After Charlie and Garissa, addressing the external dimension of global terrorism : An Africa-Europe International Treaty on Peace, Security & Development (Speech final as per delivery 05 06 2015)
This document discusses the need for a new treaty between Africa and Europe to address shared security challenges like terrorism. It notes the "annus horribilis" of 2015, with attacks in both continents like Charlie Hebdo, Garissa University, and the Mediterranean migrant crisis. It argues the current Africa-EU strategic partnership is not adequate given worsening threats. A new treaty could help promote peace as the foundation of relations between the two regions, which will share over 2.5 billion citizens by 2050. It would also help prevent, manage and resolve crises that impact both continents.
Improving the Management of Major Risks in Morocco - OECD Key FindingsOECD Governance
The review provides an objective assessment of recognised risk management policies by international experts. The study identifies both the successes and strengths of the existing system, and also the challenges to overcome in order to improve Morocco's resilience in coping with major risks. For more information on the launch of this review, see http://www.oecd.org/governance/risk/launch-event-improving-the-management-of-major-risks-in-morocco.htm
Colours of the wind - An analysis of integration in europeseyflecce
This handbook comes from the the development of the project Colours of the
Wind, a training course developed by SEYF Malta and supported by the Maltese
National Agengy EUPA within the frame of the Erasmus Plus Programme.
Its overall aim was to train and enable youth workers, leaders and youngsters
on the way to use different models and tools for the integration of minorities,
especially young migrants in society.
The content and the information provided by this publication try to give some
input to all the people involved in the process of non formal education, of the
promotion of intercultural dialogue and of the values of integration and solidairity
among the local communities
Our strong belief is that from more inclusive communites we can build a stronger
Europe.
The products, the activities based on non formal education and all the researches
have been entirely made by the participant to the project.
Our thanks go to EUPA, the Maltese National Agency that supported our project
under the Erasmus Plus programme, to the international participants and their
sending organizations and to the local NGOs that believed in our aims.
Project link: http://www.seyf.eu/inclusion/95-colours-of-the-wind
"Building Consensus for Peace in the Post-2015 Development Agenda"
Regional Review Conference on the Geneva Declaration on Armed Violence and Development
Nairobi, Kenya | 26-27 November 2014
Improving the Management of Major Risks in Morocco - OECD Key FindingsOECD Governance
The review provides an objective assessment of recognised risk management policies by international experts. The study identifies both the successes and strengths of the existing system, and also the challenges to overcome in order to improve Morocco's resilience in coping with major risks. For more information on the launch of this review, see http://www.oecd.org/governance/risk/launch-event-improving-the-management-of-major-risks-in-morocco.htm
Colours of the wind - An analysis of integration in europeseyflecce
This handbook comes from the the development of the project Colours of the
Wind, a training course developed by SEYF Malta and supported by the Maltese
National Agengy EUPA within the frame of the Erasmus Plus Programme.
Its overall aim was to train and enable youth workers, leaders and youngsters
on the way to use different models and tools for the integration of minorities,
especially young migrants in society.
The content and the information provided by this publication try to give some
input to all the people involved in the process of non formal education, of the
promotion of intercultural dialogue and of the values of integration and solidairity
among the local communities
Our strong belief is that from more inclusive communites we can build a stronger
Europe.
The products, the activities based on non formal education and all the researches
have been entirely made by the participant to the project.
Our thanks go to EUPA, the Maltese National Agency that supported our project
under the Erasmus Plus programme, to the international participants and their
sending organizations and to the local NGOs that believed in our aims.
Project link: http://www.seyf.eu/inclusion/95-colours-of-the-wind
"Building Consensus for Peace in the Post-2015 Development Agenda"
Regional Review Conference on the Geneva Declaration on Armed Violence and Development
Nairobi, Kenya | 26-27 November 2014
Assignment for WO=MEN (in collaboration with Cordaid, ICCO, Ministry of foreign Affairs, Oxfam Novib and WPP).
A popular publication about Women, Peace and Security, using storytelling.
By FRIS Collectief: Alba Leon, Inemarie Dekker, Saskia Derks and Suzanne Hoeksema.
Migration numbers and refugees emergency across the mediterreneanAndrea Ciantar
Migration numbers and refugees emergency across the Mediterrenean.
“Lampedusa Berlin, Travel journal” project
Europe for Citizens Program – Strand2: Democratic engagement and civic participation
First project meeting, January 16th 2017 – Palermo
Global Security Policy and Nigeria's Development.pptxJosephItse
The World is experiencing issues of Security and efforts are on to finding ways to resolve them. Peace and security are twin sacred values desired by every individual, group, nation and the global community because without them. Global security includes but not limited to military and diplomatic measures that nations and international organisations such as the United Nations and North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) takes to ensure mutual safety and security. An attempt has been made to x-ray the global security policy as well as Nigeria’s development challenges.
