AN ASSESSMENT OF HAUSA

AN ASSESSMENT OF HAUSA/YORUBA CONFLICTS AND PEACEBUILDING
INITIATIVES IN MILE 12 MARKET, LAGOS, 1999-2014.
BY
LAWAL RAFIU ADENIRAN
Email: lawalrafiu88@gmail.com.
ABSTRACT
Markets serve as the hub or convergence points for buying and selling. It is a place that brings
buyers and sellers of different ethnic and cultural affiliations into contact in order to carry out
transactions. This unique characteristic makes markets a vulnerable place for ethnic collision.
The transition to democratic rule in Nigeria in 1999 marked the resurgence of conflicts along
ethnic lines. This period, 1999/2000 witnessed violent conflicts in many places such as Mile 12
market, Idi-Araba, Ajegunle, Lagos State, Bodija market, Oyo State, Sagamu, Ogun State, Ilorin,
Kwara State, Jos, Plateau State and so forth. These conflicts have left both ethnicity and
development scholars with the task of investigating the causes and how institutions can help in
the management of such conflicts. Following the cessation of hostilities between Hausa and
Yoruba in Mile 12 market (a market known for the sale of foodstuffs and agricultural produce) in
1999, a lot of peacebuilding initiatives were implemented. This study, therefore, investigated the
causes of conflicts, the various peacebuilding initiatives adopted and the challenges to
peacebuilding in Mile 12 market.
The study adopted the descriptive research design. It employed the qualitative approach in the
gathering of data. The sources of data included both primary and secondary sources. This study
relied heavily on data collected through interviews with key informants. Purposive sampling was
used in the selection of interviewees based on the nature of the study. Data were obtained from
15 respondents including market leaders, religious leaders, security agents, government officials
and selected traders. The secondary sources included national newspapers, journals and books.
Data were content analysed.
Major causes of conflicts in Mile 12 market included contest over resources, incompatible value
system, poor communication and impatience. The post conflict peacebuilding initiatives adopted
in the market within the period 1999-2014 included: reorganisation of the market- which divided
the market into three sections, trainings and education, religious understanding and

accommodation, provision of security and market task force, setting up of a consociational
leadership, introduction of election and an election monitoring committee. These initiatives have
been largely responsible for the downward trend of violent conflicts and the stable peace enjoyed
in the market. Despite these successes, the following challenges to peacebuilding were identified:
sanitation and irregular cleaning of the market, housing problem and hooliganism, charging of
fees before reports of conflicts and disagreements were entertained by market authorities,
imposition of market leaders by the government, insecurity, over population and lack of social
amenities such as public toilets, pipe borne water, electricity, health centre and good roads.
For the sustenance of stable peace in Mile 12 market, internal and external institutions should
move towards coping with both cultural and ethnic diversities; as well as resolve the social and
economic shortcomings identified, which can strain ethnic relations. Conflict resolution and
complaint processes must not be commercialised, Lagos State Government, market leaders and
traders must show preference for democratic culture, adequate resources should be allocated for
provision of social amenities within the market.
1.1 INTRODUCTION
As many of us packed our belongings to return east, some of the people we had lived with for
years, some for decades, jeered and said. ‘Let them (Igbos) go; food will be cheaper in Lagos’.
That kind of experience is very powerful. It is something I could not possibly forget. I realised
suddenly that I had not been living in my home. I had been living in a strange place (Achebe,
2012:68).
The above expression captures the frustration of a prominent Nigerian writer, late Chinua
Achebe during the Nigerian Civil War which took place within the period 1967 and 1970. The
Civil War, which was assumed to be a battle by the Nigerian state (allegedly made up of Hausa
and Yoruba) against the people of Igbo extraction, was reported to have been responsible for the
death of more than one million people (Achebe, 2012).
In recent years a new dimension of conflict has established itself permanently in International
politics. What is of major concern to this study is ethnic conflicts which has become a major
threat to peace and development in a number of countries today, Rwanda, Sudan, Ivory Coast,
Burundi, Kenya, and Nigeria inclusive.

According to Carola Lentz (1995), ‘ethnicity is a dazzling, ambiguous category at once a
descriptive and an evaluative normative. It has long since ceased to be the exclusive domain of
social scientist, having entered the practical vocabulary of politicians and social movements’.
Ethnicity or ethnic groups now gradually replace concepts such as tribe and race which have
remained politicised. In 1970, Aidan Southall joined other scholars in calling for the replacement
of the word ‘tribe’ which gained currency among Africanist with ‘ethnic groups’. His argument
was that the word tribe was a primitive connotation to affront the sensibilities of Africans (Lentz
1995:304).
Nnoli, in his scholarship journey (1978:5) defines ethnicity as ‘a social phenomenon associated
with interactions among members of different ethnic groups.’ To him, ethnic groups are social
formations distinguished by communal character of their boundaries such as language, common
worldview, religion and common cultural traits. Ethnic groups, therefore represent a group of
people with similar cultural symbols including language, value systems and normative
behaviour, and whose members are domiciled in a particular geographical area (Otite, 1990).
Citing Asiyanbola (2007), ‘the word ‘ethnic’ is derived from the Greek word ethnos which
means a group of people who share a common and distinctive culture. Thus, ethnicity according
to Imobighe should be seen as the feeling of belonging to a distinctive cultural or linguistic
group, or a manifestation of ethnic consciousness in relation to other groups’ (Asiyanbola
2007:3)
In 1914, the British colonial masters wielded together over 250 diverse ethnic groups differing in
social, cultural, religious background and orientation into a single country called Nigeria. Since
then, there has been continuous friction, sometimes resulting in violent conflicts (Adebayo
1986:65). The escalation of ethnic conflicts has been one of the most important causes of social
crisis and political instability in Nigeria, and ethnicity has been perceived in general as a major
obstacle to the overall politico-economic development of the country (Otite 1990: 145). In an
interview credited to a foremost Yoruba leader, Dr. Frederick Fasehun, during the 2002
Hausa/Yoruba conflict in Lagos, his words were:
We identify with those defending themselves and ask the attackers to
be careful…our guest if they cannot comply with our norms should
know where to go (Vanguard News, February 7th, 2002).

