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Cynthia Lewis
ANTH 410
8 March 2013
                   Gender, Finance, and Poverty: The Humanitarian Approach

       There are many injustices in this world full of corruption and imbalance that are often

swept under the theoretical rug of development discussion. The inequalities observed between

men and women in the least developed countries not only have disastrous consequences for

women on a daily basis, but are also a hindrance to further economic growth, and therefore need

to be openly addressed by both economics-and-gender-based anthropologists. Until those

anthropologists who advocate human rights start living their theory instead of resigning

themselves to be passive witnesses, the achievements of our discipline as a whole will be nothing

more than empty words. Until we take part in the global acknowledgement of women as equal

human beings who have a direct impact on the economy and who require control over personal

finance, poverty will never become a thing of the past. Anthropological advocates for

improvements in gender-based economic equality have a duty to further the cause of social

action that promotes women’s rights to personal autonomy over their financial capabilities and

the rights to control the material basis for their survival and well-being.

       These rights have been consistently and conspicuously absent throughout the course of

development in third world countries. Susan Okin, author of “Poverty, Gender, and Well-Being:

What Counts, Who's Heard?” states, "The well-being, freedom, capacities, functioning, and

voices of the world's women, especially the poorest, are on the one hand severely short-changed

or even completely neglected by standard economic measures and, on the other hand, absolutely

crucial to development” (Okin 288). When trying to understand the range of this issue, it is often

essential to bring a critique of development to the forefront of the discourse. This critique

includes analyzing the multitude of development policies that appear to have done little to
alleviate world poverty and persist in establishing economic norms that segregate and

discriminate against women, adding to the already-prevalent gender imbalance.

       Over the last several decades there has been a visibly disastrous increase in both world-

wide poverty and the failures of international development policies to bolster a steady economic

growth. Financial disparities between men and women in poverty-stricken countries keep

growing, which contributes to the furthering of poverty overall. Anthropologists who become

engaged in gendered poverty or economic poverty theory (which are argued to have a direct

connection on one another) are held accountable to the people they study to convey their

accounts to individuals who can actually do something to enact change. This may be political

officials or it may be the general public in the hopes of furthering active reforms.

       Famous anthropologist Nancy Scheper-Hughes worked with poverty-stricken women in

shantytowns in Brazil, and discovered that remaining at an objective distance was not possible.

In the account of her ethnographic work, she discoverd the necessity of a more humanitarian

anthropology. Richard Robbins recounts in Cultural Anthro that "moral relativism, [Scheper-

Hughes] says, is no longer appropriate to the world in which we live, and anthropology, if it is to

be worth anything at all, must be, as she puts it, 'critically grounded'....anthropologists must, she

insists, serve as witnesses and reporters of human rights abuses and the suffering of the poor and

the oppressed'" (Robbins 12). Without these, anthropology becomes a useless tool for

documenting the afflictions of the world for bystanders to oggle, like the crowd that gathers at

the seen of a horrific car accident, drawn by the tragedy of others' misery and yet uninclined to

do anything about it.

       What is being suggested here is that anthropologists be actively engaged in social

analysis and criticism in their scholarship. To be critical is not to degrade a culture's morals but
to look at them carefully and use a clear understanding of those morals to help define one's own

beliefs regarding a given situation. When conducting ethnographic studies, there are times when

it is advisable to separate oneself from an issue, and times when it is inhuman to not intervene.

Anthropologists need to actively participate in critiquing the worldview and corresponding

ethical assumptions that have led to the easily accepted negligence of monetary policy in the

developing world that has been a hindrance against women's rights and economic standing.

       With the rise of the feminist movement in the late 1900’s, women’s rights took on a

greater role in policy-making decisions around the world. However, as the popularity of the

movement has declined with the coming of the twenty-first century, the views of women as equal

human beings has begun to fade from the forefront of economic administration. So it falls upon

anthropologists to stress the importance of viewing women's rights as human rights along with

the importance of human capabilities and the lack of basic material necessities in women's lives.

Human rights author Martha Nussbaum reiterates that "the struggle for human capabilities is not

just a theoretical construct. For women all over the world, and for everyone who cares about

women's well-being, it is a way of life" (Nussbaum 15). With both culturally and

developmentally enhanced improvements in micro-lending, women’s chances to receive the

funding and assistance necessary to enact crucial changes on their environments would be

greatly augmented. There is an overwhelming desire of poor women in third-world countries to

take control of the betterment of their own livelihoods, yet the flame for this desire finds little

fuel on which to feed in the callous world of finance and start-up loans.

