Conflict theory and racial profiling An empirical analysis.docxmaxinesmith73660
Conflict theory and racial profiling: An empirical analysis
of police traffic stop data
Matthew Petrocellia, Alex R. Piquerob, Michael R. Smithc,*
aDepartment of Sociology and Criminal Justice, Southern Illinois University, Edwardsville, IL 62026, USA
bCenter for Studies in Criminology and Law, University of Florida, 201 Walker Hall, P.O. Box 115950,
Gainesville, FL 32611-5950, USA
cCriminal Justice Program, Washington State University, Spokane, 668 North Riverpoint Boulevard, Box B,
Spokane, WA 99202-1662, USA
Abstract
Using data collected by the Richmond, Virginia Police Department, this article applies conflict theory to police
traffic stop practices. In particular, it explores whether police traffic stop, search, and arrest practices differ
according to racial or socioeconomic factors among neighborhoods. Three principal findings emanate from this
research. First, the total number of stops by Richmond police was determined solely by the crime rate of the
neighborhood. Second, the percentage of stops that resulted in a search was determined by the percentage of
Black population. Third, when examining the percentage of stops that ended in an arrest/summons, the analyses
suggest that both the percentage of Black population and the area crime rate served to decrease the percentage of
police stops that ended in an arrest/summons. Implications for conflict theory and police decision-making are
addressed.
D 2002 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.
Introduction
Conflict theory holds that law and the mecha-
nisms of its enforcement are used by dominant
groups in society to minimize threats to their interests
posed by those whom they label as dangerous,
especially minorities and the poor. Over the past
several years, racial profiling by police has become
an issue of national significance. In his first speech to
Congress on February 27, 2001, President Bush
addressed racial profiling and directed Attorney Gen-
eral John Ashcroft to develop a set of recommenda-
tions to end racial profiling by America’s police
forces. Although empirical data on racial profiling
is scarce (Government Accounting Office, 2000),
conflict theory suggests that police may indeed target
minorities when conducting traffic stops or field
interrogations.
Using data collected by the Richmond, Virginia
Police Department, this article tests the application of
conflict theory to police traffic stop practices. In
particular, it explores whether police traffic stop,
search, and arrest practices differ according to racial
or socioeconomic factors among neighborhoods (e.g.,
Smith, 1986). Previous research on conflict theory
and the police used data from multiple cities or states
to examine differences in minority treatment by the
police at the macro level. This article extends the
current research by presenting a micro-level analysis
of police practices using census tract data from a
single city. It begins with a discussion of prior
.
Vanessa Schoening February 13, 2014Module 2 .docxMARRY7
Vanessa Schoening February 13, 2014
Module 2 Revised
Annotated Bibliography Revised
1. Bureau of Justice Statistics (1999). Number of homicides and population for cities with estimated population 100,000 or more, from 1985-1997.
This paper begins by acknowledging that most studies carried out into crimes have focused on the features of the populations such as age, employment and average earnings. The writers hold that the fact that population density has not been studied much represents a knowledge gap. The paper tries to find out whether population density has a negative or positive correlation with crime. Through sifting through previous studies, the paper tries to find out the nature of crimes that are rampant in varying populations.
2. Christens, B., & Speer, P. W. (2006). Predicting violent crime using urban and suburban densities. Behavior and Social Issues, 14(2), 113-127.
Christens and Speer go through past research and statistics and try to show the varying nature of crimes in different settlements areas. Their main focus is on violent and crime and they try to show that densely populated areas are more likely to see violent crime due to increased chances of conflict. Their other argument is that low-income areas are likely to see more violent crime.
3. Duany, A., Plater-Zyberk, E., & Speck, J. (2000). Suburban nation: The rise of sprawl and thedecline of the American dream. New York: North Point Press.
The authors of this book are founders of a movement that calls for an improved planning of settlements to avoid further spread of sprawls or informal settlements. The book highlights the effects of these settlements including economic and social ills. The book gives real life examples of how unplanned and congested settlements coupled with low income can cause crime. The book also offers solutions on how to improve the planning of cities and suburbs
4. Fulton, W., Pendall, R., Nguyen, M. & Harrison, A. (2001). Who sprawls most? How growth patterns differ across the U.S. Washington, D.C.: The Brookings Institution.
This book takes a look at population densities in various cities across the US between 1982 and 1997. The book also acknowledges that as cities grow, they continue to add previously unused land into their metropolitan territory. The book tries to compare the rate at which this land is being urbanized against the population growth. The book holds that cities in the west of the US have highly populated metropolitans and goes ahead to outline some of the challenges that may pose.
5. LaFree, G., Bursik, R.J., Short, J. & Taylor, R.B. (2000). The nature of crime: Continuity and change. Criminal Justice 2000, 1, 261-308.
The authors of this article begin by pointing out that the nature of crimes and reaction of societies towards various crimes do not remain constant. The writers hold that changing legislations and people’s attitudes can affect the nature of crimes. The availability of IT for instance creates a new ...
Abstract : Crime prediction is a topic of significant research across the fields of criminology, data mining, city planning, law enforcement, and political science. Crime patterns exist on a spatial level; these patterns can be grouped geographically by physical location, and analyzed contextually based on the region
in which crime occurs. This paper proposes a mechanism to parameterize street-level crime, localize crime hotspots, identify correlations between spatiotemporal crime patterns and social trends, and analyze the resulting data for the purposes of knowledge discovery and anomaly detection. The subject of this study is the county of Merseyside in the United Kingdom, over a span of 21 months beginning in December 2010 (monthly) through August 2012. Several types of crime are analyzed in this dataset, including Burglary and Antisocial Behavior. Through this analysis, several interesting findings are drawn about crime in Merseyside, including: hotspots with steadily increasing crime levels, hotspots with unstable crime levels, synchronous changes in crime trends throughout Merseyside as a whole, individual months in which certain hotspots behaved anomalously, and a strong correlation between crime hotspot locations and borough/postal code locations. We believe that this type of statistical and correlative analysis of crime patterns will help law enforcement agencies predict criminal activity, allocate resources, and promote community awareness to reduce overall crime rates.
For more information, please visit: http://people.cs.vt.edu/parang/ or contact parang at firstname at cs vt edu
This document analyzes predictors of violent crime rates in the United States using regression analysis. The analysis uses data from 50 states and the District of Columbia across multiple variables related to policy areas like law enforcement, economics, and education. The regression found that the percentage of black population in a state had the strongest correlation with higher violent crime rates. When the District of Columbia was excluded from the model, education levels also showed correlation with lower crime rates. Overall, the analysis suggests further study of gun control, education policy, and demographic factors could help reduce violent crime, but larger predictive models may be needed.
A Review Of The Econometric Evidence On The Effects Of Capital PunishmentNancy Rinehart
This document provides an overview of econometric studies that have examined the effects of capital punishment. It discusses how economists first became involved in this debate in the 1970s by applying economic theories of rational choice and cost-benefit analysis to criminal behavior, including murder. The document reviews early "first generation" studies from the 1970s and later "second generation" studies, noting that economists have generally analyzed capital punishment using the same theoretical framework as other crimes without distinguishing the unique aspects of murder. It also discusses how prior beliefs can influence scientific inquiry in this politically charged area.
Vanessa Schoening January 24, 2014Module 1.docxdickonsondorris
Vanessa Schoening January 24, 2014
Module 1
M1 Research Journal
Question 1. Research problem
Is there a correlation between the frequency, nature of crimes, and the readiness to report them depending on the average income of neighborhoods in New York?
Question 2.
This statement captures the problem of crime in residential areas and tries to establish whether income is a factor that contributes to it. From the research, suggestions could be made on ways of trying to resolve the problem by solving the root issue.
There is no bias in this statement because once the research is commissioned; data would be collected from several neighborhoods.
The research can be carried out within a reasonable period and a small budget because data on the average incomes can be found at relevant authorities. Information on crimes is readily available from police stations. Law enforcement officers can also give useful information on the topic through interviews and questionnaires. The research would also involve collecting data from residents through questionnaires that is a faster and less expensive way of collecting information (Bhattacherjee, 2012).
This research, if conducted could lead to the discovery of new knowledge in the social sciences field. It could reveal on the kind of working relationship that exists between police officers and residents in different field. It would be important to find out the perception of the police in this field. It could also reveal past experiences with the police and their responsiveness depending on the neighborhoods. The research could also reveal whether the geographical areas that police officers work influence their level of job satisfaction. The data collected could tell whether officers view their roles differently when placed in dissimilar stations.
Question 3.
This research is quite feasible and a proposal could be drawn for funding. If conducted, the research could give insight on ways of improving the way police are perceived in different neighborhoods. When the image of police is bettered, people will be more willing to report crimes as soon as they happen in order to improve security in all areas. The research could help gain insight on why the response time in some areas may be less than in others despite the proximity of police stations to scenes of crime. The research findings would be shared with the police and they can read people’s suggestions on improvement of service delivery.
Previous research has focused more on the frequency of crime in different crimes and the conclusions have been that the income level affects the rate of crime (Bhattacherjee, 2012). Areas with high levels of unemployment have generally higher rates of petty crimes and muggings. However, research has not focused on the relationship between the police and citizens. There is an information gap on how exactly the nature of relationship affects service delivery. The research would act as a stepping-stone for future r ...
Perceived Racial and Ethnic Composition of Neighborhood and .docxdanhaley45372
Perceived Racial and Ethnic Composition of
Neighborhood and Perceived Risk of Crime
TED CHIRICOS, Florida State University
RANEE McENTIRE, Florida State University
MARC GERTZ, Florida State University
This paper examines the relationship between perceived racial and ethnic composition of neighborhood
and criminal threat, which is operationalized as the perceived risk of criminal victimization. To address this
question, we use interviews with a statewide random sample of 3,000 Florida residents conducted in the fall of
1996. This is the first assessment of this issue to include Hispanics-the largest and fastest growing minority in
the State-as both respondents and as ethnic "others" whose presence may be a source of perceived risk for some.
For the full sample, OLS regressions show that perceived risk of victimization is influenced by the perception that
either Hispanics or blacks live nearby. The effects of the perception that Hispanics live nearby are consistently
stronger than those associated with the perceived proximity of blacks. Analyses for subsamples show that whites
are threatened by Hispanics and blacks, but only in South Florida where they are slightly outnumbered by those
two groups. Hispanics are also threatened by the presence of blacks and other Hispanics, but only outside of
South Florida where they are greatly outnumbered by blacks and whites. The results support a core assumption
of the "social threat" perspective, which presumes the mobilization of social control is influenced by the percep-
tion of criminal threat associated with the perceived proximity of racial others. These results also suggest that
crime threat may be "ethnicity coded" as well as "race coded" and may, in certain contexts, have more effect on
those who are in a minority status than on the dominant majority.
The equation of criminal threat with the presence of blacks is nothing new in American
culture (Hawkins 1995). But in recent years, the typification of crime as a black male threat
has achieved iconic proportions. From Willie Horton to Charles Stuart to Susan Smith, the fac-
ile link of race and crime has been used to gain electoral advantage and to confound the
search for justice (Anderson 1995).' The same putative threat is routinely invoked to justify
things as profound as the shooting of unarmed black men by New York City police and as pro-
saic as the non-delivery of pizza and the "unavailability" of taxi cabs in predominantly black
neighborhoods (West 1994).
So pervasive is the presumption of criminal threat in relation to black men that observers
as disparate as James Q. Wilson and the reverend Jesse Jackson have expressed similar senti-
ments on the issue. In a speech decrying black on black crime, Jackson acknowledged feeling
"relief" when an approaching urban stranger was not a young black male (Cohen 1993:A23)
and Wilson argued that "it is not racism that makes whites uneasy about blacks . .. it is fear.
2Crime Occurrence Evaluation PaperProfessor M. Callaha.docxlorainedeserre
2
Crime Occurrence Evaluation Paper
Professor M. Callahan
AJS/514
Grace Acevedo
October 28, 2019
Crime Occurrence Evaluation
Criminal Justice involves a set of interdisciplinary knowledge and integrated systematic actions to reach the awareness of a truth related to the criminal phenomenon, which includes the management of strategies that scrutinizes the role of the victim, the offender, and the crime as such, and the study of techniques aimed at countering, controlling and preventing criminal activity. This paper intends to interpret the occurrence of crime.
Current Trends in the Crime Rate
Based on FBI data, crime rates decreased by 3.9% during the past year and have continued to decrease. These include murder, robbery, burglary, vehicle thefts, larceny, and non-negligent manslaughter. With rape, the rate showed to have increased, subsequent in the last six years (https://www.themarshallproject.org/2019/09/30/new-fbi-data-violent-crime-still-falling)
Social and Environmental Factors Influencing Crime Rate
Economic circumstances as poverty and lack of employment are issues that affect low income communities. Communities where abnormal behavior is ignored and/or stimulated result in criminal activities. The population holding firearms has exploded. Between 6% to 10% of teenagers in high school have access to guns carry guns to school, this escalating to committing violent crimes (https://phoenix.vitalsource.com/#/books/9781337514910/). The recruiting of children and teenagers in gangs is rising, drugs and substance abuse are major causes for violent crimes. Exposing children to violent video games is an issue affecting today’s generation by teaching violence and undermining law enforcement (https://phoenix.vitalsource.com/#/books/9781337514910/).
Factors that contribute to Criminal Behavior and Crime Rate
Family relationships lead to criminal behavior. The lack of attention from parents to children, a household composed of one parent, child abuse, exposure to drugs and alcohol, and prostitution are some situations that push children and teenagers to seek support from other sources where bad influences can trigger delinquency.
Antisocial behavior leads to engage in delinquent acts. Risk-taking is another factor in committing delinquent activities and is most seen between the ages of 11 to 21. During this period, behaviors such as careless driving, substance use, unprotected sex, eating disorders, homicidal and suicidal behaviors, and dangerous sports are characteristics of risk-taking that lead to criminal behavior.