Similarly, during the protracted Ife/Modakeke conflict, one of the chiefs at a peace meeting that
was summoned to settle the impasse in 1886 sums up his frustration:
We need not say that our guest the Modakekes have become too mighty
for us. They have rewarded us evil for good. They have thrice dispersed
us and destroy our town. We can no longer live together with them
(Albert, 1999).
In 1996, D.D. Dodo, a Tiv leader, described Tiv/Jukun relation in the following sentences; ‘the
enmity between a Tivman and Jukun can never end. Even if we meet in Heaven we will fight’
(Onwuzuruigbo, 2009:2). This statement testifies to the negative application of ethnicity and its
implications not only for the political stability, national development and integration but also for
the survival of humanity.
Nigeria is a society where ethnic cleavages remain a critical problem and where ethnic violence
has erupted periodically (Asiyanbola 2007:4). In recent years, Nigeria had experienced the
outbreak of violent ethnic conflicts. Among the prominent ones are: ‘Yoruba/Hausa clash in
Sagamu, Ogun State; Eleme Okrika in Rivers State; clashes in Kano, Kano State; Zango/Kataf in
Kaduna State; Tiv/Jukun in Wukari, Taraba State; Aguleri/Umuleri in Anambra State;
Hausa/Yoruba clashes in Idi-Araba, Lagos State, and Ife/Modakeke in Osun State’ (Ubi, 2001;
Imobighe, 2003)(Asiyanbola 2007:4). All these are a few of the several violent outbreaks all in
the name of ethnicity.
Contact between the Hausa and Yoruba people pre-dates the colonial period. There had been
significant migrations of Yoruba people into Hausa territory and vice versa, as far as the coastal
regions of Lagos. However, the Hausa people had settled in Lagos since the eighteenth century
or even much earlier (Tijani, 2003). The colonial situation further accelerated the interaction.
According to Albert (1999:5) the Yoruba were the first to arrive in the city of Kano as early as
1903. Some of them had arrived with the British as servants, clerks and artisans. The reasons
were because the British recruited their first batch of aides from among the Yoruba a consequent
upon the occupation of Lagos and Ibadan in 1861 and 1893 respectively. The revolution in the
transportation sector which led to the construction of the railway system that connects Kano to

the Yorubaland contributed massively to these interactions. Ever since, Hausa and Yoruba have
enjoyed relative cordial relationship.
As a result, major towns in Lagos State have played host to Hausa migrants in search for
economic opportunities. Notable among them are Agege, Idi- Araba, Ikorodu, Mile 12, where
today a tangible size of the population are of Hausa descent.
Between November 25 and 26, 1999, scores of people were killed when the Yoruba, led by OPC
(an ethnic militia) clashed with traders in Mile 12 market in Lagos. The exact number of victims
has not been confirmed, but it is estimated to be more than one hundred (100). A senior police
official who was at the scene said he saw an estimated two hundred (200) bodies, but that others
had already been buried in mass graves (Human Rights Watch, 2005).
The fighting is thought to have been caused by jealousy on the part of Yoruba about the
perceived dominance of the market by Hausa traders. There had also been disputes between
particular individuals for control of key leadership positions within the market traders'
committee. According to some of the reports from traders, some Yoruba threatened to challenge
this dominance and claim back the market from the Hausa. Although they argued that the Hausas
were the first to relocate to the market and implored their Yoruba counterpart to join, but they
did not move until the prospect of the market became evident. When the Yoruba eventually
moved they were not comfortable with Hausa occupying all key positions (Lartey, 2005).
Consequently, many of the victims of the OPC attack were Hausa, or people of Northern origin
suspected to be Hausa. However, a number of Igbo and members of other ethnic groups were
also attacked by the OPC. Some Hausa also attacked and killed Yoruba. Both groups were well-
armed. Most of the violence took place in the market and on the roads surrounding it. However,
witnesses reported that there were also house to house searches, in which the OPC targeted
Hausas and Igbos. Market traders who witnessed the violence confirmed that a large number of
OPC members were involved (some estimated as many as 1,000) and that many of those carrying
out the attacks were wearing vests with "OPC" inscribed on them. They carried a range of
weapons, including guns, machetes and daggers; some were wearing charms. Some traders
believed that OPC members had been drafted in from other areas (Human Rights Watch, 2005).

