The Atlantic Council is grateful for the leadership of the Honorable Ellen Tauscher and Minister Igor Ivanov,
who led the team in an effort to keep the dialogue open and frank at a challenging time for European
security, as 2014 events in Ukraine unravelled the post-Cold War security order. The Council wishes to
acknowledge the contributions of American experts: Walter Slocombe, Hans Binnendijk, Paul Fritch, and
those who have wished to remain unnamed, as well as the European experts: Lukasz Kulesa, Markus Kaim,
and Paal Hilde, who worked under the leadership of Ian Kearns and the European Leadership Network
(ELN). The Council also thanks the group of Russian experts: Andrey Kortunov, Andrei Zagorski, and Irina
Busygina, who worked under the leadership of the Russian International Affairs Council to contribute
the Russian perspective; and, fially, the Director and coordinator of the project, Isabelle François, for the
diffiult task of bringing diverging views together into one fial publication.
The Atlantic Council offered a platform to keep channels of communication open and for different
views to be expressed. Not surprisingly, in the months that followed events in Ukraine, it proved
impossible to narrow the differences and develop a common, action-oriented approach to the challenge
of rebuilding the European security order. We aimed instead for a necessary fist step of listening to each
other and reflcting on the signifiant differences in the Western and Russian approaches. Our debates
focused on a possible way forward by gaining clarity on the interests at stake, from the US, European,
and Russian perspectives, in order to better defie whether and where common interests may still lie
and how best to advance them. The need for managing our differences in the aftermath of the Ukrainian crisis
will continue to require signifiant efforts on the part of decision-makers, experts, offiials, international
organizations, and nongovernmental organizations, and will likely take time and strategic patience.
We hope that this report will contribute to a better understanding and appreciation for the differences
in terms of the respective US, European, and Russian positions, in order to better prepare, when the time
comes, for bridging the gap and bring back stability, security, and prosperity to the whole of Europe.
Russia–European Union: Potential for PartnershipRussian Council
The report analyses the development of Russia–European Union Relations. In the authors’
opinion the high level of economic interdependence between Russia and the European
Union, their geographic proximity and the nature of international relations in a globalized
world make it imperative that the parties continue to build and develop their relations.
The key issue is to give this cooperation a new impetus and increase the level of trust. The
report outlines recommended steps to make relations as good as possible.
Russia and Europe: Somewhat Different, Somewhat the Same?Russian Council
There are more issues that divide Russia and the EU than that unite them. Although both sides support the fundamentals of the current world-order (especially when confronted with a challenge like IS), Russia believes that the current arrangement does not grant equality and is asymmetrically patterned after the West. While civil societies on both sides believe that sanctions should be ended and relations strengthened, and while both have incurred losses as a result of restrictive measures, they diverge on the conditions of relaunching economic relations, on the feasibility of technical cooperation in the absence of political convergence, and on what EU – Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) cooperation could look like. While the EU and Russia feel the need to cooperate on a settlement in Ukraine, on stabilisation in the Middle East, on the fi ght against terrorism, they diverge over what should be done, over whether human rights / democracy or security / stability should prevail, and over how international organisations should be used.
In this context two parallel tracks should be promoted. The fi rst one is ad hoc cooperation on burning common threats (the settlement in Ukraine and the fi ght against IS and terrorism), or economic issues of immediate mutual benefi t (aviation, the space, medicine, and gas). Various international fora as well as bilateral EU-Russia arrangements should be open for this cooperation. At the same time, sustainable long-term cooperation depends on conceptual discussions over the future set-up, which would guarantee that the preferences of both sides are taken into consideration and neither feels discriminated or betrayed. Mutual understanding is essential for these discussions, it can be cultivated through wider civil society dialogue, more balanced media coverage, the preservation of existing economic links and expert discussions. Only this conceptual settlement will reverse the current ‘divide-unite’ split in favour of more unity.
Russia—EU Relations at a Crossroads. Common and Divergent InterestsRussian Council
Russia and the EU proceed on the basis that “business as usual” is no longer possible. However, neither of them has specified what legacy of their relations before the crisis they are willing or ready to sacrifice, except for the strategic partnership rhetoric. Nor have they formulated any particular vision for their future relations that could become a “new business”.
The working paper includes analysis of common and divergent interests, of mechanisms for cooperation, and gives recommendations on the first steps for renewing the cooperation.
Recruiting Foreign Terrorist Fighters and Dealing with Returnees: European Ex...Russian Council
The Working Paper highlights and compares the most credible estimates of the number of militants arriving from different countries according to data published by the security services of various nations, as well as by leading research centres across the globe. Particular attention is paid to assessments of the situation regarding terrorists leaving, and then coming back to Europe, Russia and Central Asian countries; the link between migration and the recruitment of terrorists; and an analysis of the most common factors driving recruitment. This paper also includes a review of methods used by other countries to combat the recruitment of terrorists, as well as measures taken to reintegrate returning militants into society.
Russia—Republic of Korea Relations: Revising the Bilateral AgendaRussian Council
This Working Paper was prepared by the Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC) as a part of the project “Russia and the Asia-Pacific Region: Conceptual Basis for Security and Development Policy”. The team of authors has conducted comprehensive analysis of Russia—Republic of Korea relations, as well as individual
aspects thereof in a regional context, including economic, scientific and technical cooperation. The research proceeded with practical recommendations aimed at fulfilling Russia’s interests in the Asia-Pacific and strengthening efficient bilateral interaction with ROK.
Russia and the Visegrad Group: The Ukrainian ChallengeRussian Council
The Eastern Partnership policy that triggered the Ukrainian crisis has provided ample opportunity to reflect on Russia–EU relations, alongside with evaluating cooperation between Russia and the Visegrad Group countries (also called the Visegrad Four or V4). The Visegrad Four have taken on responsibility for the eastward enlargement of the European Union having become its members.
The Ukrainian Challenge for Russia: Working paper 24/2015Russian Council
The events in Ukraine in 2013-2014 did not reveal any new, deep-rooted contradictions between Kiev and Moscow; they had existed long before, albeit not so acutely. They have, however, triggered the fiercest confrontation between the two biggest countries in the post-Soviet space, which has raised numerous questions regarding the future of Russian-Ukrainian relations, along with exposing a whole range of serious problems within the entire international security system.
Authors: A.V. Guschin, Ph.D. in History; S.M. Markedonov, Ph.D. in History; A.N. Tsibulina, Ph.D. in Economics
This report is the result of a series of brainstorming sessions between American, Russian, and European
experts funded by a grant from Carnegie Corporation of New York.
The Atlantic Council is grateful for the leadership of the Honorable Ellen Tauscher and Minister Igor Ivanov,
who led the team in an effort to keep the dialogue open and frank at a challenging time for European
security, as 2014 events in Ukraine unravelled the post-Cold War security order. The Council wishes to
acknowledge the contributions of American experts: Walter Slocombe, Hans Binnendijk, Paul Fritch, and
those who have wished to remain unnamed, as well as the European experts: Lukasz Kulesa, Markus Kaim,
and Paal Hilde, who worked under the leadership of Ian Kearns and the European Leadership Network
(ELN). The Council also thanks the group of Russian experts: Andrey Kortunov, Andrei Zagorski, and Irina
Busygina, who worked under the leadership of the Russian International Affairs Council to contribute
the Russian perspective; and, fially, the Director and coordinator of the project, Isabelle François, for the
diffiult task of bringing diverging views together into one fial publication.
The Atlantic Council offered a platform to keep channels of communication open and for different
views to be expressed. Not surprisingly, in the months that followed events in Ukraine, it proved
impossible to narrow the differences and develop a common, action-oriented approach to the challenge
of rebuilding the European security order. We aimed instead for a necessary fist step of listening to each
other and reflcting on the signifiant differences in the Western and Russian approaches. Our debates
focused on a possible way forward by gaining clarity on the interests at stake, from the US, European,
and Russian perspectives, in order to better defie whether and where common interests may still lie
and how best to advance them. The need for managing our differences in the aftermath of the Ukrainian crisis
will continue to require signifiant efforts on the part of decision-makers, experts, offiials, international
organizations, and nongovernmental organizations, and will likely take time and strategic patience.
We hope that this report will contribute to a better understanding and appreciation for the differences
in terms of the respective US, European, and Russian positions, in order to better prepare, when the time
comes, for bridging the gap and bring back stability, security, and prosperity to the whole of Europe.
Russia–European Union: Potential for PartnershipRussian Council
The report analyses the development of Russia–European Union Relations. In the authors’
opinion the high level of economic interdependence between Russia and the European
Union, their geographic proximity and the nature of international relations in a globalized
world make it imperative that the parties continue to build and develop their relations.
The key issue is to give this cooperation a new impetus and increase the level of trust. The
report outlines recommended steps to make relations as good as possible.
Russia and Europe: Somewhat Different, Somewhat the Same?Russian Council
There are more issues that divide Russia and the EU than that unite them. Although both sides support the fundamentals of the current world-order (especially when confronted with a challenge like IS), Russia believes that the current arrangement does not grant equality and is asymmetrically patterned after the West. While civil societies on both sides believe that sanctions should be ended and relations strengthened, and while both have incurred losses as a result of restrictive measures, they diverge on the conditions of relaunching economic relations, on the feasibility of technical cooperation in the absence of political convergence, and on what EU – Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) cooperation could look like. While the EU and Russia feel the need to cooperate on a settlement in Ukraine, on stabilisation in the Middle East, on the fi ght against terrorism, they diverge over what should be done, over whether human rights / democracy or security / stability should prevail, and over how international organisations should be used.
In this context two parallel tracks should be promoted. The fi rst one is ad hoc cooperation on burning common threats (the settlement in Ukraine and the fi ght against IS and terrorism), or economic issues of immediate mutual benefi t (aviation, the space, medicine, and gas). Various international fora as well as bilateral EU-Russia arrangements should be open for this cooperation. At the same time, sustainable long-term cooperation depends on conceptual discussions over the future set-up, which would guarantee that the preferences of both sides are taken into consideration and neither feels discriminated or betrayed. Mutual understanding is essential for these discussions, it can be cultivated through wider civil society dialogue, more balanced media coverage, the preservation of existing economic links and expert discussions. Only this conceptual settlement will reverse the current ‘divide-unite’ split in favour of more unity.
Russia—EU Relations at a Crossroads. Common and Divergent InterestsRussian Council
Russia and the EU proceed on the basis that “business as usual” is no longer possible. However, neither of them has specified what legacy of their relations before the crisis they are willing or ready to sacrifice, except for the strategic partnership rhetoric. Nor have they formulated any particular vision for their future relations that could become a “new business”.
The working paper includes analysis of common and divergent interests, of mechanisms for cooperation, and gives recommendations on the first steps for renewing the cooperation.
Recruiting Foreign Terrorist Fighters and Dealing with Returnees: European Ex...Russian Council
The Working Paper highlights and compares the most credible estimates of the number of militants arriving from different countries according to data published by the security services of various nations, as well as by leading research centres across the globe. Particular attention is paid to assessments of the situation regarding terrorists leaving, and then coming back to Europe, Russia and Central Asian countries; the link between migration and the recruitment of terrorists; and an analysis of the most common factors driving recruitment. This paper also includes a review of methods used by other countries to combat the recruitment of terrorists, as well as measures taken to reintegrate returning militants into society.
Russia—Republic of Korea Relations: Revising the Bilateral AgendaRussian Council
This Working Paper was prepared by the Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC) as a part of the project “Russia and the Asia-Pacific Region: Conceptual Basis for Security and Development Policy”. The team of authors has conducted comprehensive analysis of Russia—Republic of Korea relations, as well as individual
aspects thereof in a regional context, including economic, scientific and technical cooperation. The research proceeded with practical recommendations aimed at fulfilling Russia’s interests in the Asia-Pacific and strengthening efficient bilateral interaction with ROK.
Development of Russian–Chinese Trade, Economic, Financial and Cross-Border Re...Russian Council
This Working Paper was prepared as part of a research project concerning the development of strategic partnership and constructive cooperation between Russia and China carried out by the Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC).
The authors present the results of a comprehensive review of Russian–Chinese trade, economic, financial and cross-border relations, analyse the impact of strengthening bilateral cooperation between the Russian Federation and the People’s Republic of China on the prospects of a “partnership for modernization”, and offer some recommendations in the area of bilateral relations and the development of Eastern Siberia and the Russian Far East.
Security and Cooperation in Northeast Asia: the Russian-South Korean Experts ...Russian Council
In 2015 Russia and South Korea celebrate the 25th anniversary of establishing diplomatic relations. Much has been accomplished, but significant potential for collaboration in Northeast Asia to address new and traditional threats remains untapped. In this analytical paper experts of the Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC) and Institute for Russian, East European, and Eurasian Studies (IREEES), Seoul National University (SNU) offer their vision of a comprehensive regional security architecture that meets Russian and South Korean national interests. Working on building a new security system in Northeast Asia should begin with the formation of multilateral partnerships on specific security issues, i.e. energy security, nuclear safety, transport security, food security and international information security.
New Stage of Russia–Turkey Economic RelationsRussian Council
The report outlines the dynamics and structure of ties between Russia and Turkey in trade, economics, construction, energy and non-for-profit sector.
The authors emphasize the overall progressive nature of the bilateral relations. However, the uncertain geopolitical situation largely linked to third countries affects several major joint economic projects, and could bring about negative consequences in the future.