Available literature shows that the major challenges affecting the world includes but necessarily limited to terrorism, health insecurity, human trafficking as well as proliferation of small arms and light weapons.
Others include illicit arms, drug trafficking and environmental insecurity. Analysis of global security challenges shows that some countries do not have a single national security policy document but a series of policy documents, such as White Papers on Defence, speeches of the authorities, and other related papers.
hii guys this is my ongoing presentation from my speciality class i hope u guys lije that please so i hope it is been useful for u in ur specialities by getting little help with that
hii guys this is my ongoing presentation from my speciality class i hope u guys lije that please so i hope it is been useful for u in ur specialities by getting little help with that
Assignment for WO=MEN (in collaboration with Cordaid, ICCO, Ministry of foreign Affairs, Oxfam Novib and WPP).
A popular publication about Women, Peace and Security, using storytelling.
By FRIS Collectief: Alba Leon, Inemarie Dekker, Saskia Derks and Suzanne Hoeksema.
Migration numbers and refugees emergency across the mediterreneanAndrea Ciantar
Migration numbers and refugees emergency across the Mediterrenean.
“Lampedusa Berlin, Travel journal” project
Europe for Citizens Program – Strand2: Democratic engagement and civic participation
First project meeting, January 16th 2017 – Palermo
Global Security Policy and Nigeria's Development.pptxJosephItse
The World is experiencing issues of Security and efforts are on to finding ways to resolve them. Peace and security are twin sacred values desired by every individual, group, nation and the global community because without them. Global security includes but not limited to military and diplomatic measures that nations and international organisations such as the United Nations and North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) takes to ensure mutual safety and security. An attempt has been made to x-ray the global security policy as well as Nigeria’s development challenges.
Available literature shows that the major challenges affecting the world includes but necessarily limited to terrorism, health insecurity, human trafficking as well as proliferation of small arms and light weapons.
Others include illicit arms, drug trafficking and environmental insecurity. Analysis of global security challenges shows that some countries do not have a single national security policy document but a series of policy documents, such as White Papers on Defence, speeches of the authorities, and other related papers.
hii guys this is my ongoing presentation from my speciality class i hope u guys lije that please so i hope it is been useful for u in ur specialities by getting little help with that
hii guys this is my ongoing presentation from my speciality class i hope u guys lije that please so i hope it is been useful for u in ur specialities by getting little help with that
Similar to After Charlie and Garissa, addressing the external dimension of global terrorism : An Africa-Europe International Treaty on Peace, Security & Development (Speech final as per delivery 05 06 2015)
Military/Activities Checklist - 17.SU.HIS.2215.pdf
201774 Activities Checklist 17.SU.HIS.2215.500 SURVEY OF AFRICAN HISTORY
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To meet the learning objectives for this topic, you will complete these activities. Print this page and use
it as a checklist.
Review the Introduction and Objectives page.
Read pages 360404 in your textbook.
Read the lesson, The War to End All Wars.
Read the lesson, Ethiopia and World War II.
Read the lesson, Civil Wars.
Complete all activities on the Learning Activities page.
Read the Spotlight: Libya page.
Participate in Discussion: Military.
Post any questions about the course or assignments in the Help! Discussion.
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Military/Civil War - 17.SU.HIS.2215.pdf
201774 Civil War 17.SU.HIS.2215.500 SURVEY OF AFRICAN HISTORY
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Printerfriendly version
With the exception of Syria, African
countries currently get the worst rep
when it comes to violence and conflict.
Virtually every story coming out of the
continent of Africa seems to showcase
one atrocity or another. This narrative
is both true and false. In 2014, Africa
experienced more than half of
worldwide conflict incidents, despite
having only about 16 percent of the
world population. This is a slightly
larger share of the world’s conflicts
than even during the chaotic years of
the postCold War 1990s.
But there are two important caveats.
One, the absolute number of conflicts
worldwide has greatly decreased over
the last two decades. So despite
shouldering a larger share of the
conflict burden, in absolute terms,
Africa has become more peaceful as
well. And secondly, the remaining
conflicts seem to cluster in specific
regions and involve only a few of
Africa’s 54 nationstates. According to the Uppsala Conflict Data Program, 12 African countries
experienced armed conflict in 2014. Three additional countries — Burundi, Niger and Chad — will likely be
added to the list for the 2015 data.