The violence had a lasting impact on Mile 12 market, an area where Hausa/Yoruba previously
enjoyed good relationship, there were mixed marriages, and past disagreements were peacefully
resolved. These clashes had repercussions far beyond the Southwestern states or the locations
where they occurred. One of the immediate effects was that many Hausa, who were one of the
most directly affected groups, fled the Southwest and moved back to the North; some have not
returned since then. A seventy-five-year-old Hausa man, whose thirty-five year old son was
killed by the OPC at Ajegunle in October 2000, told Human Rights Watch: “My son Sahabi was
killed. He was on his way home with his family. The OPC stopped them. They pushed his wife
and children into the house then slaughtered him. His wife saw it happen. They cut his body into
pieces with a cutlass. He had two children. The wife was traumatised. She couldn't speak for two
months. She left for the north and has stayed there”.
In several instances, attacks by the OPC on the Hausas or northerners in the southwest were
followed by reprisal attacks on the Yoruba people living in the north. For example, following the
killings in Sagamu, Ogun State in July 1999, violence erupted in the northern city of Kano and
Kaduna, which was widely seen as an act of retaliation by the Hausa. Similarly, riots broke out in
Minna, capital of Niger State, following the violence in Ajegunle, Lagos in October 2000. This
triggered repercussion in the South west and appeared to strengthen the resolve of the OPC to
"fight the Yoruba cause". This was notably the case with the explosion of violence between
Christians and Muslims in the Northern city of Kaduna, in which an estimated 2,000 people were
killed in February and May 2000, and which was followed by violence in the southwest (Human
Rights Watch, 2005). Over 300 people were killed in Aba, Owerri, Umuahia, and Port Harcourt
primarily in retaliation of the Kaduna massacre (Segun, 2013:275). Eventually, the massacre in
Mile 12 ended when the police and army intervened militarily, with unconfirmed number of
casualties on both sides.
Ever since, as post conflict peacebuilding went underway the town now enjoys stable peace with
just a microcosm of attacks. Various efforts and initiatives have been made by all concerned
stakeholders towards building peace. These initiatives aim to identify and support structures
which will tend to strengthen and solidify peace in order to avoid a relapse into conflict.

1.2 Statement of the Problem
From the colonial period to the present, Nigeria has adopted and implemented various strategies
to manage her society. Nnoli (2003) had earlier attempted to provide an answer to the question
on why ethnicity has continued to pose serious problems for Nigerian politics and society in spite
of various efforts to eradicate it, or at least assuage it. According to him, ‘unitarism, regionalism,
the creation and proliferation of states, ethnic balancing, federal character, National Youth
Service Corps, federal unity colleges, various formulas for revenue allocation, secession, the
imposition of a two-party system, the proliferation of local government areas, government by
grand coalition (power sharing), the policy of WAZOBIA, multi-party democracy, various forms
of military rule, relocation of the federal capital, numerous constitutional conferences, zoning of
political offices and official and non-official exhortations for national unity and interethnic
tolerance have all failed to improve the situation despite sustaining our unity’. With scholarship
flooded with various theoretical explanations advocated by ethnicity scholars opposing one
another, obviously, the ethnic phenomenon has not been properly understood.
The study of Hausa community in Yoruba towns by Cohen (1969, 1974) had focused on the
organisation of Hausa trade across Yorubaland, while Albert (1991) studied the Inter Ethnic
relation in Kano and also urban migrant settlement in Nigeria between the Hausa in Sabo Ibadan
and their Yoruba host in a comparative analysis with Sabon-gari in Kano. Tijani (2008) went
further to reconstruct how intergroup conflicts between the Hausa community in Agege and their
Yoruba host was managed to maintain a harmonious relations. While efforts to properly
understand the real source and adequately manage inter ethnic conflicts are still ongoing,
however, there have been stable peace in Mile 12 market an area known for its multi-ethnic
composition and vulnerability. This study became necessary in an attempt to put in spotlight the
causes of conflicts and the various peacebuilding initiatives employed in ameliorating the
tendencies for Hausa/Yoruba interaction to result to crises and see if some of them can be
replicated on a wider scale.
However, it is not the intention of this researcher to join forces with reactionaries in over
simplifying and obscuring the real nature of economic and power relations between Nigerians,

and between Nigeria and the capitalist world. Ethnicity is only a camouflage on the crucial role
played by international finance-capital and imperialism in accentuating and perpetuating the
existing social formation in this part of the world. The prominence of ethnic conflict over and
above class conflict is an attempt to mystify the fact that the political economy of our society is
capitalism. Therefore the goal of this study is to identify various peacebuilding efforts and
initiatives implemented in Mile 12 market, Lagos.
1.3 Research questions
1] What were the major causes of conflict among Hausa and Yoruba at Mile 12 market?
2] What peacebuilding initiatives were adopted and how effective have they been?
3] Are there challenges to the peacebuilding process in the market?
4] How can future violent conflicts be prevented in Mile 12 market?
1.4 Aim and objectives:
The main aim of this study is to investigate Hausa/Yoruba conflicts and peacebuilding initiatives
in Mile 12 market, Lagos. The specific objectives are to:
1] examine the major causes of conflicts among Hausa and Yoruba
2] identify the peacebuilding initiatives set in motion by stakeholders
3] identify the challenges to the peacebuilding process
4] proffer viable control measures for violent conflicts
1.5 Significance of the Study
Varied interpretations could be accrued to any study on ethnicity. There are dangers imminent in
the attempt to deconstruct and interrogate the ethnic syndrome in Nigeria. Nnoli (1978) opined
that it may succeed in keeping the ethnic sentiments flame burning by bringing it to the forefront
of the consciousness of the reading population; it may be seen as casting aspersions on one
ethnic group and also generate divisive inter-ethnic controversy.
However, despite this negativity, the significance of this study lies on the premise that it
contributes toward expanding the frontiers of knowledge by providing a comprehensive