The political forces in both countries are also influenced by public demand, which softenes the worsening political differences, despite certain contradictory views and complicated regional problems.
Russian–Chinese Dialogue: The 2016 Model: Report No. 25/2016Russian Council
This report presents the results of analysis of the state of Russia–China relations in 2015 and the first quarter of 2016.
Leading experts from Russia and China study key foreign policy interests of the two countries, their trade and economic bilateral relations, including investment, transport and energy projects. Special attention is given to security in Eurasia and the role of multilateral institutions in guaranteeing security, the alignment of the Eurasian Economic Union and the Silk Road Economic Belt projects, as well as Russia–China scientific, educational and cultural cooperation.
The content of the annual joint report is aimed at improving the effectiveness of the main areas of bilateral cooperation between Russia and China and bringing the opinions of the expert and academic community to the political leadership of the two countries.
This report presents the results of analytical monitoring performed by leading Russian and Chinese experts on the key processes in Russian-Chinese relations in 2013–2014. They analyzed the strategic format of interaction between the two countries in the international arena and their relations in the fields of trade, investment (interbank), energy (hydrocarbons), transport, educational, scientific, and cultural areas. They considered the available resources and possibilities of enhancing the Russian-Chinese strategic partnership, as well as the difficulties and challenges they face in the modern day. The experts elaborate their conclusions, recommendations, and development scenarios for bilateral relations in future.
Cooperation in Science and Education to Promote an Innovative Approach to Rus...Russian Council
Possessing knowledge as such, ability to learn and contribute to the process of knowledge development is what diff erentiates developed societies from developing ones. As humanity watches global progress in robotics and artifi cial intelligence, the start of the Fourth Industrial Revolution was announced at Davos 2016.1 Innovation was also the focus of the 2016 Boao Forum for Asia.2 Seeking to keep pace with their peers internationally, Russia and China also prioritize science, education, technology and innovation.
The Strategy for Innovative Development of the Russian Federation for the period until 2020, as well as China’s offi cial document entitled “Vision and Actions on Jointly Building Silk Road Economic Belt and 21st-Century Maritime Silk Road” list eff orts to expand international scientifi c cooperation and build up innovation capacity as top-priority objectives.3 Amid the apparent restrictions of extensive development models in both Russia and China, bilateral cooperation in science and education appears to be an increasingly ambitious objective aiming to build up the national innovative capacity of the two countries.
Russia's interests in the context of Asia-Pacific region security and develop...Russian Council
The report contains main conclusions and recommendations made upon the outcomes of the First Asia-Pacific Forum held on November 28-29, 2011 by Russian International Affairs Council jointly with Russian APEC Studies Center.
Internationalization of Russian Universities: The Chinese VectorRussian Council
This Report was prepared by the Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC) as a part of the project “The Development of Russian—Chinese Relations”, based on research of the practical experience accumulated by several leading Russian universities. The Report contains a number of particular recommendations aimed at reinforcing Russia’s positions in the education market of China and the Asia-Pacific region in general, as well as developing Russia’s innovation potential through the expansion of mutually beneficial scientific and educational cooperation between the two countries.
Renewing Mechanisms for Russia-EU CooperationRussian Council
In the context of the Ukraine crisis, the EU has completely suspended the functioning of all mechanisms of dialogue with Russia. At the same time, both sides realize that the sanctions and the suspension of political dialogue cannot last forever. Sooner or later, relations between Russia and the EU will have to be normalized.
However, there is little doubt that this relationship is unlikely to return to “business as usual”. Based on the critical assessment of the performance of mechanisms of cooperation between Russia and the EU in the period before the present crisis, this report seeks to explore what could be the appropriate design of such mechanisms after relations between Russia and the EU enter the normalization phase.
The report is published in the frameworks of the joint project of Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC) and the Robert Bosch Center at the German Council on Foreign Relations (DGAP) that aims to address the question of where we stand and to propose ways of rebuilding Russia-EU relations.
The Postulates on Russia’s Foreign Policy developed with the participation of the Russian International Affairs Council’s members and experts discuss Russia’s position in the international arena, the role of global challenges in shaping the foreign policy agenda and outline foreign policy priorities for the period from 2012 to 2018. The main purpose of the Postulates is to encourage a public discourse about new contours and orientation of Russia’s foreign policy and to devise the solutions to be protected against traditional and emerging security challenges.
This working paper unites the articles prepared within the framework of Russian International Affairs Council and «Valdai» discussion forum. The author shares his view on key trends in Russia-NATO and Russia-EU relations after the NATO Summit in Warsaw and new EU Global Strategy being announced. The paper evaluates the causes of crisis in the relations as well as suggests possible measures to solve the issues in the sphere of security.
Russia and the European Union are neighbours. Located on the same continent side by side, we share a common history and culture, and the same religious, philosophical and civilizational roots. We are building predominantly the same type of secular society based on a socially oriented economy and public representation.
Russians have decisively broken with the past division of the world into two opposing camps. We are no longer separated by the deepest insurmountable gap of antagonistically incompatible ideologies. The threat of nuclear war, on the brink of which we were balancing for some time, has been eliminated.
Russia and the EU follow similar strategic goals. Both sides strive for peace, stability, security, prosperity, sustainable development, high standards of living and happiness for their citizens.
The EU has suffered a series of crises over the past few years, leading many experts to continually predict the downfall of Europe. The Eurozone crisis uncovered a number of economic issues that need to be dealt with in order to improve the overall competitiveness of the EU economy.
There are two reasons that explain why the EU was particularly vulnerable to the global financial crisis:
1. The single market united countries that had very different economic structures, as well as huge disparities in terms of their development;
2. Due to the political reasons the Economic and Monetary Union combined a supranational monetary policy with the almost individual economic policies of all the EU member states. The acute phase of crisis (the threat that a number of countries could go bankrupt and leave the Eurozone) was mitigated.
Possibilities of a Strategic Relationship Between Russia and Saudi ArabiaRussian Council
Russia’s foreign policy in the Middle East is a multidimensional endeavour, which calls for something akin to strategic relations to be built with inf uential regional actors. Pursuing a partnership with Saudi Arabia
is a comprehensive task for the Russian Federation.
Saudi Arabia is a leading country in the Cooperation Council for the Arab States of the Gulf (GCC) and, like Russia, it is a serious player on the global oil market. Changes in the region and around the world, as well as the declaration by Saudi Arabia in April 2016 of its socioeconomic transformation in the “Vision for Saudi Arabia until the year 2030” open up new opportunities for the two countries.
Damage Assessment: EU-Russia relations in crisisRussian Council
A new Special Report edited by Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC) and European Leadership Network (ELN) assesses the damage to EU-Russia relations after three years of crisis.
Featuring Russian and European experts, the report presents their analysis on fundamental aspects of deteriorating EU-Russia relations, including economic impact, political relations and people-to-people contact. For each of these areas the Russian experts present and assess developments inside their own country, while Western authors describe the situation at the EU level and in selected European Union countries.
Theses on Russia’s Foreign Policy and Global Positioning (2017–2024)Russian Council
5 years ago, in 2012, Postulates on Russia's Foreign Policy (2012-2018) marked the beginning of RIAC’s project work. This report has become RIAC’s trademark for several years, its amendments being used in the updated Concept of the Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation.
The world is now standing at a road fork, and Russia’s key task is to ensure no era of extremes, to promote comfortable and manageable international environment without limitations, conflicts, and splits.
Addressing the changed international situation, quantitative and qualitative growth of challenges for Russia’s foreign policy RIAC and Center for Strategic Research (CSR) presented Theses on Russia’s Foreign Policy and Global Positioning (2017–2024).
As part of the project, 30 interviews were conducted with RIAC members: prominent diplomats, major international relations experts, media executives and entrepreneurs. As a separate part of the project, a series of case studies were conducted with the participation of experts and RIAC members.
.
The theses were based upon the results of a parallel study conducted by a team of researchers at the Primakov Institute of World Economy and International Relations (IMEMO) of the Russian Academy of Sciences.
Text: Ivan Timofeev, RIAC Director of Programs.
Edited by Andrey Kortunov, RIAC Director General and Sergey Utkin, Head of Foreign and Security Policy Department of the Centre for Strategic Research.
Proposals on Building a Regional Security System in West Asia and North AfricaRussian Council
This paper presents proposals on building a regional security system in West Asia and North Africa. The authors propose to use the term “West Asia” to facilitate new views and approaches on the existing problems and bring economic and geographical interaction to the forefront of the relations between the external and regional actors and within regional actors themselves. The authors emphasize the need to reorganize the economies of the states of the region, including, in particular, the Arab Mashreq subregion. It would help to restore the previously disrupted balance of power. The multiplicity of crises in West Asia and North Africa impairs the effectiveness of the region’s international institutions and is not conducive to advancing regional integration projects. Setting up provisional working groups comprised of regional leaders (or using similar formats) appears to be the most adequate solution; strategically, the most adequate way would be to create a comprehensive security system.
Russia-Iran Partnership: an Overview and Prospects for the Future. RIAC and I...Russian Council
The Report is prepared by the Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC) in partnership with the Institute for Iran-Eurasia Studies (IRAS) as part of the project “Russia-Iran Relations on the Modern Stage”.
The goal of the publication is to present the views of Russian and Iranian experts on the main areas of RussiaIran cooperation, to reveal the commonality and differences in their approaches to common threats and challenges. The Report discusses Russian and Iranian vision of global governance and role of great powers, cooperation in the Middle East region, Central Asia and Afghanistan, trade and economic relations, common
transport projects and interaction in international organizations such as SCO, EAEU, SREB initiative etc.
Defining Dialogue: How to Manage Russia-UK Security RelationsRussian Council
At present, Russian-British relations are in deep crisis.
Will countries be able to restore a regular and systematic dialogue at the highest level?
What are the prospects for cooperation between Russia and Britain in the sphere of security, combating international terrorism and countering extremism, including in the Greater Middle East?
What mechanisms need to be worked out to strengthen confidence-building measures, prevent radicalization and develop cooperation in the fight against cybercrime.
These and other issues related to the past, present and future of Russian-British security relations are discussed in the joint report of the Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC) and the Royal United Services Institute for Defense and Security Studies (RUSI).
Relaciones ruso-mexicanas: fundamentos tradicionales e imperativos de renovaciónRussian Council
México es un actor bastante infl uyente de la política mundial actual. La participación de Rusia y de México en la política global coincide en numerosos aspectos. No obstante, el modelo de las relaciones rusomexicanas no está asentado del todo y todavía no es óptimo. De hecho, es de carácter asimétrico: los componentes políticos, diplomáticos y culturales superan en volumen y alcance los vínclulos económicocomerciales.
El presente informe analiza las principales tendencias del desarrollo de las relaciones bilaterales y ofrece recomendaciones para impulsar su afi anzamiento.
Los autores del informe expresan su agradecimiento al Sr. Rubén Beltrán, Embajador Extraordinario y Plenipotenciario de México en Rusia, por sus valiosos comentarios sobre el texto del informe ofrecidos durante su preparación.
Development of Russian–Chinese Trade, Economic, Financial and Cross-Border Re...Russian Council
This Working Paper was prepared as part of a research project concerning the development of strategic partnership and constructive cooperation between Russia and China carried out by the Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC).
The authors present the results of a comprehensive review of Russian–Chinese trade, economic, financial and cross-border relations, analyse the impact of strengthening bilateral cooperation between the Russian Federation and the People’s Republic of China on the prospects of a “partnership for modernization”, and offer some recommendations in the area of bilateral relations and the development of Eastern Siberia and the Russian Far East.
Security and Cooperation in Northeast Asia: the Russian-South Korean Experts ...Russian Council
In 2015 Russia and South Korea celebrate the 25th anniversary of establishing diplomatic relations. Much has been accomplished, but significant potential for collaboration in Northeast Asia to address new and traditional threats remains untapped. In this analytical paper experts of the Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC) and Institute for Russian, East European, and Eurasian Studies (IREEES), Seoul National University (SNU) offer their vision of a comprehensive regional security architecture that meets Russian and South Korean national interests. Working on building a new security system in Northeast Asia should begin with the formation of multilateral partnerships on specific security issues, i.e. energy security, nuclear safety, transport security, food security and international information security.
New Stage of Russia–Turkey Economic RelationsRussian Council
The report outlines the dynamics and structure of ties between Russia and Turkey in trade, economics, construction, energy and non-for-profit sector.
The authors emphasize the overall progressive nature of the bilateral relations. However, the uncertain geopolitical situation largely linked to third countries affects several major joint economic projects, and could bring about negative consequences in the future.
The political forces in both countries are also influenced by public demand, which softenes the worsening political differences, despite certain contradictory views and complicated regional problems.
Russian–Chinese Dialogue: The 2016 Model: Report No. 25/2016Russian Council
This report presents the results of analysis of the state of Russia–China relations in 2015 and the first quarter of 2016.
Leading experts from Russia and China study key foreign policy interests of the two countries, their trade and economic bilateral relations, including investment, transport and energy projects. Special attention is given to security in Eurasia and the role of multilateral institutions in guaranteeing security, the alignment of the Eurasian Economic Union and the Silk Road Economic Belt projects, as well as Russia–China scientific, educational and cultural cooperation.
The content of the annual joint report is aimed at improving the effectiveness of the main areas of bilateral cooperation between Russia and China and bringing the opinions of the expert and academic community to the political leadership of the two countries.