Investigating Crime Occurrence through Research and Theory Development
Social structure theories state that criminality is a product of social forces which include traditions, responsibilities, laws, morality, and religious beliefs (Calderon, M.). These theories are social disorganization, social change, conflict, and lack of social consensus as root causes of crime. The “broken window” theory focuses on ...
Conflict theory and racial profiling An empirical analysis.docxmaxinesmith73660
Conflict theory and racial profiling: An empirical analysis
of police traffic stop data
Matthew Petrocellia, Alex R. Piquerob, Michael R. Smithc,*
aDepartment of Sociology and Criminal Justice, Southern Illinois University, Edwardsville, IL 62026, USA
bCenter for Studies in Criminology and Law, University of Florida, 201 Walker Hall, P.O. Box 115950,
Gainesville, FL 32611-5950, USA
cCriminal Justice Program, Washington State University, Spokane, 668 North Riverpoint Boulevard, Box B,
Spokane, WA 99202-1662, USA
Abstract
Using data collected by the Richmond, Virginia Police Department, this article applies conflict theory to police
traffic stop practices. In particular, it explores whether police traffic stop, search, and arrest practices differ
according to racial or socioeconomic factors among neighborhoods. Three principal findings emanate from this
research. First, the total number of stops by Richmond police was determined solely by the crime rate of the
neighborhood. Second, the percentage of stops that resulted in a search was determined by the percentage of
Black population. Third, when examining the percentage of stops that ended in an arrest/summons, the analyses
suggest that both the percentage of Black population and the area crime rate served to decrease the percentage of
police stops that ended in an arrest/summons. Implications for conflict theory and police decision-making are
addressed.
D 2002 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.
Introduction
Conflict theory holds that law and the mecha-
nisms of its enforcement are used by dominant
groups in society to minimize threats to their interests
posed by those whom they label as dangerous,
especially minorities and the poor. Over the past
several years, racial profiling by police has become
an issue of national significance. In his first speech to
Congress on February 27, 2001, President Bush
addressed racial profiling and directed Attorney Gen-
eral John Ashcroft to develop a set of recommenda-
tions to end racial profiling by America’s police
forces. Although empirical data on racial profiling
is scarce (Government Accounting Office, 2000),
conflict theory suggests that police may indeed target
minorities when conducting traffic stops or field
interrogations.
Using data collected by the Richmond, Virginia
Police Department, this article tests the application of
conflict theory to police traffic stop practices. In
particular, it explores whether police traffic stop,
search, and arrest practices differ according to racial
or socioeconomic factors among neighborhoods (e.g.,
Smith, 1986). Previous research on conflict theory
and the police used data from multiple cities or states
to examine differences in minority treatment by the
police at the macro level. This article extends the
current research by presenting a micro-level analysis
of police practices using census tract data from a
single city. It begins with a discussion of prior
.
Vanessa Schoening February 13, 2014Module 2 .docxMARRY7
Vanessa Schoening February 13, 2014
Module 2 Revised
Annotated Bibliography Revised
1. Bureau of Justice Statistics (1999). Number of homicides and population for cities with estimated population 100,000 or more, from 1985-1997.
This paper begins by acknowledging that most studies carried out into crimes have focused on the features of the populations such as age, employment and average earnings. The writers hold that the fact that population density has not been studied much represents a knowledge gap. The paper tries to find out whether population density has a negative or positive correlation with crime. Through sifting through previous studies, the paper tries to find out the nature of crimes that are rampant in varying populations.
2. Christens, B., & Speer, P. W. (2006). Predicting violent crime using urban and suburban densities. Behavior and Social Issues, 14(2), 113-127.
Christens and Speer go through past research and statistics and try to show the varying nature of crimes in different settlements areas. Their main focus is on violent and crime and they try to show that densely populated areas are more likely to see violent crime due to increased chances of conflict. Their other argument is that low-income areas are likely to see more violent crime.
3. Duany, A., Plater-Zyberk, E., & Speck, J. (2000). Suburban nation: The rise of sprawl and thedecline of the American dream. New York: North Point Press.
The authors of this book are founders of a movement that calls for an improved planning of settlements to avoid further spread of sprawls or informal settlements. The book highlights the effects of these settlements including economic and social ills. The book gives real life examples of how unplanned and congested settlements coupled with low income can cause crime. The book also offers solutions on how to improve the planning of cities and suburbs
4. Fulton, W., Pendall, R., Nguyen, M. & Harrison, A. (2001). Who sprawls most? How growth patterns differ across the U.S. Washington, D.C.: The Brookings Institution.
This book takes a look at population densities in various cities across the US between 1982 and 1997. The book also acknowledges that as cities grow, they continue to add previously unused land into their metropolitan territory. The book tries to compare the rate at which this land is being urbanized against the population growth. The book holds that cities in the west of the US have highly populated metropolitans and goes ahead to outline some of the challenges that may pose.
5. LaFree, G., Bursik, R.J., Short, J. & Taylor, R.B. (2000). The nature of crime: Continuity and change. Criminal Justice 2000, 1, 261-308.
The authors of this article begin by pointing out that the nature of crimes and reaction of societies towards various crimes do not remain constant. The writers hold that changing legislations and people’s attitudes can affect the nature of crimes. The availability of IT for instance creates a new ...
Abstract : Crime prediction is a topic of significant research across the fields of criminology, data mining, city planning, law enforcement, and political science. Crime patterns exist on a spatial level; these patterns can be grouped geographically by physical location, and analyzed contextually based on the region
in which crime occurs. This paper proposes a mechanism to parameterize street-level crime, localize crime hotspots, identify correlations between spatiotemporal crime patterns and social trends, and analyze the resulting data for the purposes of knowledge discovery and anomaly detection. The subject of this study is the county of Merseyside in the United Kingdom, over a span of 21 months beginning in December 2010 (monthly) through August 2012. Several types of crime are analyzed in this dataset, including Burglary and Antisocial Behavior. Through this analysis, several interesting findings are drawn about crime in Merseyside, including: hotspots with steadily increasing crime levels, hotspots with unstable crime levels, synchronous changes in crime trends throughout Merseyside as a whole, individual months in which certain hotspots behaved anomalously, and a strong correlation between crime hotspot locations and borough/postal code locations. We believe that this type of statistical and correlative analysis of crime patterns will help law enforcement agencies predict criminal activity, allocate resources, and promote community awareness to reduce overall crime rates.
For more information, please visit: http://people.cs.vt.edu/parang/ or contact parang at firstname at cs vt edu
This document analyzes predictors of violent crime rates in the United States using regression analysis. The analysis uses data from 50 states and the District of Columbia across multiple variables related to policy areas like law enforcement, economics, and education. The regression found that the percentage of black population in a state had the strongest correlation with higher violent crime rates. When the District of Columbia was excluded from the model, education levels also showed correlation with lower crime rates. Overall, the analysis suggests further study of gun control, education policy, and demographic factors could help reduce violent crime, but larger predictive models may be needed.
A Review Of The Econometric Evidence On The Effects Of Capital PunishmentNancy Rinehart
This document provides an overview of econometric studies that have examined the effects of capital punishment. It discusses how economists first became involved in this debate in the 1970s by applying economic theories of rational choice and cost-benefit analysis to criminal behavior, including murder. The document reviews early "first generation" studies from the 1970s and later "second generation" studies, noting that economists have generally analyzed capital punishment using the same theoretical framework as other crimes without distinguishing the unique aspects of murder. It also discusses how prior beliefs can influence scientific inquiry in this politically charged area.
Vanessa Schoening January 24, 2014Module 1.docxdickonsondorris
Vanessa Schoening January 24, 2014
Module 1
M1 Research Journal
Question 1. Research problem
Is there a correlation between the frequency, nature of crimes, and the readiness to report them depending on the average income of neighborhoods in New York?
Question 2.
This statement captures the problem of crime in residential areas and tries to establish whether income is a factor that contributes to it. From the research, suggestions could be made on ways of trying to resolve the problem by solving the root issue.
There is no bias in this statement because once the research is commissioned; data would be collected from several neighborhoods.
The research can be carried out within a reasonable period and a small budget because data on the average incomes can be found at relevant authorities. Information on crimes is readily available from police stations. Law enforcement officers can also give useful information on the topic through interviews and questionnaires. The research would also involve collecting data from residents through questionnaires that is a faster and less expensive way of collecting information (Bhattacherjee, 2012).
This research, if conducted could lead to the discovery of new knowledge in the social sciences field. It could reveal on the kind of working relationship that exists between police officers and residents in different field. It would be important to find out the perception of the police in this field. It could also reveal past experiences with the police and their responsiveness depending on the neighborhoods. The research could also reveal whether the geographical areas that police officers work influence their level of job satisfaction. The data collected could tell whether officers view their roles differently when placed in dissimilar stations.
Question 3.
This research is quite feasible and a proposal could be drawn for funding. If conducted, the research could give insight on ways of improving the way police are perceived in different neighborhoods. When the image of police is bettered, people will be more willing to report crimes as soon as they happen in order to improve security in all areas. The research could help gain insight on why the response time in some areas may be less than in others despite the proximity of police stations to scenes of crime. The research findings would be shared with the police and they can read people’s suggestions on improvement of service delivery.
Previous research has focused more on the frequency of crime in different crimes and the conclusions have been that the income level affects the rate of crime (Bhattacherjee, 2012). Areas with high levels of unemployment have generally higher rates of petty crimes and muggings. However, research has not focused on the relationship between the police and citizens. There is an information gap on how exactly the nature of relationship affects service delivery. The research would act as a stepping-stone for future r ...
Perceived Racial and Ethnic Composition of Neighborhood and .docxdanhaley45372
Perceived Racial and Ethnic Composition of
Neighborhood and Perceived Risk of Crime
TED CHIRICOS, Florida State University
RANEE McENTIRE, Florida State University
MARC GERTZ, Florida State University
This paper examines the relationship between perceived racial and ethnic composition of neighborhood
and criminal threat, which is operationalized as the perceived risk of criminal victimization. To address this
question, we use interviews with a statewide random sample of 3,000 Florida residents conducted in the fall of
1996. This is the first assessment of this issue to include Hispanics-the largest and fastest growing minority in
the State-as both respondents and as ethnic "others" whose presence may be a source of perceived risk for some.
For the full sample, OLS regressions show that perceived risk of victimization is influenced by the perception that
either Hispanics or blacks live nearby. The effects of the perception that Hispanics live nearby are consistently
stronger than those associated with the perceived proximity of blacks. Analyses for subsamples show that whites
are threatened by Hispanics and blacks, but only in South Florida where they are slightly outnumbered by those
two groups. Hispanics are also threatened by the presence of blacks and other Hispanics, but only outside of
South Florida where they are greatly outnumbered by blacks and whites. The results support a core assumption
of the "social threat" perspective, which presumes the mobilization of social control is influenced by the percep-
tion of criminal threat associated with the perceived proximity of racial others. These results also suggest that
crime threat may be "ethnicity coded" as well as "race coded" and may, in certain contexts, have more effect on
those who are in a minority status than on the dominant majority.
The equation of criminal threat with the presence of blacks is nothing new in American
culture (Hawkins 1995). But in recent years, the typification of crime as a black male threat
has achieved iconic proportions. From Willie Horton to Charles Stuart to Susan Smith, the fac-
ile link of race and crime has been used to gain electoral advantage and to confound the
search for justice (Anderson 1995).' The same putative threat is routinely invoked to justify
things as profound as the shooting of unarmed black men by New York City police and as pro-
saic as the non-delivery of pizza and the "unavailability" of taxi cabs in predominantly black
neighborhoods (West 1994).
So pervasive is the presumption of criminal threat in relation to black men that observers
as disparate as James Q. Wilson and the reverend Jesse Jackson have expressed similar senti-
ments on the issue. In a speech decrying black on black crime, Jackson acknowledged feeling
"relief" when an approaching urban stranger was not a young black male (Cohen 1993:A23)
and Wilson argued that "it is not racism that makes whites uneasy about blacks . .. it is fear.
2Crime Occurrence Evaluation PaperProfessor M. Callaha.docxlorainedeserre
2
Crime Occurrence Evaluation Paper
Professor M. Callahan
AJS/514
Grace Acevedo
October 28, 2019
Crime Occurrence Evaluation
Criminal Justice involves a set of interdisciplinary knowledge and integrated systematic actions to reach the awareness of a truth related to the criminal phenomenon, which includes the management of strategies that scrutinizes the role of the victim, the offender, and the crime as such, and the study of techniques aimed at countering, controlling and preventing criminal activity. This paper intends to interpret the occurrence of crime.
Current Trends in the Crime Rate
Based on FBI data, crime rates decreased by 3.9% during the past year and have continued to decrease. These include murder, robbery, burglary, vehicle thefts, larceny, and non-negligent manslaughter. With rape, the rate showed to have increased, subsequent in the last six years (https://www.themarshallproject.org/2019/09/30/new-fbi-data-violent-crime-still-falling)
Social and Environmental Factors Influencing Crime Rate
Economic circumstances as poverty and lack of employment are issues that affect low income communities. Communities where abnormal behavior is ignored and/or stimulated result in criminal activities. The population holding firearms has exploded. Between 6% to 10% of teenagers in high school have access to guns carry guns to school, this escalating to committing violent crimes (https://phoenix.vitalsource.com/#/books/9781337514910/). The recruiting of children and teenagers in gangs is rising, drugs and substance abuse are major causes for violent crimes. Exposing children to violent video games is an issue affecting today’s generation by teaching violence and undermining law enforcement (https://phoenix.vitalsource.com/#/books/9781337514910/).
Factors that contribute to Criminal Behavior and Crime Rate
Family relationships lead to criminal behavior. The lack of attention from parents to children, a household composed of one parent, child abuse, exposure to drugs and alcohol, and prostitution are some situations that push children and teenagers to seek support from other sources where bad influences can trigger delinquency.