investigation into the causes of Hausa versus Yoruba conflicts and various peacebuilding
initiatives adopted in Mile 12 market, Lagos within the period 1999 to 2014.
It provides the government and other stakeholders a road map towards enhancing peaceful
coexistence between various ethnic groups in Nigeria and lastly it is a practical effort towards
making the society a better place. However, ethnic, racial and divisive politics can only end with
the eventual overhaul of global capitalist system, which, through its economic and geopolitical
policies and projects, engenders ethno-religious and racial agenda, a subset of which is the ethnic
conflicts being witnessed in various parts of the world, Nigeria inclusive.
1.6 Operational Definition of Terms
Ethnicity: in this study, ethnicity is the outcome of subjective perceptions based on objective
characteristics such as physical attributes, presumed ancestry, culture and historical origin.
OPC: in this study the Oodua People’s Congress (OPC) is an ethnic militia group named after
the mythological ancestor of the Yoruba, Oduduwa. Their main interest is to protect the Yoruba
interest.
Peacebuiding: in this study peacebuilding is an intervention that is designed to prevent the start
or resumption of violent conflict by creating a sustainable peace.
Conflict: in this study, conflict means a confrontation between one or more parties aspiring
towards incompatible or competitive means or ends.
Initiatives: in this study, initiatives mean series of actions taken to promote peaceful co-
existence.
2. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
Theory of Internal Colonialism: The intellectual origin of this theory was the written and
spoken condemnation of European colonialism and the putting forward of an anti-colonial
national liberation strategy by Kwame Nkrumah, and most influentially, Frantz Fanon. The first
known use of the concept was in 1957 in a book by Leo Marquard on South Africa (Alubabari,
2012:53). Early proponents of this theory in the United States such as Malcolm X and Stokely
Carmichael (Kwame Turé), were inspired by anti-colonial and anti-imperialist movements in the

Third World, and their victories in Ghana, Cuba and Algeria (Bohmer, 1998). Barrera describe
internal colonialism as "a structured relationship of domination and subordination which are
defined along ethnic and/or racial lines when the relationship is established or maintained to
serve the interests of all or part of the dominant group." ..."in which the dominant and
subordinate populations intermingle. This theory explains internal colonialism as a situation of
both structural political and economic inequalities between ethnic groups in a nation (Bohmer,
1998:2).
Ethno-domination of marketing channels is common in many countries (Speece 1990). The
domination of markets structure and leadership by people from specific ethnic groups is a major
source of grievance. According to the internal colony theory, when a group establishes its
dominance within the society, it is able to maintain “a cultural division of labour: a system of
stratification where objective cultural distinctions are superimposed upon class lines.” In the
context of a major structural change within an ethnically diverse society, political entrepreneurs
attribute their ethnic group’s have-nots to the exploitation and denial of access to resources and
rights by the other “groups.” Advantaged groups, on the other hand, begin to see the “others” as
those who will take away their “haves” should they gain a position of power within the society
(Bojana 2009:12). This theory provides justification for the Yoruba position that the historical
dominance by Hausa over them in Mile 12 market, a market located in the Southwestern part of
the country is a form of internal colonialism.
3. RESEARCH FINDINGS
3.1 Causes of conflict.
Resting on Bartos and Wehr (2002:13) definition of conflict in which they describe conflict as a
‘situation in which actors use conﬂict behaviour against each other to attain incompatible goals
and/or to express their hostility’. There are various reasons why two or more conﬂict actors can
have incompatible goals. Causes of conflict in Mile 12 market are numerous but they are
subsumed under four main headings: contested resources, incompatible values, poor
communication and impatience.
(a) Contested resources: Resources are contested when a party wants some of the resources the
other party has or when both adversaries want the same unallocated resource. Contested
resources include power, wealth and prestige.

(i) Politics/Struggle for power: The tussle for power has been a major cause of conflict between
the Yoruba and Hausa in the market. This was the major factor that triggered the ethnic clashes
in Mile 12 in 1999 (Olawale, 2015). There was a battle for supremacy between the two ethnic
groups. Some Yorubas felt that another ethnic group cannot permanently dominate them on their
soil. Prior to the 1999 violent confrontation, in the Shukura yam section for example, there was
no Yoruba in the leadership committee despite the fact that the Yoruba constituted a sizeable
number of sellers in the section. Some Yoruba protested and requested for the Chairmanship
position of the section and the Hausa resisted the attempt by Yoruba to be included in the
leadership. This was one of the issues that led to the fracas in 1999. In an interview granted to
the researcher, a trader, who identified himself as Muiz, and claimed he was present during the
1999 violent confrontation, argued that;
Our (Yoruba) desire is that we must occupy all the leadership positions
in the market. The Hausa are strangers here; therefore strangers cannot
lead us here (Fieldwork, 2015).
Mr Ibrahim Shuaibu, the Administrative officer at the Perishable Foodstuff section attested to the
fact that since the creation of Mile 12 market, Hausa have been in total control of the affairs of
the market. The Yoruba at first didn’t compete with the Hausa as regards who should control the
market but since they have begun to agitate for the inclusion in the leadership committee, we
have found a way to incorporate them. Similarly, High Chief Kelvin Nwaoha, who is the
President General of Ndi-Igbo in the Shukura section (as at July, 2015) vented his anger during
his conversation with the researcher. He argued that since the establishment of the market in
1976 and to date (July, 2015), the Hausa have practically held on the chairmanship position of
the section. He then asked the researcher a rhetorical question ‘Should it be so’?
(ii) Economic/wealth: As noted by Bartos and Wehr (2002:29), resources are contested when a
party wants some of the resources the other party has or when both adversaries want the same
unallocated resource. Most of the conflicts in the market were usually tied to economic issues.
There were allegations by some traders interviewed that the hidden cause of the crisis in 1999
was the control over monies collected through royalties. They argued that the Shukura yam
sellers’ section headed by the Hausa makes more than six million naira (N6,000,000) per month
from royalty collection. It was this money that attracted those seeking leadership post but belong
to other ethnic groups. This subsequently led to the leadership tussle. Similarly, it is on paper
that one of the reasons for the resentment against the Hausa in Sagamu which also led to the