Geographically Africa’s conflicts are tightly clustered along an arc stretching from northern Mali through
southern Algeria and Libya into Egypt, extending into the Sinai Peninsula. The Boko Haram conflict in
northeastern Nigeria is another epicenter and situated in relative proximity to an area of conflict hot
spots in the Central African Republic, Eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo, Burundi, South Sudan
and Darfur. On Africa’s eastern coast, the Somali civil war is still going strong in its third decade.
Modern conflicts in Africa are thus highly localized, and they defy simplistic explanations based on
stereotypes. That being said, these are our predictions for Africa’s conflicts in 2016.
Boko Haram
Frequent conflict between Boko Haram and the Nigerian government throughout 2015 has been
reported. The insurgency is the deadliest conflict that Africa is ...
The refugee crisis: why we need to speak about corruption?MYO AUNG Myanmar
http://www.transparency.org/news/feature/the_refugee_crisis_why_we_need_to_speak_about_corruption
The refugee crisis: why we need to speak about corruption
Instability, corruption and a lack of good governance is a major cause of why people choose to risk everything and travel to Europe in many countries across the world. Therefore, aid and development policies must address these issues in the long term. If we want to ensure that this crisis never happens again, tackling corruption must be counted among the policy solutions.
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The Anna Lindh Report 2014 : Intercultural Trends and Social Changes in the E...Jamaity
The Euro-Mediterranean region is experiencing the
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FRPSOH[FRQÀLFWRIWKHUHJLRQWKH(XURSHDQ8QLRQPRVW
of the Mediterranean Arab countries, Turkey and Israel
jointly launched the Barcelona Process. It was the most
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civil society in the last years and its renewed capacity
to become a player for social change in the region.
Since 2010, we have observed converging demands
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powerful and exciting reality. As a matter of fact, there
are new and stimulating reasons for hope, but there are
also perturbing causes for concern. On both shores of
the Mediterranean.
Conflict and the Post 2015 Development Agenda South AfricaDr Lendy Spires
South Africa has an important and respected voice in global policy debates. This derives from its political identity, its economic attributes, and its role in regional and international diplomacy. South Africa’s unique political experience has imbued it with a particular moral legitimacy. Furthermore, through its active inter-national role since 1994, it is regarded as a key player in the emergent African order, and a key African actor in the international system.
It has sub-Saharan Africa’s largest economy (accounting for over a third of its GDP and some 40 per cent of exports), and it is the dominant economy in the southern African region. The shape and content of the new framework for international development after 2015 will be important for future growth and prosperity in Africa. The global process to debate what issues should feature in this framework – and how they can be incorporated – is well underway, with wide-ranging consultations having already taken place, and continuing up until the negotiations phase of the process begins in September 2014.
The current framework, the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), has been influential in defining international development priorities, but it does not incorporate issues of peace and stability. The significance of this omission is evidenced by the fact that only about 20 per cent of the countries that the World Bank categorises as ‘fragile or conflict-affected’ are on track to meet the basic poverty target. The conclusion is clear: if the post-2015 framework is to promote effective development in conflict-affected states, it must address the challenges of violence and insecurity.
Given South Africa’s role on the continent and internationally, it will be an influential actor in defining the shape and content of the post-2015 process – including if and how to include peace and stability in the new framework. In order to inform and catalyse debate about these issues within the South African policy community, four leading South African organisations and Saferworld have compiled this set of short papers on how these issues affect South Africa and the wider continent.
The papers draw on the South African organisations’ extensive experience of researching and responding to the various identified challenges.
African Liberation Day - Where is Our Independence Part 1Madi Jobarteh
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Essai sur la construction narrative de Poutine pour justifier la guerre en Ukraine.
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Find Latest India News and Breaking News these days from India on Politics, Business, Entertainment, Technology, Sports, Lifestyle and Coronavirus News in India and the world over that you can't miss. For real time update Visit our social media handle. Read First India NewsPaper in your morning replace. Visit First India.