Antisocial behavior leads to engage in delinquent acts. Risk-taking is another factor in committing delinquent activities and is most seen between the ages of 11 to 21. During this period, behaviors such as careless driving, substance use, unprotected sex, eating disorders, homicidal and suicidal behaviors, and dangerous sports are characteristics of risk-taking that lead to criminal behavior.
Investigating Crime Occurrence through Research and Theory Development
Social structure theories state that criminality is a product of social forces which include traditions, responsibilities, laws, morality, and religious beliefs (Calderon, M.). These theories are social disorganization, social change, conflict, and lack of social consensus as root causes of crime. The “broken window” theory focuses on ...
This study examines the relationship between crime and social disorganization in New Haven, Connecticut. Crime data from 2015 was obtained from the police department and geocoded. Data on churches, schools, and police stations was also geocoded as representations of social organization. On visual analysis, crime hotspots for murder, burglary, aggravated assault, and robbery were found to gravitate towards more socially disorganized neighborhoods that lacked these institutions. A multivariate regression analysis will analyze the distance between crime locations and points of social organization.
ARTICLESRacism and Police Brutality in AmericaCassandr.docxrossskuddershamus
ARTICLES
Racism and Police Brutality in America
Cassandra Chaney & Ray V. Robertson
Published online: 12 January 2013
# Springer Science+Business Media New York 2013
Abstract What, if any, changes have occurred in the nation’s police departments
21 years after the Rodney King beating? To answer this question, this study examined
findings provided by the National Police Misconduct Statistics and Reporting Project
(NPMSRP). An additional goal of this study was to examine how the public generally
perceive police and how race and racism shape this discourse. To answer this secondary
question, we examined narratives provided by 36 contributors to the NPMSRP site. The
following two questions were foundational to this study: (1) What do findings from the
NPMSRP suggest about the rate of police brutality in America? (2) How do individuals
perceive the police department, and what implications do these perceptions hold for
Black men in America? In general, fatalities at the hands of police are higher than they
are for the general public. Grounded theory analysis of the data revealed that individuals
perceive members of law enforcement in the following ways: (a) contempt for law
enforcement, (b) suspicion of law enforcement, (c) law enforcement as agents of
brutality, and (d) respect for law enforcement. Supporting qualitative data are presented
in connection with each of the aforementioned themes.
Keywords Black . African-American . Critical race theory. Discrimination . Police
brutality. Race . Racism . Rodney King
What, if any, changes have occurred in the nation’s police departments 21 years after
the Rodney King beating? To answer this question, we examined findings provided
by the National Police Misconduct Statistics and Reporting Project (NPMSRP). In
addition, we examine how the public generally perceive police and how race and
J Afr Am St (2013) 17:480–505
DOI 10.1007/s12111-013-9246-5
C. Chaney (*)
College of Human Sciences and Education, School of Social Work, Child and Family Studies,
Louisiana State University, 323 Huey P. Long Field House, Baton Rouge, LA 70803-4300, USA
e-mail: [email protected]
R. V. Robertson
Department of Sociology, Social Work and Criminal Justice, Lamar University, Beaumont, TX, USA
e-mail: [email protected]
racism shape this discourse. To answer this secondary question, we examined narra-
tives provided by 36 contributors to the NPMSRP site.
The topic is important for two reasons. First, although several scholars have
examined the increasing rate of police brutality against Blacks (Dottolo and Stewart
2008; Elicker 2008; Kane and White 2009; Smith and Holmes 2003; Tomaskovic-
Devey et al. 2006; Staples 2011), we are aware of no studies to present findings from
the NPMSRP nor discuss the implications of these findings in light of the Rodney
King beating by members of the LAPD, which occurred in 1991. This endeavor is
especially important given the negative stories related to “bad cops” that have come
to l.
After reading Chapter 3 of the Mosher textbook, An Arresting Expe.docxdaniahendric
After reading Chapter 3 of the Mosher textbook, "An Arresting Experiment: Domestic Violence Victim and Perceptions" by Miller, and "Controlling a Jail Population by Partially Closing the Front Door" by Baumer and Adams, discuss the following prompts:
· How Important is it to use official crime data?
· What are some issues with using official crime data?
· What public policy changes could be made by relying upon the 2 articles?
According to the assigned textbook, official crime data within the criminal justice systems is those that derive from the normal function therein and official counts of crime data include that of police reports of offences and arrests, chargers filed by prosecutors, criminal complaints and indictments, imprisonment data and prison releases (Mosher, Miethe, & Hart, 2011). Official crime data such as the Uniform Crime Reports (UCR) in which gathers data for agencies such as the FBI is extremely important because it complies data from different sources to be used by many different law enforcement agencies. It can be used to analyze different trends in crimes. Having all data complied can not only help law enforcement with research, it also saves time when needing time sensitive information and it helps with budget due to not having to use different resources to gather information.
Just like any other source and technology, official crime data systems are not perfect and have been criticized for underestimation of less serious crimes (Steiner & Wooldredge, 2014). Some research argues that self-reporting data is more accurate than official crime data (Steiner & Wooldredge, 2014). Regardless of some criticism, official crime data does provide helpful information to agencies such as where crimes can be increasing, decreasing and what steps to take and programs to implement in order to see what is working for the community. Official crime data can also be used to understand what changes need to be made to current policies. Society and communities are always changing and having a resource such as official crime data can help policy makes understand what in current policies are working for the community and what changes in policies and programs need to be made in order to better serve the community.
Being able to do research will allow policy makers within the criminal justice system to better understanding where there could be any gaps and discrepancies that may exist within the system and help come up with ways to improve that system. Both articles, "An Arresting Experiment: Domestic Violence Victim and Perceptions" by Miller, and "Controlling a Jail Population by Partially Closing the Front Door" by Baumer and Adams discusses research conducted and its limitations. It is very important to understand the limitations that a study have in order to be able to duplicate the study with better outcomes and results. Both studies showed that there was a changes in criminal behavior when it resulted in immediate arrest, however, th ...
Literature Review for third party crime reporting.pdfsdfghj21
This document summarizes literature on third-party crime reporting across cultures. It discusses how perceived social cohesion and trust in police affects crime reporting rates in individualistic vs. collectivistic cultures. In cultures with high social cohesion, third parties may be less likely to report crimes to avoid social consequences, while those in individualistic cultures may feel obligated to notify authorities. The document also examines how factors like gender, number of cosocialized siblings, and crime type influence willingness to report in different societies.
Research and Policy DevelopmentAfter reading Chapter 5 of th.docxrgladys1
Research and Policy Development
After reading Chapter 5 of the Mosher textbook, the article entitled "Internet Development, Censorship, and
Cyber
Crimes in China" by Liang and Lu, and the article entitled "'Snitches End Up in Ditches' and Other Cautionary Tales" by Morris, I can relate to how the contents of these sources affect research and policy development. While they are presented differently, these research articles have unique implications on the development of criminal justice policy. I am particularly drawn towards the text by Morris (2010). If members of the society such as teenagers can establish a culture that inhibits sharing information with formal authorities, one construct that is affected is the criminal justice public policy development process that depends on the ability of
law
enforcement to deliberate with members of the society to establish a consensus regarding which policies to pursue. Policing is a social process and if officers are denied information by the community through such codes, the criminal justice system cannot execute its mandate.
As a criminal justice leader, the National Crime Victimization Survey would concern me because this
survey
avails important information about the frequency of crime and the proportion that goes unreported (Ybarra & Lohr, 2002). When compared to the Uniform Crime Report, I would say that incident-based reporting provides official crime data and may be limited as with regards to its ability to provide a general view of crime rates that take place. In fact, it fails to capture crimes that are not reported to the police. As I have already mentioned, the “Snitches End Up in Ditches' and Other Cautionary Tales” is a particularly powerful article because it invokes action from criminal justice leaders. The action that I would take is to promote better relations between law enforcement entities and the community to establish a mutually inclusive work environment for better policy making.
References
Morris, E. W. (2010). “Snitches end up in ditches” and other cautionary tales.
Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice
,
26
(3), 254-272.
Ybarra, L. M., & Lohr, S. L. (2002). Estimates of repeat victimization using the National Crime Victimization Survey.
Journal of Quantitative Criminology
,
18
(1), 1-21.
.
This dissertation explores how the fear of deportation impacts the lives of noncitizen immigrants and their ability to integrate into their communities. The study aims to understand how vulnerability to deportation affects an individual immigrant's life and degree of integration. Qualitative data was collected through focus groups and interviews with noncitizen immigrants. The findings reveal that the fear of deportation causes emotional and psychological distress for immigrants. This distress creates barriers to integration and leads immigrants to have negative perceptions of their reception in the United States. The fear of deportation constitutes a form of "legal violence" perpetuated by harsh immigration laws. The vulnerability to deportation and associated fear impedes both individual integration and community cohesion.
This summary provides an overview of a research study examining factors that could predict police officers' attitudes towards the Black Lives Matter movement. The study surveyed 68 police officers across two departments, collecting data on demographics, preferred news sources, and moral beliefs. Significant positive correlations were found between survey items. Hispanic officers were more likely than white officers to perceive Black Lives Matter as legitimate. The use of conservative vs. neutral news sources also predicted some differences in attitudes. The study aimed to understand how individual police officers' characteristics may influence their interactions with communities and views of the Black Lives Matter movement.
A Race And Power Perspective On Police Brutality In AmericaLisa Muthukumar
This study reviews cases reported between 2011-2016 where unarmed African American males were killed by police officers who were later cleared of criminal charges. It utilizes critical race theory to analyze whether race plays a role in case outcomes. Data is collected from two major newspapers and analyzed to better understand the impacts and responses in African American communities. The study aims to provide insights into addressing racism and discrimination in policing to help build a better society.
This document provides an overview of a study examining why some instances of state crime are recognized while others are not. It uses the Syrian government's crimes during the 2011-2012 uprising as a case study. The study employs an adaptive theory approach and multi-level structural framework to analyze recognition of state crime at the international, national, organizational, and individual levels. A literature review covers debates around defining state crime, etiological explanations for state criminality, different types of state crimes, and theories of recognition and denial of state crimes. The case study methodology aims to explore recognition of Syrian state crimes through this theoretical lens.
This study examines how increased access to firearms in the U.S., due to the expiration of the Federal Assault Weapons Ban in 2004, affected violence in Mexico. The authors find that Mexican municipalities near the U.S. border experienced a disproportionate increase in homicides, gun-related homicides, and crime gun seizures after 2004 compared to municipalities near the California border, which retained its assault weapons ban. Additionally, the effects were larger in municipalities that had become more politically competitive prior to 2004, suggesting that increased weapons availability has greater impacts where political conditions foster instability between drug cartels and local governments.
Assessment Of Hate Crime Offenders The Role Of Bias Intent In Examining Viol...Heather Strinden
This study examined 204 hate crime offenders to investigate their criminal histories and risk of future violence. It found that over half had prior criminal convictions. Risk assessment scores on the HCR-20 scale were comparable to other offender groups and correlated with the severity of the hate crime. Offenders who targeted racial minority victims had more extensive and severe criminal histories. Those belonging to bias-oriented groups committed more severe hate crimes and had more violent criminal histories. The findings suggest differences in bias intent and group affiliation are important to consider in assessing violence risk in hate crime offenders.
This study examines the relationship between domestic violence, college campuses, and poverty in Chicago. Crime and campus data from 2014 are analyzed spatially. Map 1 shows the distribution of different types of domestic violence crimes across the city. Map 2 indicates that campus domestic violence rates do not seem directly connected to neighborhood rates. Map 3 reveals that areas with lower median incomes have higher clustering of domestic violence crimes, suggesting income and domestic violence are inversely related. The study aims to better understand how risk factors like poverty influence domestic violence rates.
MY DISCUSSIONPUBLISHEDWK4 DISCUSSION CA499 Top of Form.docxgilpinleeanna
MY DISCUSSION
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WK4 DISCUSSION CA499
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5e955722-ede3-4
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Total views: 13 (Your views: 2)
Purpose of Project
The purpose of this project is to utilize concepts from the two disciplines used in the project to develop approaches with which to solve the problem of gun control. There is no doubt that gun control issues revolve around aspects of criminal justice and government. This makes an interweave of these two disciplines in the provision of a solution to the problem the best approach to exploring its impact and using research knowledge to establish a solution. Criminal justice deals with how institutions like the police and court system work in coordination to effect social control by preventing crime and remedying criminals (Spitzer, 2015). On the other hand, the study of government dwells in the policy development process and presents a structural framework of how policy implementation influences social change. This means that both approaches are uniquely required in providing solutions for consequences of gun violence and gun ownership as well as laying the policy foundation that will inhibit the perpetration of violent crime and thus settle the gun control debate.
Walt Pierce
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Gregory, this is a very good topic. The fight for gun control is a tough one. What surprises me about gun control is who commits the most crimes with guns; gun owners or non-gun owners? That will be an interesting study to see once you get all of your numbers together. This looks very interesting and I look forward to seeing the development of this topic.
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Freddie Bardley
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Gun control, Gregory this will forever be a topic for generations to come. Some say that it's their right to bear arms. Where there are others, who just simply think that many innocent lives are daily being taken.
There are countries who gun laws are very strict to the point that not even the police walks around with one. However, there are cities like New York who have strict gun laws, but the crime rate is extremely high with gun violence.
Bottom of Form
Reference
Spitzer, R. J. (2015). Politics of gun control. Routledge.
Bottom of Form
Feedback to Learner10/19/17 2:18 PM
Greg, you are RIGHT on task here with what you need to produce. Since this is the first draft, do continue to dig deeper into the issues. Also, produce more references, especially to support your second-to-the-last paragraph related to the Second Amendment and the law supporting both sides of the issue. What an interesting point.
Gun Control: A Focus on Criminal Justice and Government
Gun Control: A Focus on Criminal Justice and Government
Debates on gun control have been the epitome of political contention for quite some time.
Every group ...