Hausa/Yoruba violent crisis in July, 1999 was their dominance of the kolanut marketing chain.
The Yoruba growers of kolanut (who always sold to Hausa wholesalers), perceiving that a lot of
money was being made in the retail side of the kolanut business, attempted to enter the retail side
of the business. Hausa wholesalers in Ibadan, Sagamu, Ife, Ijebu and other Yoruba towns banded
together and resisted the incursion. They did not only continue to control the trade, the ethnic
monopoly they enjoyed enabled them to dictate prices to the Yoruba sellers. This ethnic
monopoly of the kolanut trade was identified as a contributing factor to the ethnic conflict
between the Hausa/Fulani and Yoruba in Sagamu in 1999 during which scores of lives were lost
on both sides (Gina etal, 2005:11).
The refusal to pay debt owed by market men and women and non-payment of tenancy rate also
contributed to conflicts in the market (Lartey, 2005:69). At this point it is important to point out
that one of the reasons for a contest either over power, wealth and prestige is the feeling of
injustice or being unjustly treated. That is the thought by one party that the other has resources
that rightfully belong to him or her. If the method of distribution of wealth, prestige and power is
believed to be unjustly done, those who felt unjustly treated will desire to get more than they are
currently receiving. This creates incompatible goals, the privileged wish to maintain the status
quo, the underprivileged to change it to their advantage (Bartos and Wehr 2002:33).
(b) Incompatible values: Nigeria is a nation blessed with more than 250 ethnic groups. These
groups have different cultures, history, mode of dressing, lifestyles etc. The culture of the
Yoruba is not the same with the Hausa. These lifestyles constitute a major source of conflict
(Nwaoha, 2015). Groups that originate separately from each other tend to develop different
cultures that may advocate incompatible values–that is, the standards of rightness and goodness
that hold a culture and society together (Bartos and Wehr 2002:41). Ordinarily this should not be
a problem if there is mutual understanding and tolerance among people of different cultures and
values. But desperate element have mobilised sentiment around these differences. At first, it was
the colonial masters who used the divide and rule tactics in governing Nigeria. However
postcolonial predatory politicians have since mobilised ethnic sentiments in postcolonial
administration and governance. The Iya Oloja of Alaba Electronics Market, Yeye Dupe Ojo who
was an active actor and narrowly survived being killed in the crisis in 1999, posited that what
transpired in 1999 was the manipulation of selfish political interest around ethnicity. She
narrated that some elements of Yoruba extraction contracted the Oduduwa People’s Congress

(OPC), an ethnic militia group, to help them in achieving their political interest. The OPC,
having heard the sides of the Yorubas and not listening to the account of the Hausa swung into
action. This resulted in the loss of several lives and properties. The non-acknowledgement and
misunderstanding of, and intolerance towards the uniqueness of the values of others are part of
the causes of conflict in the market.
(c) Poor communication: This has to do with our manner of communication. That is the way we
relate to the other person. Communication takes a variety of forms which include verbal
(speaking), non-verbal (body signals), listening, and interpreting messages (Caritas International,
2002:112). There are basically three forms of communications; these are benevolent, ambivalent
and malevolent communication. Benevolent communication is usually referred to as positive
communication that is, expressing kind feelings toward the other. This kind of communication
reduces the risk/chance of conflicting actions. Ambivalent communication means ambiguous
communication that is the use of words that are not clear to the other person. Malevolent
communication is the opposite of benevolent communication. It is usually referred to as negative
communication. This kind of communication increases the chance of conflict. Lack of proper
communication between the Yoruba and the Hausa in the market is another source of conflict. At
times during negotiations over a particular commodity, especially between a Yoruba buyer and a
Hausa seller; if the Hausa unintentionally speaks his dialect, the Yoruba man may feel he is
being insulted and abused. He may immediately starts to insult and curse the Hausa man in
retaliation instead of asking for the meaning of what the Hausa has said.
(d) Impatience: Impatience is another cause of conflict daily in the market. Impatience can be
between Hausa and Yoruba, between sellers and buyers. For example, Mr A and Mr B want to
go through a tiny road at the same time instead of waiting for one another they results to insults
and abuse. Other causes of conflict between traders include snatching of customers, gossips,
slandering etc.
3.2 Peace-building Initiatives
The peacebuilding efforts targeted at managing Mile 12 market from 1999-2014 and
ensuring that individuals and groups are fully incorporated into the society without either
losing their cultural distinctiveness or being denied full participation are;

3.2.1 Reorganisation of the market: Worthy of mention here is the role played by the
state government led by Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, and the Kosofe Local Government, led
then by Honourable Tunde Ibrahim (1999) in the reorganisation of the market. According
to Yeye Dupe Ojo (2015), Mile 12 market, at the time when this study was carried out is
one of the most organised markets in the state. The market is structured into three main
sections; which are: Perishable Foodstuff section, Shukura Yam sellers and Alaba
section.
(a) The Perishable Foodstuff Section: This section is predominantly Hausa and Yoruba and it has
about (13) units which include; vegetable, cucumber and watermelon sellers unit, carrot and
cabbage sellers association, rice and beans sellers association, tomatoes sellers association,
onions sellers association, potatoes sellers association, okro sellers association, red pepper
(tatase) sellers association, dried red pepper (dried tatase) sellers association, dry pepper sellers
association, yam flour (elubo) sellers association, yam (washawasha) sellers association, among
others. Each of these associations has its unit leaders but all the units/associations make up the
Perishable Foodstuff Association headed by a chairman. The current chairman of the Perishable
Foodstuff Association is Alhaji Haruna Mohammed who presides over all the sub-associations
(Shuaibu, 2015).
(b) Shukura Yam Sellers Section: While Perishable foodstuff section deals in all perishables
fruits, vegetables and pepper, Shukura yam depot trade solely in yams. Not one among the three
sections of the market is mono-ethnic in nature. All the major ethnic groups in the country are
represented in the Shukura Yam section. It has large population of Yoruba, Hausa, Igbo, Fulani,
Itsekiri, Ijaw, Idoma, Igbira, Ilaje etc ( Dupe, Olawale, Nwaoha, 2015). Unlike the Perishable
section which is sub-divided based on the goods sold, the Shukura Yam section is sub divided
based on geo-political zones, with each zone electing its own zonal leaders. There are six geo-
political zonal leaders in Shukura section headed by the overall chairman elected by the zonal
leaders.
(c) Alaba Electronics Section: The Alaba electronics section is predominantly Igbo and Yoruba.
This section deals in selling of electronics, provisions, cloths and general commodity goods. The
section is sub divided into units based on the commodity sold. Commodity heads are elected by
sellers of that particular commodity within the section. Under the Alaba electronics section, there

