A semiotic and linguistic anakysis of beer and cider advertising

A Semiotic and Linguistic Analysis
of Beer and Cider Advertising
by
Stuart Edward Davis
Submitted to The University of Wales in fulfillment of the requirements
for the Degree of (Master) of Arts in Professional Writing
Swansea University, 2009
Stuart Davis - Copyright © 2009. All Rights Reserved
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Introduction
Whilst many alcoholic beverages have enjoyed success across both genders, beer has
traditionally been seen as a manly drink. The image of the 'beer belly' and the pub (the
traditional centre of beer consumption), as a place of male camaraderie, are well known.
Indeed a study conducted by the Bittersweet Partnership, a group set up by Molson
Coors International to redress the gender divide in beer consumption, found that 'nearly
50% of women polled … complained that drinking beer would make them put on
weight … 40 per cent ... say the advertising is unappealing, and the third [saw] beer
drinking as manly' (Mahoney, 2009). Moreover, women account for only 13% of beer
sales in the UK (Bolger, 2009). Women are clearly concerned with the effect that beer
drinking would have on their feminine image. However, unperturbed by female hostility
to beer, brewers are now releasing exclusively female targeted brands.
Gender roles are currently in a state of flux. Definitions of femininity and masculinity
are constantly changing. This situation provides an ideal opportunity to study a product,
which has traditionally been considered masculine, in a new gendered context. In a
discussion of the ways in which masculine and feminine identities are being constructed
this study will contain a detailed analysis of a range of both masculine and feminine
brands. It will include an in depth study into website advertising, beer packaging,
posters and television advertising. It is hoped that by analysing a variety of advertising
mediums, the ways in which these advertisers manipulate their audiences will become
clearer.
The first female targeted brand to be considered will be Harry's Beer (Harry's Beer,
2009). This beer, released in 2007 and brewed by Harriet Easton, member of the
Bittersweet Partnership, is marketed as the 'original beautiful beer for women'. As a
relatively new brand there has, to date, been no television advertising for Harry's Beer.
Kasteel Cru will be the next female targeted beer that is analysed (Kasteel Cru, 2009).
This 'sophisticated' French lager is brewed using Champagne yeast. It comes in two
versions, the original Kasteel Cru and Kasteel Cru Rose which contains elderberry and
elderflower and is sold in a 'female friendly' pink bottle. Again there has been no
television advertising for this brand. As a point of comparison, reference will also be
made to Magners Light, a low calorie cider (Magners Light, 2009). This cider is the low
calorie alternative to the original Magners. Its 'Light by Nature' advertising slogan
attempts to assuage the fear that women apparently have of high calorie alcoholic
beverages.
Due to the lack of television advertising for both Kasteel Cru and Harry's Beer,
reference will also be made to two television advertisements marketing female oriented
beverages. The first of these will be for Jillz cider, part of the Heineken brand range.
This advertisement, as yet unaired in the UK, features a group of half naked 'cider
hunks' singing of their affection for the female drinker of Jillz. The second female
targeted advertisement is for Coors Light, a 'light tasting' Canadian Lager. This
advertisement features a range of women in stereotypically masculine roles, and
includes a Tom Jones backing track, She's a Lady. Due to the lack of poster advertising
for the Kasteel Cru brand, reference will also be made to a poster advertising Stampede
Light, a low calorie, female-friendly, American beer.
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Of the male targeted advertisements, the first to be analysed is John Smith's, a bitter
brewed in Yorkshire (John Smith's, 2009). The beer has enjoyed great success among a
male audience in the UK and this is reflected in its 'No Nonsense' advertising. Due to a
lack of poster advertising with the John Smith's brand, reference will also be made to a
poster advertising Courage beer. Courage is part of the Scottish and Newcastle beer and
cider business along with John Smith's and has a similar brand image. The next male
targeted beer to be analysed is Carling. Carling has a major part of the UK lager market
share and it has a distinctly macho appeal (Carling, 2009). According to a study
conducted by Harvey and Evans, its major selling proposition is that 'Carling confirms
me as one of the lads' (Harvey and Evans 2001, 176). The final male targeted beer to be
analysed, Carlsberg, is also one of the market leaders within the UK lager industry
(Carlsberg, 2009). It has a similar brand image and marketing strategy to that of
Carling. Reference will be made to television advertising for each of these brands.
There are a number of reasons for selecting this range of female and male targeted beers
and ciders, the first being the availability of advertising material for these different
brands. It was more difficult trying to find advertising material for the female brands as
they are still becoming established. However, the female targeted brands that have been
chosen are currently the leaders of this niche market. It was considered that an analysis
of the constructed identities of female beer and cider drinkers would have to make
reference to those beers and ciders that women are most likely to drink. It is also worth
noting that a major selling proposition of these products is that they appeal almost
entirely to women. This study shall make reference to the identities of men and women
in an exclusively 'feminine world' and men and women in an exclusively 'masculine
world'.
The male targeted beers that have been chosen are aimed primarily at a 'macho'
audience. They are also well established brands within the UK beer industry. As such,
they could be said to have played a major part in shaping the ideology of beer as a
masculine drink. An analysis of these advertisements will allow us an insight into the
way in which this ideology has been created. A major factor in the choice of these
advertisements was that they utilize different advertising mediums. This will allow a
keen insight into the brand identities as well as the identity of the preferred consumption
community.
In order to come to an understanding of the ways in which beer and cider
advertisements have attempted to shape their target audience, this study will employ a
combined semiotic and linguistic approach. The majority of studies which bear any
similarity to this employ either one or a combination of these approaches. This will
allow for comparisons between the findings from this study and those of others that
have also looked at gender identity. The two approaches complement one another in the
decoding of visual and textual elements within advertising discourse.
For the purposes of this study, reference will be made to the system of semiology
proposed by Ferdinand de Sausurre and adopted by numerous other 'semioticians'. This
form of analysis, as Daniel Chandler informs us, 'seeks to look behind the surface of the
observed in order to discover the underlying organization of phenomena' (Chandler
2007, 215). It can reveal those ideologies within advertisements which are realized in
connection with the readers' understanding of the wider context of society. It can be
especially useful in deciphering the possible connotations inherent within the images.
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Hence it will be used in this study for decoding the gendered meanings found in the
different advertisements.
While the semiotic approach is useful for what it can tell us about the underlying
ideologies in visual persuasion, a linguistic approach is of use in the analysis of textual
elements. The approach taken in this study aligns itself closely with the method of
critical discourse analysis. According to Benwell and Stokoe this approach shows that
'identity is constructed in the grammar of language, both at the level of representation,
in terms of the relationship between text and reader of … and also in terms of an
'expressive dimension that reveals a subject's attitudes and ideologies' (Benwell and
Stokoe 2006, 44). It will highlight the textual strategies used to shape consumer
ideology. Hence it will be a particularly relevant approach to an analysis of the ways in
which a subject's gendered identity comes into being.
This study will begin in chapter one with with an explanation of the types of 'gender
myths' which have become part of the marketing of masculine and feminine brand.
There will then be an analysis of the physical appearance of the beer and cider
packaging and the ways in which it has taken on gendered meanings. Chapter two will
contain a semiotic and linguistic analysis of the non-televisual advertising. Reference
will be made to information concerning the different brands on the brand website,
including the descriptions of the different beers and ciders. This will be followed by an
analysis of poster advertising. Chapter three discusses the linguistic and semiotic
methods utilized in the television advertising. This is followed by a concluding chapter
in which the findings of this study will be summarized and further applications of it
proposed. The investigation will be interspersed with synthesis and discussion of the
relevant literature. This detailed examination will form the basis of the argument that
beer and cider advertising are built around the idea of differentiated gender identities.
Indeed, they may be said to represent the idea of gender dichotomy.
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Chapter 1: Beer and Cider Products as Social Communicators
When we buy consumer items it is arguable that we are actively constructing a sense of
identity. We may be buying into a preconceived idea of belonging to a certain group. We
may, on the other hand, buy consumer items in order to make ourselves stand out or
create some division between ourselves and other members of society. Arguably, it is for
this reason that we have products which are marked as masculine and others marked as
feminine. We define ourselves by what we are not, as much as by what we are. This
point is supported by Jean Baudrillard, who says that
you never consume the object itself (in its use value); you are always
manipulating objects … as signs which distinguish you either by affiliating
you to your own group taken as ideal reference or by marking you off from
your group by reference to a group of higher status
(Baudrillard 1998, 61).
Consumers have a desire to belong to certain social groups and detach themselves from
others. Buying certain consumer items and choosing not to buy others allows them to do
this.
The idea that consumer products played a greater role than merely satisfying material
need may be traced back to the the pioneering work of Thorstein Veblen around the
commencement of the 20th
century. Veblen, in his work Theory of the Leisure Class,
written in 1899, came to the conclusion that, 'with the exception of self preservation, the
propensity for emulation is probably the strongest and most alert of the economic
motives proper' (Veblen 1915, 110). People bought consumer goods because they had a
desire to move up in the world, people higher up the social scale had more consumer
goods. This point is interesting for the way in which it casts consumer goods as a
symbol of an individual's identity. Consumer goods can be used in such a way as to tell
other people about our own place in the world.
Such theories of consumer identity have been developed further during the 20th
and
early 21st
century. Academic debate has led to what Miles has termed the 'consuming
paradox' (Miles 1998, 147). Some believe, in line with a capitalist ideology, that our
sense of self identity is manipulated by advertisers. Others argue that consumers are
aware of the different codes and myths that objects come to represent. They argue that
consumers actively construct a sense of self identity by buying those products which fit
in with it. Whichever position we align ourselves with, we cannot escape the fact that
consumer identity is inextricably linked to the consumer product.
By the same token we may buy consumer goods for what they say about us as either
masculine or feminine individuals. There are clear divisions as to what defines each
gender. As was previously mentioned, women have rejected the idea of consuming beer
partly because it has been considered a masculine activity. In an analysis of beer
commercials in 1992, Lance Strate came to the conclusion that 'the beer industry relies
on stereotypes of the man's appeal to a mainstream, predominantly male target audience'
(Strate 1992, 78). That the majority of beer consumers are male, may indicate a female
unwillingness to subscribe to the values which beer brands have traditionally advocated.
In light of the development of female targeted beer brands, there must now be some
reassessment of Strate's conclusion. These female brands are posing a direct challenge
5