       In the last twenty years, microfinance institutions have become a major fixture in

response to the attempts of developing countries to build stable economies. In theory, these non-

governmental organizations such as the Grameen Bank in Bangladesh publicly advocate the aid
of those in poverty by granting small start-up loans. But the reality of this perceived generosity is

more malignant, constituting a largely abusive relationship where villagers in rural areas are

encouraged into taking loans with high interest rates and unrealistic repayment plans. This

quickly leads to overwhelming debt with little to no support or education in how to resolve the

issue, and the individual and his or her family is cast from the community in shame. Small rural

communities throughout India and Bangladesh become enmeshed in a subservient-sovereign

relationship with local non-governmental banking institution, taking out loans from one bank to

repay the loan from another.

       Riveting research analyses have been conducted on the true effects of microfinance and

credit lending on women in Bangladesh. One such is the infamous novel by Lamia Karim,

Microfinance and It's Discontents, that documents her studies of various rural women and the

positive and negative aspects of borrowing. It is important to analyze the local impacts of these

loans and the “culture of shame” that enmeshes women in a constant struggle between traditional

norms and modern financing practices, which leads to the exposure of the dark face of lending

and the power that such a practice holds over these communities. Anthropologists must assess--

and necessarily find lacking-- the non-governmental organizations and credit lenders (like the

Grameen Bank and Bangladesh Rehabilitation Assistance Committee, the largest finance NGOs

in the world) that publicly advocate the lessening of poverty while exploiting the very people

they claim to benefit (Karim 92).

              Hindering women’s access to finance and the state of women’s affairs not only

affects females as individuals, but weakens future generations as well. Mothers tend to contribute

most of their available resources in the constant management of home and family. If a mother is

deprived of money, energy, time, health, or decision-making power, this deprivation has a
greater effect on her children than if the father were to be similarly handicapped. Men have also

been found to be more likely to squander money when they have a sudden influx of cash, which

happens directly after taking a loan. Okin supports this through her research, and states that

“virtually all of economically less advantaged women’s income goes to meet family basic needs,

whereas even poor men in many parts of the world tend to retain a significant part of their

income for their own personal use, such as smoking, drinking, gambling, and spending on other

women” (Okin 305). Many bank officials throughout India and Bangladesh have already

recognized the fact that poor women are more likely to recycle income into the fulfillment of

material needs and the betterment of their family’s lives, thus making them a safer investment for

loans and micro-credit. And so it appears glaringly obvious that the next step in furthering

women’s control over their finances would be beneficial in the long term for families facing

poverty.

           Unfortunately, the weight of debt and the accompanying shame is a huge burden that

women often bear for their family's mismanagement of money. When a woman cannot repay her

family's debts, she must suffer public rebukes from friends and community members, and is

often subjected to her husband's wrath for bringing such shame onto the family (regardless of

whether the fault was actually hers). Karim describes how "women caught inside debt and loan

obligations maneuver within a field intersected by the flows of...NGO governmentality, the

economy of shame, and their obligations to their families and communities" (Karim 63). It is a

vicious circle where women who actually achieve financial autonomy rarely see the benefits of

their struggle. Mohammed Yunus, founder of the Grameen Bank, admitted in a documentary,

"Small Change, Big Business: The Women's Bank of Bangladesh," that much of the money

loaned to wives and mothers went instead to their husbands and sons. Men in third-world
countries are more likely than women to have the decision-making power, the community

support, and the connections necessary to become entrepreneurs and build successful business

ventures.

            In short, men control much of the money in these parts of the world, and are likewise

responsible for much of the debt accrued. But the pronounced control of men over financial

matters makes it nearly impossible to establish niches for female entrepreneurs to flourish. It

would require a dramatic shift on the behalf of cultural norms and the traditional views of

lending institutions for women to be encouraged in the direct access of funds with full public

support. Yet this shift would aid in realigning the overwhelming gender imbalance in poverty-

stricken countries. Anthropologists have the great benefit of witnessing social change throughout

their studies. But with the documentation of such practices comes the responsibility to do

something to alleviate the struggle that women face. This duty is not only as fellow human

beings who share this world, but as those who make it their priority to delve into the lives of

others in the search for a deeper understanding. Just as a mandated court reporter must convey

witnessed abuse, so must an anthropologist spread the knowledge of crises that may otherwise be

held as remote and subsequently ignored by the first world population.