Journal of Family Violence (2011) 26163–169 DOI 10.10.docxcroysierkathey
Journal of Family Violence
(2011) 26:163–169 DOI
10.1007/s10896-010-9346-0
Predicting Officer Physical Assaults at Domestic Assault Calls
Richard R. Johnson
Published online: 18 January 2011 # Springer Science + Business Media, LLC 2011
Abstract Police work is rife with the potential for physical harm, and domestic assault
calls are one source of assaults on officers. Inability to accurately predict what circumstances
might lead to an attack is one cause of officer cynicism and paranoia. Having the ability to
identify which suspects pose the greatest threat of assault would allow officers to take
appropriate protective measures. Using data collected from 1,951 domestic assault calls across
three cities, the present study compared characteristics and behaviors of the batterers with
whether or not the batterers physically assaulted the responding officers. Findings revealed five
significant batterer characteristics (employment status, shared residence with abuse victim,
alcohol consumption, property damage, and hostile demeanor toward officers) that
successfully predicted officer assaults. These risk factors may be incorporated into police safety
training in the response to family violence calls.
Keywords Domestic violence. Officer safety. Officer assaults
The potential for assaults on police officers handling domestic assault calls has been the
subject of some debate over the last few decades. While some studies have found that
domestic assault calls only contribute to a very small portion of the assaults that officers
experience (Garner and Clemmer 1986; Hirschel et al. 1994; Konstantin 1984), studies in
different communities have suggested that domestic assault calls are one of the three most
common situations where officer assaults occur (Ellis et al. 1993;
Stanford and Mowry 1990; Uchida et al. 1987). Even if other types of calls have higher rates of
officer assault, this does not necessarily mean that domestic assault calls are “safe.” On the
contrary, as FBI statistics indicate that from 1980 through 2003 more than 224,000 police
officers in the U.S. were assaulted while handling family disturbance calls (Johnson 2007, 2008).
Furthermore, while survival rate for officers assaulted in the U.S. has been steadily increasing
over the last 30 years, the survival rate for officers assaulted at domestic violence calls has
failed to increase for officers assaulted at domestic assault calls. It is the unpredictability and
constant potential for danger in the form of a violent physical attack that distinguishes the work
environment of the police officer. Inability to accurately predict what circumstances might lead
to an attack is suggested to be a primary cause of police cynicism and officer mistrust of the
public, causing officers to emphasize keeping their guard up at all times (Barker 1999; Skolnick
1966; Wilson 1968). This is impossible to achieve, however, and could lead to paranoia or
citizen c ...
The document discusses research on perceptions of involuntary police stops. It finds that involuntary stops generally result in less favorable attitudes toward police than voluntary encounters. Minorities are more likely to have involuntary encounters and perceive unfair treatment. A 2008 national study found most felt police acted properly, but minorities and those suspected of crimes had less positive views. Studies in Pasadena and Seattle also found minorities more likely to have involuntary stops and less satisfaction, especially if force was used. Improving procedural justice and community relations, especially for minorities, can increase trust in police.
Christian Castillo D2 Summer 2018Outline of Complete Research.docxchristinemaritza
Christian Castillo
D2 Summer 2018
Outline of Complete Research Proposal 1
RACE AND CRIME 5
1. Introduction
a. Topic introduction and context.
Racial discrimination, which is the way of targeting accused based on race prominence, could be responsible for the increase in rate of crime arrest. Subcultural theorists argue that poor people, also referred to as have-nots, normally reside in areas where the social respect is subject to violence and physical strength and this habit promote crime. More to this, race impacts who gets arrested, and some pieces of evidence show that minorities are disproportionate form crime statistics (Walker, Spohn, & DeLone, 2012). It is official that high rates of arrest, conviction, and incarceration of these minorities may be as a result of criminal justice actors. It is interesting to note that race and social stratification are related in the aspect that nonwhite form lower class and this poorer class lack the genuine ways to obtain goods and they choose to join crime.
b. Significance
Physical injury and death are grouped as homicide, and known as the biggest cause of death amongst the youths. According to the “U.S Public health” brutality is a chief health issues which is challenging the Americans. Crime is intertwined with acts of violence. Secondly, crime is associated with loss, such as vandalism, arson, and environmental destruction. Crimes also pose economic cost through expense linked with transfer of property through robbery, during crime, criminal violence brings about additional medical cost of attending to the victims. There is another form of cost: cost of protection, which includes funds used to guard dogs and surveillance systems. According to studies, race has a huge impact on crime, thus scientists and scholars have tried to uncover what triggers people with different skin color to engage in criminal acts. All these implications make it important to study the relation of race to crime with a mind of reducing the cost.
c. Research question and hypothesis.
Arguably, black people are more likely to engage in criminal activities than white people. Does this stereotype have any relevance to it? A black man in the US today has three times a higher chance of going to prison as well. There has to be a relationship that supports both statements. Comment by Microsoft Office User: State your hypothesis clearly.
d. Proposed research design
The research will use data collected by different institution to evaluate the relationship between crime and race. It will describe offending action of different races within the sample population and this will be used for descriptive purpose. Second, the explanation will predict race pattern in relation to crime. The analysis builds on existing records of crime documenting racial pattern. Comment by Microsoft Office User: How will the data be collected for analysis? Existing statistics?
e. Roadmap
The remainder of this research paper stereotypes the conce ...
Discuss the evolution of law enforcement in terms of forensic scienc.docxstandfordabbot
Discuss the evolution of law enforcement in terms of forensic science. How has law enforcement benefited from advances in forensic science?
2)
Discuss the CSI effect. Identify the challenges of the CSI effect for investigators and forensic experts. Discuss the importance of maintaining the chain of custody of evidence.
.
Discuss the ethics of medianews reporting matters of national.docxstandfordabbot
***
Discuss the ethics of media/news reporting matters of national security
. ***
* 1 and a half
pages
* APA formatting.
* Cohesive and blended paper
.
Use http://www.dhs.gov/border-security-overview as your topic, keep the thesis in my and keep the topic centered
.
More Related Content
Similar to 350Author’s Note The author thanks Frankie Kelly at the F.docx
This study examines the relationship between crime and social disorganization in New Haven, Connecticut. Crime data from 2015 was obtained from the police department and geocoded. Data on churches, schools, and police stations was also geocoded as representations of social organization. On visual analysis, crime hotspots for murder, burglary, aggravated assault, and robbery were found to gravitate towards more socially disorganized neighborhoods that lacked these institutions. A multivariate regression analysis will analyze the distance between crime locations and points of social organization.
ARTICLESRacism and Police Brutality in AmericaCassandr.docxrossskuddershamus
ARTICLES
Racism and Police Brutality in America
Cassandra Chaney & Ray V. Robertson
Published online: 12 January 2013
# Springer Science+Business Media New York 2013
Abstract What, if any, changes have occurred in the nation’s police departments
21 years after the Rodney King beating? To answer this question, this study examined
findings provided by the National Police Misconduct Statistics and Reporting Project
(NPMSRP). An additional goal of this study was to examine how the public generally
perceive police and how race and racism shape this discourse. To answer this secondary
question, we examined narratives provided by 36 contributors to the NPMSRP site. The
following two questions were foundational to this study: (1) What do findings from the
NPMSRP suggest about the rate of police brutality in America? (2) How do individuals
perceive the police department, and what implications do these perceptions hold for
Black men in America? In general, fatalities at the hands of police are higher than they
are for the general public. Grounded theory analysis of the data revealed that individuals
perceive members of law enforcement in the following ways: (a) contempt for law
enforcement, (b) suspicion of law enforcement, (c) law enforcement as agents of
brutality, and (d) respect for law enforcement. Supporting qualitative data are presented
in connection with each of the aforementioned themes.
Keywords Black . African-American . Critical race theory. Discrimination . Police
brutality. Race . Racism . Rodney King
What, if any, changes have occurred in the nation’s police departments 21 years after
the Rodney King beating? To answer this question, we examined findings provided
by the National Police Misconduct Statistics and Reporting Project (NPMSRP). In
addition, we examine how the public generally perceive police and how race and
J Afr Am St (2013) 17:480–505
DOI 10.1007/s12111-013-9246-5
C. Chaney (*)
College of Human Sciences and Education, School of Social Work, Child and Family Studies,
Louisiana State University, 323 Huey P. Long Field House, Baton Rouge, LA 70803-4300, USA
e-mail: [email protected]
R. V. Robertson
Department of Sociology, Social Work and Criminal Justice, Lamar University, Beaumont, TX, USA
e-mail: [email protected]
racism shape this discourse. To answer this secondary question, we examined narra-
tives provided by 36 contributors to the NPMSRP site.
The topic is important for two reasons. First, although several scholars have
examined the increasing rate of police brutality against Blacks (Dottolo and Stewart
2008; Elicker 2008; Kane and White 2009; Smith and Holmes 2003; Tomaskovic-
Devey et al. 2006; Staples 2011), we are aware of no studies to present findings from
the NPMSRP nor discuss the implications of these findings in light of the Rodney
King beating by members of the LAPD, which occurred in 1991. This endeavor is
especially important given the negative stories related to “bad cops” that have come
to l.
After reading Chapter 3 of the Mosher textbook, An Arresting Expe.docxdaniahendric
After reading Chapter 3 of the Mosher textbook, "An Arresting Experiment: Domestic Violence Victim and Perceptions" by Miller, and "Controlling a Jail Population by Partially Closing the Front Door" by Baumer and Adams, discuss the following prompts:
· How Important is it to use official crime data?
· What are some issues with using official crime data?
· What public policy changes could be made by relying upon the 2 articles?
According to the assigned textbook, official crime data within the criminal justice systems is those that derive from the normal function therein and official counts of crime data include that of police reports of offences and arrests, chargers filed by prosecutors, criminal complaints and indictments, imprisonment data and prison releases (Mosher, Miethe, & Hart, 2011). Official crime data such as the Uniform Crime Reports (UCR) in which gathers data for agencies such as the FBI is extremely important because it complies data from different sources to be used by many different law enforcement agencies. It can be used to analyze different trends in crimes. Having all data complied can not only help law enforcement with research, it also saves time when needing time sensitive information and it helps with budget due to not having to use different resources to gather information.
Just like any other source and technology, official crime data systems are not perfect and have been criticized for underestimation of less serious crimes (Steiner & Wooldredge, 2014). Some research argues that self-reporting data is more accurate than official crime data (Steiner & Wooldredge, 2014). Regardless of some criticism, official crime data does provide helpful information to agencies such as where crimes can be increasing, decreasing and what steps to take and programs to implement in order to see what is working for the community. Official crime data can also be used to understand what changes need to be made to current policies. Society and communities are always changing and having a resource such as official crime data can help policy makes understand what in current policies are working for the community and what changes in policies and programs need to be made in order to better serve the community.
Being able to do research will allow policy makers within the criminal justice system to better understanding where there could be any gaps and discrepancies that may exist within the system and help come up with ways to improve that system. Both articles, "An Arresting Experiment: Domestic Violence Victim and Perceptions" by Miller, and "Controlling a Jail Population by Partially Closing the Front Door" by Baumer and Adams discusses research conducted and its limitations. It is very important to understand the limitations that a study have in order to be able to duplicate the study with better outcomes and results. Both studies showed that there was a changes in criminal behavior when it resulted in immediate arrest, however, th ...
Literature Review for third party crime reporting.pdfsdfghj21
This document summarizes literature on third-party crime reporting across cultures. It discusses how perceived social cohesion and trust in police affects crime reporting rates in individualistic vs. collectivistic cultures. In cultures with high social cohesion, third parties may be less likely to report crimes to avoid social consequences, while those in individualistic cultures may feel obligated to notify authorities. The document also examines how factors like gender, number of cosocialized siblings, and crime type influence willingness to report in different societies.
Research and Policy DevelopmentAfter reading Chapter 5 of th.docxrgladys1
Research and Policy Development
After reading Chapter 5 of the Mosher textbook, the article entitled "Internet Development, Censorship, and
Cyber
Crimes in China" by Liang and Lu, and the article entitled "'Snitches End Up in Ditches' and Other Cautionary Tales" by Morris, I can relate to how the contents of these sources affect research and policy development. While they are presented differently, these research articles have unique implications on the development of criminal justice policy. I am particularly drawn towards the text by Morris (2010). If members of the society such as teenagers can establish a culture that inhibits sharing information with formal authorities, one construct that is affected is the criminal justice public policy development process that depends on the ability of
law
enforcement to deliberate with members of the society to establish a consensus regarding which policies to pursue. Policing is a social process and if officers are denied information by the community through such codes, the criminal justice system cannot execute its mandate.
As a criminal justice leader, the National Crime Victimization Survey would concern me because this
survey
avails important information about the frequency of crime and the proportion that goes unreported (Ybarra & Lohr, 2002). When compared to the Uniform Crime Report, I would say that incident-based reporting provides official crime data and may be limited as with regards to its ability to provide a general view of crime rates that take place. In fact, it fails to capture crimes that are not reported to the police. As I have already mentioned, the “Snitches End Up in Ditches' and Other Cautionary Tales” is a particularly powerful article because it invokes action from criminal justice leaders. The action that I would take is to promote better relations between law enforcement entities and the community to establish a mutually inclusive work environment for better policy making.
References
Morris, E. W. (2010). “Snitches end up in ditches” and other cautionary tales.
Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice
,
26
(3), 254-272.
Ybarra, L. M., & Lohr, S. L. (2002). Estimates of repeat victimization using the National Crime Victimization Survey.
Journal of Quantitative Criminology
,
18
(1), 1-21.
.
This dissertation explores how the fear of deportation impacts the lives of noncitizen immigrants and their ability to integrate into their communities. The study aims to understand how vulnerability to deportation affects an individual immigrant's life and degree of integration. Qualitative data was collected through focus groups and interviews with noncitizen immigrants. The findings reveal that the fear of deportation causes emotional and psychological distress for immigrants. This distress creates barriers to integration and leads immigrants to have negative perceptions of their reception in the United States. The fear of deportation constitutes a form of "legal violence" perpetuated by harsh immigration laws. The vulnerability to deportation and associated fear impedes both individual integration and community cohesion.