to the idea of beer consumption as an exclusively masculine activity. They are forging a
sense of differentiated identity between masculine and feminine products.
One of the major differences, reflective of a possible gender dichotomy, is the
appearance of the bottles and glasses in which the beer or cider is contained. John
Smith's Winner's ale may be considered a prime example of a masculine beer (figure 1).
It is contained in a solid glass bottle which holds 500 ml, a pint of beer. This type of
beer bottle is representative of ale bottles as a whole. According to CAMRA (Campaign
for Real Ale), 'one in three women think that drinking from a pint glass is unfeminine'
(Topping, 2007). It may be presumed that they would think the same of drinking from a
pint bottle. This point is emphasised when we come to consider the appearance of the
Fig 1. Bottle of John Smith's Winner's Tipple
female targeted bottles. Kasteel Cru is sold in a 'bottle produced by expert French glass
moulders using the glass used for champagne bottles' (figure 2). It may be considered
more subtle and more sophisticated than the types of bottles containing 'manly' beer. All
of the female targeted beers come in 330 ml bottles, just over half a pint, and therefore
less macho than pint bottles.
Both the female and male targeted beers are also marketed alongside special beer
glasses. Kasteel Cru is marketed alongside a 'distinctive, gently tapered Pilsner glass'
bearing the Kasteel Cru logo. Courage Beer, by contrast, is marketed alongside a pint
glass displaying the Courage logo (figure 3). There can be little doubt that in drinking
from these different glasses we are making a direct social statement about our place in
the world. Furthermore we are subscribing to the values of the brand which we are
Fig 2. Bottle and Branded Glass of Kasteel Cru Rose
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Fig 3. Branded Glass of Courage Beer
consuming. This point is supported by Jean Baudrillard who tells us that 'to
differentiate oneself is precisely to affiliate to a model, to label oneself by reference to
an abstract model … and therefore to relinquish any real difference' (Baudrillard 1998,
88). At the same time as distancing ourselves from those who consume other brands we
become part of the brand group which we consume.
Both men and women are more likely to buy beer or cider when it fits in with, or
enhances their masculine or feminine image. According to Katherine Adams, writing in
the Times, 'after months of research, the organization which campaigns for real ale, pubs
and consumer rights … discovered that women were much more likely to drink beer out
of an elegant branded third glass' (Adams, 2008). The size of the glass is obviously all
important in making a distinction between masculinity and femininity. Both men and
women have preconceived ideas of what constitutes a masculine or a feminine choice
and they will be more likely to choose products which are distinctively gendered.
As well as differences in shape and size of the masculine and feminine beer and cider
bottles, another obvious distinction is that of colour. Kasteel Cru Rose comes in a pink
bottle, reinforcing the stereotypical viewpoint that women like the colour pink. Magners
Light is marketed as having 'contemporary silver neck foil labels ... which differentiate
Magners Light from Magners Original' (figure 4). This creates a distinctive appearance
for the bottle as well as the Magners Light drinker. With the male targeted beers, dark
shades of green brown and black are to be found on the labels (figures 5 and 6). The
distinction between feminine and masculine drinkers is accentuated by the binary
opposition in colour of male and female targeted products.
Fig 4. Bottle of Magners Light
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Fig 5. Can of John Smith's Original
Fig 6. Bottle of Carlsberg
The choice of typeface used in the brand logos also tells us something about the
ideologies the advertisers presume the target audience possesses. As Angela Goddard
says of advertising text, 'it could be said to have its own paralanguage as a result of the
type of clothing that the copywriter has chosen for it' (Goddard 2002, 13). It contains
meanings which reflect the brand image of the product. There are clear differences in
the typography used in the brand logos of male and female targeted products due to the
perceived difference in ideology between the different target audiences.
The female targeted beer and cider bottles make greater use of italics than the male
targeted beers. They also seem to be more experimental in terms of font and design of
the brand logo. This can clearly be seen in the use of italics in the brand name Kasteel
Cru Rose (figure 7). The word 'Rose' is written in elaborate, pink, italics. It stands out
against the black background of the neck foil. This distinctive typography reflects an
exaggerated statement of the product's femininity. The Magners Light bottles also draw
attention to the brand name through the use of italics (figure 8). The word 'Light' is
written in a fine italic font which perhaps reflects the lightness of the drink itself.
Fig 7. Kasteel Cru Rose Brand Logo
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Fig 8. Magners Light Brand Logo
The typography used in the Courage (figure 3), John Smith's (figure 5) and Carling
logos (figure 9) is less elaborate than that used in the female targeted brands . As a
recent piece of research by the University of Glamorgan looking into website design
found, 'men preferred straight lines … women also liked to use more colours in texts
and backgrounds than men' (BBC News, 2005). The distinct colours of black and white
dominate the Carling logo, dark shades of green and yellow are used for the John
Smith's. The Courage logo uses brighter shades of gold and red. However the writing
style, as with the other two brands, is simpler than the female targeted logos, making
use of straight lines. There is a clear gender bias in the design of both the female and
male targeted brand labels, which serves to reinforce the gender divide.
Fig 9. Carling Brand Logo
Fig 10. Carlsberg Brand Logo
The typography used for the Carlsberg brand name (figure 10), does make use of italics
and rounded lines. However, it is arguable that this has more to do with brand tradition
than any concession to a female audience. On the Carlsberg website we are told that 'the
architect, Thorvold Bindesboell, designed the world famous art nouveau Carlsberg logo
… in 1904' and it hasn't changed to this day. It could be argued that the Carlsberg logo
is the mark of a well established brand which has stayed true to its heritage. The
Carlsberg brand name also has strong masculine connotations. We are told that the
brewer, J.C. Jacobson, named the beer after his son Carl. The beer could be said to have
connotations of Scandinavian, perhaps Viking strength.
Both the Carling and John Smith's brands were also named after real people. Carling
was named after Thomas Carling who originated in Yorkshire and began brewing his
beer in Canada in 1843. John Smith's beer was named after John Smith, also of
9