            The rights of the female gender is a critical point of discussion, as these rights are often

abused by the very governments and organizations that are supposed to be upholding them.

Karim analyzes the hegemony established by micro-lending NGO’s and how “poor clients give

up some of their autonomy to receive these services. It is the power over resources that has

enabled the NGO to reign” (Karim 131). This power deferential thrives off the exploitation of the

weaker class who must come to these organizations for financial support. The world's poorest

people are constantly deprived of the fundamental rights that any human should be guaranteed,
among them the right to protection by (and from) the developmental institutions that control the

basic material foundations of their lives.

          Martha Nussbaum’s human capabilities approach is designed to address these critical

human rights. While her extensive list includes many things, including the right to “a normal life

span, adequate food, shelter, bodily security, and the social basis of self-respect,” the most

important human capability is the right “to participate in controlling one’s environment (which

entails basic civil and political liberties)” (Nussbaum 75). Many of these liberties are denied to

the world's poorest women and need to be re-established before any other inequalities can be

rectified. AmartyaSen, author of "Gender Inequalities and Theories of Justice," neatly sums up

the argument with his statement that “political rights and the civil rights that render them

effective are both crucial aspects of human freedom and also important catalysts for the kind of

economic development that benefits the many” (Sen 260). If developing governments intend to

correct the malignancies of poverty, then they should first adhere to the establishment of

fundamental human rights within the institutions that are put in place to uphold and administer

economic policy.

          Likewise, the best way for people to hold the governing powers accountable for

fostering gender equality is through social movements and widespread active reforms. Karim’s

book ends with a poignant call for action in which she acknowledges people not as subjects, but

as citizens with the means to control their own lives. Social movements should be viewed and

constructed as “a form of political engagement for social justice that sits apart from the

development NGO sector” (Karim 204). People as individuals can only make their voices heard

and bring attention to disparities if they come together for a common cause.

       Anthropologists are in the perfect position to document the voices of the people and to
spread the reality of the devastating situations that incite such social action. While women's

rights activists have been making progress in the developing world and improving how they

organize themselves, these types of activist groups don’t always have to be the public face of

action in order to be effective. Often they aren't even in a position to affect much of a disturbance

in the scholarly realm of discourse, which is where it becomes the responsability of the

anthropologists working in high gender conflict zones to take as active an approach as possible

in pushing for changes in public policy and publishing documentation of case studies. These

actions might not be easily recognizable as activism but play just as crucial a part in the rallying

of public interest.

          The foundational strength in social movements is made clear through the example

given by author Vandana Shiva as she recounts the Chipko Movement. In this activist reform,

Himalayan villagers protected their rights to their land and resources from exploiting companies.

Shiva states that the reform of protection policy was made possible through banded groups of

civilians, where "the strength of the movement [lay] in the support from women” (Shiva 133).

Such movements prove that women can be valuable in development discourse, and it took the

teachings of two women, Mira and SaralaBehn, to enact positive change in the struggle to protect

the Himalayan forests and the local basis for material life from the malignant infringement of

capitalism in a developing world.

          The success of the Chipko resistance also proved that social movements can be

effective tools for keeping profit organizations accountable to the people. Social actions are

never the product of a single individual, but are instead upheld and kept pure by the masses who

keep the message alive. Likewise, writers, journalists, humanitarians, and anthropologists from

all walks of life can participate in something greater than themselves. The Himalayan women
were entrusted with the preservation of their local rights, “the expression of an old social

consciousness in a new context” (Shiva 137). In the same way, any successful reform will draw

upon the social consciousness of a culture while putting those values and ideals into a new

frame. While the preservation of people's rights might be deemed radical in certain contexts, it is

a fact of life that meaningful change never occurs smoothly or at the hands of one individual. In

this movement it was not the responsibility of a single woman to enact change, but the work of

thousands of men and women raising their voices that led to the success of the movement and the

re-consummation of the people’s rights.

          Until both men and women are seen as having equal opportunities to contribute to the

economy, nothing will truly improve. Social action has been a powerful tool for the correction of

civil and political rights, witnessed in both Karim’s and Shiva's writings. Improvements will

likely be stalled until citizens rally support to call for social action that will remove themselves

and their country from the snare of eternal debt at the hands of corrupt NGOs and unequal

economic systems. This ultimate call for action by citizens to enact change is the pinnacle upon

which true development can occur as the basis of growth would be in the hands of the people,

not dictated by outside organizations that tend to exploit gender roles and traditional ways of life.