This report presents the results of analytical monitoring performed by leading Russian and Chinese experts on the key processes in Russian-Chinese relations in 2013–2014. They analyzed the strategic format of interaction between the two countries in the international arena and their relations in the fields of trade, investment (interbank), energy (hydrocarbons), transport, educational, scientific, and cultural areas. They considered the available resources and possibilities of enhancing the Russian-Chinese strategic partnership, as well as the difficulties and challenges they face in the modern day. The experts elaborate their conclusions, recommendations, and development scenarios for bilateral relations in future.
Cooperation in Science and Education to Promote an Innovative Approach to Rus...Russian Council
Possessing knowledge as such, ability to learn and contribute to the process of knowledge development is what diff erentiates developed societies from developing ones. As humanity watches global progress in robotics and artifi cial intelligence, the start of the Fourth Industrial Revolution was announced at Davos 2016.1 Innovation was also the focus of the 2016 Boao Forum for Asia.2 Seeking to keep pace with their peers internationally, Russia and China also prioritize science, education, technology and innovation.
The Strategy for Innovative Development of the Russian Federation for the period until 2020, as well as China’s offi cial document entitled “Vision and Actions on Jointly Building Silk Road Economic Belt and 21st-Century Maritime Silk Road” list eff orts to expand international scientifi c cooperation and build up innovation capacity as top-priority objectives.3 Amid the apparent restrictions of extensive development models in both Russia and China, bilateral cooperation in science and education appears to be an increasingly ambitious objective aiming to build up the national innovative capacity of the two countries.
Russia's interests in the context of Asia-Pacific region security and develop...Russian Council
The report contains main conclusions and recommendations made upon the outcomes of the First Asia-Pacific Forum held on November 28-29, 2011 by Russian International Affairs Council jointly with Russian APEC Studies Center.
Internationalization of Russian Universities: The Chinese VectorRussian Council
This Report was prepared by the Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC) as a part of the project “The Development of Russian—Chinese Relations”, based on research of the practical experience accumulated by several leading Russian universities. The Report contains a number of particular recommendations aimed at reinforcing Russia’s positions in the education market of China and the Asia-Pacific region in general, as well as developing Russia’s innovation potential through the expansion of mutually beneficial scientific and educational cooperation between the two countries.
Renewing Mechanisms for Russia-EU CooperationRussian Council
In the context of the Ukraine crisis, the EU has completely suspended the functioning of all mechanisms of dialogue with Russia. At the same time, both sides realize that the sanctions and the suspension of political dialogue cannot last forever. Sooner or later, relations between Russia and the EU will have to be normalized.
However, there is little doubt that this relationship is unlikely to return to “business as usual”. Based on the critical assessment of the performance of mechanisms of cooperation between Russia and the EU in the period before the present crisis, this report seeks to explore what could be the appropriate design of such mechanisms after relations between Russia and the EU enter the normalization phase.
The report is published in the frameworks of the joint project of Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC) and the Robert Bosch Center at the German Council on Foreign Relations (DGAP) that aims to address the question of where we stand and to propose ways of rebuilding Russia-EU relations.
The Postulates on Russia’s Foreign Policy developed with the participation of the Russian International Affairs Council’s members and experts discuss Russia’s position in the international arena, the role of global challenges in shaping the foreign policy agenda and outline foreign policy priorities for the period from 2012 to 2018. The main purpose of the Postulates is to encourage a public discourse about new contours and orientation of Russia’s foreign policy and to devise the solutions to be protected against traditional and emerging security challenges.
This working paper unites the articles prepared within the framework of Russian International Affairs Council and «Valdai» discussion forum. The author shares his view on key trends in Russia-NATO and Russia-EU relations after the NATO Summit in Warsaw and new EU Global Strategy being announced. The paper evaluates the causes of crisis in the relations as well as suggests possible measures to solve the issues in the sphere of security.
Russia and the European Union are neighbours. Located on the same continent side by side, we share a common history and culture, and the same religious, philosophical and civilizational roots. We are building predominantly the same type of secular society based on a socially oriented economy and public representation.
Russians have decisively broken with the past division of the world into two opposing camps. We are no longer separated by the deepest insurmountable gap of antagonistically incompatible ideologies. The threat of nuclear war, on the brink of which we were balancing for some time, has been eliminated.
Russia and the EU follow similar strategic goals. Both sides strive for peace, stability, security, prosperity, sustainable development, high standards of living and happiness for their citizens.
The EU has suffered a series of crises over the past few years, leading many experts to continually predict the downfall of Europe. The Eurozone crisis uncovered a number of economic issues that need to be dealt with in order to improve the overall competitiveness of the EU economy.
There are two reasons that explain why the EU was particularly vulnerable to the global financial crisis:
1. The single market united countries that had very different economic structures, as well as huge disparities in terms of their development;
2. Due to the political reasons the Economic and Monetary Union combined a supranational monetary policy with the almost individual economic policies of all the EU member states. The acute phase of crisis (the threat that a number of countries could go bankrupt and leave the Eurozone) was mitigated.
Possibilities of a Strategic Relationship Between Russia and Saudi ArabiaRussian Council
Russia’s foreign policy in the Middle East is a multidimensional endeavour, which calls for something akin to strategic relations to be built with inf uential regional actors. Pursuing a partnership with Saudi Arabia
is a comprehensive task for the Russian Federation.
Saudi Arabia is a leading country in the Cooperation Council for the Arab States of the Gulf (GCC) and, like Russia, it is a serious player on the global oil market. Changes in the region and around the world, as well as the declaration by Saudi Arabia in April 2016 of its socioeconomic transformation in the “Vision for Saudi Arabia until the year 2030” open up new opportunities for the two countries.
Damage Assessment: EU-Russia relations in crisisRussian Council
A new Special Report edited by Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC) and European Leadership Network (ELN) assesses the damage to EU-Russia relations after three years of crisis.
Featuring Russian and European experts, the report presents their analysis on fundamental aspects of deteriorating EU-Russia relations, including economic impact, political relations and people-to-people contact. For each of these areas the Russian experts present and assess developments inside their own country, while Western authors describe the situation at the EU level and in selected European Union countries.
Theses on Russia’s Foreign Policy and Global Positioning (2017–2024)Russian Council
5 years ago, in 2012, Postulates on Russia's Foreign Policy (2012-2018) marked the beginning of RIAC’s project work. This report has become RIAC’s trademark for several years, its amendments being used in the updated Concept of the Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation.
The world is now standing at a road fork, and Russia’s key task is to ensure no era of extremes, to promote comfortable and manageable international environment without limitations, conflicts, and splits.
Addressing the changed international situation, quantitative and qualitative growth of challenges for Russia’s foreign policy RIAC and Center for Strategic Research (CSR) presented Theses on Russia’s Foreign Policy and Global Positioning (2017–2024).
As part of the project, 30 interviews were conducted with RIAC members: prominent diplomats, major international relations experts, media executives and entrepreneurs. As a separate part of the project, a series of case studies were conducted with the participation of experts and RIAC members.
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The theses were based upon the results of a parallel study conducted by a team of researchers at the Primakov Institute of World Economy and International Relations (IMEMO) of the Russian Academy of Sciences.
Text: Ivan Timofeev, RIAC Director of Programs.
Edited by Andrey Kortunov, RIAC Director General and Sergey Utkin, Head of Foreign and Security Policy Department of the Centre for Strategic Research.
Proposals on Building a Regional Security System in West Asia and North AfricaRussian Council
This paper presents proposals on building a regional security system in West Asia and North Africa. The authors propose to use the term “West Asia” to facilitate new views and approaches on the existing problems and bring economic and geographical interaction to the forefront of the relations between the external and regional actors and within regional actors themselves. The authors emphasize the need to reorganize the economies of the states of the region, including, in particular, the Arab Mashreq subregion. It would help to restore the previously disrupted balance of power. The multiplicity of crises in West Asia and North Africa impairs the effectiveness of the region’s international institutions and is not conducive to advancing regional integration projects. Setting up provisional working groups comprised of regional leaders (or using similar formats) appears to be the most adequate solution; strategically, the most adequate way would be to create a comprehensive security system.
Russia-Iran Partnership: an Overview and Prospects for the Future. RIAC and I...Russian Council
The Report is prepared by the Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC) in partnership with the Institute for Iran-Eurasia Studies (IRAS) as part of the project “Russia-Iran Relations on the Modern Stage”.
The goal of the publication is to present the views of Russian and Iranian experts on the main areas of RussiaIran cooperation, to reveal the commonality and differences in their approaches to common threats and challenges. The Report discusses Russian and Iranian vision of global governance and role of great powers, cooperation in the Middle East region, Central Asia and Afghanistan, trade and economic relations, common
transport projects and interaction in international organizations such as SCO, EAEU, SREB initiative etc.
Defining Dialogue: How to Manage Russia-UK Security RelationsRussian Council
At present, Russian-British relations are in deep crisis.
Will countries be able to restore a regular and systematic dialogue at the highest level?
What are the prospects for cooperation between Russia and Britain in the sphere of security, combating international terrorism and countering extremism, including in the Greater Middle East?
What mechanisms need to be worked out to strengthen confidence-building measures, prevent radicalization and develop cooperation in the fight against cybercrime.
These and other issues related to the past, present and future of Russian-British security relations are discussed in the joint report of the Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC) and the Royal United Services Institute for Defense and Security Studies (RUSI).
Relaciones ruso-mexicanas: fundamentos tradicionales e imperativos de renovaciónRussian Council
México es un actor bastante infl uyente de la política mundial actual. La participación de Rusia y de México en la política global coincide en numerosos aspectos. No obstante, el modelo de las relaciones rusomexicanas no está asentado del todo y todavía no es óptimo. De hecho, es de carácter asimétrico: los componentes políticos, diplomáticos y culturales superan en volumen y alcance los vínclulos económicocomerciales.
El presente informe analiza las principales tendencias del desarrollo de las relaciones bilaterales y ofrece recomendaciones para impulsar su afi anzamiento.
Los autores del informe expresan su agradecimiento al Sr. Rubén Beltrán, Embajador Extraordinario y Plenipotenciario de México en Rusia, por sus valiosos comentarios sobre el texto del informe ofrecidos durante su preparación.
The Russian Federation’s International Science and Technology Cooperation: An...Russian Council
This report has been prepared as part of the Russian International Affairs Council’s project Russia’s International Science and Technology Cooperation. The report looks into the present state of Russian science in comparative perspective, analyses Russia’s key goals and objectives in terms of improving the international competitiveness of domestic science, provides an overview of Russian legislation on international science and technology cooperation, and identifies the key issues that international science and technology cooperation is expected to help resolve. The author identifies a number of priority areas in Russia’s international science and technology cooperation and proposes a number of steps to promote Russia’s interests in international science and technology cooperation.
The Working Paper was prepared by the Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC) as part of the “Russia–India: Toward a New Bilateral Agenda” project. The purpose of the Paper is to identify the prospects and offer recommendations for developing Russia–India relations. The publication takes the form of postulates that deal with the full spectrum of relations between the two countries and their overlapping interests in regional and global politics.
The Current State of Russia-United Kingdom RelationsRussian Council
The Working Paper is prepared in the framework of the RIAC research project “A New Agenda for Russia-United Kingdom Relations”. The Working Paper analyzes the main trends in British domestic and foreign policy, current Russia-UK relations. Russian–British relations have always shown great potential. The areas of common interest pointed out in this paper allow for the practical implementation of tracks working systematically at the same time – the Track One-and-a-Half and the Track II.
Shanghai Cooperation Organisation. Model 2014–2015Russian Council
The working paper is devoted to the activities of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), its influence on the Central Asian region, adjacent areas and states. Its relevance derives from the national security interests of Russia and the Central Asian region, connected to the need to develop and adopt a long-term SCO Development Strategy up to 2025. The document provides different scenarios for the Organisation’s development, its likely reaction to crises in the region, including in Afghanistan, the possibility of the key players (Russia and China) strengthening its potential, as well as options for increasing the number of permanent members and collaborating with observer countries (India, Pakistan, Iran and Mongolia).
The possibilities for and impediments to strengthening the geopolitical role of the SCO are analysed and practical recommendations are given.
High-Level Thematic Event on Tourism - SUSTAINABILITY WEEK 2024- United Natio...Christina Parmionova
According to the UN Tourism, measuring the sustainability of tourism will improve policy action for sustainable development, and promote one common statistical language, which can be compared across countries and economic sectors, as well as ensure tourism is factored into national and international development frameworks. The Statistical Framework for Measuring Sustainability of Tourism (SF-MST), the sustainability indicators, form the foundation of a global approach towards evidence-based policies of sustainability of the global tourism sector.
In Shaping the Future of Travel: Macro trends driving industry growth over the next decade, we explore macro-economic forecasts; the impact of emerging
and frontier markets; the dichotomy of fortunes in business travel and whether the vision of a more connected travel industry is within reach.
A bout my some Think, there are a good simple for improve agricultural research system in current and future. However, The ability of Stainable Development, there are well up to the budget along with good planning and good activity planning Processing appropriate existing in local and livelihoods appropriate of population in many location of area on that country and The importantly, is well to population in rural can used can do themselves. And also, about the management marketing system is a very importantly because it as the key factor of the Stainable Development on future.