This summary provides an overview of a research study examining factors that could predict police officers' attitudes towards the Black Lives Matter movement. The study surveyed 68 police officers across two departments, collecting data on demographics, preferred news sources, and moral beliefs. Significant positive correlations were found between survey items. Hispanic officers were more likely than white officers to perceive Black Lives Matter as legitimate. The use of conservative vs. neutral news sources also predicted some differences in attitudes. The study aimed to understand how individual police officers' characteristics may influence their interactions with communities and views of the Black Lives Matter movement.
A Race And Power Perspective On Police Brutality In AmericaLisa Muthukumar
This study reviews cases reported between 2011-2016 where unarmed African American males were killed by police officers who were later cleared of criminal charges. It utilizes critical race theory to analyze whether race plays a role in case outcomes. Data is collected from two major newspapers and analyzed to better understand the impacts and responses in African American communities. The study aims to provide insights into addressing racism and discrimination in policing to help build a better society.
This document provides an overview of a study examining why some instances of state crime are recognized while others are not. It uses the Syrian government's crimes during the 2011-2012 uprising as a case study. The study employs an adaptive theory approach and multi-level structural framework to analyze recognition of state crime at the international, national, organizational, and individual levels. A literature review covers debates around defining state crime, etiological explanations for state criminality, different types of state crimes, and theories of recognition and denial of state crimes. The case study methodology aims to explore recognition of Syrian state crimes through this theoretical lens.
This study examines how increased access to firearms in the U.S., due to the expiration of the Federal Assault Weapons Ban in 2004, affected violence in Mexico. The authors find that Mexican municipalities near the U.S. border experienced a disproportionate increase in homicides, gun-related homicides, and crime gun seizures after 2004 compared to municipalities near the California border, which retained its assault weapons ban. Additionally, the effects were larger in municipalities that had become more politically competitive prior to 2004, suggesting that increased weapons availability has greater impacts where political conditions foster instability between drug cartels and local governments.
Assessment Of Hate Crime Offenders The Role Of Bias Intent In Examining Viol...Heather Strinden
This study examined 204 hate crime offenders to investigate their criminal histories and risk of future violence. It found that over half had prior criminal convictions. Risk assessment scores on the HCR-20 scale were comparable to other offender groups and correlated with the severity of the hate crime. Offenders who targeted racial minority victims had more extensive and severe criminal histories. Those belonging to bias-oriented groups committed more severe hate crimes and had more violent criminal histories. The findings suggest differences in bias intent and group affiliation are important to consider in assessing violence risk in hate crime offenders.
This study examines the relationship between domestic violence, college campuses, and poverty in Chicago. Crime and campus data from 2014 are analyzed spatially. Map 1 shows the distribution of different types of domestic violence crimes across the city. Map 2 indicates that campus domestic violence rates do not seem directly connected to neighborhood rates. Map 3 reveals that areas with lower median incomes have higher clustering of domestic violence crimes, suggesting income and domestic violence are inversely related. The study aims to better understand how risk factors like poverty influence domestic violence rates.
MY DISCUSSIONPUBLISHEDWK4 DISCUSSION CA499 Top of Form.docxgilpinleeanna
MY DISCUSSION
PUBLISHED
WK4 DISCUSSION CA499
Top of Form
5e955722-ede3-4
false
Total views: 13 (Your views: 2)
Purpose of Project
The purpose of this project is to utilize concepts from the two disciplines used in the project to develop approaches with which to solve the problem of gun control. There is no doubt that gun control issues revolve around aspects of criminal justice and government. This makes an interweave of these two disciplines in the provision of a solution to the problem the best approach to exploring its impact and using research knowledge to establish a solution. Criminal justice deals with how institutions like the police and court system work in coordination to effect social control by preventing crime and remedying criminals (Spitzer, 2015). On the other hand, the study of government dwells in the policy development process and presents a structural framework of how policy implementation influences social change. This means that both approaches are uniquely required in providing solutions for consequences of gun violence and gun ownership as well as laying the policy foundation that will inhibit the perpetration of violent crime and thus settle the gun control debate.
Walt Pierce
PUBLISHED
RE: WK4 DISCUSSION CA499
Collapse
Top of Form
23623e18-32ec-4
false
Total views: 4 (Your views: 1)
Gregory, this is a very good topic. The fight for gun control is a tough one. What surprises me about gun control is who commits the most crimes with guns; gun owners or non-gun owners? That will be an interesting study to see once you get all of your numbers together. This looks very interesting and I look forward to seeing the development of this topic.
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Freddie Bardley
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Gun control, Gregory this will forever be a topic for generations to come. Some say that it's their right to bear arms. Where there are others, who just simply think that many innocent lives are daily being taken.
There are countries who gun laws are very strict to the point that not even the police walks around with one. However, there are cities like New York who have strict gun laws, but the crime rate is extremely high with gun violence.
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Reference
Spitzer, R. J. (2015). Politics of gun control. Routledge.
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Feedback to Learner10/19/17 2:18 PM
Greg, you are RIGHT on task here with what you need to produce. Since this is the first draft, do continue to dig deeper into the issues. Also, produce more references, especially to support your second-to-the-last paragraph related to the Second Amendment and the law supporting both sides of the issue. What an interesting point.
Gun Control: A Focus on Criminal Justice and Government
Gun Control: A Focus on Criminal Justice and Government
Debates on gun control have been the epitome of political contention for quite some time.
Every group ...
Journal of Family Violence (2011) 26163–169 DOI 10.10.docxcroysierkathey
Journal of Family Violence
(2011) 26:163–169 DOI
10.1007/s10896-010-9346-0
Predicting Officer Physical Assaults at Domestic Assault Calls
Richard R. Johnson
Published online: 18 January 2011 # Springer Science + Business Media, LLC 2011
Abstract Police work is rife with the potential for physical harm, and domestic assault
calls are one source of assaults on officers. Inability to accurately predict what circumstances
might lead to an attack is one cause of officer cynicism and paranoia. Having the ability to
identify which suspects pose the greatest threat of assault would allow officers to take
appropriate protective measures. Using data collected from 1,951 domestic assault calls across
three cities, the present study compared characteristics and behaviors of the batterers with
whether or not the batterers physically assaulted the responding officers. Findings revealed five
significant batterer characteristics (employment status, shared residence with abuse victim,
alcohol consumption, property damage, and hostile demeanor toward officers) that
successfully predicted officer assaults. These risk factors may be incorporated into police safety
training in the response to family violence calls.
Keywords Domestic violence. Officer safety. Officer assaults
The potential for assaults on police officers handling domestic assault calls has been the
subject of some debate over the last few decades. While some studies have found that
domestic assault calls only contribute to a very small portion of the assaults that officers
experience (Garner and Clemmer 1986; Hirschel et al. 1994; Konstantin 1984), studies in
different communities have suggested that domestic assault calls are one of the three most
common situations where officer assaults occur (Ellis et al. 1993;
Stanford and Mowry 1990; Uchida et al. 1987). Even if other types of calls have higher rates of
officer assault, this does not necessarily mean that domestic assault calls are “safe.” On the
contrary, as FBI statistics indicate that from 1980 through 2003 more than 224,000 police
officers in the U.S. were assaulted while handling family disturbance calls (Johnson 2007, 2008).
Furthermore, while survival rate for officers assaulted in the U.S. has been steadily increasing
over the last 30 years, the survival rate for officers assaulted at domestic violence calls has
failed to increase for officers assaulted at domestic assault calls. It is the unpredictability and
constant potential for danger in the form of a violent physical attack that distinguishes the work
environment of the police officer. Inability to accurately predict what circumstances might lead
to an attack is suggested to be a primary cause of police cynicism and officer mistrust of the
public, causing officers to emphasize keeping their guard up at all times (Barker 1999; Skolnick
1966; Wilson 1968). This is impossible to achieve, however, and could lead to paranoia or
citizen c ...
The document discusses research on perceptions of involuntary police stops. It finds that involuntary stops generally result in less favorable attitudes toward police than voluntary encounters. Minorities are more likely to have involuntary encounters and perceive unfair treatment. A 2008 national study found most felt police acted properly, but minorities and those suspected of crimes had less positive views. Studies in Pasadena and Seattle also found minorities more likely to have involuntary stops and less satisfaction, especially if force was used. Improving procedural justice and community relations, especially for minorities, can increase trust in police.
Christian Castillo D2 Summer 2018Outline of Complete Research.docxchristinemaritza
Christian Castillo
D2 Summer 2018
Outline of Complete Research Proposal 1
RACE AND CRIME 5
1. Introduction
a. Topic introduction and context.
Racial discrimination, which is the way of targeting accused based on race prominence, could be responsible for the increase in rate of crime arrest. Subcultural theorists argue that poor people, also referred to as have-nots, normally reside in areas where the social respect is subject to violence and physical strength and this habit promote crime. More to this, race impacts who gets arrested, and some pieces of evidence show that minorities are disproportionate form crime statistics (Walker, Spohn, & DeLone, 2012). It is official that high rates of arrest, conviction, and incarceration of these minorities may be as a result of criminal justice actors. It is interesting to note that race and social stratification are related in the aspect that nonwhite form lower class and this poorer class lack the genuine ways to obtain goods and they choose to join crime.
b. Significance
Physical injury and death are grouped as homicide, and known as the biggest cause of death amongst the youths. According to the “U.S Public health” brutality is a chief health issues which is challenging the Americans. Crime is intertwined with acts of violence. Secondly, crime is associated with loss, such as vandalism, arson, and environmental destruction. Crimes also pose economic cost through expense linked with transfer of property through robbery, during crime, criminal violence brings about additional medical cost of attending to the victims. There is another form of cost: cost of protection, which includes funds used to guard dogs and surveillance systems. According to studies, race has a huge impact on crime, thus scientists and scholars have tried to uncover what triggers people with different skin color to engage in criminal acts. All these implications make it important to study the relation of race to crime with a mind of reducing the cost.
c. Research question and hypothesis.
Arguably, black people are more likely to engage in criminal activities than white people. Does this stereotype have any relevance to it? A black man in the US today has three times a higher chance of going to prison as well. There has to be a relationship that supports both statements. Comment by Microsoft Office User: State your hypothesis clearly.
d. Proposed research design
The research will use data collected by different institution to evaluate the relationship between crime and race. It will describe offending action of different races within the sample population and this will be used for descriptive purpose. Second, the explanation will predict race pattern in relation to crime. The analysis builds on existing records of crime documenting racial pattern. Comment by Microsoft Office User: How will the data be collected for analysis? Existing statistics?
e. Roadmap
The remainder of this research paper stereotypes the conce ...
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For this week’s forum post, We discuss the three major approaches surrounding collection and analysis of data. The first of the three approaches are quantitative. Quantitative, represents the method of utilizing numeric data and statistics in communicating the results. The second of the three approaches are qualitative. Qualitative represents the method of gathering data in the form of words and descriptions, such as interviews and focus groups, to communicate the results. The third, and final approach surrounding collection and analysis of data is mixed methods. Mixed methods incorporate both of what the quantitative and qualitative approach focus on. Using both numeric data and personal communication (Todd, Nerlich, McKeown, Clarke, p.2,3)
Quantitative
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Qualitative
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Chapter wise All Notes of First year Basic Civil Engineering.pptxDenish Jangid
Chapter wise All Notes of First year Basic Civil Engineering
Syllabus
Chapter-1
Introduction to objective, scope and outcome the subject
Chapter 2
Introduction: Scope and Specialization of Civil Engineering, Role of civil Engineer in Society, Impact of infrastructural development on economy of country.
Chapter 3
Surveying: Object Principles & Types of Surveying; Site Plans, Plans & Maps; Scales & Unit of different Measurements.
Linear Measurements: Instruments used. Linear Measurement by Tape, Ranging out Survey Lines and overcoming Obstructions; Measurements on sloping ground; Tape corrections, conventional symbols. Angular Measurements: Instruments used; Introduction to Compass Surveying, Bearings and Longitude & Latitude of a Line, Introduction to total station.
Levelling: Instrument used Object of levelling, Methods of levelling in brief, and Contour maps.
Chapter 4
Buildings: Selection of site for Buildings, Layout of Building Plan, Types of buildings, Plinth area, carpet area, floor space index, Introduction to building byelaws, concept of sun light & ventilation. Components of Buildings & their functions, Basic concept of R.C.C., Introduction to types of foundation
Chapter 5
Transportation: Introduction to Transportation Engineering; Traffic and Road Safety: Types and Characteristics of Various Modes of Transportation; Various Road Traffic Signs, Causes of Accidents and Road Safety Measures.
Chapter 6
Environmental Engineering: Environmental Pollution, Environmental Acts and Regulations, Functional Concepts of Ecology, Basics of Species, Biodiversity, Ecosystem, Hydrological Cycle; Chemical Cycles: Carbon, Nitrogen & Phosphorus; Energy Flow in Ecosystems.
Water Pollution: Water Quality standards, Introduction to Treatment & Disposal of Waste Water. Reuse and Saving of Water, Rain Water Harvesting. Solid Waste Management: Classification of Solid Waste, Collection, Transportation and Disposal of Solid. Recycling of Solid Waste: Energy Recovery, Sanitary Landfill, On-Site Sanitation. Air & Noise Pollution: Primary and Secondary air pollutants, Harmful effects of Air Pollution, Control of Air Pollution. . Noise Pollution Harmful Effects of noise pollution, control of noise pollution, Global warming & Climate Change, Ozone depletion, Greenhouse effect
Text Books:
1. Palancharmy, Basic Civil Engineering, McGraw Hill publishers.
2. Satheesh Gopi, Basic Civil Engineering, Pearson Publishers.
3. Ketki Rangwala Dalal, Essentials of Civil Engineering, Charotar Publishing House.
4. BCP, Surveying volume 1
বাংলাদেশের অর্থনৈতিক সমীক্ষা ২০২৪ [Bangladesh Economic Review 2024 Bangla.pdf] কম্পিউটার , ট্যাব ও স্মার্ট ফোন ভার্সন সহ সম্পূর্ণ বাংলা ই-বুক বা pdf বই " সুচিপত্র ...বুকমার্ক মেনু 🔖 ও হাইপার লিংক মেনু 📝👆 যুক্ত ..