are heads of provision sellers, head of electronics sellers, head of cloths sellers etc. All these
units and commodity heads constitute a leadership committee that is controlled and chaired by
the Iya Oloja of the section. In an interview granted on the 22nd July, 2015 by the Iya Oloja of
Alaba electronics section Yeye Dupe Ojo, she explained, while narrating the history and
structure of the section, that initially the section was supposed to accommodate seventeen (17)
sub sections but since 1985, it has maintained fifteen (15) units with the sawmill and auto spare
parts unit conspicuously missing in the section. The units under the Alaba electronics are the
Ifedola grinding machine unit, Aduramigba yam flour unit, Ifelodun yam flour unit,
Oluwalomose unit (provision sellers), Habdastor unit (nails and tools sellers), Oredegbe edible
unit (groundnut and palm oil sellers), Ajebandele unit (sales of livestock), Fish sellers unit,
Butchers unit, Irewolede unit (garri sellers), Ifesowepo unit (Yam sellers), rice and beans sellers
unit, Ajewesola unit (herbs), Charcoal and mortal sellers unit and See fancy unit (electronics).
There are chairmen for all the units in the market. In summary, there are 353 different units in
the market (Olawale, 2015).
It is important to note that the current arrangement in the market was one of the peacebuilding
initiatives reached by all stakeholders after the crisis of 1999 where many traders both Hausa and
Yoruba extraction were killed. Since then there is no single authority within the market
governing the market. However, the only existing authority governing over the entire Mile 12
market is the Market Men and Women Association in Lagos State headed by the Baba Oloja and
Iya Oloja General of Lagos State. The association is currently chaired by Mrs Folashade Tinubu
Ojo whose authority covers all the markets in Lagos State.
3.2.2 Trainings and education:
The government has organised trainings and education to market men and women in this regard.
Most notable is the ‘Inter Ethnic Forum’ established by the government immediately after the
1999 crisis. The forum consists among others, leaders of Hausa and Yoruba in the market. The
forum was charged with the responsibility of educating all men and women in the market and in
places prone to ethnic and religious conflicts in the state, of the importance and benefits of
mutual existence and accommodation. Also worthy of mention is the workshop organised by the
state government in conjunction with USAID in 2000 on peace-making and peace-building.
Market leaders were taught various conflict handling styles and methods, when and how to
deploy each of them.

3.2.3 Religious understanding and accommodation:
Religion has played and is still playing a crucial role in sustaining the stable peace in the market.
According to Shuaibu (2015); after a critical study of the Yoruba culture, it was discovered that
the prominent religion of Hausa (Islam) is also practiced by the Yoruba. This has helped in
developing cordial relationship between them. According to him, ‘Our religion allows us to be
closer to the Yoruba’. Hausa are mostly Muslims while the Yorubas are partly Muslims and a
considerable number of them are also Christians. Hausas in the markets have built their mosques
while the Yorubas have also built their mosques. But this separation does not affect who and
where to worship at prayer times. Yorubas worship in mosques built by Hausa and vice versa.
There is religious understanding noticeable between both ethnic groups. Hence, religion rather
than being a source of conflict, as to a large extent, promoted intercultural harmony and peaceful
co-existence among the Yoruba and Hausa.
Also there has been good understanding and accommodation between the Christians and
Muslims in the market. While there are several mosques located at several corners within the
market, all the efforts by the researcher to locate a church within the market was to no avail.
Shuaibu, one of the leaders in the market, when asked to explain why there are no churches in
the market, posited that initially there were churches in the market but as quest for trading space
got tensed, those places were converted. Dupe (2015) made further clarifications by espousing
that the reason for the ubiquitous sighting of Mosques is because of the nature of worship of the
adherents of Islam. Muslims worship on an hourly basis unlike the Christians who worship
majorly on Sundays. She however posited that Christians in the market have fellowship services
every Thursday of the week.
3.2.4 Security: The security institutions have rallied around in providing security for the market.
The market enjoys a joint security mechanism by the police, army, customs, immigration, state
security service, with support of the local vigilante group and a task force unit constituted by the
leaders of the market. The market employed 100 men to assist government officials in
controlling traffic and maintaining law and order. The officers at the police post at Mile 12 and
Ketu have also being proactive in quickly deescalating all major unresolved confrontations in