Yorkshire, who began brewing his beer in Tadcaster in 1847. Like the Carlsberg brand
name, both of these names have associations with establishment and tradition. That they
were named after men also means that they come to symbolise masculine brands. This
is especially the case with John Smith's, a name which in modern times has come to
signify 'everyman'. This is the beer which can be enjoyed by 'all men'.
Fig 11. Harry's Beer Bottle
Of the female targeted beers, Harry's Beer (figure 11) also bears the name of its creator,
Harriet Easton. However, she has shortened her name to Harry, traditionally a masculine
name. This may be because she has created a product which would have traditionally
been targeted at a masculine audience. The name on the bottle may represent a
somewhat ambivalent attitude to the tradition of beer as a man's drink. Being Harry's the
beer may come to signify the qualities of its maker. As was mentioned previously,
Harriet Easton is a member of the Bittersweet Partnership, a group aiming to change the
'macho' image surrounding beer. She has shown herself happy to advance the feminist
cause, creating a beer exclusively for women. In drinking this beer it is possible that the
female audience are aligning themselves with the feminist cause of the brand. They join
'Harry's Club'.
Neither the brand names Kasteel Cru nor Magners Light utilize real or fictitious
personalities. They build a sense of brand identity through the cultural associations with
which people may associate. Kasteel Cru builds upon the connotations of its French
name. Such connotations may include French chic or stylishness. If we add in the 'Rose'
which has associations of passion and love, then the apparent feminine appeal of this
brand becomes clear. The Magners Light brand name builds upon the Irish tradition on
which Magners has become established. The Irish have strong associations with the
brewing of alcohol and this is a strong selling point for beverages originating there. The
word 'Light' which modifies the Magners name, denotes either the shining light, which
we may associate with the outdoors, or the weightiness of the product. The latter of
these two meanings may be perceived as positive for women who have shown a
reluctance to buy high calorie alcoholic drinks.
Advertisers build upon a knowledge of their target market and produce products which
fit in with what they believe is the audience's sense of gendered identity. This point is
supported by Jhally, who informs us that
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for the audience to properly decode the message ('transfer meaning'),
advertisers have to draw their materials from the social knowledge of the
audience, then transform this material into messages ('encode'), developing
appropriate formats and shaping the content in order that the process of
communication from audience to audience be completed
(Jhally 1990, 132).
For the advertising message to have effect it must tap into the pre-existing ideologies
and attitudes of the target audience. Some consumers, at least, have a desire to project
an image of their gendered independence to the world around them. In the next chapter
we will be able to investigate the ways in which this gendered ideology is
communicated by the advertising text.
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Chapter 2: Linguistic Analysis of Beer Descriptions
The advertisers of these different beers attempt to shape the target audience through the
use of linguistic techniques. As Benwell and Stokoe inform us, 'advertising texts
promote and naturalise their ideological message and hail the identity of the reader into
a relationship of commodification', they shape the consumer around the constructed
ideologies of the text (Benwell and Stokoe 2006, 177). The advertising text will be more
likely to succeed in persuading the consumer if the consumer is able to relate its
message to their sense of self identity.
In order to orientate the audience around a sense of differentiated identity, the linguistic
content of the male and female targeted advertisements has to be different. Benwell and
Stokoe make the point that 'advertisers have to accommodate ideological contradictions
based on conflicting identities', in doing so they have to appeal to the perceived
differences between different audience members (ibid, 188). If the purpose of the
advertising text is to construct the masculine and feminine genders as poles apart then
the text has to accommodate this ideology. Therefore, in masculine targeted texts, we
find the rejection of anything feminine and in the feminine targeted texts, we find the
rejection of anything masculine.
There seems to be some agreement between different academics over the kinds of
linguistic techniques advertisers employ in constructing different groups around set
ideologies. Benwell and Stokoe as well as Mary Talbot, reflect upon the use of linguistic
techniques guiding consumers towards a sense of shared masculine or feminine identity.
They each discuss the construction of mutually exclusive gendered communities in
advertising texts through the use of set linguistic techniques. This has led Mary Talbot
to the classification of identities such as 'phallacious fraternity' [sic] and 'synthetic
sisterhood' (Talbot 1995, 2007, 51). The linguistic analysis of beer and cider advertising
texts looks at such techniques as presupposition, synthetic personalization and simulated
intimacy, which have been employed by these academics. The findings will allow us to
ascertain whether we can apply the same categorization of constructed identities to the
target audience for beer and cider advertising.
To begin with, it might be worthwhile considering the words used to describe the
feminine and masculine beers. This will highlight the qualities which the advertisers
feel most likely to appeal to the different audiences. With the male targeted beers we
find little mention of the visual qualities of the beer, Carling Premier, is advertised as
having 'many loyal drinkers who enjoy its taste and smooth texture'. There is a sense of
shared relationship between the drinker of the beer and the brewer who has brewed it
for the consumer's satisfaction. This also implies that an important aspect for male
drinkers is the taste of the beer. The male consumer therefore enjoys an individual
experience between himself and his beer.
As well as the emphasis on the taste of the masculine beers, strength seems to be
another important factor. Carlsberg Elephant beer is described as having a 'rich
character' and 'masculine bitter bite', the qualities of the beer perhaps come to represent
those of the man drinking it. This point is supported by Vestergaard and Schroder who
inform us that the 'objective of this signification process is to attach the desired identity
to a specific commodity, so that the need for an identity is transformed into the need for
12

the commodity' (Vestergaard and Schroder 1985, 73). The power and the strength of the
product are promoted as the qualities with which the ideal masculine consumer
identifies himself.
Interestingly, the descriptions of female beers and ciders emphasise qualities which are
completely juxtaposed to those of the male targeted products. There is a focus on the
attractiveness of the product, which in line with the words of Vestergaard and Schroder,
may be perceived as a desirable quality for the consumer (ibid). They will want to be
seen consuming an attractive product in the hope that it will enhance their own physical
attractiveness. Hence Harry's Beer is marketed as the 'original beautiful beer for
women'. We also find the repeated use of words such as 'pale straw', 'golden coloured'
and 'bright', which all reflect the visual appearance of the product. This may also reflect
an expectancy upon the female consumer to make superficial 'beauty' a priority.
There are clear differences in the descriptions of the strength of the feminine and
masculine beers and ciders. Magners Light is described as 'a lighter alternative' to
Magners Original. We are told that Kasteel Cru has 'tiny, elegant streaming bubbles' and
'combines strength with a lightness of touch'. It is clearly the belief of the advertiser that
women do not consider themselves as strong or powerful as men. They may want a beer
or cider which is 'in tune' with their physical characteristics. Comparing the descriptions
of strength of the different products we may say that the male targeted beers are aimed
at a superior, stronger audience. However, as David Gauntlett says, 'today's advertising
wants to look modern and does not want to alienate any possible target audience'
(Gauntlett 2002, 81). The advertiser may believe that they are advancing positive
qualities through which the modern woman can assert her independence.
That the advertiser is keen to advance such 'positive' qualities with the female beer is
emphasised through the use of modifiers. As Rush says, 'the descriptive premodifier
(and postmodifier) is mainly used to give colourful and attractive descriptions of the
product', these are the qualities that the advertiser wants the audience to associate with
the product (Rush 1998, 160). The use of postmodification is apparent with the word,
'Light', modifying Magners. Elsewhere in the Magners Light advertising we find use of
premodification in, 'contemporary silver neck foil' and, 'stylish light nature of the brand'.
The Magners Light advertisers appear keen to promote the modernity of the brand as
well as emphasise its status as a lighter alternative to other beverages.
We find a similar use of modifiers with the advertising of Harry's Beer. It is described as
a 'light bright, refreshing beer with a refreshing citrus zing and is full of natural
beautiful ingredients', a description which employs a number of pre and postmodifiers.
Such use of modification is clearly intended to give the audience a sense of the
uniqueness of the beer. No other beer is likely to contain this range of qualities.
Moreover, the modifiers are clearly intended to push the product to the centre of the
audience's attention. A high number of modifiers may be used to make the message
overtly persuasive. This may counteract a possible negative reaction to the thought of a
feminine beer. The description of Kasteel Cru as being brewed with, 'the extraordinary,
inventive addition of Champagne Yeast … Kasteel Cru is a deliciously crafted lager
which combines strength with a lightness of touch', clearly supports this view. Modifiers
are utilized to persuade the consumer of the need to buy the product.
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The male targeted beer advertising utilizes modifiers for exactly the same purpose.
However, they are used in greater moderation than those adopted in the descriptions of
female targeted beer and cider. John Smith's Magnet is described as an 'easy-drinking,
full-flavoured and full-bodied pint'. While there is a need to persuade consumers of the
quality of the beer, the overt technique of using large numbers of modifiers is not
required. The male targeted beer advertisers realize that they are selling an established
product and that they have a ready market. They also presume to have a certain
knowledge of their audience.
Male targeted beer advertisers understand the qualities that men may look for in their
beer. Nowhere in the marketing for Carling C2, a beer with less alcohol content than
other Carling beers, are the words 'light' or 'subtle' used. The description of C2 uses
premodification in 'great tasting mid strength lager', perhaps so as not to compromise
the masculine qualities of the drinker. With the Carlsberg Export, we find the use of
premodification in 'deep malty notes and a distinct bitterness that generate a full
flavoured beer'. The modifying adjectives have as much bearing on the qualities of the
male drinker as they do on the qualities of the beer itself.
Such use of adjectives may indicate a deliberate ploy by the advertiser to link a
consumers sense of self identity with the identity of the beer. This point is supported by
Van Leeuwen who informs us that 'adjectives play a key role in advertising style
because many adjectives apply both to the advertised product – the signifier and to the
values it signifies' (Kress and Van Leeuwen 2005, 151). Adjectives which we might
associate with masculinity, such as 'strong' or 'rich character', are used to enhance the
manly appeal of male targeted beers. Whereas adjectives such as 'tiny', 'elegant' or 'light'
are deemed more appropriate when advertising female beer or cider. Again there is a
definite distinction in the appeal to a male and female audience as they themselves are
constructed as completely different.
The advertiser wants to forge a sense of shared relationship and understanding with the
consumer. If they appear to have the same ideologies and perspectives on the world,
then the consumer may be more willing to buy the product. This point is emphasised by
the use of presupposition in male and female targeted advertising. As Delin says of this
technique, '[it] requires the presupposed proposition to be accepted not only as non-
controversial but as unarguable' (Delin 2000, 145).
In order for such an acceptance of information to occur, the advertiser has to know, or
appear to know, their target audience in an intimate way. With the advertising for John
Smith's Extra Cold, we find the use of presupposition in, 'served at a cool 3 degrees, for
a chilled refreshing reward'. Here it is presumed that the drinker will need a cool,
refreshing reward, and that they will turn to a cool beer when they do. If this message is
accepted then the bond between consumer and brand may become closer. The
presupposed message will be more likely to find the consumer's acceptance if it flatters
or panders to them in some way. The male beer drinker believes himself worthy of a
reward.
The male beer drinker may also like to think of himself partaking in activities which
confirm his masculine status. With the advertising for Carlsberg Export, we find the use
of presupposition in, 'to keep you cool on a hot summer day or when watching a closely
14