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हम आग्रह करते हैं कि जो भी सत्ता में आए, वह संविधान का पालन करे, उसकी रक्षा करे और उसे बनाए रखे।" प्रस्ताव में कुल तीन प्रमुख हस्तक्षेप और उनके तंत्र भी प्रस्तुत किए गए। पहला हस्तक्षेप स्वतंत्र मीडिया को प्रोत्साहित करके, वास्तविकता पर आधारित काउंटर नैरेटिव का निर्माण करके और सत्तारूढ़ सरकार द्वारा नियोजित मनोवैज्ञानिक हेरफेर की रणनीति का मुकाबला करके लोगों द्वारा निर्धारित कथा को बनाए रखना और उस पर कार्यकरना था।
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2024 is the point of certainty. Forecast of UIF experts
After Charlie and Garissa, addressing the external dimension of global terrorism : An Africa-Europe International Treaty on Peace, Security & Development (Speech final as per delivery 05 06 2015)
1. 1
UNIVERSITY OF PRETORIA
Governance Innovation Week
Pretoria, 5 June 2015
EU-Africa Workshop: ‘Inter-regional dynamics: Re-framing Europe-Africa relations’
Keynote Address by Philippe Darmuzey
After « Charlie » and « Garissa »,
addressing the external dimension of global terrorism :
An Africa-Europe International Treaty on Peace, Security & Development
Dear colleagues, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen,
Let me first of all, thank the Center for the Study of Governance Innovation for inviting me to
speak and for hosting me in the premises of this glorious University of Pretoria.
As you may have noticed, the recent dramatic events in Garissa have led me to change the
heading of my address whilst, unfortunately there was no reason to change the substance .
2015 Annus Horribilis
In a recent Round Table in Brussels, I have discussed with african diplomats The role of the
post-2015 EU Development policy in Addressing Peace, Security and Migration issues… The
first half of 2015 has offered dramatic circumstances on the two sides of the Mediterranean to
illustrate our debate. You will probably agree with me to call this year 2015 “annus horribilis”
regarding Peace.
On the two continents, security threats are now part of our daily life.
In our lifetime, we will never forget the horrifying terrorist attacks in Paris and Garissa, the
continued widespread criminal activity of Boko Haram1
of an unprecedented magnitude in
West Africa as well as the pursuit of unpunished war and terrorist acts by DAECH, Al
Quaeda in Islamic Maghreb, Al Quaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, MUJAO 2
and their
associates in Africa, the Middle East and elsewhere.
4 Million people marched in the streets of Paris, in other French cities and European capitals
on 11 January following the Paris terrorist attacks. But we should not forget either the attacks
1
BOKO HARAM : Boko Haram is a branch of the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant. It has been
active in Nigeria since 2009. The name of the group means "Western" or "non-Islamic" education is a
sin. The group is active in the north of Nigeria, and wants to impose Islamic law as the only law in
Nigeria. It also wants to outlaw education that is not based on Islam in the country.
2
MUJAO, le Mouvement pour l'unicité et le jihad en Afrique de l'Ouest, est un groupe armé
djihadiste salafiste issu d'une scission d'Al-Qaida au Maghreb islamique mi-2011 dans le but d'étendre
l'insurrection islamiste du Maghreb en Afrique de l'Ouest.
2. 2
of the Brussels synagogue, and a few days after January 11, the other attempts thwarted in
Belgium, in Copenhagen, the killing of 21 Christians in Egypt, the proliferation of terror acts
by the Lord's Resistance Army in East Africa, and by Al Sheebab3
in the Kenya-Somalia
region.
The latest massacre of 147 students in the Garissa University College on 2 April 2015 is only
the latest manifestation of a situation that continues to worsen. And what can then be said
about the desperate move underway on the Kenya-Somalia border to build a 700 km long wall
against terrorist attacks following Garissa ?
Beyond these events, Africa and Europe are now facing together a new type of threat in 2015.
I am referring to the dramatic Mediterranean migrants crisis linked to the business of human
trafficking (Migration-out-of-human trafficking) which has resulted in more than 1700 deaths
in shipwrecks since the beginning of 2015. And this, following a record of more than 3000
deaths in 2014. We know that the situation in Libya is simply an immediate cause of the
crisis, not its deeper roots.
The year 2015 has definitely taught Africa and Europe together that security threats require a
comprehensive approach based on the identification of root causes and a response strategy
which should address both the :
• Internal challenges within our societies, and
• External challenges between Africa and Europe
Today, let’s concentrate on the external challenge. And let’s assume that we all agree that
Africa and Europe share a common global public good : Peace…
Let me now turn to the background of this workshop and start with setting the international
scene.
Setting the scene : the 2015 International debate
On 25 April, The editorial in the French daily "Le Monde" headlined as follows: "Migrants:
the failure of the Europeans, not Europe" ...the European institutions are largely powerless
for good reason: the bulk of migration issues is not part of the EU’s jurisdiction ... It is not
the EU that fails miserably in this case. These are the European nations, rulers and voters."
This statement by Le Monde points to a first feature of the 2015 international debate: the need
to address the magnitude of current global threats through adequate collective capacity and a
revival of the political and regional integration processes both in Europe and in Africa.