and around the market. The presence of all these security agencies has been able to curb conflict
in the market (Lartey, 2005:91). Effective police-community relations and cooperation and the
consequent deterrence provided by an effective police presence have sustained the peace in the
market.
3.2.5 Leadership by consociation: The major cause of the crisis in 1999 was the non-
representation of Yoruba in the leadership structure of the market especially at Shukura Yam
section. At the moment, the leadership is now run through consociation. According to reports
from interviewees, it was gathered that in the last elections held in the market in which Hausa
emerged as the Chairman of the section, a Yoruba also emerged as the treasurer of the
association while an Igbo man emerged as the secretary of Shukura Yam section. The current
arrangement now allows power to be shared among major ethnic groups within the market.
3.2.6 Elections and election monitoring team: One of the policies agreed at the peace pact
immediately after the crises in 1999 was the introduction of elections and elective principle.
Elections are usually conducted in the market periodically to select market leaders and
representatives. From reports gathered from traders in the market, they all posited that during the
last elections conducted in some sections in the market, campaign posters of candidates vying for
leadership positions within the market were even more sophisticated than that of a gubernatorial
candidate. Votes are cast through an electoral college. During elections, an election monitoring
committee is usually constituted. Invitation is usually sent to security institutions within the
vicinity of the market; representatives of the Ikosi-Isheri Local Council Development Area,
representatives of the Lagos State House of Assembly, representatives of the Lagos State Market
Men and Women association in the state are usually called to monitor the election.
All the aforementioned initiatives have been largely successful in ameliorating and de-escalating
violent tendencies within the market. One of our interviewee Mr Olawale posited that there is no
longer any hostility between both parties and that all pending issues have been resolved
amicably. To this extent, the motto of the market is Mile 12 market: One voice

3.3 Challenges of Peacebuilding.
Most of the peacebuilding efforts and initiatives are being made by the leaders of the market.
The only time government direct intervention was felt was immediately after the violent conflict
in 1999 (Shuaibu, 2015). Since then the market and their leaders have largely been made
independent. The following are the challenges of peacebuilding;
3.3.1. Sanitation and irregular cleaning of the market: It was discovered that the market lacks
an efficient sanitation and cleaning mechanism. Mile 12 market is largely a farmer’s market,
which is why it generates a lot of rubbish. The market needs the assistance of the government in
stepping up the refuse disposal mechanism. Although the Lagos State Government already
empowered the Lagos State Waste Management Authority (LAWMA) to assist in collection and
disposal of refuse; however its effort is not enough. During the period of conducting this
fieldwork, it was observed that refuse was seen dumped outside the market recklessly.
3.3.2 Over population and overcrowding. Most of the leaders interviewed posited that the
market is over populated. This poses a serious challenge to peace-building in the market.
Crowded markets often become conflict flashpoints because they commonly bring large numbers
of people from different ethnic groups together in a confined congested area. There will be
contest and struggle over limited resources including space, which can lead to conflict. Such
situation also provides fertile ground for conflict entrepreneurs wishing to use conflict for
business or political ends to promote their aims (Gina etal, 2005:3). Though, there are rumours
spreading within the market that the government intends to relocate or move a section of the
market to Agbowa town in Ikorodu division, but when it will happen is still unknown.
3.3.3 Housing problem: The apparent housing problem is a challenge to peace-building in the
market. People were sighted sleeping recklessly in the market. The market now serves as shelter
to menial workers, job seekers and vagabonds in and around the town. Though, some of the
leaders of the market argued that most of those that sleep recklessly around the market during the
day are those who aid in the offloading of goods from vehicles overnight in the market. They
argued that there are over 2,000 vehicles that offload goods in the market daily (Dupe, Olawale,

and Shuaibu 2015). Since there is no place for them to sleep during the day, these people sleep
anywhere, waiting for their working period (overnight).
3.3.4. Lack of social amenities: The market lack adequate social amenities. Most of the toilets
in the market are privately owned and run. Olawale, the leader of Oluwalomose market, one of
the fifteen units under Alaba Electronics, while narrating his ordeal said, ‘there was a day I used
the toilet four times and I paid 50 naira each time totaling 200 naira’. The market lacks good
road network and this has been a major cause of conflict in the market especially during rainy
season. The only road which is tarred in the market (as at July, 2015) was constructed in the
Perishable Foodstuff Section by its leaders. Though the market officer of Ikosi Isheri Local
Council Development Area, Mrs. Giwa, said the project was a partnership between the council
and the leaders of the section. However, one of the leaders of Perishable Foodstuff section
claimed the project was solely executed by the leaders; he claimed that it was an 80 million naira
project. Shortage of amenities has the capacity to lead to social crisis and conflicts as many
people struggle for limited facilities such as better portion of road, sanitary facilities, etc.
3.3.5. Imposition of leaders: There are attempts by the government to impose sections and unit
leaders on market men and women for political reasons. They want to install their party men and
women as leaders. This has been a major cause of conflict and a problem to peace-building.
In 2005, there were two Iya Olojas for the Alaba section (Alhaja Adetutu and Alhaja Ahmed),
each representing the two prominent political parties, the PDP and the AD (Lartey, 2005).
According to the present Iya Oloja of Alaba Electronics, Yeye Dupe Ojo (2015), giving credence
to Lartey’s assertion, ‘there is a woman parading herself as the Iya Oloja of my section. The
woman, according to her, does not even own a shop in this Local Government not to mention in
this market. It is impossible for such people appointed by politicians to lead us’. Imposition of
market leaders for political reason will surely lead to unnecessary divisions and subsequently
conflict.
3.3.6. Insecurity: There is no doubt that the rising population of the market has not come
without its own challenges. The increase in population has come with increase in security
challenges. Apart from the market serving as a sanctuary for criminals operating within the
vicinity, these criminals also commit atrocities within the market. Tricksters and pilferers