fought football match'. Here it is presupposed that the man will drink a beer on a hot
summer's day and also that he enjoys watching football, a traditionally male dominated
sport. The beer accompanies men as they partake in essentially masculine pursuits.
The link between male targeted beer and traditional masculine activities is maintained in
the advertising for Carling. They are sponsors of the Carling football cup, as well as
Celtic and Rangers Football Clubs. The Carling beer drinker, as a man, is considered
likely to enjoy football. It is also presupposed that the Carling drinker will enjoy
drinking beer with other men. Within the Carling C2 description we are told that, 'we all
have those times when we'd love a couple of pints with the mates'. It may be argued that
Carling beer acts as a facilitator of male bonding. This point is supported by Strate when
he says, 'when one man gives a beer to another it is a sign of acceptance, friendship or
gratitude' (Strate 1992, 88). This suggests that men may be restrained in their
relationship with one another. Beer may act as a substitute for a more overt symbol of
giving which could otherwise indicate weakness.
The female targeted advertisements also market the beer as being best enjoyed among a
community of drinkers. Harry's Beer is advertised as being best 'enjoyed by discerning
drinkers at leisure' and 'the original beautiful beer for women'. Here we find the
presupposition that the beer will find its place within a female consumption community.
They will want to drink a 'beautiful beer' and also they are 'women of leisure'. As was
mentioned earlier, the female targeted advertisers presume that female consumers are
concerned with the visual appearance of the products they purchase. There is also the
presumption that women will want to be seen as refined, unconcerned with the
'challenge risk and mastery', which we see in male targeted advertisements (Strate 1992,
82).
The Kasteel Cru advertising also emphasises the stylishness and sophistication of the
drink. This is conveyed by the use of presupposition where we are informed, when
'poured with care into its distinctive, gently tapered Pilsner glass, Kasteel Cru will
entice the drinkers'. Here the advertiser presumes to know that elegance and subtlety
will appeal to the target audience. Again the message is intended to flatter or pander. It
is likely that the targeted audience would see themselves as elegant and refined. Kasteel
Cru aids them in achieving this.
The advertising for Magners Light also uses presupposition to play upon the supposed
desires of its target audience. It is advertised as a 'cider that fits with the consumer's
modern lifestyle requirements – a good quality cider but with fewer calories'. It is
presumed that the target audience either lead a modern lifestyle, or would like to
imagine themselves living one. There is also the presupposition that modern women are
concerned with their weight. As Jean Kilbourne tells us 'women are constantly exhorted
to … feel that their desirability and lovability are contingent upon physical perfection'
(Kilbourne 1995, 122). Despite feminist objections to the promotion of this ideal, it is
clear that some advertisers still feel physical appearance is one of the main feminine
desires.
That the advertiser has a desire to manufacture a relationship of shared knowledge
between themselves and their target audience is emphasized through the use of synthetic
personalization. This technique, as Benwell and Stokoe inform us, 'constructs an
intimate specific, exclusive consumption community, forging solidarity by like minded
15

consumers' (Benwell and Stokoe 2006, 182). The advertiser employs synthetic
personalization in order to realize a simulation of the kind of one on one relationship
which we might have with our friends. Thus it is hoped that the audience build a
relationship with, and stay loyal to, the brand.
One of the key means of forging such a relationship is by speaking the language of the
consumer. Hence the Harry's Beer advertising employs a friendly informal address,
telling us that the beer may be 'accompanied by cheese and nibbles … Harry's Mum Fay
makes up a great beery batter'. The distance between advertiser and consumer is
minimized as 'insider' information is shared. There is also the realization that we are
gaining access to a female consumption community as we, a member of the female
target audience, receive information about Harry and her Mum. There is no mention of
men. They do not exist.
We find the opposite of this situation in the male targeted advertisements which target
an exclusively masculine community. The Carling C2 description indicates that the beer
is for men who would 'love a couple of cold pints with the mates' but, are 'up with the
sparrows tomorrow … or simply wanting to stay on our game with stuff to do'. Here we
find the use of colloquialisms and informal address, as the brand attempts to appear 'on
the level' with its male consumers. As Mary Talbot tells us, 'a rather obvious way of
signaling like mindedness is by matching the supposed lexical choices of the target
audience', exactly as the advertiser has attempted to do in the Carling C2 description
(Talbot 2007, 52). The beer is aimed at those who belong or want to belong to this
laddish group.
The advertiser attempts to make the sense of shared relationship between consumer and
brand even more explicit through the use of personal pronouns. Personal pronouns are
used in the Carling C2 description to make it seem that brand and consumer are one and
the same. We find a number of examples of the inclusive pronoun 'we', as evidenced by
'we all have those times when we'd love a couple of cold pints with the mates'. Although
the advertiser is a faceless presence we can be sure that they are like us because we have
the same or similar ideologies. We will also have a sense of belonging as we are like the
other people who buy the product and share our perspectives.
The advertising for the male targeted brands also uses personal pronouns in such a way
as to make it seem that they are talking to the individual consumer. As Cook reflects 'the
'you' of ads has a kind of double exphora involving someone in the picture … and to the
receivers own self' (Cook 2001, 159). Where there is no picture, it can only refer to the
individual reader of the advertisement. Hence the use of 'you' in 'the great taste you'd
expect from a Carling', and 'if like us you enjoy your premium beer chilled', refers
directly to the individual reading the description. When we read the description we have
to imagine ourselves as fitting into the ideal role of male beer drinker.
The female targeted beer advertising utilizes far fewer personal pronouns than we see in
the male targeted advertising. Where the target audience are referred to in the Harry's
Beer, it is as 'women' and 'female consumers'. The Kasteel Cru advertising is less
explicit, referring to the audience as 'the drinkers'. In drinking Harry's Beer we may feel
a sense of belonging to a wider group of feminine drinkers. This works in the same way
as the inclusive 'we' of the Carling C2 advertising. The Kasteel Cru is more vague in
16

terms of who is targeted. Although Kasteel Cru is a 'female friendly' product, the
advertiser may not want to dissuade potential male purchasers.
The textual description of Magners Light also avoids reference to the drink as being
exclusively for women. However, as will be discussed later, there is enough reference in
the visual advertising to make it clear that this is a feminine drink. We do find use of the
personal pronoun in the Magners Light advertising. We are told that it has 'all of the
crisp, refreshing flavour and natural character you'd expect from a Magners but with
fewer calories'. We have to imagine ourselves as the drinker of Magners Light
embracing all of the feminine characteristics which have been discussed.
We are even more likely to imagine ourselves enjoying the drink when we are openly
told to go and do so. The Magners Light advertising instructs us to 'enjoy Magners Light
sensibly', which means that we have to imagine ourselves enjoying the product. This
may be a deliberate ploy on behalf of the advertiser which means that we have to
associate a sense of happiness with the product. As Danesi says, 'the imperative is not
only used to evoke a sense of authoritativeness, but also friendly advice' (Danesi 2006,
77). We are perhaps more likely to accept a piece of advice when it is provided in a
friendly manner. The imperative used in the Magners Light advertisement shows a
concern for our well being.
We find a similar use of imperative in the advertising for Harry's Beer. We are informed
that 'women of all ages can try it and enjoy it', again there is a concern for the well
being of the consumer. As with the Magners Light advertising, the message would
appear to be gently, rather than overtly persuasive. The modal verb 'can', according to
Judy Delin, 'convey[s] both possibility and permission' (Delin 2000, 132). The way in
which it is used in the Harry's Beer advertising seems to indicate a sense of choice on
behalf of the consumer. They 'can' buy and 'try' the product but the choice is theirs.
Consumer satisfaction is top of the advertiser's list of priorities.
Interestingly, the male targeted advertisements share the technique of using imperatives
in order to indicate their concern for the consumer. In the poster advertisement for
Carling we are invited to 'belong'. This imperative is written in the typography of the
Carling brand name and is captured within the logo. It is obvious that, in buying
Carling, we come to subscribe to the values of the brand and become a 'Carling man'.
The imperative is perhaps supposed to give us a sense of being wanted, both by the
brand and by other people who drink it. It may also be intended to capture the
consumer's sense of loyalty at the expense of other brands.
The beers aimed at men are arguably aimed at the same or a similar audience
demographic. The advertiser has to employ different linguistic techniques in order to
show how unique the products are. This is clearly the case with the Courage Beer poster
which advises the consumer to 'take Courage my friend'. As with the Carling poster, the
audience may feel a sense of belonging to the brand. If they drink it then they become
its 'friend', they feel a sense of loyalty towards it. The individual consumer is invited to
identify themselves with the different ideologies of the brands.
At the same time as differentiating the audience along gender lines, the advertisers also
appeal specifically to the different segments of the target market. However, each drinker
17

is united in their feeling of belonging to either a masculine or feminine consumption
community. In the following chapter the link between advertising techniques and the
consumer's sense of self identity will be discussed further.
18