My second remark is about the relevance of the recent tragic events of 2015 to the
international agenda. Indeed, in 2015 Development issues will be on top of 4 major
international milestones: (1) 2015 as the European Year for Development; (2) the United
Nations Summit of New York in September 2015 to adopt the Post-2015 Development
agenda; (3) the UN Conference on Climate Change (COP 21 or Paris 2015) to take place in
3
AL Shaabbab : est un groupe terroriste islamiste somalien d'idéologie salafiste créé en 2006 lors de
l'invasion éthiopienne. Ses membres sont couramment appelés « Shebab » ou « Chebab ». Le
groupe est issu de la fraction la plus dure de l'Union des tribunaux islamiques et a pour objectif
l'instauration de la charia dans la région.
3. 3
December; and finally (4) the launching of the debate on the future of ACP-EU relations after
2020 (expiry of the Cotonou Partnership Agreement).
As a third remark, I would like to underline the fast changing nature of development policies
and the politicisation of the development process over the past decade. This is particularly
true of the EU Development policy which has clearly become part of the European External
Action. In 2015 the international debate will have to urgently review the issue of
Development Cooperation as an effective means to meet the growing global challenges,
including Peace and Security. In Europe, as in Africa, development strategies will require a
stronger understanding and consensus regarding a Comprehensive and operational policy
approach, linking security-development-fragility. We can expect the rise of non-aid policies.
The emergence of new Development Goals to replace the MDGs, and non-aid instruments
will most likely reflect the rising need for new Partnership and Ownership approaches. The
ongoing UN debate on Sustainable Development Goals has already identified among the
proposed goals SDG16: ‘Promote peaceful and inclusive societies for sustainable
development’.
Against this background,
Does the Africa-EU Strategic Partnership meet the 2015 Peace challenges ?
The 4th Summit between Europe and Africa, held in Brussels from 2 to 4 April 2014, has
presented a mixed picture. If the link between security and development was again recognized
as a strategic priority, concrete progress is obviously not commensurate with the challenges.
The Libyan conflict, the Arab Spring(s), the situation in Somalia for two decades, the
Sudan(s) and Darfur, Chad and the Ivorian crises or past disasters, and other current crises
(Burundi) and conflicts or yet to come from eastern Congo (RDC), the Great Lakes, Central
Africa or Sahel beyond Mali, set the magnitude of the issue. The rapid oblivion of the Libyan
crisis after international intervention (France, United Kingdom, European Union, Atlantic
Alliance (NATO), the Arab League ...) in a context of strained relations with the African
Union, reminds us that the risk is to run a hasty military engagement based on a series of
insufficiently clear doctrinal and strategic terms.
The engagement of the African Union, the European Union and individual Member States
such as France in the Sahel, and other parts of Africa is ever intensifying. However, terrorist
attacks by Al Shabaab in Nairobi and in Garissa and Boko Haram in Nigeria, show the
general inadequacy of means and strategies deployed. Increasing security threats are
rekindling the debate on the need for an enhanced relationship between Europe and Africa in
the area of peace, security and development.
Beyond the issues of governance and corruption, political instability and institutional factors,
drug trafficking, arms trafficking, human trafficking and money-laundering are the raison
d’être of permanently organized groups especially in the Sahelo-Saharan and West Africa
regions. Strengthening links between drug traffickers and terrorist aggravates the porosity of
borders between Africa and Europe, notably through the complex ramifications of these
groups with their corresponding Camorra mafia of the kind in Europe. The attacks of Somali
sheebabs in Nairobi and Garissa recalls the current insufficient capacity of national, regional
or international responses to transregional acts of terrorism.
4. 4
On the European side, it is appropriate to make an opening up and a defragmentation of
multiple centers of decision making and institutional knowledge throughout the security and
development chain in Brussels (Commission, European External Action Service (EEAS),
Council, Parliament ) and in the capitals. The African Peace Facility is subject to a diversity
of legal decision-making, administrative, financial and political procedures that are
weakening its political visibility, scope and operational efficiency. Although the French
intervention in Mali through the Serval operation undoubtedly has had its positive effects, the
method used to involve the European Union has been inadequate
On the African side, already, the crisis in CAR, unlike Mali from the perspective of the
French intervention, illustrates the new responsiveness of the African Union which swiftly
took suspension measures from panAfrican bodies towards officials involved in
unconstitutional change resulting from the rebellion of the Seleka. Again, the Africans are
gradually realizing the need for a critical mass and a pooling of means of response to the
security challenges. Evidence of this is shown by the slow but steady progress of the African
Peace and Security Architecture and the creation and staffing (although symbolic ) of a
Panafrican fund for peace.