Impact of Pandemic & Geo-Political Risks on Tourism.pdfKritikaDutta4
Tourism plays a more vital role in a country’s GDP and Economic growth than we give it credit for. Countries which provide extra-ordinary tourism experiences attract higher Foreign Direct Investment, indirectly creating several job opportunities, resulting in higher revenues and over-all progress of the nation through the income transfer between a developed nation to a developing one. This is a step towards balancing out the inequality in income levels between several countries. Several policy-makers, as well as many hotel management companies in India, have started to shift their focus on improving the tourism sector due to its several economic benefits. It should not come as a surprise that countries with a developed tourism sector attract a higher influx of tourists and hospitality business investors than those countries with a weak tourism sector or prevailing risks in the said industry. The same is usually treated as a principle by the hospitality consultants across the globe for taking big-picture decisions.
Read more here - https://www.promiller.in/post/impact-of-pandemic-on-hospitality-industry-in-india
Impact of Pandemic & Geo-Political Risks on Tourism.pdfKritikaDutta4
Like any other commerce, Tourism is highly sensitive to risks and can be fragile in an imbalanced environment. Many investors research and observe over a long duration before investing in a country’s tourism sector to ensure that the economy is more or less economically and politically stable.
Read the full blog here - https://www.promiller.in/post/impact-of-pandemic-on-hospitality-industry-in-india
Impact of Pandemic & Geo-Political Risks on Tourism.pdfKritikaDutta4
Like any other commerce, Tourism is highly sensitive to risks and can be fragile in an imbalanced environment. Many investors research and observe over a long duration before investing in a country’s tourism sector to ensure that the economy is more or less economically and politically stable.
Read the full blog here - https://www.promiller.in/post/impact-of-pandemic-on-hospitality-industry-in-india
Impact of Pandemic & Geo-Political Risks on Tourism.pdfKritikaDutta4
Tourism plays a more vital role in a country’s GDP and Economic growth than we give it credit for. Countries which provide extra-ordinary tourism experiences attract higher Foreign Direct Investment, indirectly creating several job opportunities, resulting in higher revenues and over-all progress of the nation through the income transfer between a developed nation to a developing one. This is a step towards balancing out the inequality in income levels between several countries. Several policy-makers, as well as many hotel management companies in India, have started to shift their focus on improving the tourism sector due to its several economic benefits. It should not come as a surprise that countries with a developed tourism sector attract a higher influx of tourists and hospitality business investors than those countries with a weak tourism sector or prevailing risks in the said industry. The same is usually treated as a principle by the hospitality consultants across the globe for taking big-picture decisions.
Read more here - https://www.promiller.in/post/impact-of-pandemic-on-hospitality-industry-in-india
For more information contact
Tatweej Protocol Division | Ms. Lemya Bouallagui @ +97150 7643178 | lemya@tatweej.org and/or GCC Market Partner Al-Khalijiah imc @ +9665 56542536 | info@alkhalijiah.net
Dear Authorities Officers and Tourism Leaders,
Under the umbrella and high patronage of the United Nation – World Tourism Organization, the Tatweej-Tourism Leaders Award 2014 is jointly organized by the Arab Organization for Social Responsibility and the Tatweej-Academy for Excellence Awards, on which London, United Kingdom will host the 2014 edition of this prestigious event at the LandMark hotel on Wednesday, August 20, 2014.
The TTLA2014 is an award-program that has been created to honor and shed the light on the tourism regional sector by providing a high-standard platform for the private and public sectors to celebrate their achievements and their essential role towards sustainable growth development. This vibrate platform vehicle groups top notch leaders from both sectors, distinguished leading Governments, Tourism Boards, Municipalities, Institutions and Leaders that play a significant role in the Mediterranean and Middle East tourism industry by promoting the countries’ culture and heritage and contributing to the development and growth of this vital industry across the region.
In this line, we encourage you to take the opportunity and be present to get recognized by the international authorities and maintain your market positioning among the international industry leaders and the high-caliber C-Level executives, investors and policy makers circle throughout this glamorous Grand Finale Ceremony and concurrent activities.
Consequently, and since the United Nation-WTO, Arab Organization for Social Responsibility and Tatweej-Academy for Excellence Awards are looking forward to assemble all the active leaders, investors and prominent organizations that are deeply involved in this vital issue, hence and on behalf of the organizers, I cordially invite you to take an active role in this magnitude red carpet event.
We are looking forward to welcome you at the LandMark Hotel next August, meanwhile please accept my best regards.
Tourism for Development "20 reasons Sustainable tourism counts for developmentLausanne Montreux Congress
This report aims to raise awareness of sustainable tourism as a powerful and effective tool for development, leveraging the momentum generated by the United Nations designating 2017 as the International Year of “Sustainable Tourism for Development”.
Tehran NAM Summit and Future Arab PoliticsZakir Hussain
This Issue Brief deals with how NAM Summit provided opportunity to Iran to place its vital national interest and the likely scenarios in the Arab politics, partiality Iran, Syria, Islamic Quartet.
Similar to Cooperation between the Russian Federation and the Arab Republic of Egypt: Opportunities and Constraints (20)
Предложения по российско-американскому сотрудничеству в сфере кибербезопаснос...Russian Council
Текущее состояние российско-американских отношений отличается высоким уровнем недоверия. Напряженность нарастала в течение трех лет, государства наложили друг на друга санкции, активно распространяют пропаганду и обмениваются взаимными обвинениями. Ситуация в двусторонних отношениях непредсказуема: если эскалация продолжится, вся система международных отношений может быть дестабилизована. Текущее ухудшение отношений между двумя странами затронуло все сферы взаимодействия, включая кибербезопасность.
Взаимодействие в сфере кибербезопасности – достаточно новый аспект, который никогда не входил в число приоритетных направлений наравне с борьбой с терроризмом, украинским и сирийским кризисами, экономическими санкциями и др.
Несмотря на то, что государства по обе стороны Атлантического океана осознают необходимость решения ключевых вопросов кибербезопасности, мнения сторон относительно необходимых мер и применения норм международного права к вопросам киберпространства расходятся.
В этой связи требуется работа по двум направлениям. Первое – сотрудничество в предотвращении киберпреступлений и принятие мер по борьбе с кибертерроризмом. Россия и США не могут найти общий язык при обсуждении предотвращения киберпреступлений. Отчасти это вызвано отсутствием общепринятой терминологии применительно к киберпространству.
Кроме того, анонимность киберпреступлений не только затрудняет процесс атрибуции, но и зачастую подрывает статус-кво в двусторонних отношениях. Второе направление включает в себя разработку норм поведения, а также защиту объектов критической инфраструктуры от кибератак. Хотя группа правительственных экспертов ООН ведет активную работу над разработкой правил игры, государствам необходимо найти способы применения существующих и потенциальных норм на практике. Также необходимо дать четкие определения объектам критической инфраструктуры и киберпреступлений.
На данном этапе критически важно продолжение диалога и налаживание взаимопонимания при помощи экспертных встреч и публикаций, сотрудничества на техническом уровне и сбалансированного участия СМИ.
На протяжении 2016 г. российские и американские эксперты по вопросам кибербезопасности совместно работали над предложениями по решению проблем в двусторонних отношениях, связанных с этой сферой.
В результате двусторонних усилий Российский совет по международным делам (РСМД) и Институт Восток-Запад (ИВЗ) выделили ряд вызовов и проблем в сфере кибербезопасности, а также предложений по их решению для улучшения российско-американского сотрудничества в киберпространстве. Стороны выражают надежду, что изложенные ниже предложения смогут лечь в основу будущего сотрудничества.
A Report of the CSIS Russia and Eurasia Program and the Russian International Affairs Council
At a time when tension between the US and Russia is higher than it has been in decades, we cannot forget that the relationship between these two countries is among the most important for global security. On any number of issues, from arms control to the Middle East, failure of the U.S. and Russia to communicate will make things much, much worse, with repercussions that will last for generations and affect the entire world. For this reason, CSIS and RIAC convened some of Russia’s and America’s top experts to think through the future of the bilateral relationship. The result is a series of papers that identify both the spheres where coordination is crucial and those where it may be possible, responding to mutual interests and potentially helping to stabilize the relationship and buffer against conflict in the future. For both, they offer concrete recommendations and a clear-eyed take on what can, and what cannot be done.
The analyses that follow examine prospects for Russia-U.S. cooperation in several crucial regions and fields: economics, energy, the Arctic, Euro-Atlantic security, the Middle East, strategic stability, cybersecurity, and countering terrorism and extremism. They offer actionable recommendations in each area, some of which can, and should be undertaken today, and some of which should be considered by policymakers in Moscow and Washington as they chart a course through dangerous and uncertain times.
Презентация Лоуренса Макдоннелла. Дебаты «Fake News и мировая политика»Russian Council
18 июля 2017 г. в библиотеке им. Ф.М. Достоевского РСМД провел дебаты на тему «Fake News и мировая политика».
Лекторами на мероприятии выступили бывший корреспондент ВВС в Москве Лоуренс Макдоннелл и заместитель редактора международного отдела РБК, бывший главный редактор англоязычного аналитического ресурса Russia Direct Павел Кошкин. В роли модератора дискуссии выступал менеджер по связям со СМИ и правительственными структурами РСМД Николай Маркоткин.
Web Internationalization of Russian Universities (2016–2017). Report No. 31/2017Russian Council
This report is the result of a new stage in the research of the online English-language resources on the websites of Russian universities and is a follow-up to the initial report produced by the Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC) entitled “Web Internationalization: Russian Universities” in 2015.
The authors developed a methodology for assessing the English-language websites of universities. The online resources of 47 universities were analysed and compared with those of 11 QS Top 100 World Universities.
The results of the study are presented in the form of a ranking of the English-language websites of Russian universities. An analysis of common problems and a list of recommendations have also been provided.
Россия и Запад: как управлять «холодным миром»?Russian Council
Пятый позиционный документ Рабочей группы проекта «Строительство Большой Европы: необходимые меры до 2030 г.».
Группа видных членов и сторонников Панъевропейской Рабочей группы по сотрудничеству в Большой Европе, в которую входят бывшие министры иностранных дел и обороны, а также высшие должностные лица России, Великобритании, Турции, Польши, Германии, Италии и Финляндии, призвала руководство стран евроатлантического региона остановить дальнейшее раскручивание нисходящей спирали в отношениях между Россией и Западом и эффективно управлять рисками путем повышения стабильности в сфере безопасности.
Отмечая серьезность ситуации, члены Рабочей группы предупреждают, что она чревата военной конфронтацией между Россией и Западом — как умышленной, так и ненамеренной. Отдавая себе отчет в том, что рассчитывать на скорое улучшение отношений не приходится, они считают, что стабилизация ситуации требует общей приверженности всех стран евроатлантического региона отказу от применения силы, более осторожного и сдержанного подхода к наращиванию военного потенциала и активного использования возможностей контроля над вооружениями и укрепления доверия.
Managing the Cold Peace between Russia and the West. Fifth Task Force Positio...Russian Council
A group of prominent Members and Supporters of the Pan-European Task Force on Cooperation in Greater Europe, including former foreign and defence ministers and senior officials from Russia, the United Kingdom, Turkey, Poland, Germany, Italy and Finland has joined forces to appeal to the leadership of the countries in the Euro-Atlantic area to halt the downward spiral in West-Russia relations and manage its risks better through developing a more stable and sustainable security relationship.
Тезисы по внешней политике и позиционированию России в мире (2017–2024 гг.)Russian Council
5 лет назад, в 2012 г. РСМД открыл проектную деятельность изданием Тезисов о внешней политики России (2012–2018). Доклад стал визитной карточкой Совета на несколько лет, а предложения были использованы в новой редакции Концепции внешней политики РФ.
Сейчас мир стоит на развилке, перед Россией стоит задача не допустить новой эпохи крайностей, способствовать созданию комфортной, управляемой международной среды без ограничительных линий, конфликтов и расколов.
Отвечая на изменившуюся международную ситуацию, количественный и качественный рост вызовов для российской внешней политики, РСМД и Центр стратегических разработок (ЦСР) представили «Тезисы по внешней политике и позиционированию России в мире».
В рамках проекта было проведено 30 интервью с членами РСМД — известными дипломатами, крупными учеными-международниками, руководителями СМИ, представителями бизнеса.
Отдельной составляющей проекта стала серия ситуационных анализов с участием экспертов и сотрудников РСМД.
Подготовке тезисов помогли результаты работы группы ученых из Института мировой
экономики и международных отношений имени Е. М. Примакова (ИМЭМО РАН), которая велась параллельно с исследованием РСМД.
Автор текста: Иван Тимофеев, программный директор РСМД.
Под редакцией: Андрея Кортунова, генерального директора РСМД и Сергея Уткина, руководителя направления «Внешняя политика и безопасность» ЦСР.
70th Anniversary of Russia-India Relations: New Horizons of Privileged Partne...Russian Council
In 2017, Russia and India celebrate the 70th anniversary of diplomatic relations. Over the years, the two states have steadily developed mutually beneficial ties. Their cooperation has achieved the level of special and privileged strategic partnership. Regular contacts between the two leaders have become an established practice. On June 1–2, 2017, Prime Minister of India Narendra Modi is visiting Russia. On May 30, 2017, President of Russia Vladimir Putin’s article “Russia and India: 70 years together” was published in the Times of India. In the article the Russian President stated that the enormous potential of cooperation between the two great powers will be further explored for the benefit of the peoples of India and Russia and the international community in general.