There may yet be a social movement initiated by citizens for more accountability among those

institutions that run the country, an ongoing process of revitalized activism of which anyone can

take part. While this may come to pass, the proverbial gendered thorn in the side of development

has remained a consistent issue.

       The lack of action in gender theory must be rectified. Anthropologists do, in fact, have

the power to enact change in the disciplines of economics and finance reform, and where gender

and development theory instersect. There is a living connection between the deficit in women's
rights and finance opportunities, and the continuing level of poverty that is witnessed in much of

the third world. As Okin says, “Until what women do counts as much as what men do, until

women's capabilities are fostered as much as men's, until women's voices are heard as strongly as

men's…the development of the [least developed countries] is doomed” (Okin 316). But there is

yet hope for a solution to gender inequality, its centrality in the deficits of microfinance, and

future improvements in economic and developmental reform. The answer is a balance where

both men and women become viable assets to the problems of poverty, and where those who

witness the realm of human inequality add their voices to the growing tumult.

                                            Works Cited

Karim, Lamia. Microfinance and Its Discontents. Minneapolis: The University of Minnesota

       Press, 2011.

Nussbaum, Martha. Women, Culture, and Development: A Study of Human Capabilities. New

       York: Oxford University Press, 1995.

Okin, Susan. “Poverty, Gender, and Well-Being: What Counts, Who's Heard?” Philosophy and

       Public Affairs, Vol. 31, No. 3 (2003): pp. 280-316.

Robbins, Richard. Cultural Anthro. Belmont: Wadsworth Cengage Learning, 2012.

Sen, Amartya. "Gender Inequality and Theories of Justice."Women, Culture, and Development:

       A Study of Human Capabilities. New York, Oxford University Press, 1995. (published in

       Nussbaum's anthology)

Shiva, Vandana. "The Evolution, Structure, and Impact of the Chipko Movement."Indian

       Institute of Management.Mountain Research and Development, Vol. 6, No. 2 (1986): pp

       133-142.

Small Change, Big Business: The Women's Bank of Bangladesh 10 Years Later. Micro Credit for
Women: The Story of the Grameen Bank Documentary Series. Films Media Group,

1995.

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Anth 410 gender finance and poverty cjl77