Chapter 3: Semiotic Analysis of Poster Advertising
An analysis of the visual elements of the advertising will allow us to come to a more
complete understanding of the identities of the constructed audience. The semiotic
approach can aid our understanding of advertising discourse as it explains the visual
meanings embedded in advertisements. It can be used, as Sturken and Cartwright
inform us, to 'decode images by interpreting clues to intended, unintended and even
merely suggested readings' (Sturken and Cartwright 2001, 26). It aids our understanding
of the ways in which advertisers attempt to manipulate the target audience.
As has previously been mentioned, numerous analysts have utilized the principles of
semiotics in the study of advertisements. One of the first and most influential analysts to
have applied this technique to the study of gender portrayals in advertising was Erving
Goffman in his work, Gender Advertisements (Goffman 1979). He utilized five different
categories, feminine touch, function ranking, ritualization of subordination and licensed
withdrawal, in order to reflect upon the relative standing of men and women in 1970s
advertising. He found that women were depicted as occupying a lower social standing
and as being generally subordinate to men.
This point would appear to be well supported by other academics writing in the same
period, as is reflected in Judith Williamson's, Decoding Advertisements. In this text
Williamson analyzes a range of advertisements illustrating the possibility that women
were valued for their looks and also their use as domestic servants. This is a particular
pertinent point given her apparent belief that advertisements play a key role in
manufacturing consumer ideology. Advertisements were, at that time, perpetuating a
system of unequal power relations between the genders. They were also placing vastly
differing expectancies upon the social function of men and women.
We might expect these kinds of traditional representations to have disappeared in
modern day advertising. As Gauntlett reflects, 'in advertising today … women and men
are usually equal', sexist representations can be found in a small minority of
advertisements (Gauntlett 2002, 75). However, a great majority of those analyzing
gender portrayals in modern advertising seem to reflect upon lingering stereotypes
(Kilbourne 1995; Romaine 1999). Women are still valued for their looks and there is an
expectation upon them to be 'beautiful'. Men, on the other hand, are represented as
dominant, in control of themselves and of their surroundings. Advertisers appear to
support the myth that definitions of masculinity and femininity are based upon polar
opposites.
After reading these different texts concerning gender roles, it might be tempting to
approach the beer and cider advertisements with the same or a similar ideology. We may
perceive unequal power relations and differing representations aimed at different target
audiences. When we approach these different advertisements, we need to bear in mind
the historical context in which they have been exhibited. It may be argued that feminist
ideology has to be accommodated into modern day advertising. However, what the
exclusively female targeted advertisements would appear to represent, is a feminist
backlash to the male targeted advertisements of the past.
If we accept Strate's conclusion that 'beer commercials present traditional, stereotypical
images of men and uphold the myths of masculinity and femininity', then the
19

establishment of a gender dichotomy becomes clear (Strate 1992, 75). Strate was
referring exclusively to male targeted advertisements. Male targeted advertisements
have no need to facilitate or pander to a female audience. In the female targeted
advertisements this situation may be reversed and serve to reinforce the gender
dichotomy.
The masculine gender bias is clear to see in the advertisement for Courage Beer (figure
12). Using a model proposed in Roland Barthes, Rhetoric of the Image, it is possible to
highlight the clear gender bias in this advertisement (Barthes 1993, 34). On the denoted
level we find a man and a woman in a domestic setting. The woman wears a figure
hugging dress and she appears to be looking towards the man for his approval. He sits
on the couch with a beer and a remote control beside him. His eyes seem to be focused
on the woman's behind. The beer, which is foregrounded in the bottom right of the
image, plays an essential part in the advertisement.
On the connoted level we may find any number of possible signifieds. The woman
appears to be seeking male approval regarding her attire, possibly signifying her
subordinate and reliant position in relation to him. There is a carrier bag with shoes
beside it on the left of the picture, suggesting a possible shopping trip. Shopping for
clothes has traditionally been seen as a female pursuit. The man, on the other hand has
been drinking beer and watching television, confirming his accordance with the
masculine stereotype. There is a clear division between the roles of man and woman.
In the poster advertisements for Carlsberg we again find the objectification of the
female form. In the Camouflage advertisement we find a woman relaxing in a bath
(figure 13). The audience are given access to a situation which in 'real life' they might
not expect to be part of. As Kress and Van Leuwen say of images which utilize a
horizontal perspective, 'although this person is part of our world', we are offered 'her
image … as an object for dispassionate reflection' (Kress and Van Leeuwen 1996, 144).
We do not form a relationship with the woman in the picture but still we are invited to
gaze at her.
Fig 12. Courage Beer Poster
20

Fig 13. Carlsberg 'Camouflage' Advertisement
We are also invited to look upon scantily clad women in the Carlsberg 'weather'
advertisement (figure 14). On the denoted level we find a couple of men enjoying a
couple of bottles of beer together. At the same time, two bikini-clad women, one
sunbathing in the light of a rainbow, another showering under a rain cloud, are in
evidence. As with the Courage advertisement, there is a clear division between the role
of men and women. The men seem to be sharing a joke between themselves. That the
beer may act as a facilitator of male bonding is further emphasised by the men's
apparent obliviousness to the women.
The theme of male bonding is maintained in the Carling advertisements. The closely
grouped, silhouetted figures in each of these images are ambiguous (figures 15 and 16).
We cannot see their faces. However, in line with the masculine appeal of the brand, we
may expect them to be men. Thus, on the connoted level we find the link between beer
and male friendship. We may also perceive these images to be symbols of masculine
exploration as one group appears to be in outer space and the other in a barren
wasteland. As Hope reflects, 'leisure isolation and adventure mark the masculinized
environment' (Hope 2004, 161). There is perhaps, no better exemplification of this point
than in the male exploration of uninhabited environments.
Fig 14. Carlsberg 'Weather' Advertisement
21

Fig 15. Carling 'Space Exploration' Advertisement
Fig 16. Carling 'Barren Wastelands' Poster
In direct contrast to the male targeted advertisements, the Magners Light advertisements
provide a picture of essentially feminized environments (figure 17 and 18). The colours
used are more subtle and light and there is a direct link with the natural world. As Hope
tells us, 'advertising's feminized environments use nature as a background for …
nurturance to advertise products that promise to increase a woman's femininity' (ibid,
157). In one of the Magners Light advertisements we see a dandelion, some grass and
some bottles floating away into the sky. On closer inspection we see that the bottles
seem to be emerging from the dandelion, possibly emphasising the natural appeal of the
drink. The floating bottles may also symbolize the lightness of the drink. The lightness
and delicacy of the drink are reinforced in the another advertisement where we see a
group of butterflies carrying Magners Light bottles into the air. In drinking this cider the
women are associated with lightness and prettiness.
Fig 17. Magners Light 'Dandelion' Poster
22

Fig 18. Magners Light 'Butterflies' Poster
Fig 19. Stampede Light Advertisement
The drinker of Stampede Light, an American low calorie beer, may expect to reap the
same rewards. In this advertisement (figure 19) we find an image of Jessica Simpson,
American singer and model, juxtaposed with the image of a bottle of Stampede Light
beer. As Williamson said of a similar advertisement in which Catherine Deneuve
advertised Chanel No.5, 'the perfume can be substituted for Catherine Deneuve's face
and can also be made to signify glamour and beauty' (Williamson 1978, 25). In the
Stampede Light advertisement the same kind of signification process occurs between
Jessica Simpson and the bottle of beer. The woman who drinks the beer can be
'beautiful', just like Jessica Simpson.
23

Fig 20. Harry's Beer Poster
The Harry's Beer poster (figure 20) also seems to be offering a product which will
enhance, the female drinker's appeal. On the simple or denoted level the poster has a
correlating colour scheme ie, the gold and orange colours of the bottle match the
background colours. The most strongly visual elements of this poster are, the white and
black flowers, the beer bottle and the female figures. Linking these visual elements
together, the feminine appeal of the beer becomes clear. Flowers are a long established
symbol of femininity. We may link the flowers with the picture of women on the front
of the bottle. These are women who are proud of their femininity and keen to exhibit it.
Harry's Beer may also enhance the sexual appeal of the female drinker. The women
wear high heels, which, according to Danesi, 'force the body to tilt, thus emphasizing
the buttocks and the breasts: they highlight the female's sexuality' (Danesi 1999, 14).
Although the women drinking this beer may be happy to draw attention to themselves
as objects of the male desire, it is they who hold the power and are able to manipulate
the men.
Any female drinker who comes to consume the beer can expect to reap the rewards
associated with it. This message is articulated by the text which accompanies the
visuals. As Barthes informs us of the advertising text, it 'helps to identify purely and
simply the elements of the scene … it is a matter of a denoted description of the image'
(Barthes 1977, 39). When the female audience are told that Harry's Beer is, 'The
Original Beautiful Beer for Women', they have to imagine themselves in the role of the
women on the bottle. This point is emphasized as both the writing, and the image of the
women at the front of the beer bottle, are black. Moreover, the woman in black has the
Harry's Beer Brand name written along the length of her body. She encapsulates the
brand image which the advertiser is attempting to forge. As Williamson says, 'a product
may go from representing an abstract quality or feeling, to generating or being that
feeling', women who drink Harry's Beer become 'beautiful' (Williamson 1978, 36).
As was mentioned previously, Stampede beer may also enhance the visual appeal of the
drinker. This message is articulated by the brand slogan, 'be smart drink smart'. Jessica
24