On both sides, it is time to elevate to a higher level the joint ambition to address security and
development in Europe and Africa. The current Africa-EU Strategic Partnership4
has
established a first momentum of a new type on political and institutional cooperation and
dynamics at continental and regional level. Progress in the area of Peace and Security is
particularly crucial. Nevertheless the speed of implementation of APSA and the results of the
political dialogue between the Africa and the EU is not adequate in the face of security threats
which keep worsening.
What next ?
Why the Joint Africa-EU Strategy (JAES) should be transformed into a political
Alliance and a security and development Treaty between the two Unions
I would like to review seven good reasons:
1. Peace as the mainspring of EU-Africa relations
The aftermath of the economic crisis in Europe and Africa call for a new pulse of both
continents in pursuit of the integration process and the revival of political Unions.
Persistent threats to security in Europe and beyond, as well as a time evoked fears of a new
Cold War in the Ukraine and Crimea, make it mandatory for the EU as a whole to rethink and
revitalize its security policy and common defense.
Beyond the current borders of the EU, the frequency of European intervention in conflicts and
crises, particularly in Africa continues to grow.
Sustainably address these long-term challenges is the purpose of the proposal for a Euro-
African Treaty for peace, security and development that I made in November 30, 2012 as part
4
Also called JAES : Joint Africa-EU Strategy
5. 5
of the Symposium of the University Montesquieu-Bordeaux: "Africa Peace and Security
Architecture, 10 years after Durban". My proposal analyzed the concrete elements and
feasibility of the establishment of a new Agreement. It was further detailed in a paper
presented at the Ouagadougou Conference on "APSA at the Crossroads", 25-26 October 2013
and updated in the journal "International Francophone Year 2014-2015 "published in
collaboration with Le Monde Diplomatique.
2. The common challenges of Europe and Africa in a space of 2.5 billion
citizens by 2050
Together, Europe and Africa will cover in the middle of the twenty-first century, a contiguous
economic area of 2.5 billion citizens, geographically, economically, culturally and
linguistically close. Despite the economic and democratic progress, crisis situations and
pockets of fragility at local, national or trans-regional level, with their multiple and complex
causes, are not about to disappear from political and strategic concerns of citizens, leaders,
institutions and governments in Africa and Europe. Many opinion leaders on the European
side are rediscovering the importance of peace, strategic partnerships with regional
organizations such as the African Union, which correspond to the configuration of a
multipolar world in which Africa is becoming an actor that counts, beyond the negative
stereotypes of the past.
We need to :
3. Prevent, manage and resolve crises and their consequences for Africa and
Europe
The ongoing conflicts, security threats and crises over the past twenty years , as well as the
emergence of terrorism as a new common public evil, teach us all critical or positive lessons
of the relationship between Europe and Africa in the prevention, management and resolution
of crises and their aftermath.
The consequences of the Arab Spring and the rise of terrorism, arms trafficking and traffick of
human beings, revive the relevance of a more ambitious approach, more comprehensive with
a time horizon of at least 10 years, which seriously questions the 'strategic' vision, patchy and
piecemeal actions of European politicians to this day.
In this context, how not wake up our leaders, asking them to watch, arbitrate and decide
beyond the time horizon of their democratic mandate - whatever the short-term political costs.
Let’s therefore work
4. Towards a post 2015 more politically sustainable Development strategy
Against this picture, there are a number of critical areas worthy of attention during this 2015
Development year:
First of all:
1. Deepening the knowledge & practice of the security-development nexus;
2. Strengthening Policy Coherence for Development;
6. 6
3. Addressing Coherence of Instruments in the Development process;
4. Rethinking the concepts and policies regarding Migration and making a clearer
distinction between “traditional” migration and Migration-out of- human trafficking;
(addressing root causes and appropriate responses);
There is a
5. Need for further integration in the EU and African political processes and their mutual
enrichment (European construction; PanAfrican integration process);
6. Need for new Partnership and Ownership approaches at:
• Global, intercontinental, regional levels;
• Putting emphasis and prioritising proposed SDGs as new Development goals in
particular those (SDG 16 and 17 ) which are supportive of a renewed strategy
between Africa and Europe on global issues; i.e.:
• SDG16: Promote peaceful and inclusive societies for sustainable development
• SDG17: Revitalize the global partnership for sustainable development
(complemented by multistakeholder partnerships that mobilize and share
knowledge, expertise, technologies and financial resources to support the
achievement of sustainable development goals in all countries, particularly
developing countries ;
Let’s focus more systematically on
5. The security-development nexus: a demanding multi-dimensional
approach in the long term
The evolution of the international debate on the link between security and development has
led in recent years to the recognition of the need for a comprehensive, integrated and
sequenced approach combining military conflict management, diplomacy, humanitarian and
development policies and instruments. Challenges to peace and security in Africa affect
Europe, directly and indirectly, but are so complex that only a strong and united EU can
mobilize the necessary diplomatic skills (political, military, financial, and the arsenal of
instruments for state building and reconstruction). EU Member States individually have
neither the resources nor the sufficient critical mass. The toolbox of the EU should be further
developed to better complement the policies and instruments such as the African Peace
Facility. The Panafrican Programme (PAP) created in 2014 could usefully complement the
toolbox.