  • 1. Cynthia Lewis ANTH 410 8 March 2013 Gender, Finance, and Poverty: The Humanitarian Approach There are many injustices in this world full of corruption and imbalance that are often swept under the theoretical rug of development discussion. The inequalities observed between men and women in the least developed countries not only have disastrous consequences for women on a daily basis, but are also a hindrance to further economic growth, and therefore need to be openly addressed by both economics-and-gender-based anthropologists. Until those anthropologists who advocate human rights start living their theory instead of resigning themselves to be passive witnesses, the achievements of our discipline as a whole will be nothing more than empty words. Until we take part in the global acknowledgement of women as equal human beings who have a direct impact on the economy and who require control over personal finance, poverty will never become a thing of the past. Anthropological advocates for improvements in gender-based economic equality have a duty to further the cause of social action that promotes women’s rights to personal autonomy over their financial capabilities and the rights to control the material basis for their survival and well-being. These rights have been consistently and conspicuously absent throughout the course of development in third world countries. Susan Okin, author of “Poverty, Gender, and Well-Being: What Counts, Who's Heard?” states, "The well-being, freedom, capacities, functioning, and voices of the world's women, especially the poorest, are on the one hand severely short-changed or even completely neglected by standard economic measures and, on the other hand, absolutely crucial to development” (Okin 288). When trying to understand the range of this issue, it is often essential to bring a critique of development to the forefront of the discourse. This critique includes analyzing the multitude of development policies that appear to have done little to
  • 2. alleviate world poverty and persist in establishing economic norms that segregate and discriminate against women, adding to the already-prevalent gender imbalance. Over the last several decades there has been a visibly disastrous increase in both world- wide poverty and the failures of international development policies to bolster a steady economic growth. Financial disparities between men and women in poverty-stricken countries keep growing, which contributes to the furthering of poverty overall. Anthropologists who become engaged in gendered poverty or economic poverty theory (which are argued to have a direct connection on one another) are held accountable to the people they study to convey their accounts to individuals who can actually do something to enact change. This may be political officials or it may be the general public in the hopes of furthering active reforms. Famous anthropologist Nancy Scheper-Hughes worked with poverty-stricken women in shantytowns in Brazil, and discovered that remaining at an objective distance was not possible. In the account of her ethnographic work, she discoverd the necessity of a more humanitarian anthropology. Richard Robbins recounts in Cultural Anthro that "moral relativism, [Scheper- Hughes] says, is no longer appropriate to the world in which we live, and anthropology, if it is to be worth anything at all, must be, as she puts it, 'critically grounded'....anthropologists must, she insists, serve as witnesses and reporters of human rights abuses and the suffering of the poor and the oppressed'" (Robbins 12). Without these, anthropology becomes a useless tool for documenting the afflictions of the world for bystanders to oggle, like the crowd that gathers at the seen of a horrific car accident, drawn by the tragedy of others' misery and yet uninclined to do anything about it. What is being suggested here is that anthropologists be actively engaged in social analysis and criticism in their scholarship. To be critical is not to degrade a culture's morals but
  • 3. to look at them carefully and use a clear understanding of those morals to help define one's own beliefs regarding a given situation. When conducting ethnographic studies, there are times when it is advisable to separate oneself from an issue, and times when it is inhuman to not intervene. Anthropologists need to actively participate in critiquing the worldview and corresponding ethical assumptions that have led to the easily accepted negligence of monetary policy in the developing world that has been a hindrance against women's rights and economic standing. With the rise of the feminist movement in the late 1900’s, women’s rights took on a greater role in policy-making decisions around the world. However, as the popularity of the movement has declined with the coming of the twenty-first century, the views of women as equal human beings has begun to fade from the forefront of economic administration. So it falls upon anthropologists to stress the importance of viewing women's rights as human rights along with the importance of human capabilities and the lack of basic material necessities in women's lives. Human rights author Martha Nussbaum reiterates that "the struggle for human capabilities is not just a theoretical construct. For women all over the world, and for everyone who cares about women's well-being, it is a way of life" (Nussbaum 15). With both culturally and developmentally enhanced improvements in micro-lending, women’s chances to receive the funding and assistance necessary to enact crucial changes on their environments would be greatly augmented. There is an overwhelming desire of poor women in third-world countries to take control of the betterment of their own livelihoods, yet the flame for this desire finds little fuel on which to feed in the callous world of finance and start-up loans. In the last twenty years, microfinance institutions have become a major fixture in response to the attempts of developing countries to build stable economies. In theory, these non- governmental organizations such as the Grameen Bank in Bangladesh publicly advocate the aid