However, in order to make full use of the collaboration potential, ties between Russia and India should be taken to a qualitatively new level. Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC) and the Vivekananda International Foundation (VIF) have drafted a joint report in order to open up a new discussion on the prospects of Russia-India relations and the steps required to develop them further. The authors express hope that ideas and recommendations expressed in the paper will provide the necessary expert support for state level contacts and will be helpful in foreign policy decision-making by the two governments.
70-летие дипломатических отношений России и Индии: Новые горизонты привилегир...Russian Council
В 2017 г. Россия и Индия отмечают 70-летие дипломатических отношений. Россия и Индия последовательно формировали взаимовыгодные отношения; их взаимодействие достигло уровня особо привилегированного стратегического партнерства. Регулярные контакты лидеров двух стран вошли в практику российско-индийских отношений. 1–2 июня 2017 г. состоялся официальный визит премьер-министра Н. Моди в Россию. 30 мая 2017 г. в газете The Times of India опубликована статья президента РФ В. Путина «Россия и Индия: 70 лет вместе». В материале президент России выразил уверенность, что «колоссальный потенциал взаимодействия двух великих держав будет и впредь реализовываться на благо народов России и Индии, международного сообщества в целом».
Однако для полноценного использования потенциала сотрудничества необходимо вывести российско-индийские связи на качественно новый уровень. Российский совет по международным делам (РСМД) и Международный фонд им. Вивекананды (VIF) подготовили совместный доклад, призванный открыть широкую экспертную дискуссию о перспективах развития отношений между двумя странами, а также мерах, необходимых для дальнейшего совершенствования и повышения эффективности этих отношений.
Авторы выражают надежду, что идеи и рекомендации, изложенные в данном документе, окажутся востребованными на уровне межгосударственных контактов и будут полезны государственным органам обеих стран при принятии соответствующих внешнеполитических решений.
Дорожная карта российско-американских отношенийRussian Council
Доклад – результат работы ведущих российских и американских экспертов. Основная идея доклада состоит в том, что даже в обстановке геополитической напряженности и взаимного недоверия Россия и США должны сотрудничать. И не только в тех областях, где от их взаимодействия зависит глобальная безопасность, но и в более широком спектре направлений, в которых конкретные совместные действия не менее важны для нормализации отношений между двумя странами и для предотвращения конфликтов в будущем. В докладе анализируются перспективы российско-американского сотрудничества в таких важнейших регионах и сферах как Арктика, Ближний Восток, экономика, энергетика, евроатлантическая безопасность, стратегическая стабильность, кибербезопасность, борьба с терроризмом и экстремизмом. В докладе предлагаются практические рекомендации по налаживанию сотрудничества на каждом из направлений.
Lies, Spies and Big Data: How Fake News Is Rewriting Political LandscapesRussian Council
On November 7, 2016, Donald Trump was elected President of the United States after a bitterly-fought campaign against Hillary Clinton. The election was very closely-run, with Hillary Clinton winning the popular vote, but losing the presidency based on the U.S. electoral college structure. However, months after Donald Trump was declared President of the United States, questions remain about the legitimacy of the U.S. elections. The central issues are the emergence and use of so-called ‘Fake News’ and the accusation that Russia, through espionage and online hacking operations, sought to influence the presidential elections to promote Donald Trump and denigrate the reputation of Hillary Clinton.
The issues thrown up in the wake of the U.S. presidential election have fundamentally undermined trust in the workings of the international media and further damaged U.S.–Russia relations. A report by the U.S. intelligence services accusing Russia of attempting to influence the outcome of the election, prepared for President Obama and published in the election’s immediate aftermath, led to the expulsion1 of 35 Russian diplomats from Washington just days after the results were announced. President Putin, on the other hand, opted not to expel any U.S. diplomats from Russia. The investigation into Russia’s involvement and influence on the U.S. elections continues today.
This policy brief provides an overview of how the gathering and dissemination of news has changed in a globalized digital environment, how consumers digest and share news at an ever-increasing pace, and how the management of big data can influence electorates across borders. It will also define ‘fake news’ and the extent to which it might have influenced the results of the U.S. elections.
Перспективы развития проекта ЕАЭС к 2025 годуRussian Council
Рабочая тетрадь подготовлена Российским советом по международным делам (РСМД) в рамках проекта «Евразийская экономическая интеграция: эффективные модели взаимодействия экспертов».
Цель издания — представить взгляды экспертов на развитие проекта ЕАЭС в перспективе до 2025 г. В издании рассмотрены некоторые перспективные направления интеграции: транспорт и логистика, агропромышленная политика, свобода перемещения товаров, трудовых ресурсов, образование на пространстве ЕАЭС, международные связи ЕАЭС в перспективе до 2025 г. Безусловно, этот перечень не является исчерпывающим с точки зрения перспективных направлений интеграции, однако он представляется реализуемым с учетом национальных приоритетов и ожиданий государств — членов Союза, анализу которых посвящен отдельный раздел тетради, и без понимания которых едва ли возможна проработка общих перспективных направлений интеграции.
Экономическое развитие стран ЕАЭС и перспективы экономической интеграции до 2...Russian Council
Евразийский экономический союз создавался для укрепления национальных экономик и возможностей государств–членов в мировой экономике при условии создания четырех свобод – передвижения товаров, услуг, финансов и рабочей силы. Его создание пришлось как на период мировой экономической нестабильности, так и геополитических изменений в Евразии, что повлияло на ситуацию внутри ЕАЭС. Сегодня актуален вопрос перспективности развития экономик государств–членов в формате их участия в евразийском интеграционном проекте.
В аналитической записке рассматриваются вопросы сочетаемости национальных и интеграционных интересов в программах развития как самих стран, так и в рамках ЕАЭС в перспективе до 2025 г.
Российско-британский диалог по проблемам безопасности: перспективы двусторонн...Russian Council
В настоящее время российско-британские отношения находятся в глубоком кризисе. Удастся ли странам восстановить регулярный и системный диалог на высшем уровне? Каковы перспективы сотрудничества России и Великобритании в сфере безопасности, борьбы с международным терроризмом и противодействия насильственному экстремизму, в том числе на Большом Ближнем Востоке? Какие механизмы необходимо выработать для укрепления мер доверия, предотвращения радикализации и развития сотрудничества в борьбе с киберпреступностью. Эти и другие вопросы, связанные с прошлым, настоящим и будущим российско-британских отношений в области безопасности рассматриваются в совместном докладе Российского совета по международным делам (РСМД) и Королевского объединенного института оборонных исследований (RUSI).
01062024_First India Newspaper Jaipur.pdfFIRST INDIA
Find Latest India News and Breaking News these days from India on Politics, Business, Entertainment, Technology, Sports, Lifestyle and Coronavirus News in India and the world over that you can't miss. For real time update Visit our social media handle. Read First India NewsPaper in your morning replace. Visit First India.
CLICK:- https://firstindia.co.in/
#First_India_NewsPaper
हम आग्रह करते हैं कि जो भी सत्ता में आए, वह संविधान का पालन करे, उसकी रक्षा करे और उसे बनाए रखे।" प्रस्ताव में कुल तीन प्रमुख हस्तक्षेप और उनके तंत्र भी प्रस्तुत किए गए। पहला हस्तक्षेप स्वतंत्र मीडिया को प्रोत्साहित करके, वास्तविकता पर आधारित काउंटर नैरेटिव का निर्माण करके और सत्तारूढ़ सरकार द्वारा नियोजित मनोवैज्ञानिक हेरफेर की रणनीति का मुकाबला करके लोगों द्वारा निर्धारित कथा को बनाए रखना और उस पर कार्यकरना था।
03062024_First India Newspaper Jaipur.pdfFIRST INDIA
Find Latest India News and Breaking News these days from India on Politics, Business, Entertainment, Technology, Sports, Lifestyle and Coronavirus News in India and the world over that you can't miss. For real time update Visit our social media handle. Read First India NewsPaper in your morning replace. Visit First India.
CLICK:- https://firstindia.co.in/
#First_India_NewsPaper
27052024_First India Newspaper Jaipur.pdfFIRST INDIA
Find Latest India News and Breaking News these days from India on Politics, Business, Entertainment, Technology, Sports, Lifestyle and Coronavirus News in India and the world over that you can't miss. For real time update Visit our social media handle. Read First India NewsPaper in your morning replace. Visit First India.
CLICK:- https://firstindia.co.in/
#First_India_NewsPaper
role of women and girls in various terror groupssadiakorobi2
Women have three distinct types of involvement: direct involvement in terrorist acts; enabling of others to commit such acts; and facilitating the disengagement of others from violent or extremist groups.
31052024_First India Newspaper Jaipur.pdfFIRST INDIA
Find Latest India News and Breaking News these days from India on Politics, Business, Entertainment, Technology, Sports, Lifestyle and Coronavirus News in India and the world over that you can't miss. For real time update Visit our social media handle. Read First India NewsPaper in your morning replace. Visit First India.
CLICK:- https://firstindia.co.in/
#First_India_NewsPaper
Future Of Fintech In India | Evolution Of Fintech In IndiaTheUnitedIndian
Navigating the Future of Fintech in India: Insights into how AI, blockchain, and digital payments are driving unprecedented growth in India's fintech industry, redefining financial services and accessibility.
ys jagan mohan reddy political career, Biography.pdfVoterMood
Yeduguri Sandinti Jagan Mohan Reddy, often referred to as Y.S. Jagan Mohan Reddy, is an Indian politician who currently serves as the Chief Minister of the state of Andhra Pradesh. He was born on December 21, 1972, in Pulivendula, Andhra Pradesh, to Yeduguri Sandinti Rajasekhara Reddy (popularly known as YSR), a former Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh, and Y.S. Vijayamma.
‘वोटर्स विल मस्ट प्रीवेल’ (मतदाताओं को जीतना होगा) अभियान द्वारा जारी हेल्पलाइन नंबर, 4 जून को सुबह 7 बजे से दोपहर 12 बजे तक मतगणना प्रक्रिया में कहीं भी किसी भी तरह के उल्लंघन की रिपोर्ट करने के लिए खुला रहेगा।
In a May 9, 2024 paper, Juri Opitz from the University of Zurich, along with Shira Wein and Nathan Schneider form Georgetown University, discussed the importance of linguistic expertise in natural language processing (NLP) in an era dominated by large language models (LLMs).
The authors explained that while machine translation (MT) previously relied heavily on linguists, the landscape has shifted. “Linguistics is no longer front and center in the way we build NLP systems,” they said. With the emergence of LLMs, which can generate fluent text without the need for specialized modules to handle grammar or semantic coherence, the need for linguistic expertise in NLP is being questioned.
Welcome to the new Mizzima Weekly !
Mizzima Media Group is pleased to announce the relaunch of Mizzima Weekly. Mizzima is dedicated to helping our readers and viewers keep up to date on the latest developments in Myanmar and related to Myanmar by offering analysis and insight into the subjects that matter. Our websites and our social media channels provide readers and viewers with up-to-the-minute and up-to-date news, which we don’t necessarily need to replicate in our Mizzima Weekly magazine. But where we see a gap is in providing more analysis, insight and in-depth coverage of Myanmar, that is of particular interest to a range of readers.
Cooperation between the Russian Federation and the Arab Republic of Egypt: Opportunities and Constraints
1. РАБОЧАЯТЕТРАДЬ
РОССИЙСКИЙСОВЕТ
ПОМЕЖДУНАРОДНЫМ
ДЕЛАМ
№22/2015
СОТРУДНИЧЕСТВОРОССИЙСКОЙФЕДЕРАЦИИ
САРАБСКОЙРЕСПУБЛИКОЙЕГИПЕТ:
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INTERNATIONAL
AFFAIRS COUNCIL
22 / 2015
COOPERATION BETWEEN
THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION
AND THE ARAB REPUBLIC OF EGYPT:
OPPORTUNITIES AND CONSTRAINTS
22-2.indd1 22-2.indd102.12.201523:07:45 02.12.201523:07:45
4. Introduction 4
1. The Current Situation in Egypt 5
1.1. The Social and Economic Situation 5
1.2. The Political Situation in the Country 6
1.3. Egypt’s Regional Affairs and Relations with Key International Players 7
2. Russia’s Interests in Egypt and Egypt’s Interests in Russia 10
2.1. Economic Interests 10
2.2. Interests in Military-Technical Cooperation 12
2.3. Humanitarian Cooperation 13
3. The Official Dialogue between Russia and Egypt: Key Results 15
4. Recommendations 17
TABLE OF CONTENTS
5. 4 Working Paper 22 / 2015
COOPERATION BETWEEN THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION AND THE ARAB REPUBLIC OF EGYPT:
OPPORTUNITIES AND CONSTRAINTS
Introduction
The Russian Federation and the Arab Republic of Egypt are tied by an intricate
web of historical relationships in politics, economics and cultural affairs. The
importance of Egypt for Russia is determined by its role as one of the leading
political, economic and cultural centres of the Middle East and North Africa, the
vast Islamic world. Globally significant air, land and sea routes pass through
Egypt. Cooperation with this country goes along with Russia’s interests in the
Middle East – a region that borders Russia to the south and is one of the most
geopolitically important and conflict-prone areas in the world. Accordingly,
cooperation between the two countries will contribute to Russia’s stable standing
in the Islamic world. Besides it may contribute building favourable conditions
for the development of Russian regions that have significant Muslim population.