Simpson's 'smartness' is made clear in the correlation of the colour white between the
slogan and her jacket. The pun on smartness may either refer to the intelligence of the
drinker or her visual appearance. From this we may infer that smart (intelligent) women
are concerned with visual 'beauty'. The advertiser is of the belief that the female
audience make physical perfection a priority.
We find a similar case with the Magners Light advertising. We are told that 'it's a light
drink - only 92 calories per bottle', which explains the reason the for the floating bottles.
In consuming the drink we may actually get a sense of lightness. Furthermore we are
consuming a product which puts us in touch with nature as it is 'Light by nature'. We
have to imagine the product as 'all natural' when we see it emerging from dandelions or
being carried by butterflies.
The male targeted beers also play upon the perceived benefits which the drink may
provide. As was mentioned previously, the figures in the Carling advertisement are
ambiguous in terms of who they represent. When we are told that, 'you know who your
mates are', we have to imagine ourselves as one of the figures in the images.
Furthermore, we have to imagine the other figures as our 'mates'. What brings us all
together, is of course, Carling beer, as is articulated in the imperative instructing us to
'belong'. So close is the friendship of the explorers, the figures almost blur into each
other.
We may also perceive the relationship between the men in the Carlsberg advertisements
to be one of close friendship. In the Carlsberg 'camouflage' advertisement we see three
floating bottles hovering above the woman in the bath. This image is articulated by the
verbal message 'Carlsberg don't do camouflage but if we did it would probably be the
best camouflage in the world'. The suggestion being that the bottles are carried by three
invisible men. Furthermore, we have to imagine ourselves as one of the 'camouflaged'
figures as we, like them, are invisible to the woman.
We also find a sense of male camaraderie in the Carlsberg 'weather' advertisement. The
foot of the man on the left would seem to be touching the trouser leg of the man on the
right. They seem to be enjoying each others company to the exclusion of the women in
the picture. However, their thoughts about the women are articulated by the declarative,
'Carlsberg don't do weather but if we did it would probably be the best weather in the
world'. Carlsberg do everything within their power for the satisfaction of the male
consumer. In buying the beer we also buy into the Carlsberg ideology.
The Courage Beer advertisement also plays upon an essentially masculine ideology. The
man in the picture is being asked to 'take Courage my friend'. The courage refers not
only to the beer but to the feeling of bravery which the beer provides. As Williamson
informs us, 'the technique of advertising is to correlate feelings … with tangible objects'
(Williamson 1978, 31). Having drunk the beer the man in the picture will have the
'Courage' to tell the woman exactly what he thinks of her dress. His worried face may
reflect the possibility that he needs the beer in order to do so.
The Courage beer advertiser is clearly of the opinion that the audience will identify
themselves with the man in the picture. In a report into the banning of the advertisement
in the UK, the advertiser said, 'the advert depicts a very common situation which our
target demographic would relate to' (Plunkett, 2009). There is a clear expectation upon
25

men to take account of the emotional impact of what they say to women, even to the
point of lying to them. However, Courage beer seems to give the men a feeling of
empowerment. The Courage drinker can say exactly what he feels, whenever he sees fit.
The Carling and Carlsberg advertisements also emphasize the feeling of empowerment
which comes after drinking the beer. After drinking Carling, we can expect to feel a
sense of belonging to a wider consumption community, as well as the power to take
control of our surroundings. It is a similar case with the Carlsberg 'weather'
advertisement. Here the men exercise self control instead of avidly watching the
women. As Vestergaard and Schroder tell us, 'male addressed adverts tend to portray
women in two basic ways: as a whore and as a servant, although there is a tendency for
male daydreams to conflate the two' (Vestergaard and Schroder 1985, 102). These
advertisements play to the male ego and provide access to mythical situations in which
men are dominant.
Interestingly, men do not appear at all in the adverts for Harry's Beer, Magners Light or
Stampede Light. Obviously the kinds of masculine representations which we see in the
male targeted advertisements would not appeal to a female audience. This may increase
the feminine appeal of these drinks as they are exclusively for women. The woman
drinking these beverages is independent and free of the gender bias which can be
observed in male targeted advertisements.
These advertisements seem to place an expectation upon women to subscribe to
conventional notions of femininity. The status of woman as a 'sex object', being
'constantly exhorted ... to feel that their desirability and lovability are contingent upon
physical perfection', would seem to be maintained (Kilbourne 1995, 122). Each of the
female targeted beers may enhance the visual appeal of the drinker. However, it is
arguable whether women consume these drinks for the gratification of men or simply
for their own sense of well being.
Women may openly encourage the 'male gaze' for the power which this affords them. In
the Stampede Light advertisement Jessica Simpson would appear to be looking down
upon the viewer. As Kress and Van Leuwen inform us, 'celebrities in magazine
advertisements ... generally look down on the viewer: these models are depicted as
holding symbolic power over us' ( Kress and Van Leeuwen 1996, 146). Although men
may look at and desire the model, it is she who holds power over them. Drinking
Stampede Light allows women to exert a certain control over themselves and their
surroundings.
The independent women which we observe in the female targeted advertisements are
very different to the types of women that we find in the male targeted advertisements. In
the male targeted advertisements they most definitely act for the satisfaction of the male
audience. The situations depicted seem to support Jib Fowles point that 'in advertising
males gaze and females are gazed at' (Fowles 1996, 204). This point is exemplified in
the advertising for Courage Beer where we are openly invited to imagine ourselves as
the man in the picture. Our eyes, as his eyes, are directed towards the woman, we are
expected to make a judgment of her physical appearance.
The woman in the Courage Beer advertisement has an extremely curvaceous body. As
Romaine says of such advertisements, they 'often direct a readers gaze to a woman's
26

breasts or hips', suggesting that 'female bodies are collections of of sexual features on
display for male approval' (Romaine 1999, 259). The advertiser seems to advocate the
belief that it is alright to objectify women in such a way. A woman's role in this
masculinized environment is to look pretty and act in a subservient manner towards the
man. Arguably, we are invited to objectify the women in the Carlsberg advertisements in
a similar way.
The products in these different advertisements are presented as keys to mythical worlds
representative of either the masculine or feminine ideal. In consuming the product, the
consumer aligns themselves with the ideologies and attitudes expressed within the
advertisements. As these advertisements create vastly differing pictures of male and
female worlds, it follows that they greatly accentuate the gender divide. One might
expect advertiser's working with the televisual medium to integrate more layers of
gendered meaning into the advertising. This will be discussed in the next chapter.
27

Chapter 4: Combined Semiotic and Linguistic Analysis of Televisual Advertising
Thus far we have covered linguistic and semiotic analysis of printed advertising. The
other major way in which advertisers target their audience is through the televisual
medium. Here we find the interplay between moving pictures and words, either of song
or spoken dialogue, intended to communicate the image of the brand. As has been seen,
the advertiser may manipulate the characters and situations within advertisements to
create certain gender ideologies. In the analysis which follows it will be possible to see
whether these ideologies form an extension of those decoded up to this point.
First of all it may be worth considering the gendered meanings conveyed by the
environments in which the different advertisements take place. As was previously
mentioned, the majority of the advertisement for Jillz Sparkling cider is spent in an
apple orchard (AdFreakFive 2009). A group of hunky men go about collecting apples at
the same time as singing of their affection for the female Jillz drinker. Later on,
presumably after they have finished their hard work, we see them dancing on a bar.
They are holding bottles of Jillz while singing to a woman who is drinking the cider. We
then see the men stripping off and bathing themselves in a pool, presumably beside the
apple orchard.
The environment in which the Jillz advertisement takes place, is an essentially feminine
one. As Hope reflects, 'wetness … bowers and canopies of trees, vines, flowers; fruits
… signal the feminized environment' (Hope 2004, 160). It is possible that the men in
this advertisement are being looked after by 'mother nature'. They are allowed into this
female world because these are exactly the kind of men which the female audience is
expected to desire.
The Magners Light advertisement also takes place in a feminized environment
(Spotlight Community 2008). Here we see a group of friends, both male and female,
sitting around a table, in a grassy field surrounded by trees. We are given a close up of
one of the female drinkers holding a dandelion. She blows it and as with the poster
advertising, we see Magners Light bottles emerging from it and floating away into a sun
drenched sky. Again the natural appeal of the drink and the female drinker are
emphasized.
Interestingly, in the Coors Light advertisement, we see women in stereotypically
masculine environments (Adland 2003). As Strate informs us, 'beer commercials have
routinely focussed on those outdoor leisure pursuits that present a risk challenge or
threat of danger to the male' (Strate 1992, 81). The Coors Light advertisement would
seem to subvert this image. The subtle colours and texture of the other feminized
environments are in stark contrast to the environment in which these women are found.
They are featured in roles such as dirt biker, surfer and karate expert, unafraid of the
danger such pursuits might pose. Does this advertisement signal a change in perceptions
of femininity?
If such a change is occurring it hasn't yet found recognition in those advertisements
aimed at an exclusively masculine audience. Here, as we see in the John Smith's
advertisements, there is a defined masculine environment from which feminine
influence is excluded (Coolukads 2007 and Reddevil06 2006) . The John Smith's
advertisements take place within a bar, 'The Level Head'. It is a dimly lit place where
men sit around drinking beer from pint glasses. The bar can be seen as 'a controlled
28