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2. of murders of police has been carried out at various levels of
areal aggregation. However,
although the general homicide research has been extended to
counties in the United
States, research on murders of police has yet to follow suit. To
begin to fill this gap, this
study extends research on the structural covariates of police
homicides to the county level.
Controlling for the number of law enforcement officers at risk,
we find that police were
more likely to be murdered in economically depressed counties
and in counties with
larger percentages of African Americans, persons aged 25 to 34,
and nonsheriff agencies.
Police homicide risk was significantly lower in urbanized
counties and in counties located
in the Northeast, whereas the South was no riskier than the
West or Midwest. Murders of
police were unrelated to population mobility, divorce, and
levels of violent crime.
Keywords: police; murder; homicide; victimization; counties
With few exceptions, the extant regression-based research on
homicides of police
emphasizes the role of adverse structural conditions that
generate criminal
motivations or free individuals to engage in crime, a perspective
consistent with tra-
ditional macrosocial theories developed to explain crime and
violence generally
(Merton, 1938; Shaw & McKay, 1969). The implicit assumption
in most studies is
that crime and violence in general and violence against the
police in particular share
3. common structural causes, and thus the factors that predict the
former should also
predict the latter (Kaminski & Marvell, 2002; Peterson &
Bailey, 1988). An exami-
nation of the regressors employed in the police homicide
literature (discussed later)
shows that they are often the same as those used in studies of
general homicides,
with many reflecting various dimensions of the control, strain,
or criminal opportunity
theoretic perspectives (Land, McCall, & Cohen, 1990; Parker,
McCall, & Land,
Kaminski / County-Level Covariates of Police Homicides 351
1999). Most commonly, though, these studies include one or
more of the core indi-
cators of the social disorganization perspective, that is,
population size and density,
racial/ethnic heterogeneity, economic deprivation, population
mobility, and family
disintegration (Kornhauser, 1978; Sampson, 1986; Shaw &
McKay, 1969). As noted
by Land et al. (1990),
The central hypothesis of the neoclassical community-control
theory is that these and
related community-level characteristics . . . directly or
indirectly affect informal social
control networks, community attachment, anonymity, and the
capacity for surveillance
and guardianship. A weakening of these dimensions of social
organization is posited to
lead to increased rates of deviance and crimes such as homicide.
4. (p. 925)
Further examination of the police homicide literature leads to
two other observa-
tions. First, more than two decades of research on police
homicides has failed to
identify virtually any regressor that is statistically significant
and of the same sign
across all models or studies (Batton & Wilson, 2006; Kaminski
& Marvell, 2002), a
situation similar to that described by Land and his colleagues
more than a decade
ago regarding research on general homicides (Land et al.,
1990). Thus, additional
research is needed to better understand the social and economic
conditions that give
rise to serious violence against the police.
Second, all of the studies attempting to explain the spatial
variation in police homi-
cides have been limited to the use of cities or states as units of
analysis.1 Although var-
ious arguments as to the strengths and weaknesses of these two
areal units may be
made, extending the study of structural covariates and police
homicides to counties is
important because geographic boundaries are arbitrary with
respect to social theory,
and a general theory of how structural conditions affect
homicide rates should, there-
fore, be capable of accommodating all levels of spatial
aggregation (Land et al., 1990).
Furthermore, although the appropriateness of the use of large
enumeration units such
as counties to study the effects of community structural
characteristics derived from
5. social disorganization theory on crime has been questioned
(Bailey, 1984; Petee,
Kowalski, & Duffield, 1994, p. 118), a growing body of
research has extended such
analyses to counties (e.g., Baller, Anselin, Messner, Deane, &
Hawkins, 2001; Kposowa,
Breault, & Harrison, 1995; Osgood & Chambers, 2000; Weisheit
& Wells, 2005;
Wilkinson, 1984). As a first step in extending this line of
inquiry to murders of police,
this paper presents a county-level analysis relating police
homicides to the structural fea-
tures of communities specified by social disorganization theory
and its extensions.
Explaining Murders of Police
Precisely how structural conditions influence risk of police
homicide victimiza-
tion has not been well explicated in much of the police
homicide literature, which
is partly due to several studies that focused on the impact of
various crime-control
352 Homicide Studies
policies on murders of police, with structural measures simply
included as controls
(Bailey, 1982; Bailey & Peterson, 1987, 1994; Moody, Marvell,
& Kaminski, 2002;
Mustard, 2001). Generally, however, the assumption has been
that adverse structural
conditions such as poverty, racial heterogeneity, divorce, and
population mobility
6. generate crime and that these structurally induced opportunities
increase the likeli-
hood of police coming into contact with offenders, some of
whom are willing to
resist, assault, and murder police officers (Chamlin, 1989, p.
353; Kaminski, 2002,
2004; Peterson & Bailey, 1988). According to this perspective,
felonious killings of
police are primarily a byproduct of ordinary criminal violence,
with most police
being killed by offenders who wish to avoid apprehension and
punishment
(Cardarelli, 1968; Creamer & Robin, 1970; Jacobs &
Carmichael, 2002; Kaminski,
2002, 2004; Margarita, 1980b). Support for the traditional
structural covariates
examined is mixed, with few consistent findings within or
across studies (Table 1).
A second, but related perspective, draws more directly on
criminal opportunity
theory to explain areal or temporal variation in violence against
police (Fridell,
Faggiani, & Brito, 2004; Kaminski, 2002, 2004). According to
this view, variation in
structural conditions affects both motivations for crime and
opportunities for crime
(Cohen & Felson, 1979; Hindelang, Gottfredson, & Garofalo,
1978; Miethe &
McDowall, 1993). Criminal opportunity models, for example,
commonly measure
proximity to motivated offenders using indicators of adverse
structural conditions
(see, for example, Hough, 1987; Miethe & Meier, 1994;
Sampson & Wooldredge,
1987). Miethe and McDowall (1993) explained how, from a
7. social disorganization
perspective, criminogenic conditions in areas increase
motivations for crime, whereas
from an opportunity perspective they “increase victimization
risks by increasing indi-
viduals’ exposure to motivated offenders, target attractiveness,
and reducing the level
of social control or guardianship” (pp. 747-748). In other
words, criminogenic forces
such as population density and heterogeneity, family disruption,
residential mobility,
and economic strain “generate a facilitating context for crime
by increasing the pool
of potential offenders. The greater one’s proximity to these
criminogenic areas, the
greater one’s risk of victimization” (Miethe & Meier, 1994, p.
44).
According to this view, adverse structural conditions facilitate
opportunities for
serious and fatal assaults of law enforcement officer by
increasing the likelihood of
the convergence in time and place of offenders engaged in
serious crime who are
motivated to avoid apprehension and punishment, and law
enforcement officers
whose mandate is to intervene in crime and apprehend offenders
(Cardarelli, 1968;
Creamer & Robin, 1970; Kaminski, 2002, 2004; Margarita,
1980b). The more
adverse the structural conditions over time or place, the larger
the pool of motivated
offenders and the greater the risk of officer victimization, other
factors being equal.
Additional opportunity factors that arguably influence police
8. vulnerability and
exposure to offenders include police officer density, arrests, and
organizational poli-
cies designed to harden officers as targets, such as mandatory
vest-wear policies,
(text continues on p. 358)
353
Ta
bl
e
1
R
eg
re
ss
io
n-
B
as
ed
S
tu
di
128. un
de
rg
ro
un
d
ec
on
om
y)
.
two-officer patrols, and the replacement of revolvers with
semiautomatic sidearms
(Kaminski, 2002, 2004).2 Except for the level of police officer
density (proximity)
and aggregate numbers of arrests (exposure), the limited
empirical research on orga-
nizational opportunity factors has been unable to demonstrate a
significant impact on
police victimization risk (Fridell et al., 2004; Kaminski, 2002,
2004).
A third perspective, rooted in conflict theory and the racial
threat hypothesis (Eitle,
D’Alessio, & Stolzenberg, 2002; Jackson, 1989), maintains that
variation in the rate
of police homicides across enumeration units can be explained
in part by political fac-
129. tors, specifically the economic and political subordination of
Blacks by the state
(Chamlin, 1989; Jacobs & Carmichael, 2002).3 According to
this view, many murders
of police by Blacks are a response to this subordination in the
form of inarticulate
protest or primitive rebellion directed against repressive state
agents (Jacobs &
Carmichael, 2002). Jacobs and Carmichael (2002) provided the
most comprehensive
test of this perspective. Using cities as the unit of analysis, they
found that the presence
of a Black mayor—whose presence they consider a direct
political explanation—was
consistently significant and inversely related to police killings
across many model
specifications. Thus, their study provided strong support for
their key theoretical find-
ing and the racial threat hypothesis. However, a reanalysis and
extension of Jacobs
and Carmichael found no support for a Black mayor effect
(Kaminski & Stucky,
2005). Findings from research that included other measures that
may be interpreted
as being consistent with the conflict/racial threat perspective
(e.g., percentage Black
and income inequality) have been inconsistent (Table 1).
In summary, the extant research provides little empirical
support for any particu-
lar theoretical perspective, no less any specific explanatory
factor. Testing compet-
ing theoretical perspectives is beyond the scope of the present
study, suffice to say
that the structural covariates examined here are most closely
aligned with social dis-
130. organization theory and the neoclassical community-control
perspective articulated
by Land et al. (1990).
Extending the Analysis of Structural Conditions to Counties
Social disorganization theory and its extensions have been
developed and tested
primarily in urban settings, and there has been some debate in
the literature as to
whether or not it is appropriate to extend the analysis of the
structural factors spec-
ified by social disorganization theory to (largely) nonurban
areas such as counties
(Bailey, 1984; Osgood & Chambers, 2000; Petee et al., 1994).
However, as Osgood
and Chambers (2000) pointed out, the concept of social
disorganization was origi-
nally developed by Thomas and Znaniecki (1958) to explain the
impacts of migra-
tion and industrialization in urban areas in Chicago as well as in
rural areas in
Poland. Drawing on the work of Bursik and Grasmick (1993)
and others (e.g.,
Wilkinson, 1984), Osgood and Chambers (2000) argued that the
private, parochial,
358 Homicide Studies
and public systems of social control are as applicable to crime
in rural areas as they
are to urban communities: “The logic by which primary,
parochial, and public
spheres would affect social control has everything to do with
131. general principles of
social relations and nothing to do with urban versus rural
settings” (p. 85). Similar
sentiments were expressed by Land and colleagues (1990) in
their tests of the invari-
ance thesis, and they argued that a general theory of how
structural conditions affect
homicide rates should be capable of accommodating all levels
of spatial aggregation.
The study by Land et al. (1990) and Osgood and Chambers’
(2000) county-level
analysis of structural factors provided substantial theoretical
and empirical support
for the generality of social disorganization theory beyond
metropolitan areas. Given
their findings and the growing number of studies examining the
impact of structural
conditions on crime at the county level (e.g., Baller et al., 2001;
Kposowa et al.,
1995; Weisheit & Wells, 2005), it is important to extend
research on structural con-
ditions and police homicides to counties.
Data and Measures
Data for the dependent variable, the number of law enforcement
officers murdered
in the line of duty between 1990 and 2000 (N = 544), were
obtained by request
directly from the Federal Bureau of Investigation.4 Because we
cannot apportion fed-
eral or state police to counties, only local law enforcement
officer deaths are
included in the analysis (municipal, county, sheriff). Using a
common identifier
(ORI code), each felonious killing was matched to data on the
132. victim officer’s
employing agency in the 1996 Directory of Law Enforcement
Agencies (Bureau of
Justice Statistics, 1998). Using the appropriate state and county
codes in the direc-
tory, we then aggregated the number of officers murdered, the
number of full-time
equivalent (FTE) sworn employees in 1996, and the number of
types of law enforce-
ment agencies in 1996 to counties and county equivalents.5
Because murders of
police are extremely rare events, they are summed over the 11-
year period (see, for
example, Jacobs & Carmichael, 2002; Kaminski & Stucky,
2005). Although shorter
temporal aggregations may be possible using larger units of
analysis, this simply is
not feasible when using counties.
Summary statistics and definitions for the dependent and
independent variables
appear in Table 2. Because felonious killings of police are
summed over a decade and
our exposure variable is based on the population of law
enforcement officers in 1996,
Census-based variables were calculated by averaging 1990 and
2000 values. Variables
controlling for economic disadvantage are poverty,
unemployment, and median
household income. These factors have been linked to higher
rates of crime because
conditions that encourage criminal behavior (e.g., need for
income, leisure time) are
more pronounced in such areas where social-control
mechanisms are weaker and
blocked opportunities generate frustrations that can lead to
133. diffuse hostility and
Kaminski / County-Level Covariates of Police Homicides 359
aggression (Brantingham & Brantingham, 1984; Bursik &
Grasmick, 1993; Krivo &
Peterson, 1996; Parker & McCall, 1999; Sampson, Morenoff, &
Earls, 1999;
Sampson & Raudenbush, 1999; South & Cohen, 1985).
Residential mobility, racial heterogeneity, family disruption,
and large and dense
populations are structural features of communities associated
with weak formal and
informal social controls and thus higher levels of crime and
delinquency (Bursik &
Grasmick, 1993; Kornhauser, 1978; Krivo & Peterson, 1996;
Sampson et al., 1999;
Sampson & Raudenbush, 1999; Shaw & McKay, 1969).