Also it may help preserving and consolidating Russia’s interests on the global
oil and gas market, as well as on the strategically significant market for Russian
agricultural and hi-tech products, the export of goods and services within the
framework of bilateral military and technical cooperation agreements, in the
aerospace sector, etc. There are extensive and significant cultural ties between
Russia and Egypt – in international tourism, the numerous Russian communities
living in Egypt, and cooperation between Christians and Muslims. The goals
and objectives of Russian policy in the region can better be achieved through
the coordination of Russia’s and Egypt’s international activities on the basis of
consistent consultations between the ministries of foreign affairs on matters
pertaining to the United Nations, the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation, the
League of Arab States, the African Union, the Gas Exporting Countries Forum and
other leading international organizations and forums.
6. 5www.russiancouncil.ru
1. The Current Situation in Egypt
1.1. The Social and Economic Situation
The state of the Egyptian economy can be defined as ambivalent: a number of
burning issues remain unresolved despite serious positive developments. Back
in 2014, the Abdel Fattah el-Sisi administration achieved significant success,
overseeing a 6.8 per cent growth in GDP on an annualized basis during the fourth
quarter. This can be considered as a good result given the existing dynamics of
global economic development.1
By July 2014, industrial production had increased
20 per cent year-on-year. To some extent, the Egyptian government even managed
to stabilize the tourist flow: when the 2011 events began, a record 1.5 million people
were visiting the country per month (October 2010).2
A steep decline followed, but
the Mohamed Morsi administration managed to reverse the trend, attracting some
1.2 million tourists per month. This was again followed by a slowdown. As of the
end of 2014, the number of tourists visiting Egypt was 898,000 people per month.3
Serious decline of the Egyptian tourist industry has followed after the crash of
Russian A321 passanger plane as a result of terrorist attack on October 31. It’s
too early to discuss the perspectives of stabilization of tourist flow.
Despite the fact that the Abdel Fattah el-Sisi administration has seen success with
regard to a number of economic indicators, it is unclear whether it will be able
to maintain this pace in 2015.4
One of the symptoms of potential decline in the
country’s economy is the behaviour of quotes on the Egyptian Exchange (EGX 30)
in late 2014 and early 2015,5
which can be referred to as a “mirror of the Egyptian
revolution”. The EGX 30 started growing rapidly ten days prior to the events
of June 2013, mostly because participants on the Egyptian Exchange possess
extensive insider information, including from the leading financial centres in the
Persian Gulf. Furthermore, we can not exclude the reduction of financial support
from the Gulf nations to Egypt, which the country in many ways depends on.
As soon as Mohamed Morsi was deposed and detained, Saudi Arabia, the United
Arab Emirates and Kuwait announced that they would be providing financial aid
to Cairo in the amount of $12 billion, which should have been enough for the
new Egyptian authorities to deal with troubles of the transition period.6
Thus,
financial support from the Gulf countries helped the Egyptian economy recover
following the events of 2013, which is confirmed by macroeconomic indicators
in 2014.7
However, reducing financial support from the Arabian Peninsula states
1
URL: http://www.tradingeconomics.com/egypt/gdp-growth-annual
2
URL: http://www.tradingeconomics.com/egypt/tourist-arrivals
3
URL: http://www.tradingeconomics.com/egypt/tourist-arrivals
4
Egypt – Economic Indicators 2014 // TradingEconomics, 2014.
URL: http://ru.tradingeconomics.com/egypt/indicators (in Russian).
5
URL: http://www.bloomberg.com/quote/CASE:IND/chart. Even though stock exchange indicators are not a perfect tool
for analyzing the behavior of key macroeconomic indicators, the trend is obvious.
6
Isaev, L.M., Korotaev, A.V. The Egyptian coup of 2013: An Econometric Analysis // Asia and Africa Today. 2014. No. 2,
pp. 14–20 (in Russian).
7
Egypt – Economic Indicators 2014 // TradingEconomics, 2014.
URL: http://www.ru.tradingeconomics.com/egypt/indicators (in Russian).
1. THE CURRENT SITUATION IN EGYPT
7. 6 Working Paper 22 / 2015
COOPERATION BETWEEN THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION AND THE ARAB REPUBLIC OF EGYPT:
OPPORTUNITIES AND CONSTRAINTS
would have impeded the work of the Egyptian administration, as evidenced by
the results of the first quarter of 2015. At the same time, the Egyptian leadership
demonstrated great economic success in terms of infrastructure, with the second
Suez Canal being completed in record-breaking time.
1.2. The Political Situation in the Country
Egypt remains at a point of historical divergence since the overthrow of the Hosni
Mubarak regime. Until very recently, the situation in the country could have been
described as uncertain. Strong concerns were caused by the confrontation of
different social and political forces, whose disunity and animosity were sharper
than they had ever been. A number of factors that emerged under the Mubarak
administration make it impossible to overcome the uncertainty. One of them is
the absence of an important crisis resolution (negotiation) mechanism – one that
is clear and respected both in political circles and public opinion – as well as the
need for a multi-party political system and recognized leaders. This is a common
phenomenon for many countries going through revolutionary changes. Almost
nobody in the inner circles of Ben Ali, Hosni Mubarak, Muammar Gaddafi or the
Assads took upon themselves the role of the “saviour or the nation” in a situation
when their nations were in deep crisis, and such strong political figures in Egypt
as Amre Moussa and Omar Suleiman have gone to second and third positions.8
This was aggravated by the declining role of the political parties. While we can
see a trend of stabilization in Egypt following the deposition of Mohamed Morsi,
albeit vaguely, it requires additional effort to materialize. Nowadays, there are not
enough convincing signs that the social and political situation is at all stable, or
that confidence in the government is growing among general public, the business
community or representatives of the largest and most socially active sector of the
population – young people.
Many signs of crisis remain even today, although not as sharp as in 2014. Since
the deposition of Hosni Mubarak, the country has been in a political vacuum. To
some extent, this vacuum has been filled by the representatives of armed forces.
The army commanders and security agencies play significant role in politics.
Another characteristic of Egypt today is the status of the Muslim Brotherhood
organization. The fact that it has been left out of the political process may have
questionable consequences. The Muslim Brotherhood is one of Egypt’s influential
political forces and has been popular among the majority of the country’s
population for a long period of time. If it were allowed to take part in legitimate
political processes, instead of being marginalized, the Brotherhood could
contribute to building stability in the country rather than if it’s excluded. Today, the
Muslim Brotherhood has the chance to secure legitimate political representation
by winning seats in parliament as independent candidates. This system used to
work fairly well under Hosni Mubarak, when the Muslim Brotherhood pushed
their representatives through to parliament. Still, there is a risk that the mistake
made by the Mubarak administration in November–December 2010 could be
repeated. It was then that the Muslim Brotherhood was denied the chance of
parliamentary representation by the government’s decision to block candidates
8
Amr Moussa is an Egyptian diplomat and politician. He was Secretary General of the League of Arab States from 2001
to 2011 and a candidate in the 2012 presidential election. Omar Suleiman is an Egyptian military and political figure.
He has served as Director of the General Intelligence Directorate and Vice President of Egypt.
8. 7www.russiancouncil.ru
who technically ran as independent candidates, but were in fact representatives
of the organization, from being elected into the Egyptian parliament.9
Presumably,
the authorities will eventually allow the Muslim Brotherhood to at least partially
legitimize their representation in parliament by building a dialogue with those
members of the organization who show the ability for constructive thinking.
It is quite obvious that there is no way to eliminate the Muslim Brotherhood
from politics altogether, mainly due to the new law on parliamentary elections. In
accordance with this law, parties are allocated 20 per cent of seats in the People’s
Assembly, whereas candidates from single-member districts get 75 per cent
of the seats. This paves the way for former supporters of Mubarak as well as
Islamists to break into parliament. A “youth” group from the Muslim Brotherhood
is currently in talks with the government about recognizing the change of power
and the legitimacy of el-Sisi’s election as president. It is likely that the Muslim
Brotherhood will eventually be represented in parliament (as they were not long
ago) and will have some influence in the government.
Another factor influencing political stability in Egypt is the situation in eastern
Libya (Cyernaica), which used to be a stronghold of the anti-Gaddafi movement
and is now a centre for the radicals and extremists. Significantly, the border
between Egypt and Libya is a straight line, meaning that it is an artificial boundary.
The territory is characterized by a common tribal distribution, and Cyernaica and
Western Egypt are essentially populated by the same tribes. This is the reason
why a deterioration of the situation in neighbouring Libya may aggravate the
situation in Egypt, which is demonstrated by the execution of 21 Egyptian Copts
by the Islamists in Libya. It is very likely that the Western Desert will become a
new hotbed for extremism. Studies show that this is the region of Egypt where
President el-Sisi has the least support among the population.10
Another region of concern is the Sinai Peninsula, where the situation has
already evolved to a stage of regular military operations against radical Islamists
associated with the Islamic State.
1.3. Egypt’s Regional Affairs and Relations
with Key International Players
The United States does not play an entirely dominant role in the Middle East
today. This is much evident from the deposition of Mohamed Morsi and the
Muslim Brotherhood regime despite their support from Washington.
The Project on Middle East Democracy launched by the United States in 2002
had been gaining momentum right up until the first “democratic” elections in
the Palestinian National Authority, where Hamas took the lead.11
After this, the
United States started winding up the project. Its budget shrank each year (to
9
Isaev L.M., Shishkina A.R. Egyptian Turmoil in the XXI Century. Moscow, Librokom, 2012 (in Russian).
10
Isaev, L.M., Korotaev, A.R. The Political Geography of Contemporary Egypt in Light of the Latest Presidential Elections.
July 29, 2014. URL: http://www.polit.ru/article/2014/07/29/egypt (in Russian).
11
Middle East: Promoting Democracy // Council on Foreign Relations. October 10, 2003.
URL: http://www.cfr.org/publication.html?id=7709; Project on Middle East Democracy. The Federal Budget and
Appropriations for Fiscal Year 2010. Democracy, Governance, and Human Rights in the Middle East.
URL: http:// www. pomed.org/wp-content/uploads/2009/07/FY2010-Budget-Report.pdf
1. THE CURRENT SITUATION IN EGYPT
9. 8 Working Paper 22 / 2015
COOPERATION BETWEEN THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION AND THE ARAB REPUBLIC OF EGYPT:
OPPORTUNITIES AND CONSTRAINTS
approximately $2 million by 2010).12
Furthermore, there were constant complaints
that the money allocated under the project was not reaching the activists, and was
rather being captured by “dummy” companies belonging to Hosni Mubarak’s son
Gamal. Thus, the United States’ influence on the dissident movement in Egypt did
not have a decisive role in the development of the 2011 revolution in the country.
The United States’ ties with the Muslim Brotherhood go back to the days when
leftist secular regimes and the USSR were a common foe. Later, these ties
were left untouched for a while. But after the events of 2011, when the Muslim
Brotherhood turned out to be the most influential player in the country (with
the exception of the armed forces), the United States decided to put its stake
on the organization. Yet again, when the Muslim Brotherhood made its way to
power, it failed to resolve social and economic issues and create a stable social
foundation within Egypt. It began imposing control on the media, appointing
governors from among the representatives of the Al-Gama’a al-Islamiyya
terrorist group, demanded that the army report its expenses and started a
conflict with the monarchs of the Gulf states (chiefly, Saudi Arabia). All of this
combined created conditions for the collapse of the Brotherhood’s regime. Of
course, from the viewpoint of democratic values promoted by the United States
and the Western world in general, overthrowing an elected president was not a
welcome outcome. But we can already see a trend of smoothing out relations
with the West.
Today, Washington is obviously trying to build contacts with the new political
leaders in Egypt.13
At the same time, the Egyptian leadership has embarked upon
rapprochement with Russia. (Moscow sees the political changes in Egypt as the
country’s business and seeks to move the traditionally friendly relations between
the two nations away from the influence of the changeable political situation.) This
was demonstrated by a series of “two plus two” talks between the ministers of
defence and foreign affairs of the two countries. Russia became the first country
outside the Arab world that el-Sisi visited as president in August 2014.14
One of the destabilizing factors is the lack of a dominant force in the Arab world
(unlike, say, in the 1960s). Even Saudi Arabia, despite its enormous financial
power, cannot be viewed as a dominant force, because there are some significant
constraints to its role – financial power does not always play the key role.15
At this point, the Islamic State (IS) is the chief threat to stability in the region. IS
forces may move towards Saudi Arabia, where “dormant” Al-Qaeda cells are also
present. This could mean the establishment of a solid line of conflict zones in
North Africa and the Middle East. Egypt may perform as a main barrier for this and
that may become another driver for Russia–Egypt cooperation. For now, Egypt is
rather cautious in expressing its attitude towards the Syrian regime, but in case
12
Project on Middle East Democracy. The Federal Budget and Appropriations for Fiscal Year 2010. Democracy,
Governance, and Human Rights in the Middle East.
URL: http://www.pomed.org/wp-content/uploads/2009/07/FY2010-Budget-Report.pdf
13
U.S. to Deliver 10 Apache Helicopters to Egypt – Pentagon // Reuters, September 20, 2014.
URL: http://www.reuters.com/article/2014/09/21/us-usa-egypt-apaches-idUSKBN0HG00920140921
14
URL: http://www.jpost.com/International/Sisi-receives-offer-of-fighter-jets-helicopters-weapons-on-Russia-visit-
371057
15
Saudi Arabia’s economy still largely depends on the hydrocarbons market. Also, the traditional and authoritarian
structure of Saudi society heavily encumbers its transformation.