social context for the exchange of challenges' and 'continuous reinforcement of the
membership's masculinity' (ibid, 87). It is a space reserved for the most masculine of
men.
The Carling advertisements also take place within stereotypically masculine
environments (DieHardDom2 2007 and Tonycheese2 2008). These advertisements, as
the Carling poster advertisements, present environments in which men demonstrate their
dominance and control. In the Carling 'rescue' advertisement we see a group of cowboys
riding horses across the rugged western countryside to 'save' their friend. In the Carling
'explorer' advertisement we find a group of men preparing to venture outside their tent
into the 'freezing wastes' to celebrate their friend's birthday. The extreme nature of these
environments reflects the strength of the men featured.
The Carlsberg 'flatmates' advertisement also continues the theme of the poster
advertisements, representing the ideal masculine world (Levent1234 2006). A man and
potential flatmate is shown around a house featuring a widescreen television upon
which a young woman watches 'football legends'. He is then shown a bedroom featuring
a grand double bed, lavish lighting effects and a balcony which has a view across a
football stadium. The soft lighting effects to be seen in this advertisement provide it
with an almost dream like quality. Everything is designed to satisfy the desires of the
man.
The audience will probably realize that the situations depicted in these advertisements
are mythical. However, in buying the beer, we are also subscribing to the social codes
and values inherent within them. As Leiss Kline and Jhally say, there is a signification
system whereby 'interpretation is built specifically and directly around a relationship
between people and products' (Leiss, Kline and Jhally 1990, 254). When a man buys a
pint of Carlsberg, he aligns himself with the male characters of the Carlsberg
advertisement. The Carlsberg house is not only their ideal house but ours too. We, like
them, enjoy football and are unconcerned with household chores. Carlsberg is the
perfect pint for them and us.
The John Smith's advertisements use a similar system to create a link between consumer
and brand ideology. The men sitting in the pub nearly all drink from branded John
Smith's glasses. When we buy the beer we come to identify ourselves with these men.
We, like them, enjoy going down to the pub and having a pint with our fellow mates.
We buy the beer in order to signal our 'no nonsense' attitude to those around us.
We may also buy Carling in order to indicate that we are just like the men in the
advertisements. At the end of the explorer advertisement, we see a pint of Carling with
the word 'belong' written across the front of it. We can imagine ourselves in the role of
rugged explorer when we buy a pint of Carling. In the Carling 'rescue' advertisement,
the man who is saved wears Black and White clothing, the same colours used in the
Carling logo. He is rescued from a quiet village in which he is presumably leading a
boring existence. Perhaps drinking Carling will allow members of the male audience to
'escape' in a similar way.
Women who consume Coors Light may also expect a sense of empowerment upon
consumption of the drink. As with the men of the Carling advertisements, these women
show a lack of concern with activities containing elements of risk and danger. The
29

female consumer may wish to be seen as strong, like the karate expert or daring like the
dirt biker. In consuming the beer they will show their support for the subversion of
traditional gender stereotypes. However, as with the women to be seen in the Coors
Light advertisement, they will also want to be seen as 'beautiful' and 'youthful'.
It is also arguable that the women in these advertisements hold an element of power
over the men. In the Magners Light advertisement we see men carrying bottles of cider
towards the table, uncapping them and then passing them to the women. Traditionally,
as with the Carlsberg 'housemates' advertisement, we might expect to see the women
serving the men, here it is the other way around. The Magners Light consumer may be
concerned with subverting traditional gender roles. They may share the brand ideology.
The Jillz cider advertisement also attempts to forge a sense of female empowerment.
The men all vie for the attention of one female Jillz drinker. As Ros Gill informs us,
advertisements like this 'code men's bodies in ways that give permission for them to be
looked at and desired' (Gill 2007, 97). It has traditionally been the female form which
has been objectified, this advertisement challenges that expectation. Here it is the men
who are subservient, controlled by their desire for the female Jillz drinker.
As was mentioned previously, the Coors Light advertisement would also seem to
provide a sense of female empowerment. However, the male role in this advertisement
may indicate the possibility of this beer appealing to men as much as women. The lyrics
of the Tom Jones backing track include the words 'she's the kind I'd like to flaunt and
take to dinner … she always knows her place … that little lady'. At the end of the
advertisement we see a group of men clinking bottles and smiling towards the camera.
Is it possible that they are sharing a manly joke at the expense of the women?
It is clear that the lyrics of the Tom Jones song reflect an unequal power relationship
between him and the woman of whom he sings. Where we are told that he would like to
take her to dinner, we have to infer that she is subordinate to his desire. He takes and
she is taken. Moreover, as Mills says of the word 'little', it can be used 'less as a purely
descriptive term meaning physically small than as a diminutive term … it denotes
someone of less importance' (Mills 1995, 130). The man occupies the dominant position
in the relationship. Although women have gained acceptance in traditionally male roles,
they will never be as strong or powerful as the men. It is possible that the female
representations to be found in this advertisement represent a recycling of 'traditionally
conservative ideals … into a more palatable ''feminist'' or progressive framework, while
in fact achieving no real significant change' (Routledge Shields 2005, 267).
Male dominance is even more clear in the Carlsberg advertisement. This is indicated by
the male housemate's description of Cutty, 'the trainee chef' who 'won't let anyone else
cook'. It is possible that he has authority over her and she certainly seems happy to
fulfill a subservient role. As Vestergaard and Schroder tell us, 'whenever the sexes are
together, the man remains in control', the men fulfill the dominant role in conversation
between the genders (Vestergaard and Schroder 1985, 108). The men who buy
Carlsberg may also like to think of themselves exercising control over women.
In the Carling advertisements women hardly feature. The advertiser may be attempting
to play to the male ego. Only men would be able to survive in the harsh environments
shown. The men in these advertisements do not need female company, such is the
30

strength of their solidarity. This point is emphasized by the use of inclusive pronouns as
in, 'of course we're going out'. As Pridham says, the 'use of personal pronoun, 'we'
implies we're in the same in-group, have the same values and are doing the task
together' (Pridham 2002, 54). The drinker of Carling can expect to be accepted into a
community of like minded male drinkers.
The drinker of John Smith's can also expect to feel a sense of belonging to a masculine
group. As was mentioned previously, the bar of the John Smith's advertisements acts as
a suitable place for the bonding of John Smith's drinkers. In each of these
advertisements, the one man who doesn't drink John Smith's, is told that he is 'barred'.
Furthermore, he is 'barred' by the barman, a man who wears a John Smith's tie and is
representative of the brand. The strength and assurance of this declarative may reflect
the power of both the barman and the 'no nonsense' ideology of the brand.
This 'no nonsense' masculine attitude is also reflected in the choice of accent and
pronunciation in the advertisements. In each of the advertisements we find instances of
non-standard grammar. This is exemplified by the barman saying 'yer barred'. It is also
epitomized through the voice-over representing the John Smith's brand saying, 'no
housewife telly'. As Coates informs us, 'there are strong pressures on speakers who are
male … to diverge from standard English' (Coates 2004, 67). To fit in with the John
Smith's ideology the male consumer may have to speak the language of the brand. In
doing so they will belong to an exclusively masculine consumption community.
As we can see, the John Smith's advertisements create both insider and outsider groups.
This point is emphasized in the 'housewife telly' advertisement where the man, who
chooses to watch the housewife channel, is ostracized. Feminine influence is clearly not
allowed in such an environment and stereotypical notions of masculine domination are
maintained. This attitude is articulated by the use of directives in 'no housewife telly, no
nonsense, John Smith's'. Femininity is seen as a weakness which may be eradicated
through the consumption of John Smith's.
Women are allowed in the Carlsberg world, but only as long as they fit in with
stereotypical gender roles. Whereas the man living in the house is in control of himself
and his surroundings, the women are portrayed as being more emotional and exuberant.
It is the women who are seen smiling towards the men as if looking for their admiration.
At the end of the advertisement female subservience is reflected when one of the
women reads a bedtime story to the new flatmate. Carlsberg are so sure that these are
representations of the man's ideal woman that they tell us, 'Carlsberg don't do flatmates,
but if we did they would probably be the best flatmates in the World'.
In the female targeted advertisements we might expect to see representations of the
female's ideal world. Interestingly, the women in these advertisements are all
characterised as being dependent upon their appearance. The woman in the Jillz
advertisement is young and blonde and the men can be heard singing of their affections
for her. In the Magners Light advertisement we are given close up shots of women in
provocative poses. In each of the two advertisements we see women drinking the
product. The drinkers may believe that consumption of Magners Light and Jillz will
either highlight or enhance their own attractiveness.
31

The emphasis on female attractiveness is maintained in the denotations of the language
employed. In the Jillz advertisement we are told that the woman of whom the men sing
is 'pretty as can be … she's so erotic to me'. As Vestergaard and Schroder say 'an advert
can gain credibility by claiming that its product is compatible with generally recognized
goals' (Vestergaard and Schroder 1985, 67). The vagueness of terms pertaining to
physical attractiveness play to the advertiser's advantage. Every woman can aspire to,
and become, 'pretty' or 'erotic'.
The women targeted by the Jillz advertisement presumably share a desire to be
attractive. This message is articulated in the Jillz advertisement where we are informed
that the female drinker is 'just like you'. As Cook says of the pronoun, you, 'it
encourages a completion of the triangle which effects a co-reference between the
receiver and one of the people in the picture' (Cook 2001, 159). Members of the female
audience may be envious of the attention that the Jillz drinker receives. Drinking the
cider will allow them to enjoy the same or a similar status.
The drinker of Coors Light may also expect to enhance their visual appearance through
consumption of the drink. Even the women pictured in stereotypically masculine
environments do not seem to have lost their feminine attractiveness. As Williamson says
'products are set up … in a position of replacing you; they do things you can't do for
you' (Williamson 1978, 39). Coors Light gives women the power to remain visually
acceptable at all times. It may also allow them to partake in activities which have
previously been considered off limits for women.
The Coors Light advertisers would appear to be celebrating feminine power. This is
communicated by the declarative, 'here's to women', at the end of the advertisement.
This message uses a red and white typography, the same colours as are used in the brand
logo. It may be representative of the brand ideology. It may reflect the idea that women
are an important part of the Coors Light audience. However, it may represent a 'thumbs
up' to the masculine Coors Light audience. The women in this advertisement may be
there to be enjoyed by men. Such ironic statements, as Hutcheon says, draw upon 'the
making or inferring of meaning in addition to and different from what is stated, together
with an attitude toward both the said and the unsaid' (Hutcheon 1994, 11). On the one
hand the advertiser appears to be promoting the feminist cause. On the other they appear
to contradict its principals.
Where masculine and feminine ideologies are incorporated into the same advertisement,
the diametric opposition of these perspectives is emphasised. This situation is reflective
of the contradictory representations of masculinity and femininity to be found within the
television advertisements as a whole. At the commencement of this chapter the question
was posed as to whether the theme of ideological opposition bound the discourse of
beer and cider advertising. The concluding chapter will aim to ascertain whether or not
this is the case.
32