  • 4. of those in poverty by granting small start-up loans. But the reality of this perceived generosity is more malignant, constituting a largely abusive relationship where villagers in rural areas are encouraged into taking loans with high interest rates and unrealistic repayment plans. This quickly leads to overwhelming debt with little to no support or education in how to resolve the issue, and the individual and his or her family is cast from the community in shame. Small rural communities throughout India and Bangladesh become enmeshed in a subservient-sovereign relationship with local non-governmental banking institution, taking out loans from one bank to repay the loan from another. Riveting research analyses have been conducted on the true effects of microfinance and credit lending on women in Bangladesh. One such is the infamous novel by Lamia Karim, Microfinance and It's Discontents, that documents her studies of various rural women and the positive and negative aspects of borrowing. It is important to analyze the local impacts of these loans and the “culture of shame” that enmeshes women in a constant struggle between traditional norms and modern financing practices, which leads to the exposure of the dark face of lending and the power that such a practice holds over these communities. Anthropologists must assess-- and necessarily find lacking-- the non-governmental organizations and credit lenders (like the Grameen Bank and Bangladesh Rehabilitation Assistance Committee, the largest finance NGOs in the world) that publicly advocate the lessening of poverty while exploiting the very people they claim to benefit (Karim 92). Hindering women’s access to finance and the state of women’s affairs not only affects females as individuals, but weakens future generations as well. Mothers tend to contribute most of their available resources in the constant management of home and family. If a mother is deprived of money, energy, time, health, or decision-making power, this deprivation has a
  • 5. greater effect on her children than if the father were to be similarly handicapped. Men have also been found to be more likely to squander money when they have a sudden influx of cash, which happens directly after taking a loan. Okin supports this through her research, and states that “virtually all of economically less advantaged women’s income goes to meet family basic needs, whereas even poor men in many parts of the world tend to retain a significant part of their income for their own personal use, such as smoking, drinking, gambling, and spending on other women” (Okin 305). Many bank officials throughout India and Bangladesh have already recognized the fact that poor women are more likely to recycle income into the fulfillment of material needs and the betterment of their family’s lives, thus making them a safer investment for loans and micro-credit. And so it appears glaringly obvious that the next step in furthering women’s control over their finances would be beneficial in the long term for families facing poverty. Unfortunately, the weight of debt and the accompanying shame is a huge burden that women often bear for their family's mismanagement of money. When a woman cannot repay her family's debts, she must suffer public rebukes from friends and community members, and is often subjected to her husband's wrath for bringing such shame onto the family (regardless of whether the fault was actually hers). Karim describes how "women caught inside debt and loan obligations maneuver within a field intersected by the flows of...NGO governmentality, the economy of shame, and their obligations to their families and communities" (Karim 63). It is a vicious circle where women who actually achieve financial autonomy rarely see the benefits of their struggle. Mohammed Yunus, founder of the Grameen Bank, admitted in a documentary, "Small Change, Big Business: The Women's Bank of Bangladesh," that much of the money loaned to wives and mothers went instead to their husbands and sons. Men in third-world
  • 6. countries are more likely than women to have the decision-making power, the community support, and the connections necessary to become entrepreneurs and build successful business ventures. In short, men control much of the money in these parts of the world, and are likewise responsible for much of the debt accrued. But the pronounced control of men over financial matters makes it nearly impossible to establish niches for female entrepreneurs to flourish. It would require a dramatic shift on the behalf of cultural norms and the traditional views of lending institutions for women to be encouraged in the direct access of funds with full public support. Yet this shift would aid in realigning the overwhelming gender imbalance in poverty- stricken countries. Anthropologists have the great benefit of witnessing social change throughout their studies. But with the documentation of such practices comes the responsibility to do something to alleviate the struggle that women face. This duty is not only as fellow human beings who share this world, but as those who make it their priority to delve into the lives of others in the search for a deeper understanding. Just as a mandated court reporter must convey witnessed abuse, so must an anthropologist spread the knowledge of crises that may otherwise be held as remote and subsequently ignored by the first world population. The rights of the female gender is a critical point of discussion, as these rights are often abused by the very governments and organizations that are supposed to be upholding them. Karim analyzes the hegemony established by micro-lending NGO’s and how “poor clients give up some of their autonomy to receive these services. It is the power over resources that has enabled the NGO to reign” (Karim 131). This power deferential thrives off the exploitation of the weaker class who must come to these organizations for financial support. The world's poorest people are constantly deprived of the fundamental rights that any human should be guaranteed,
  • 7. among them the right to protection by (and from) the developmental institutions that control the basic material foundations of their lives. Martha Nussbaum’s human capabilities approach is designed to address these critical human rights. While her extensive list includes many things, including the right to “a normal life span, adequate food, shelter, bodily security, and the social basis of self-respect,” the most important human capability is the right “to participate in controlling one’s environment (which entails basic civil and political liberties)” (Nussbaum 75). Many of these liberties are denied to the world's poorest women and need to be re-established before any other inequalities can be rectified. AmartyaSen, author of "Gender Inequalities and Theories of Justice," neatly sums up the argument with his statement that “political rights and the civil rights that render them effective are both crucial aspects of human freedom and also important catalysts for the kind of economic development that benefits the many” (Sen 260). If developing governments intend to correct the malignancies of poverty, then they should first adhere to the establishment of fundamental human rights within the institutions that are put in place to uphold and administer economic policy. Likewise, the best way for people to hold the governing powers accountable for fostering gender equality is through social movements and widespread active reforms. Karim’s book ends with a poignant call for action in which she acknowledges people not as subjects, but as citizens with the means to control their own lives. Social movements should be viewed and constructed as “a form of political engagement for social justice that sits apart from the development NGO sector” (Karim 204). People as individuals can only make their voices heard and bring attention to disparities if they come together for a common cause. Anthropologists are in the perfect position to document the voices of the people and to