10. 9www.russiancouncil.ru
of a serious threat to national security, Cairo may become interested in working
close with this regime, too.
As for the settlement of the Arab–Israeli conflict, Egypt plays a constructive role in
this process. Notably, Egypt made a significant contribution to the “de-blocking”
between Israel and Hamas. In this context, increased threat from the extremist
cells operating in the region with a predominantly Sunni population becomes a
driver for strengthening cooperation between Russia and Israel, on the one hand,
and between Russia and Egypt, on the other.
The advent of a new administration in Egypt that shows no hostility to Bashar
Assad and supports the preservation of Syria’s territorial integrity augments
Egypt’s potential role as a mediator in settling the traditionally complex issues
between Syria and the Gulf states. Egypt may play a positive role in this process.
1. THE CURRENT SITUATION IN EGYPT
11. 10 Working Paper 22 / 2015
COOPERATION BETWEEN THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION AND THE ARAB REPUBLIC OF EGYPT:
OPPORTUNITIES AND CONSTRAINTS
2.1. Economic Interests
Russia has the following economic interests in Egypt:
First, Egypt is viewed as a promising market for Russian products, including
agricultural products (e.g., wheat) and high value-added goods. Second, Russia
is a high volume importer of various agricultural products from subtropical
countries, including Egypt. The sanctions imposed by Russia on a number of EU
goods in 2014 create a favourable environment for Egypt to export agricultural
products to Russia in greater quantities. Third, considering Russia’s geopolitical
turn towards the East, Arab countries may become one of the most attractive
markets to Russia. And Egypt may act as Russia’s “window” to the Arab world
and beyond – into the neighbouring regions.
Egypt is interested in products and technologies developed by the Russian
military and industrial complex, agricultural products (chiefly, Russian grains),
investment, construction technologies for large infrastructure projects (including
nuclear facilities), and telecommunications and space technologies. The principal
item of Russian export, i.e. hydrocarbons, is not appealing to Egypt, because
the country has its own oil and gas reserves and more convenient export
opportunities. Still, there is lots of room for both Russian and joint Russian–
Egyptian investment in this area. What is more, Egypt and Russia agreed in March
2015 that Russian companies, specifically Gazprom and Rosneft, would supply
LNG to Egypt until 2019.16
Trade turnover between Russia and Egypt has grown rapidly in recent years.17
It dropped significantly (from $4.26 billion to $2.14 billion) in 2013, primarily
due to Egypt cutting back on its purchase of Russian wheat,18
before growing
just as much in 2014 (again, as a direct result of el-Sisi coming to power),
topping the 2012 level at $4.5 billion. The task for the coming years is to
take trade turnover to $10 billion.19
Russia is the top supplier of wheat to
Egypt (40 per cent of all imported wheat is grown in Russia). Furthermore,
Egypt mostly imports common wheat, which is grade 2–3 fodder wheat used
in animal farming, whereas durum wheat is grown inside the country. During
their visit to Russia in 2014, the President of the Arab Republic of Egypt el-Sisi
and the Minister of Industry, Trade and Investment of Egypt Mounir Fakhry
Abdel Nour, the possibility of increasing grain supplies to 5–5.5 million tonnes
was discussed.20
16
Novak announces annual LNG supplies to Egypt//Lenta.ru. September 4, 2015.
URL: http://lenta.ru/news/2015/09/04/gazprom1 (in Russian).
17
Putin: Russia–Egypt Trade Turnover May Rise to $5 Billion in Near Future // RBK, February 13, 2014.
URL: http://www.rbc.ru/rbcfreenews/20140213143826.shtml (in Russian).
18
URL: http://www.ved.gov.ru/exportcountries/eg/eg_ru_relations/eg_ru_trade (in Russian).
19
URL: http://www.rg.ru/2015/02/17/egypt.html (in Russian).
20
Press Statement after Russia–Egypt Talks // Website of the President of Russia, August 12, 2014.
URL: http://www.kremlin.ru/transcripts/46441 (in Russian).
2. Russia’s Interests in Egypt and Egypt’s
Interests in Russia
12. 11www.russiancouncil.ru
The leaders of the two countries have agreed to build an Egyptian logistics terminal
on the Black Sea coast, which may be utilized as a point of supply and additional
processing of agricultural raw materials and food supplies.21
In addition to this,
Egypt is ready to let Russia establish an industrial zone near the second Suez
Canal. In a statement to the press after the talks with Vladimir Putin in August
2014, el-Sisi noted: “Our negotiations have opened significant prospects… for
the establishment of a Russian industrial zone in Egypt.”22
However, further details
regarding the project were not forthcoming. The Trade Mission of the Russian
Federation in Egypt suggested opening an investment and projects consulting
centre that would render support to Russian businesses interested in working in
the country, including preparing tender applications.
On November 20, 2014, the members of the Russian–Egyptian Business Council
decided to draft a list of promising projects for bilateral cooperation. In general,
the priority areas of economic cooperation between the two countries are limited
to the following:
• tourism (the intergovernmental agreement dated March 15, 2008 suggests
further development of bilateral relations);
• agriculture (large-scale and regular supplies of Russian wheat);
• nuclear energy (the implementation of Egypt’s “Peaceful Atom” programme –
the construction of nuclear power plants, training Egyptian specialists, etc.);
• the oil and gas industry (LNG supplies to Egypt;23
building cooperation and
coordination under the Gas Exporting Countries Forum, where Moscow and
Cairo have largely similar views; joint engagement in international and regional
projects; swap supplies of gas to Europe; the development of oil and gas fields
in Egypt; and the modernization of major industrial assets built with the support
of the USSR, such as the Aswan Hydroelectric Power Plant, the Nag Hammadi
Aluminium Smelter, etc.);
• infrastructure and transport (constructing housing, transport and logistics
facilities; carrying out air freight transportation; establishing direct sea links
between the two countries; modernizing the highway and railroad infrastructure
in Egypt; developing safe travel routes for Russian tourists visiting Egypt, etc.);
• telecommunications (primarily the integration of Egypt into the GLONASS
navigation system development project);24
• military technology (supplies of armoured vehicles, air defence systems, etc.,
from Russia).
21
Ibid.
22
Press Statement after Russia–Egypt Talks // Website of the President of Russia, August 12, 2014.
URL: http://www.kremlin.ru/transcripts/46441 (in Russian).
23
Rosneft Strikes Deal to Supply Gas to Egypt //Lenta.ru, August 27, 2015.
URL: http://lenta.ru/news/2015/08/27/rosneft_egypt/; Novak Announces Annual LNG Supply Volume to Egypt //
Lenta.ru. September 4, 2015, URL: http://lenta.ru/news/2015/09/04/gazprom1 (both in Russian).
24
International Agreements Bulletin. 2005, No. 5, pp. 45–50; Long-Term Programme for the Development of Trade,
Economic, Industrial and Science and Technological Cooperation between the Government of the Russian Federation
and the Government of the Arab Republic of Egypt, September 23, 1999, Article 4; Agreement on Cooperation in the
Peaceful Use of Nuclear Energy between the Government of the Russian Federation and the Government of the Arab
Republic of Egypt, March 25, 2008; Agreement on a Strategic Partnership between the Russian Federation and the Arab
Republic of Egypt, June 23, 2009, Article 4, Clauses 3, 4, 5 (On the Results of the Visit of the Prime Minister of the Arab
Republic of Egypt A. Nazif to Russia in 2008).
URL: http://www.mid.ru/spd_md.nsf/twowebcantr?openview&RestrictToCategory=египет
2. RUSSIA’S INTERESTS IN EGYPT AND EGYPT’S
INTERESTS IN RUSSIA
13. 12 Working Paper 22 / 2015
COOPERATION BETWEEN THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION AND THE ARAB REPUBLIC OF EGYPT:
OPPORTUNITIES AND CONSTRAINTS
2.2. Interests in Military-Technical Cooperation
The year 2015 marks the 60th
anniversary of military-technical cooperation (MTC)
between the USSR/Russia and Egypt. MTC used to be just as important for the
development of bilateral relations as the construction of the Aswan High Dam.
Today, there is a much more favourable environment for the development of
military-technical cooperation, as Egypt’s new political leadership is interested in
diversifying its relations with foreign partners. Cairo is interested in purchasing
new military equipment, and Russia, in turn, seeks to expand the horizons of its
military technical cooperation. China and India are changing their standpoints,
and the entire world is moving towards diversification. Until recently, Algeria had
been one of Russia’s key MTC partners in Africa, but this market has already
largely depleted its capabilities. Now Russia faces the challenge of looking for
new cooperation models and new partners, and Egypt is taking a leading position
in this regard. Egypt has a reasonably developed defence industry. The country
produces a number of different weapons, including radars and related hardware
components. This suggests that Rosoboronexport could cooperate with Egypt in
the military sphere, such as licensing and the establishment of joint ventures for
modernization, maintenance, etc.
Right now Egypt is faced with three major challenges which are pushing Cairo to
purchase advanced weapon systems from Russia. As a result, Russia and Egypt
have a unique opportunity to revitalize military-technical cooperation. What are
these challenges?
The first challenge is represented by the Islamic State. In order to respond to this
challenge, Egypt will need financial resources, the ability to play a decisive role in
the region and a readiness to block potential expansion of IS by creating a kind of
barrier between North Africa and the Persian Gulf.
The second challenge concerns the distribution of the Nile waters and relations
with Ethiopia. Ethiopia has an army of 500,000 that is actively arming itself (mostly
from China) and is becoming comparable to the Egyptian armed forces in terms
of size and the strength of its equipment. The two countries have a long history
of mutual grievances and tensions. It is Ethiopia (not Israel) that Egypt has, until
recently, seen as one of its chief opponents – and vice versa – even though it has
never been stated at the official level. Yet, the agreement on the use of the Nile
waters in connection with the construction of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance
Dam, which was signed by the presidents of Egypt, Sudan and Ethiopia in 2015,
largely does away with the animosities that these three countries had with regard
to the matter. It is likely that the “Nile issue” will see its final settlement in the near
future, even though Egypt states that certain unresolved disputes remain even
after the signing of the agreement.
The third challenge is the lingering social instability and fears of new upheavals.
The experience of Libya and Syria shows that new a large-scale political shock
in the country could lead to foreign intervention. (Some experts do not share this
belief, stating that acquisition of new weapons by Egypt may be only part of the
country’s efforts to modernize its armed forces and maintain the balance of forces
in the region.) This, among other things, may be the reason why the Egyptian
authorities are so interested in buying advanced air defence systems. Cairo would
14. 13www.russiancouncil.ru
also like to purchase multipurpose aircraft and air defence systems from Russia.
These technologies are capable of repelling air attacks on the country by potential
adversaries.
Growing competition from China poses a risk to the further development of
military-technical cooperation between Russia and Egypt. The market for Russian
weapons in Africa (Ethiopia, Angola, etc.), where 30–40 per cent of Soviet military
technology still remains, is now being flooded by Chinese products that are almost
identical, but cost less. Also, China is working hard to upgrade the quality of its
products. Obviously, Egypt will seek to diversify its military contracts, purchasing
from the United States and China. But Russia still holds a competitive edge in air
defence and air force technologies.
Assessing the potential of military-technical cooperation between Russia and
Egypt, we can start with the level of cooperation that was achieved during the
presidency of Hosni Mubarak and which Russia could in all likelihood sustain.
For example, back in 2005 Rosoboronexport concluded a number of contracts
with Cairo to supply surface-to-air missile systems (SAM), including four
Tor-M1 SAMs, small shipments of Buk-M1-2 and ZSU-23-4 Shilka SAMs and
Igla portable SAMs. A contract for the supply of ZSU-23-4-N4 Shilka-Strelets
self-propelled anti-aircraft guns was signed in September 2007. Earlier in 2006,
Egypt and Russia signed an agreement on supplies of MiG-29SE jet fighters. The
contract, which was estimated at $1.5 billion, remained on paper due to pressure
from the United States. In 2008, the two countries signed a contract for the supply
of fourteen Mi-17 helicopters to Egypt with total estimated value of $150 million.25
On November 3–14, 2013, Cairo hosted the first “two plus two” meeting of the
ministers of defence and foreign affairs of the Russian Federation and Egypt.
The parties agreed to broaden cooperation between the air and naval forces of
the two countries. According to a number of experts, contracts worth a total of
more than $3 billion for the supply of up to 24 MiG-29M/M2 jet fighters, 12 Mi-
35M attack helicopters, a K300P Bastion mobile coastal defence missile system,
a Tor-2ME SAM, and small arms and ammunition were signed during the talks.26
Other sources indicate that the package agreement also included Kornet anti-
tank guided missile system and Mi-8/17 helicopters. These agreements were
especially important to Egypt in light of the interruption of US weapons supplies
on July 2–13 due to the removal of President Mohamed Morsi from power.
The meeting also resulted in the signing of a protocol on military-technical
cooperation in March 2014. This became the first manifestation of military-
technical cooperation between Cairo and Moscow on this scale since the breakup
of the USSR.
2.3. Humanitarian Cooperation
Humanitarian cooperation between Russia and Egypt is developing rapidly. We
are talking primarily about language and culture here. This is partly a legacy of
Soviet times, because such educational institutions as the music conservatory, the
25
Military-Technical Cooperation between Russia and Egypt. Profile. URL: http://www.tass.ru/info/744961 (in Russian).
26
Russia to sell $3bln worth of weapons to Egypt //Lenta.ru, 14 February 2014.