Residential mobility is a key
theoretical construct of social disorganization theory (Shaw &
McKay, 1969), which
argues that high levels of population mobility disrupt a
community’s social relations
and control, leading to higher rates of offending (Kornhauser,
1978; Sampson &
Groves, 1989). We use its inverse for the analysis—residential
stability—defined as
the percentage of the population residing in the same household
as five years earlier.
Consistent with social disorganization theory (Shaw & McKay,
1969), family
breakup is linked to reductions in informal social control as
134. single-parent households
are less able to provide supervision and guardianship for their
own children, household
property, and the community generally (Sampson, 1985;
Sampson & Groves, 1989).
Family disruption is measured by the percentage of the
population that is divorced.
Population size and density are included as measures of
population structure.
Large and dense populations are thought to increase crime and
delinquency because
they weaken interpersonal ties and inhibit social participation in
local affairs, leading
to a weakening of social-control mechanisms (Brantingham &
Brantingham, 1984;
Land et al., 1990; Sampson, 1986; Sampson & Groves, 1989).
Increases in popula-
tion size and density are also thought to increase the likelihood
of social contact and
interpersonal conflict (Blau & Blau, 1982; Blau & Golden,
1986), proximity to moti-
vated offenders (Cohen, Kluegel, & Land, 1981), and
opportunities for the commis-
sion of predatory crimes (Felson, 1998). In addition, because
counties may consist of
a mix of rural and urban areas, and urbanicity versus rurality
has been found to be an
important determinate of crime (Kposowa et al., 1995;
Wilkinson, 1984), we also
include the percentage of the county population that resided in
an urban area.
High levels of racial/ethnic heterogeneity impede
communication, patterns of
interaction, and the ability of residents to achieve consensus
135. and control, thus
increasing the potential for crime and delinquency (Parker et
al., 1999; Sampson &
Groves, 1989; Shaw & McKay, 1969).6 However, rather than
including a measure of
racial/ethnic heterogeneity, we use the percentage of the
population that is (non-
Hispanic) Black. There are three reasons for choosing this
measure. First, relative to
their representation in the population, African Americans are
disproportionately rep-
resented among felons who murder police. Specifically, Blacks
represent about 13%
of the population, but 43% of felons who kill police (Brown &
Langan, 2001). (This
disproportionality, of course, increases substantiality if one
were to consider that
most felons who kill police are male and neither very old nor
very young.) Second,
rates of violent crime tend to be especially high in poor, Black
communities (Blau
360 Homicide Studies
Kaminski / County-Level Covariates of Police Homicides 361
& Blau, 1982; Parker, 2001; Wilson, 1987), which arguably
increases police risk of
violent victimization. Third, percentage Black has been the
most commonly used
measure of race in studies of homicide (Land et al., 1990;
Parker et al., 1999) and in
studies of murders of police (Table 1). Using percentage Black,
therefore, allows for
136. a greater number of direct comparisons of the effect of race at
the county level to its
effects at other levels of aggregation.
Control Variables
Control variables are measures of age structure, region, violent
crime, and
types of law enforcement agencies within counties. Previous
studies find virtually no
Table 2
Summary Statistics for Variables Used in the Analysis
Variable Min Max Mean SD
POLKIL—No. of officers killed 0 26 0.18 0.92
feloniously, 1990-2000
SWORN—No. of FTE sworn officers 1 41,049 191 1,060
in 1996
AGENCY—No. of sheriff’s agencies in 0 100.0 32.3 24.3
county in 1996
POPULATION—Population size 87 9,191,251 84,803 303,660
DENSITY—Population density 0.10 25,054 193 836
URBANICITY—% population residing 0 100.0 15.0 30.0
in urban area
POVERTY—% population below official 0 57.2 15.2 7.0
poverty line
UNEMPLOYMENT—% population 0 23.9 5.0 2.1
unemployed
137. INCOME—Median household income 12,200 70,167 29,550
7,553
DIVORCE—% divorced population 1.8 16.1 8.2 1.8
RESTABLE—% in same house as 5 yrs. 14.4 81.3 58.8 7.7
earlier
AGE2534—% population aged 25-34 7.5 28.1 14.9 1.52
BLACK—% non-Hispanic Black 0 86.1 8.6 14.4
population
REGION—Region, Census classification 1 4 2.4 1.4
VIOLENT CRIME—Avg. no. of violent 0 125,918 534 3,798
crimes, 1994-1996
Note: Data on the 544 police killed feloniously in the line of
duty 1990-2000 are from the Federal Bureau
of Investigation; data on the number of full-time equivalent
(FTE) sworn law enforcement officers are from
the Bureau of Justice Statistics (1998); Census variables are
averages of 1990 and 2000 values; violent
crimes are mid-decade estimates based on the average number
of violent crimes 1994-1996 (excluding
rape) and are from the FBI’s Uniform Crime Report (UCR;
missing data were taken from adjacent years).
association between age structure and murders of police (Table
1). However, statis-
tics compiled by the FBI show that somewhat older offenders
tend to kill police. For
instance, of felons who murdered police between 1988 and
1997, 11.1% were under
18 years of age, 37.0% were aged between 18 and 24 years, and
another 51.9% were
138. aged 25 years or older (table 20 in Federal Bureau of
Investigation, 1997, p. 36).
Therefore, we include the percentage of the population aged 25-
34 years to control
for the potential effect of differences across counties in age
structure (we test alter-
native age groupings as well).
Indicators of region are included to control regional differences
in police homicide
risk. Kaminski et al. (2000) identified significant spatial
clustering of homicides of
police in the southeastern United States, and simple tabular
analyses adjusting for
levels of violent crime, arrests, population, or the number of
law enforcement officers
employed consistently show that police are at greater risk of
being murdered in the
South than in other areas (Cardarelli, 1968; Federal Bureau of
Investigation, 1997;
Fridell & Pate, 1997; Geller & Scott, 1992). Although
substantial theoretical and
empirical work has focused on cultural/subcultural differences
for explaining higher
levels of violence among Southerners and other groups
(Corzine, Huff-Corzine, &
Whitt, 1999; Ousey, 2000),7 other research suggests structural
poverty and economic
inequality account for the higher levels of homicide observed in
the South (Blau &
Blau, 1982; Loftin & Hill, 1974; Smith & Parker, 1980;
Williams, 1984). Regardless
of the causes, it is important to control for regional differences,
and we include indi-
cators of the South, West, and Midwest, with the Northeast
serving as the reference
139. category (Bureau of the Census classification).
Studies of whether police risk of homicide varies by type of law
enforcement
agency have not been conducted. We do not hypothesize a
direction for the effect of
agency type, but sheriff’s departments and other types of
agencies (municipal and
county police departments) can differ in function, geographic
coverage, or in other
ways that may affect risk (e.g., training, policies). To control
for this possibility, the
percentage of agencies that were sheriff’s offices in 1996
(agency) is included in the
analysis (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 1998). Thus, low values
on this measure indi-
cate counties with many municipal agencies, a value of 100%
indicates counties in
which the only law enforcement agency is a sheriff’s
department (7.9% of counties),
and a zero (7% of counties) represents counties in which there
is no sheriff’s agency
(e.g., a county police department has jurisdictional
responsibility).
A final variable included in our model, violent crime, is what
Kaminski, Jefferis,
and Gu (2003) referred to as propensity for violence. Using
Uniform Crime Report
(UCR) data (Federal Bureau of Investigation, 2001), this is the
average of the sum
of the number of homicides, aggravated assaults, and robberies
per county between
1994 and 1996 (rape is excluded because it is one of the least
reliably reported
crimes).8 To reduce collinearity with the other variables in the
140. model, we regress vio-
lent crime on three structural factors derived from a principal
components analysis
(discussed later), and use the residuals in the regression
(Roncek, 1997). The violent
362 Homicide Studies
crime residuals represent the level of violent crime in counties
not explained by their
structural characteristics (plus error). Previous research found
this measure was pos-
itively associated with serious but nonfatal assaults on police at
the block-group level
in Boston (Kaminski et al., 2003), and we anticipate that police
risk of being mur-
dered will be higher in counties that have a greater propensity
for violence, net of
structural conditions and other variables in our model.
Methods
There are three issues that deserve careful attention in the
analysis of homicides
of police across enumeration units; these are the rare-event–
count nature of police
killings, spatial autocorrelation, and multicollinearity among
the regressors. An
additional concern is the presence of within-unit heterogeneity
when analyzing large
spatial aggregates, such as states or counties (Bailey, 1984;
Osgood & Chambers,
2000). Each issue is discussed in turn.
141. As displayed in Figure 1, the distribution of the number of
murders of police
office across counties and county equivalents over the 11-year
period is extremely
skewed. No officers were murdered in 89% (2,776) of the 3,105
counties, one offi-
cer was slain in 8.1% (251) of the counties, and in only 2.5% of
the counties were
two or more officers murdered.
Two common strategies for dealing with skewed data are to
transform the dependent
variable to approximate normality and proceed with linear
regression, or to combine all
outcomes greater than zero into a single category and employ
binary logistic regression.
Transformations of these data, however, are unable to
approximate a normal distribu-
tion, and dichotomizing the dependent variable for use with
binary logistic regression
results in a loss of efficiency (Cameron & Trivedi, 1998). First
recommended by
Kaminski (1997) for analyzing police killings, a now common
strategy for analyzing
outcomes with many zeros and large positive skew is the use of
count regression mod-
els, such as the Poisson, which we employ for the analysis
(Cameron & Trivedi, 1998;
Long, 1997).9 Further, to control for unequal exposure, that is,
differences in the number
of law enforcement officers at risk across counties, we include
the number of FTE
sworn officers in 1996 as an offset in the regression (Long &
Freese, 2001).
A second major concern in studies using spatially contiguous
142. units such as coun-
ties or states is spatial autocorrelation, which when present can
lead to underestima-
tion of standard errors of parameter estimates (Odland, 1988).10
Tests for global and
local spatial autocorrelation on the dependent variable, without
regressors, were sta-
tistically significant (Anselin, 2003).11 Note, however, that the
spatial dependence
may be adequately accounted for with the introduction of
regressors (Baller et al.,
2001). Two procedures are used to test for residual spatial
dependence following the
introduction of the regressors. First, using the number of FTE
sworn officers per
county as the population at risk, we used SatScan’s spatial scan
statistic to test for
Kaminski / County-Level Covariates of Police Homicides 363
364 Homicide Studies
statically significant clustering of police homicides across
counties, with the
assumption that the number of murders in each county is
Poisson distributed
(Kulldorff, 1997, 2006). As anticipated (see, for example,
Kaminski et al., 2000),
this identified a large statistically significant cluster (p = .001)
in the southeastern
United States. Next, to adjust for covariates, we replaced the
number of FTE sworn
officers per county with the predicted values from our Poisson
regression model.12
143. No statistically significant clusters were detected with the
introduction of the pre-
dicted values, suggesting that spatial autocorrelation is no
longer problematic once
the regressors are in the model (Kulldorff, 2006).
Anselin’s alternative method was used as a second test for the
presence of spatial
dependence (Kubrin & Weitzer, 2003; Land & Deane, 1992).
This strategy involves
Figure 1
Frequency Distribution of 544 Law Enforcement Officers
Murdered Across 3,105 Counties, 1999-2000
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 11 12 14 16 20 26
Number of Officers Murdered
50
100
150
200
250
N
um
be
r o
144. f C
ou
nt
ie
s
Note: Counties with zero counts excluded.
a two-stage estimation procedure where the predicted values of
the dependent vari-
able from a regression model are multiplied by a spatial weights
matrix.13 The result-
ing product is then included as a variable in the final regression
model to adjust for
any remaining spatial dependence. This term was not nearly
statistically significant
(p = .62) and its inclusion had virtually no impact on the other
included regressors.
Given the negative results of both tests, we conclude that
spatial autocorrelation is
not problematic. (Complete results of the tests are available
upon request.)
A third major concern is collinearity among the regressors, an
apparent common
problem in early general homicide research (Land et al., 1990).
Diagnostic tests
were conducted using multiple linear regression, and the results
suggested problems
with multicollinearity. Although variance inflation factors were
not very high (four
145. regressors had values greater than 4.0 but less than 6.0), 5
condition indices were
greater than 15 (suggestive of a problem) and 2 were greater
than 30 with variance
proportions greater than .50, indicating a serious problem
(Belsley, Kuh, & Welsh,
1980; Myers & Well, 2003). Thus, we followed the example of
Land et al. (1990)
and conducted a principal components analysis on conceptually
similar regressors.
All regressors loaded into interpretable components at .80 or at
a higher level. Three
components were extracted, explaining 78.1% of the variance.
Component 1 is eco-
nomic disadvantage, which consists of poverty, unemployment,
and income.
Population size and density comprise component 2 (population
structure), and com-
ponent 3 is referred to as instability, which consists of the
percentage of the popula-
tion that is divorced and the percentage of the population still
residing in the same
household as 5 years earlier (inversely related).14 Regression
diagnostics after sub-
stituting these components for the original regressors showed
substantial improve-
ment in the collinearity diagnostics (no condition index greater
than 30 and only one
variance inflation factor greater than 4.0).
A final concern in the study is that spatially large aggregates
such as states or coun-
ties is the problem of within-unit heterogeneity (Bailey, 1984;
Osgood & Chambers,
2000). Osgood and Chambers (2000) warned, for example, that
analysis at the county
146. level treats a single value of each variable as being
characteristic of an entire county,
whereas communities within a county may deviate substantially
from the average. This
results in decreased variation in the independent variables,
thereby reducing the abil-
ity to detect statistical relationships. However, Osgood and
Chambers argued, “If a
meaningful level of variation occurs across counties, strong
relationships should be
apparent, and any lack of precision would not introduce
systematic biases” (p. 90).
Their county-level analysis provided substantial empirical
support for their position.
Findings
Table 3 presents the results from four Poisson regression
models. Model 1 shows
the initial estimates using all counties and all observations.