It is also desirable to better connect these tools with a view to their flexible rapid and
simultaneous use. This should make an opening up and a defragmentation of multiple centers
of decision-making and institutional knowledge throughout the security and development
chain in Brussels (Commission, European External Action Service EEAS, Council,
Parliament) and in capitals. Heaviness and arsenal of inter-service and inter-agency
procedures accumulated in community development in the external action of the EU are no
longer compatible with a critical response in crisis or fragility situations as well as peace and
Security strategies. The African Peace Facility is subject to a mix of legal decision,
administrative, financial and political procedures, weakening its political visibility, scope and
7. 7
operational efficiency.
My sixth reason for a new deal between Africa and Europe includes the concepts of
6. Critical mass, pooling of resources and mutual interest
The current context of the systemic financial and budgetary crisis adds urgency to the pooling
of EU funding for the deployment of a true Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and
European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) worthy of the name. The growing pressure in
France on the reduction of the Defense budget is also observed in most EU Member States,
particularly among those, like the United Kingdom, which have a predominant weight in
terms of defense. European integration has often been revived or developed out of crisis
cycles, and through successive pragmatic steps.
Recent developments in the political and international context make integrated alliances
between Africa and Europe more necessary and acceptable to each other, in particular
following the Arab Spring and, for example, the recognition that Algeria and the
Mediterranean countries of North Africa are more than ever essential players in the Sahel area
and in sub-Saharan Africa.
For the two Unions, there is a comparative advantage to go beyond the rethorics of political
summits and to pool resouces and mobilise a critical mass of instruments and means at
regional, continental and intercontinental level with a view to establishing a new type of
engagement on security and development.
A last element of this review relates to the
7. Need for sustainable and legally binding political framework.
The proposal of an International Treaty is not a theoretical construction from scratch. Since
2007, an institutional “acquis”, including political and policy framework has allowed the two
Unions, their eighty-two member states and "regional mechanisms" and African subregional
communities to interact at several levels.
The implementation of this institutional framework is coupled to a permanent political
dialogue at different levels: Summits, biannual ministerial dialogue on peace and security,
high level institutional dialogue between the two Commissions, AUC & EUC…
If the results are mixed in concrete terms, this ‘acquis’ is not disputed. It is even likely that
without this framework for dialogue and political action, as well as some institutional
parallelism between the two Unions, prevention, management and resolution of past or
ongoing crises in Africa would not have been discussed and progressively better understood
by Europe and Africa as a whole. Somalia, Mali, Niger, Guinea (s), Sudan (s), Ivory Coast,
Central Africa, Lord's Resistance Army in Uganda, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC),
etc. are examples.
A common approach to international threats (terrorism, various forms of trafficking, Global
Challenges) is also developing. Despite limited progress, the African Union has strengthened
its credibility in Somalia and now takes a more systematic position and is involved in all
African crises. The European Union, through one or the other, or more of its Member States
8. 8
(France, United Kingdom, Poland, Belgium, Italy, Spain, Netherlands and others), has also
gradually made progress in its approach to crises and global threats. Individually, on the
external theaters, EU Members States, in spite of the nationalistic reflexes, often tend to make
explicit reference to the EU framework.
On this basis, there can be no turning back or status quo. Therefore, what other developments
should we expect?
Europe seems to move according to the principle "necessity knows no law" : every major
crisis has led to a decline in the integration process (the regression is a feature of the last five
years), but is followed by a significant recovery of the process and a new stage in the
european construction. This is true in the external action where, despite the failures of the
common foreign and security policy (CFSP) and the impact of the economic crisis, Europe
has a common diplomatic service embryo, and has just adopted a new "comprehensive"
approach to crisis and external conflicts. Moreover, recent months have seen a revival of the
old debate about the need for a (common) European Defense policy (successor to the current
European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP).