URL: http://www.lenta.ru/news/2014/02/14/weaps; Egypt to buy $3.5bln worth of weapons from Russia // Newsru.com.
17 September 2014. URL: http://www.newsru.com/arch/world/17sep2014/egyptrus.html
2. RUSSIA’S INTERESTS IN EGYPT AND EGYPT’S
INTERESTS IN RUSSIA
15. 14 Working Paper 22 / 2015
COOPERATION BETWEEN THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION AND THE ARAB REPUBLIC OF EGYPT:
OPPORTUNITIES AND CONSTRAINTS
ballet institute, the institute of cinematography and the national dance company
were established around 40 years ago with support and active participation of
Soviet/Russian specialists. Besides, many Egyptians graduated from Russian
universities: according to some estimates, around 30,000 Egyptian nationals
received higher education in the Soviet Union, of which 20,000 are military
officers. In addition to this there is a purely practical interest in the Russian
language in Egypt, due to the increased number of Russian tourists in the country.
Moreover, the Russian-speaking community is growing fast, thanks in large part
to the increase in marriages between Russian and Egyptian nationals. A Russian
school has operated in Hurghada for five years now with 20 university-qualified
teachers and over 100 students (children born in mixed families). There are also
Russian research and cultural centres in Cairo and Alexandria.
There is an obvious lack of Russian-language literature translated into Arabic.
In the Soviet times, the Progress and Mir publishing houses were responsible
for translating literary works. The issue is often raised in Egypt in the context
of combating the dissemination of Western culture. It would be practical to set
up a system of grants issued to Egyptian publishers to translate literature from
Russian into Arabic and publish it with assistance of Russian research and cultural
centres, the Russkiy Mir foundation and other organizations.
The lack of literature translators is another challenge. It is commonly known that
the quality of translation largely depends on the opportunity that the translator has
to be immersed in the country where the source language is spoken. To overcome
this difficulty, we should consider granting Egyptian nationals scholarships to
study the profession in Russia. The Russia-Egypt Friendship Society, which
currently only exists on paper (no events have been organized in the past six to
seven years), could contribute to the development of humanitarian cooperation
between the two countries.
16. 15www.russiancouncil.ru
Three agreements were signed during President Vladimir Putin’s visit to Egypt
on February 10, 2015, thus marking a new level of cooperation between Russia
and Egypt. Priority was given to economic cooperation. The documents that
were signed included the Agreement on the Development of a Nuclear Power
Plant Construction Project in the Arabic Republic of Egypt, a memorandum
of understanding on promoting investment and participating in construction
projects in Egypt, and the Memorandum of Understanding on the Development of
Investment Cooperation.
The agreement on nuclear energy involves more than just the construction
of a nuclear power plant. According to Vladimir Putin, it essentially creates a
new nuclear industry in the country.27
Rosatom is ready to build four nuclear
power units in the north of Egypt using the new post-Fukushima technology.
The project will include a full range of measures involving construction, staff
training and scientific development. The nuclear power plant construction
project is also expected to include a water desalination project. The appropriate
intergovernmental agreements and contracts are expected to be drafted by the
end of 2015 based on these fundamental arrangements. The Russian Federation
will provide loan financing to fund the project.
As for investment cooperation, priority areas for investment projects include
transport infrastructure, mechanical engineering and the chemical industry. This
task has been assigned by the intergovernmental commission that resumed work
in February 2015.
The leaders of the two countries have agreed to expand opportunities for small
and medium-sized businesses. Over 400 Russian-funded companies are already
operating in Egypt. Hopes are also being pinned on the Russian–Egyptian
Business Council that resumed work in 2014.
The possibility of establishing a free trade zone between Egypt and Eurasian
Economic Union (Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Armenia) was
also discussed, as was the development of a Russian industrial zone near the
Suez Canal. These agreements are intended to help increase the volume of mutual
trade, as well as Russian exports to the Middle East and North Africa.
The decision was also made to form a joint working group that would meet in 2015
to discuss the establishment of the free trade zone. The process will mean lifting
customs barriers and setting a common customs duty rate for third countries. At
the same time, the central banks of Russia and Egypt will study the conditions for
shifting to national currencies in mutual trade.
The Russian and Egyptian sides discussed the prospects for setting up an
equivalent of the Russian Direct Investment Fund (RDIF) in Egypt. They also
negotiated the issue of support from the RDIF to the Ministry of Investment of
Egypt at all stages of development of such a fund.
27
Putin: A New Nuclear Industry Has Been Launched in Egypt. February 10, 2015.
URL: http://www.vesti.ru/doc.html?id=2343970 (in Russian).
3. The Official Dialogue between Russia
and Egypt: Key Results
3. THE OFFICIAL DIALOGUE BETWEEN RUSSIA AND EGYPT:
KEY RESULTS
17. 16 Working Paper 22 / 2015
COOPERATION BETWEEN THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION AND THE ARAB REPUBLIC OF EGYPT:
OPPORTUNITIES AND CONSTRAINTS
Great attention was paid to cooperation in tourism and the overall development of
cultural and humanitarian ties between the two countries.
Furthermore, the sides addressed the issues of enhancing military-technical
cooperation, the fight against international terrorism, and the situation in Syria
and the Middle East. The partners expressed hope that a peaceful settlement to
the situation in Syria could be reached.
President el-Sisi’s visit to Russia on August 25–26, 2015 – his third since
becoming President – and the talks that ensued reaffirmed the commitment on
both sides to the further sustainable development of mutually beneficial Russian–
Egyptian relations. The parties highlighted their intention to steadily build up trade
and economic ties between the two countries, enhance investment cooperation,
use national currencies in mutual payments, develop a special industrial zone
near the Suez Canal with Russian financial assistance, continue working on the
practical issues of building nuclear power plants, etc.
The growing instability in international relations makes the task of leading
Russian–Egyptian relations away from the violent fluctuations in domestic
and foreign policy and making them more consistent and stable more urgent,
regardless of the nature of changing political regimes (in Egypt). The Agreement
on Strategic Partnership between the Russian Federation and the Arab Republic
of Egypt (currently not in force) supported this agenda,28
and existing conditions
obviously require this agreement to be updated.
28
Agreement on Strategic Partnership between the Russian Federation and the Arab Republic of Egypt, June 23, 2009,
Article 8. URL: http://www.mid.ru/bdomp/spd_md.nsf/0/C7E6A079C05C865743257DEA00459302
18. 17www.russiancouncil.ru
4. Recommendations
Russian–Egyptian relations offer significant opportunities. The following actions
appear practical in order to ensure a more implicit utilization of these opportunities:
1. Continue to implement the plans and courses of cooperation proposed in
recent years, including:
• the Agreement on Strategic Partnership (signed in 2009 but not ratified), in the
context of the work of the Intergovernmental Commission, and after the visit
of the Prime Minister of Egypt A. Nazif to Russia in 2008 and his talks with
Vladimir Putin;29
• the agreements resulting from the summit talks in April 2013, August 2014,
February 2015 and August 2015 reaffirming the areas of cooperation between
Russia and Egypt;30
• the Agreement on Mutual Consultations between Ministries of Foreign Affairs;31
• the agreements resulting from the “two plus two” talks of the ministers of
foreign affairs and ministers of defence in 2013–2014 (the key takeaway was
the joint decision to “expedite preparations for the drafting of intergovernmental
agreements on defence and military-technical cooperation”32
);
• the agreements on improving the legal framework of cooperation in different
areas.
In the first decade of the 21st century, the two countries signed and updated
over 30 different documents, including contracts, memoranda and agreements.
They govern legal relations in almost all areas of bilateral cooperation, including
protecting the interests of natural persons, visa regulation, the fight against
transnational crime, investment protection, the development of tourism, and
military-technical cooperation.
2. Expand the range of bilateral trade, including the volume and range of
agricultural products. Continue to establish better conditions for increasing trade
29
Ratification of the intergovernmental Agreement on Strategic Partnership, which identifies and prescribes the key
areas of cooperation between the two countries in the political, trade, economic, research, military and cultural fields
could positively contribute to a better utilization of the opportunities for cooperation between Russia and Egypt. The
Agreement on Cooperation in the Peaceful Use of Nuclear Energy between the Government of the Russian Federation
and the Government of the Arab Republic of Egypt, March 25, 2008, Articles 5, 6, 7, 8.
URL: http://www.mid.ru/bdomp/spd_md.nsf/0/1C0DBF2240CE70B543257DEA00459110; Agreement on Strategic
Partnership between the Russian Federation and the Arab Republic of Egypt, June 23, 2009, Article 4, Clauses 3, 4, 5.
30
Latukhina, K. Sochi, Palms and Pyramids: Moscow and Cairo Open Doors to Cooperation. April 22, 2013.
URL: http://www.rg.ru/2013/04/22/putin.html (in Russian).
31
In pursuance of the Agreement, the parties shall adopt a plan of consultations between the ministries of foreign
affairs on an annual basis that covers all the areas of interest to both parties, with a focus on bilateral cooperation
in trade, economics, research and culture, as well as on humanitarian cooperation and interaction in international
relations. See: Transcript of the Address of the Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs Sergey Lavrov to the Media after
the Signing of the 2010 Plan of Consultations between the Ministries of Foreign Affairs with the Minister of Foreign
Affairs of the Arab Republic of Egypt A. Aboul Gheit in Cairo, December 20, 2009. URL: http://www.mid.ru/512/-/asset_
publisher/MCZ7HQuMdqBY/content/id/268522?p_p_id=101_INSTANCE_MCZ7HQuMdqBY&_101_INSTANCE_
MCZ7HQuMdqBY_languageId=en_GB;jsessionid=139C172647744A2ED6D6351653508376.jvm3 (in Russian).
32
Joint Statement after the Russian-Egyptian “two plus two” Meeting in Moscow on February 12–13, 2014.
URL: http://www.mid.ru/brp_4.nsf/0/C77809D698D4ED5F44257C7E003FFFA2 (in Russian).
4. RECOMMENDATIONS
19. 18 Working Paper 22 / 2015
COOPERATION BETWEEN THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION AND THE ARAB REPUBLIC OF EGYPT:
OPPORTUNITIES AND CONSTRAINTS
volumes between the two countries through reciprocal cuts of customs duties.
Study the possibility of creating a zone of free trade between Egypt and Eurasian
Economic Union in the mid-term.
3. Intensify cooperation, with the participation of the relevant Russian ministries
and agencies, in the development of a special industrial zone in Egypt to promote
hi-tech Russian products in the Egyptian and regional markets, as well as
advanced research results that could contribute to Egypt’s economic development
(innovative materials and technologies, genetic engineering and biotechnology
products, computer technologies, renewable energy sources and remote sensing
technologies).33
4. Enhance military-technical cooperation in the context of the agreements made
in the 2000s. Develop a mechanism of collaboration in this field based on the
existing, but not yet implemented, proposals of Russia and Egypt. Specifically,
this concerns the resumption of work on the establishment of a relevant
intergovernmental agreement and the setting up of a bilateral commission for
coordinating military-technical cooperation.34
5. Promote the development of humanitarian relations: expand the training of
highly qualified Egyptian professionals in Russian higher educational institutions,
the Egyptian Russian University (including expanding the network of its branches
in Egypt’s provinces) and Russian research and cultural centres in Cairo and
Alexandria; use grants to promote the publication of translations of the best
Egyptian and Russian literary works and feature films; organize tours for theatre,
music and other arts companies; hold film festivals; and support Russian tourism
in Egypt.
33
Annex to the Long-Term Programme of Development of Trade, Economic, Industrial and Research Cooperation between
the Russian Federation and the Arab Republic of Egypt. Basic Areas of Economic and Technological Cooperation
between the Russian Federation and the Arab Republic of Egypt, April 27, 2001 // International Agreements Bulletin.
2001, No. 7, p. 75.
34
Joint Statement after the Russian-Egyptian “two plus two” Meeting in Moscow on February 12–13, 2014.
URL: http://www.mid.ru/brp_4.nsf/0/C77809D698D4ED5F44257C7E003FFFA2 (in Russian).
20. 19www.russiancouncil.ru
About the authors
Alexey Vasilyev, Dr. of History, Professor, Fellow of Russian Academy of
Sciences, Director of the Institute of African Studies of the Russian Academy of
Sciences, Editor-in-chief of “Asia and Africa Today” journal.
Alexander Tkachenko, Ph.D. in Economics, Head of the Center for North African
and Horn of Africa Studies, Institute of African Studies of the Russian Academy
of Sciences.
Andrey Korotaev, Dr. of History, Professor, Head of the Laboratory of Social and
Political Destabilization Risks Monitoring of the National Research University
“Higher School of Economics”, Chief Research Fellow of the Institute of Oriental
Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences.
Leonid Isaev, Ph.D. in Political Sciences, Deputy Head of the Laboratory of
Social and Political Destabilization Risks Monitoring National Research University
“Higher School of Economics” (NRU HSE), Senior Lecturer at the Department of
Political Science (NRU HSE), Leading Research Fellow of the Center of Civilizations
and Regional Studies of the Institute of African Studies of the Russian Academy
of Sciences.
ABOUT THE AUTHORS
21. 20 Working Paper 22 / 2015
COOPERATION BETWEEN THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION AND THE ARAB REPUBLIC OF EGYPT:
OPPORTUNITIES AND CONSTRAINTS
Russian International Affairs Council
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