  • 8. spread the reality of the devastating situations that incite such social action. While women's rights activists have been making progress in the developing world and improving how they organize themselves, these types of activist groups don’t always have to be the public face of action in order to be effective. Often they aren't even in a position to affect much of a disturbance in the scholarly realm of discourse, which is where it becomes the responsability of the anthropologists working in high gender conflict zones to take as active an approach as possible in pushing for changes in public policy and publishing documentation of case studies. These actions might not be easily recognizable as activism but play just as crucial a part in the rallying of public interest. The foundational strength in social movements is made clear through the example given by author Vandana Shiva as she recounts the Chipko Movement. In this activist reform, Himalayan villagers protected their rights to their land and resources from exploiting companies. Shiva states that the reform of protection policy was made possible through banded groups of civilians, where "the strength of the movement [lay] in the support from women” (Shiva 133). Such movements prove that women can be valuable in development discourse, and it took the teachings of two women, Mira and SaralaBehn, to enact positive change in the struggle to protect the Himalayan forests and the local basis for material life from the malignant infringement of capitalism in a developing world. The success of the Chipko resistance also proved that social movements can be effective tools for keeping profit organizations accountable to the people. Social actions are never the product of a single individual, but are instead upheld and kept pure by the masses who keep the message alive. Likewise, writers, journalists, humanitarians, and anthropologists from all walks of life can participate in something greater than themselves. The Himalayan women
  • 9. were entrusted with the preservation of their local rights, “the expression of an old social consciousness in a new context” (Shiva 137). In the same way, any successful reform will draw upon the social consciousness of a culture while putting those values and ideals into a new frame. While the preservation of people's rights might be deemed radical in certain contexts, it is a fact of life that meaningful change never occurs smoothly or at the hands of one individual. In this movement it was not the responsibility of a single woman to enact change, but the work of thousands of men and women raising their voices that led to the success of the movement and the re-consummation of the people’s rights. Until both men and women are seen as having equal opportunities to contribute to the economy, nothing will truly improve. Social action has been a powerful tool for the correction of civil and political rights, witnessed in both Karim’s and Shiva's writings. Improvements will likely be stalled until citizens rally support to call for social action that will remove themselves and their country from the snare of eternal debt at the hands of corrupt NGOs and unequal economic systems. This ultimate call for action by citizens to enact change is the pinnacle upon which true development can occur as the basis of growth would be in the hands of the people, not dictated by outside organizations that tend to exploit gender roles and traditional ways of life. There may yet be a social movement initiated by citizens for more accountability among those institutions that run the country, an ongoing process of revitalized activism of which anyone can take part. While this may come to pass, the proverbial gendered thorn in the side of development has remained a consistent issue. The lack of action in gender theory must be rectified. Anthropologists do, in fact, have the power to enact change in the disciplines of economics and finance reform, and where gender and development theory instersect. There is a living connection between the deficit in women's
  • 10. rights and finance opportunities, and the continuing level of poverty that is witnessed in much of the third world. As Okin says, “Until what women do counts as much as what men do, until women's capabilities are fostered as much as men's, until women's voices are heard as strongly as men's…the development of the [least developed countries] is doomed” (Okin 316). But there is yet hope for a solution to gender inequality, its centrality in the deficits of microfinance, and future improvements in economic and developmental reform. The answer is a balance where both men and women become viable assets to the problems of poverty, and where those who witness the realm of human inequality add their voices to the growing tumult. Works Cited Karim, Lamia. Microfinance and Its Discontents. Minneapolis: The University of Minnesota Press, 2011. Nussbaum, Martha. Women, Culture, and Development: A Study of Human Capabilities. New York: Oxford University Press, 1995. Okin, Susan. “Poverty, Gender, and Well-Being: What Counts, Who's Heard?” Philosophy and Public Affairs, Vol. 31, No. 3 (2003): pp. 280-316. Robbins, Richard. Cultural Anthro. Belmont: Wadsworth Cengage Learning, 2012. Sen, Amartya. "Gender Inequality and Theories of Justice."Women, Culture, and Development: A Study of Human Capabilities. New York, Oxford University Press, 1995. (published in Nussbaum's anthology) Shiva, Vandana. "The Evolution, Structure, and Impact of the Chipko Movement."Indian Institute of Management.Mountain Research and Development, Vol. 6, No. 2 (1986): pp 133-142. Small Change, Big Business: The Women's Bank of Bangladesh 10 Years Later. Micro Credit for
  • 11. Women: The Story of the Grameen Bank Documentary Series. Films Media Group, 1995.