gallivant around to dupe and pick pockets of traders (Lartey, 2005: 71). Smokers and thugs were
observed gambling openly in a section in the market.
3.3.7 Commercialisation of complaint and conflict resolution:
During the fieldwork for this study, the researcher employed both participatory and non-
participatory observation as a tool for gathering relevant information. In one of the events that
the researcher observed, it was discovered that fees were charged before reports of conflict were
entertained. There was a trader that came to report an incident of an intruder into his shop but to
our surprise the man was charged, and he paid 500 naira before his case could be entertained.
The trader who later confided with the researcher argued that the money being charged at the
administrative office was too much. He argued that the charges have made a lot of persons in the
market not to think of reporting disagreements and conflict to the office. In another event
observed, two boys were arrested by the market task force for disobeying market rules; they were
caught offloading goods on the road therefore obstructing traffic. After beating them thoroughly
they were not released until they paid a ransom.
4. SUMMARY, RECOMMENDATIONS AND CONCLUSION.
Summary
The transition to democratic rule in Nigeria in 1999 marked the resurgence of conflicts along
ethnic lines. The period witnessed violent conflicts in Mile 12, Idi-Araba, Mushin, Ajegunle,
Lagos, Sagamu, Ogun State, Bodija, Ibadan, Oyo State, Ilorin, Kwara State, Jos, Plateau State
etc. These conflicts have left both ethnicity and development scholars with the daunting task of
investigating the causes of these conflicts and how institutions can help in the management of
these conflicts.
The termination of the violent crisis in Mile 12 market between Hausa and Yoruba which
claimed many lives in 1999, was brought about by the political mediation by the then Governor
of the State, Bola Ahmed Tinubu who intervened in the crisis and facilitated a peace agreement
between both parties and also the peace enforcement by the Nigeria Army. Since then a lot of
post conflict peacebuilding efforts have been implemented which are largely responsible for the
stable peace the market enjoys.

This study has attempted to investigate the causes of conflicts and the various
peacebuilding initiatives being implemented in the market. This study has drawn attention to the
major causes of conflicts in the market which included: contest over resources, incompatible
value system, poor communication and impatience. It also identified the myriads of post conflict
peacebuilding initiatives in the market within the period 1999 and 2014. These initiatives
included: reorganisation of the market, trainings and education, religious understanding and
accommodation, provision of security and market task force, setting up of a leadership
committee, introduction of election and monitoring committee.
This study therefore argues that these initiatives have been largely responsible for the downward
trend of violent conflict and the stable peace being enjoyed in the market.
Despite these successes, the following challenges to peacebuilding were identified; sanitation
and irregular cleaning of the market, problem associated with housing and hooliganism (the
market now serve as a sanctuary for thugs and the homeless), charging of fees before reports of
conflicts and disagreement are entertained, imposition of market leaders by the government,
insecurity, over population and lack of social amenities.
Recommendations
The following recommendations were made;
1. Provision of amenities: There is a need for adequate provision of social amenities. The
government must properly identify potential conflict pressure issues. The market lacks public
toilets, health facilities, adequate power supply, streetlights, good road network and pipe borne
water. The government must build at least more than fifty public toilets in the market to be
located in various sections of the market. Since the market operates all day, there is need for the
installation of streetlights in the market for security purposes. Roads and clinics befitting of an
international markets should be constructed.
2. Availability of funds: Government must make funds available to traders without interest
rates, or with minimal interest rate. Market men and women complained of the high interest rate
by Micro finance banks arguing that it is enslaving them. Government must, therefore, facilitate
free loans or 10% interest for a year. Serious efforts should be made to create economic
opportunities for the less privileged.

3. Preference for democratic culture: Political sentiments should be removed in dealing with
market issues. Government must allow those elected or chosen by the traders to govern and
represent them. Imposition of leaders not elected by the traders can be a genuine source of
grievance and consequently lead to violent conflict.
4. Learning other local languages: Just like how fresh graduates are posted to states and towns
other than theirs to serve in the compulsory National Youth Service (NYSC) scheme; Nigerians
must be mandated to learn languages other than the official language and their mother tongue so
as to facilitate good communication and understanding amongst all.
5. Consultations: Formulation of policies affecting the market should be done jointly by all
stakeholders involved. Adequate consultations should be done before introducing public policies.
6. Construction of more markets: There is a need to construct more markets so as to reduce
overcrowding and tension. This will make markets less likely to become flash points for
conflicts. Markets must be properly designed and constructed; it must include all the facilities
befitting a 21st century market.
7. Non commercialisation of conflict and complaint resolution processes: The goal of conflict
resolution process should not be for profit maximisation. All efforts at resolving conflicts and
investigating complaints within the market should be targeted at restoring and sustaining
relationships.
Conclusion
As Sola Olorunyomi (2015) posited that rather than an alliance based on class, Africans, and
Nigerians in particular, have been deceived to now agitate along illusionary ethnic lines.
Reducing explanations of ethnic conflicts solely to primordial causes can be limited in scope and
misleading in interpretation and use. Truly, cultural diversities are natural; but institutions can
play an important role in regulating the level of conflict potential of ethnicity. These institutions
define inter-ethnic relationships by either facilitating or obstructing inter-group cooperation. It is
arguable that the collapse of communism in former Yugoslavia and the adoption of liberal free
market economy ignited the ethnic conflict that ravaged the country. Amilcar Cabral’s position
on the secondary and minimal role of ethnicity as a platform for bringing the desired change and
peace is encouraging. In his inspiring work, ‘The Struggle in Guinea’, he posited that;
you may be surprised to know that we consider the
contradictions between ethnic groups as a secondary one….Our

struggle for national liberation and the work done by our party
have shown that this contradiction is not so important, the
Portuguese counted on it a lot but as soon as we organised the
liberation struggle properly the contradictions between the ethnic
groups proved to be a feeble contradiction (Nnoli 1976:12).
Just like it has been stated earlier, this study is not an attempt to celebrate ethnic consciousness
over class consciousness nor to investigate the political economy of Nigeria but it was conceived
as an attempt to spotlight the various peace-building initiatives in Mile 12 market which
adequately present the multicultural composition of Nigeria within the period 1999-2014.
Hopefully, it has succeeded in identifying the various efforts at managing ethnic conflicts and
building peace by the society, while the struggle to permanently rescue humanity from the social,
economic and political crisis created by capitalism is still on course.

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