Conclusion
This study has employed a combined linguistic and semiotic approach in a discussion of
the ways in which beer and cider advertising targets the different genders. This approach
has allowed for the decoding of surface meanings and those which are more deeply
entrenched in the advertising discourse. This thorough analysis has led to the
confirmation of the hypotheses, that advertisements for these different products target
mutually exclusive gendered audiences. It has been shown how the techniques utilized
by the advertisers not only maintain, but also accentuate, the gender divide.
In chapter one there was an analysis of the ways in which the products communicate
gendered meaning on a superficial level. The manufacturers of these products design
them in such a way that they make a direct appeal to the audience's sense of gendered
identity. Moreover, the audience may buy gendered products to confirm their masculine
or feminine status to other members of society. The consumer affords value to goods,
not only in terms of their use value, but their power as social communicators.
Consumers also have access to the codes built into the products by the advertising. In
chapter two it was argued that advertisers use linguistic techniques in order to shape the
audience around predefined gender ideologies. In line with the meanings conveyed by
the superficial appearance of the products, the language used conveys the point that the
audiences belong to differentiated gender groups. It would seem that Mary Talbot's
categories of 'synthetic sisterhood' and 'phallacious fraternity' [sic] may be applied to the
constructed audience of beer and cider brands. The advertiser plays upon the desires and
aspirations of one gendered group, generally at the expense of the other.
This sense of 'insider' and 'outsider' groups was explored further in chapter three. The
semiotic analysis conducted in this chapter reflected the advertiser's belief that the
masculine and feminine world view are essentially different. The advertisers embed
meanings in advertisements which satisfy the audience member's desire for power and
status. It seems fair to say that male targeted poster advertisements maintain the myths
of female subservience and male dominance. The situation is reversed in the female
targeted advertisements where it is they who appear to hold the power. Either way, it is
the advertiser's belief that modern men and women are concerned with holding power
over each other.
The concern of the different genders with ideological power was also reflected in the
television advertisements analysed in chapter four. Here the difference between ideal
representations of masculinity and femininity in men's and women's worlds was greatly
emphasised. The 'ideal' woman's man is strong but capable of being gentle to the
woman. He acts upon her desire and plays to her affections. In the male dominated
world the 'ideal' woman is portrayed as young, beautiful and subservient. Therefore, the
divide between masculinity and femininity is reinforced. While masculine
advertisements embrace the traditional notions of masculinity and femininity, feminine
advertisements dispel these traditions in favour of a feminist backlash.
The theme of gender differentiation plays a dominant role in the advertisements for beer
and cider. It is likely that the consumer is aware that they are subscribing to defined
gender ideologies when they buy the products. This point is supported by Williamson
33

when she says, 'advertisements are selling us something beyond consumer goods; in
providing us with a structure in which we and those goods are interchangable they are
selling us ourselves' (Williamson 1978, 13). We subsume the ideologies surrounding
products into our own self identity. In buying gendered products men and women show
a desire to assert their differentiated status. People may buy these products in order to
align themselves with the feminine or masculine cause.
While this may be the case it is worthwhile asking whether advertiser's incorporate
gender ideologies in order to advance the feminine or masculine cause or whether they
do so for their own ends. It might be worthwhile interviewing those who have
developed the campaigns for their own perspectives on gender issues. It may also be
possible to compare the success of those products which are distinctly gendered to those
which are not. Are people more willing to buy goods when they confirm their sense of
gendered identity?
It would also be interesting to see whether the findings of this study could be applied to
the advertising of other products. We might pose the question of whether the
constructed audiences of other gendered products bear any similarity to those of beer
and cider. Pat Kirkham and Alex Weller have already studied toiletry products for men
and women and found that they 'draw heavily on gender stereotypes based on binary
opposites' (Kirkham and Weller 1995, 273). Suzanne Romaine said of car advertising,
'until recently cars were one of the few items men tended to purchase more than women
… now many car manufacturers emphasise features such as safety … in order to make
the vehicles more appealing to women' (Romaine 1999, 267). Other products such as
chocolate, children's toys and different types of clothing also appeal to the audience's
gendered identity. The more products that draw upon strictly defined notions of
masculinity and femininity, the more these ideologies will become part of the public
consciousness.
Stuart Davis - Copyright © 2009. All Rights Reserved
34

List of Illustrations
Figure 1: John Smith's (2009) Bottle of John Smith's Winner's Tipple
[online image] Available at:
http://www.johnsmiths.co.uk/brands/winners.htm [Accessed 15
June 2009]
Figure 2: Kasteel Cru (2009) Bottle and Branded Glass of Kasteel Cru
Rose [online image] Available at:
http://www.thedrinkshop.com/products/nlpdetail.php?
prodid=6122 [Accessed 17 June 2009]
Figure 3: Courage (2009) Branded Glass of Courage Beer [online
image] Available at:
http://www.wellsandyoungs.co.uk/wellsandyoungs/news/coura
ge-advertising [Accessed 25 June 2009]
Figure 4: Magners (2009) Bottle of Magners Light [online image]
Available at:
http://lmgfieldmarketing.files.wordpress.com/2008/05/light.jpg
[Accessed 25 June 2009]
Figure 5: John Smith's (2009) Can of John Smith's Original [online
image] Available at:
http://www.thedrinkshop.com/products/nlpdetail.php?
Figure 6: Carlsberg (2009) Bottle of Carlsberg [online image] Available
at:
http://www.casss.gr/KioskImages/48/Carlsberg_bottle_330ml.j
pg [Accessed 26 June 2009]
Figure 7: Kasteel Cru (2009) Kasteel Cru Rose Logo [online image]
Available at: http://www.grapepassions.co.uk/product.html?
id=417 [Accessed 5 July 2009]
Figure 8: Magners (2009) Magners Light Logo [online image] Available
at:
http://www.magnerslight.com/greatbritain/downloads/default.a
sp [Accessed 8 July 2009]
Figure 9: Carling (2009) Carling Logo [online image] Available at:
http://www.allfreelogo.com/logo/carling-logo.html [Accessed
27 June 2009]
Figure 10: Carlsberg (2009) Carlsberg Logo [online image] Available at:
http://www.thedrinkshop.com/products/nlpdetail.php
35

i
Figure 11: Harry's Beer (2009) Bottle of Harry's Beer [online image]
Available at: http://www.rushingdolls.com/home.html
[Accessed 15 July 2009]
Figure 12: Courage (2009) Advertisement for Courage Beer [online
advertisement] Available at: http://www.bruisin-
ales.com/beerblog/category/beer-humor/ [Accessed 17 July
2009]
Figure 13: Carlsberg (2009) 'Camouflage' Advertisement for Carlsberg
[online advertisement] Available at:
http://adsoftheworld.com/media/print/carlsberg_camouflage
Figure 14: Carlsberg (2009) 'Weather' Advertisement for Carlsberg
http://adsoftheworld.com/media/print/carlsberg_weather
Figure 15: Carling (2009) 'Space Exploration Advertisement for Carling
http://www.carling.com/beer/download_advert_wallpapers.htm
l [Accessed 20 July 2009]
Figure 16: Carling (2009) 'Barren Wasteland' Advertisement for Carling
http://www.carling.com/beer/download_advert_wallpapers.htm
l [Accessed 20 July 2009]
Figure 17: Magners (2009) 'Dandelion' Advertisement for Magners Light
http://www.magnerslight.com/greatbritain/ads/press.asp
Figure 18: Magners (2009) 'Butterflies' Advertisement for Magners
Light[online advertisement] Available at:
http://www.magnerslight.com/northern-ireland/ad-
campaigns/outdoor.asp [Accessed 15 July 2009]
Figure 19: Stampede Light (2009) Jessica Simpson's Advertisement for
Stampede Light [online advertisement] Available at:
http://www.theinsider.com/news/1153788_Jessica_Simpson_s_
Beer_Ad [Accessed 5 August 2009]
36

Figure 20: Harry's Beer (2009) Advertisement for Harry's Beer [online
advertisement] Available at:
http://www.hunterbevan.co.uk/point-of-sale/Harrys-Beer-
POS.html [Accessed 5 August 2009]
37

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41

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