The ongoing mediterranean migration crisis and its pathetic human dimension, has added to
the need for the EU to accelerate on the path of further integration in the political, defense and
security domains. In an unprecedented posture the current President of the European
Commission, twice since recently taking office, has called for a revival of the formerly taboo
project of a european army. This was complemented by the official launching of a european
drone initiative
by French Defence Minister and his German and Italian counterparts, who have agreed to
finance a development study for a European drone. The joint decision was made on the
sidelines of a Council of Foreign Affairs and Defence, held in Brussels on May 18.
Furthermore, we should note the establishment in a record speed of the EUNAVMED force to
fight illegal trafficking of human beings over the Med sea following a major effort from the
New Italian EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security together with the Italian
PrimeMinister Mateo Rensi.
The African Union, meanwhile, received a truly supranational mandate in the area of peace
and security so that its governing body, the Council for Peace and Security, has been able to
develop an operational framework effective through the African Peace and Security
Architecture (APSA) and the regional economic Communities and "mechanisms" (RECs).
These achievements are little known and rarely made public. They were made possible
through the support of the European Union and its Member States.
Comparatively, other emerging partners, including China, will never be in a position to
provide the opportunity of an equivalent strategic and geo-cultural common destiny. But
Europe cannot rely on this comparative advantage forever. Partners will have to go quickly to
the evidence that multilateral interventions based on a political relationship between the two
Unions eventually replace commitments between individual States of the old ‘Françafrique’
type , always criticized, but never eradicated.
Finally, lessons learned from the Arab Springs and the Sahel crises gradually impose a less
fragmented approach between North Africa and sub-regions of sub-Saharan Africa.
CONCLUDING REMARKS
9. 9
Towards an Africa-Europe International Treaty on Peace, Security and Development
It is therefore necessary to go beyond the current policy framework of the strategic
partnership and the rhetoric of summits every three years. To be recognized and effective,
commitments by the partners on both sides of the Mediterranean, must be fixed in a legally
binding formal agreement. The future agreement should be based on mutual interest,
commitment, mandatory action and the pooling of resources and networks.
Forging an International Treaty between Europe and Africa for peace, security and
development can be a breakthrough of European and Panafrican building processes. It is
about time to consider a new, more integrated approach, more ambitious. It is even possible,
during the 2014-2020 period, to project an outline framework in financial terms. A starting
package of 2.5 billion euros could be put on the table with three main pillars: (1) the
strengthened Panafrican Programme which will be the center of gravity of the continent-to-
continent cooperation with Africa in the priority areas of mutual interest with a global,
regional and continental value added; (2) the African Peace Facility (APF), which must
evolve beyond its current purely instrumental nature; (3) the reformed arsenal of EU-AU
security and post conflict development policies and instruments. To assign this ambition
adequate resources is just a matter of political will from Member States, Institutions and Non-
State actors on the two sides.
On the African side, a gradual contribution to the financial architecture of the Treaty should
be enabled through a progressive fusion of the (EU) African Peace Facility and the African
Union Peace Fund.
This proposal would feature as a pragmatic and legal transformation of the Strategic
Partnership agreed in Lisbon in 2007. It would, on the other hand, facilitate the necessary
strengthening of common strategic interests shared by the EU and Africa as a whole (+ AU
Morocco). In doing so the two continents would create a framework of added value to their
relationships, that can offer no other partnership with emerging players, be they China and
other BRICS.
After Charlie and Garissa, a new common Africa-Europe impetus is
required to address global challenges.
As we speak today in Pretoria, Europe and Africa are bound together to elevating their
relationship to the next level. Responding to the main global challenges of Development,
Climate change and Security linked to international deadlines, urgently requires a new
commonly agreed approach.
After Charlie, After Garissa, it is urgent to convert the current Africa-EU Strategic
Partnership into an International Legally binding Treaty on Peace-Security & Development.
Tackling the external dimension of Terrorism and related security threats can only be
achieved through a new and mutually binding comprehensive strategy.
Unlike the NATO type agreements, based on a single military rationale, it should also build
upon public-private partnerships arrangements, a strong democratic and governance
mechanism and effective linkages to the civil society and private sector and academic
networks. All elements not properly operational in the current JAES.
10. 10
This would create a new narrative on Peace, Security & Development which Africa and the
EU should negotiate beyond both the existing Cotonou agreement and the Joint Africa-EU
Strategic Partnership. It would feature as a major building block of a forthcoming world
coalition.
Such a step would provide a new political platform for a more equal dialogue on the great
ambition of effectively dealing with conflicts and crisis exit towards economic and social
development. It would finish slowly but surely with own internal debates in both continents
on past bilateral relationships that must quickly embrace the challenges of the XXI century.
___________
Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, Colleagues,
Let us not forget Garissa and Charlie !
____________