Model 2 excludes three
Kaminski / County-Level Covariates of Police Homicides 365
366 Homicide Studies
potentially high-leverage counties (New York, Los Angeles, and
Cook counties).15
Model 3 excludes counties with populations less than 50,000
residents to determine
whether the obtained estimates are affected by the extreme
variability in county pop-
ulation size (see, for example, Loftin & McDowall, 2003).
147. Finally, Model 4 excludes
both the three high-leverage counties and counties with
populations less than 50,000.
To conserve space, only exponentiated coefficients and
indicators of statistical sig-
nificance are presented (the full results are available upon
request).
As shown in Model 1, economic disadvantage is strongly
associated with
increased risk of police homicide (β = 1.31; p ≤ .000). The
model suggests that each
unit increase in the economic disadvantage component is
associated with a 31%
increase in the expected mean number of murders of police,
controlling for other fac-
tors in the model. The impact of economic conditions is nearly
identical when New
York, Los Angeles, and Cook Counties are excluded (Model 2).
Although the magni-
tude of the effect is attenuated somewhat when excluding the
smaller counties (Model
3), and when both smaller counties and the three outliers are
excluded (Model 4), it
remains statistically significant and substantive. Therefore, we
conclude that adverse
economic conditions are related to police risk of homicide at the
county level.
Table 3
Poisson Regression Models for All Counties, Counties With
Populations
>> 49,999, and After Removal of Three Influential Counties
Model
148. 1 2 3 4
Population Pop. > 49,999 &
Variable All Counties –3 Counties > 49,999 –3 Counties
Economic disadvantage 1.314*** 1.289*** 1.186** 1.159*
Population structure 0.961** 0.999 0.961* 0.970
Instability 0.993 0.975 0.958 0.919
Black 1.010** 1.010** 1.017*** 1.016***
South 1.609* 1.668** 1.634* 1.703*
West 1.739* 1.717* 1.986** 2.027*
Midwest 1.574* 1.711** 1.523* 1.769**
Urban 0.994*** 0.994*** 0.997 0.997
Age 25-34 1.073** 1.067* 1.062* 1.064.097
Violent crime (residual) 1.008 1.029 1.006 1.028
Agency 1.000 1.001 0.991* 0.992.102
Sworn (offset) 2.718 2.718 2.718 2.718
Constant –8.148 –8.097 –8.207 –8.286
McFadden’s Pseudo R2 0.4570 0.3787 0.4878 0.3907
Note: Coefficients are exponentiated incidence rate ratios;
significance tests are based on robust standard
errors; constants are not exponentiated.
*p ≤ .05. **p ≤ .01. ***p ≤ .001.
Kaminski / County-Level Covariates of Police Homicides 367
Population structure is significant in Model 1 (β = .961; p =
.007) and Model 3
(β = .961; p = .022); however, unexpectedly, it is inversely
related to killings of
149. police. Thus, this model suggests that the risk of being killed
feloniously in the line
of duty is lower in counties characterized by large and dense
populations. However,
population structure is not nearly statistically significant in
Model 2 (β = .999; p =
.975) or Model 4 (β = .980; p = .616). Therefore, its impact in
Models 1 and 2 is
dependent on the inclusion of Los Angeles, New York, and
Cook Counties. This is
not surprising, as these counties have the largest police and
civilian populations in
the United States, and New York County/City ranks highest in
population density.
Interestingly, urbanicity affects the risk of police being killed
feloniously in the
line of duty independently of population size and density, with
the risk being lower
in counties with larger urban populations (β = .994; p ≤ .000).
Specifically, each
additional percentage of the population residing in an urban
area is associated with
a 6% decrease in the risk of officer homicide. The estimates are
virtually identical in
Models 1 and 2; thus, the effect of urbanicity is insensitive to
removal of the high-
leverage counties. However, urbanicity is statistically
insignificant in Models 3 and
4, suggesting it is important only when many, largely rural
counties are included.16
The third component, residential and family instability, is
unrelated to homicides
in Model 1 (β = .993; p = .915), and it remains statistically
insignificant in the remain-
150. ing models. The bivariate analysis described earlier (see Note
14) suggested that per-
cent divorced, but not percent still residing in the same
household as 5 years earlier,
was related to murders of police. To assess their independent
effects, Models 1-4 were
reestimated using the original variables one at a time in place of
the component. In no
instance was either of the variables related to police killings (all
p > .15).17
Model 1 suggests that each one unit increase across counties in
the percentage of
the population that is non-Hispanic Black is associated with a
1% increase in risk of
police homicide (β = 1.01; p = .002). The effect of race is
virtually unchanged with
the removal of New York, Los Angeles, and Cook Counties
(Model 2), whereas it
increases somewhat in magnitude in Models 3 and 4 (β = 1.017
and 1.016, respec-
tively). Thus, the risk of police being killed feloniously appears
to be higher in coun-
ties with larger proportions of Black residents.
The three regional indicators in Model 1 show that the risk of
homicide is sub-
stantially and significantly lower in the Northeast than in the
other three regions.
County location in the South, for example, is associated with a
61% increase in the
expected number of police homicides. To test whether risk in
the West and Midwest
regions is significantly different than in the South, we
reestimated Model 1 using the
South as the reference category. The results (not displayed)
151. indicate that neither the
West (β = 1.08; p = .621) nor the Midwest (β = 0.98; p = .859)
are significantly dif-
ferent from the South regarding police homicide victimization
risk. Although we
observe some variation in the magnitudes of the estimates and
levels of significance
across the four models, the conclusion remains the same; the
risk of homicide is
significantly higher in the South, the Midwest, and the West
than in the Northeast,
but the South is no riskier than the West or Midwest.
As expected, police risk of being killed feloniously is greater in
counties with
larger percentages of persons aged 25-34 years. In Model 1,
each one unit increase
in the age variable is associated with 7.3% increase in the
expected number of police
homicides (β = 1.073; p = .006). The magnitude of the effect is
similar across all
models, but in Model 4 it is statistically significant at the .10
level only (β = 1.06;
p = .097). We find a similar impact when substituting the
percentage of persons aged
35-44 years in Model 1 (not shown), but it is significant only at
the .10 level
(β = 1.09; p = .081). However, this age group does not approach
statistical signifi-
cance when the high-leverage counties are removed and/or when
smaller population
counties are excluded. Estimates for the percentages of persons
aged 14-17, 18-24,
152. and 45-54 years are unrelated to murders of police in all models
(results not shown).
In Model 1, the violent crime residuals and the percentage of
law enforcement agen-
cies that were sheriff’s offices are unrelated to murders of
police (both p > .24). The vio-
lent crime residuals remain insignificant in Models 2-4, but the
percentage of sheriff’s
agencies is statistically significant in Model 3 (β = 0.991; p =
.039), perhaps due to
greater variability in the mix of agency types in the larger
counties. Although limited to
larger population counties, this suggests that police homicide
risk may be higher in
counties that contain greater proportions of non-sheriff’s
agencies. Note, however, that
in Model 4 the effect is not quite significant at the .10 level (β
= 0.992; p = .102).
The models explain substantial amounts of the variance
(McFadden’s R2 ranges
from .36 to .49). To further assess model fit, deviance residuals
were plotted against
observation numbers (Hardin & Hilbe, 2001, p. 43), both before
and after removal
of the three high-leverage counties and counties with
populations less than 50,000
(see Figure 1A in Appendix). In the top graph, we observe two
counties for which
Model 1 does a particularly poor job predicting police
homicides. These are
Jennings County, Indiana, (population 25,608; two murders) and
Powell County,
Kentucky (population 12,467; two murders). The largest
negative residual is for San
153. Bernardino County, California (population = 1,563,907; zero
murders). The pattern
of the residuals improve somewhat with removal of the small
population counties
and the three influential cases, but clearly the models have a
tendency to underpre-
dict police homicide counts. Generally, however, the residuals
appear reasonable.
In summary, the analysis provides strong support for the effects
of adverse eco-
nomic conditions, the percentage of the non-Hispanic Black
population, and region
on the geographic patterning of police homicides in the
contiguous United States.
There is also substantial support for the impact of urbanicity
(when all counties are
included) and the percentage of the population aged 25-34
years. The effect of the
proportion of non-sheriff’s agencies appears to be important
only for larger popula-
tion counties, whereas the effect of population structure is
conditional on the inclu-
sion of the three high-leverage counties. We find no evidence
that residential
instability, divorce, or the violent crime residuals are related to
police homicides.
368 Homicide Studies
Discussion
One of the more robust findings of the analysis is the effect of
adverse economic
154. conditions on police risk of homicide victimization, and we
conclude that local police
are significantly more likely to be murdered in counties
characterized by low levels of
income and high levels of poverty and unemployment.
Economic strains increase
motivations for crime, weaken formal and informal social
controls, and generate
frustrations leading to diffuse hostility and aggression
(Brantingham & Brantingham,
1984; Bursik & Grasmick, 1993; Krivo & Peterson, 1996;
Parker & McCall, 1999;
Sampson et al., 1999; Sampson & Raudenbush, 1999; South &
Cohen, 1985), which
arguably increase police officer proximity and exposure to
motivated offenders.
Although this finding is consistent with some previous research
on police killings
(Batton & Wilson, 2006; Chamlin, 1989; Kaminski, 2002, 2004;
Kaminski & Marvell,
2002) and research on serious but nonlethal violence directed
against police (Kaminski
et al., 2003), evidence for the impact of economic conditions on
officer homicide vic-
timization has largely been mixed (see Table 1). This
inconsistency, however, may be
due to methodological shortcomings or other differences among
studies. In any case,
this study provides strong support for the effects of economic
conditions.
Because residential mobility, family disruption, and large and
dense populations
have been associated with weak, formal and informal social
controls and higher
levels of crime (Bursik & Grasmick, 1993; Kornhauser, 1978;
155. Krivo & Peterson,
1996; Sampson et al., 1999; Sampson & Raudenbush, 1999;
Shaw & McKay, 1969),
we expected these factors to be positively associated with
homicides of police.
Residential stability and divorce, whether entered individually
or as a combined
component, were unrelated to police homicides. Most studies
have not included
measures of population mobility, but the limited evidence to
date also suggests that
it is unrelated to murders of police (Kaminski, 2002, 2004).
Several previous stud-
ies examined the impact of divorce, but with mixed results
(Table 1).
Previous research on the effects of urbanicity and population
size and density on
police homicide risk almost universally failed to find a
relationship (see Table 1).
Interestingly, although we predicted a positive association
between these factors and
murders of police, our analysis found that the risk of homicide
is actually lower in more
urbanized counties and in counties with large and dense
populations (though the impact
of population size/density is dependent on the inclusion of the
high-leverage counties).
Although only speculation, a possible explanation may be found
in differences in the
availability and quality of emergency trauma care between rural
or largely rural counties
and their more urban counterparts (Kaminski et al., 2000;
Kaminski & Marvell, 2002).
For example, in urban areas transport times are faster, high
patient volume helps main-
156. tain provider skills, and greater population density increases
local public financing
(Bonnie, Fulco, & Livermore, 1999). Although research shows
significant differences
between rural and urban areas in mortality rates from traumatic
injury (Bonnie, Fulco, &
Livermore, 1999), research on general homicides and medical
resources is less conclu-
sive (Doerner, 1988; Hanke & Gundlach, 1995; Giacopossi,
Sparger, & Stein, 1992;
Kaminski / County-Level Covariates of Police Homicides 369
Long-Onnen & Cheatwood, 1992). Kaminski and Marvell (2002)
tested the effect of the
adoption of statewide trauma care systems on police homicides,
but found no evidence
of a relationship. Addressing the role of trauma care is beyond
the scope of this study,
but future work should examine its potential impact using
improved measures.
The analysis found that police were significantly more likely to
be killed felo-
niously in counties with larger Black populations. One
explanation for this finding
is that the high rates of violent crime in Black communities
(Blau & Blau, 1982;
Parker, 2001; Wilson, 1987) increase police proximity and
exposure to offenders
who are willing to resort to violence to avoid arrest and
punishment, including vio-
lence against the police (Kaminski, 2002, 2004). If this were
true, we would expect
157. the effect of race to diminish once we controlled for levels of
violent crime and other
conditions (e.g., economic deprivation, and residential and
family instability).
However, percentage Black remained statistically significant
even with these vari-
ables in the model. Other recent research also found that the
effect of percentage
Black persisted, despite the inclusion of large numbers of
regressors (Jacobs &
Carmichael, 2002; Kaminski & Stucky, 2005). Additional
research is needed to
explain the persistence of percentage Black in studies of
violence against the police.
None of the previous studies using cities or states as the unit of
analysis found
strong support for regional differences in police homicide risk
(with all but one study
using simple South vs. non-South comparisons), but the
regional indicators in our
analysis showed that police risk of being murdered was
significantly lower in coun-
ties located in the Northeast. Because our models controlled for
the number of police
at risk, the types of law enforcement agencies within counties,
and a variety of social
and economic conditions, we are unable to explain the
persistence of the regional
effects. Interestingly, although the South typically has been
characterized as being
particularly risky for police relative to other regions (Kaminski
et al., 2000), our
results show that Southern counties were no riskier for police
than counties located in
the West or the Midwest, seemingly negating Southern
158. subculture of violence expla-
nations for the high rate of police homicide victimization
observed in the South.
We found that police risk of being killed was higher in counties
with larger per-
centages of residents aged 25-34 years. The effect is significant
across all models
except for the last (large population counties without outliers),
where the effect is
significant at the .10 level. Estimates for older age groups are
similar (age range of
35-44 years and 45-54 years), but not statistically significant in
most models,
whereas younger-age categories are unrelated to police killings
(age ranges of 14-17
years and 18-24 years). Perhaps this finding can be explained by
greater police expo-
sure to somewhat older, violent offenders. For example, violent
crime index arrest
statistics compiled by the FBI show that the modal age category
of arrestees in 1995
was 25-34 years (Federal Bureau of Investigation, 1995: table
39, pp. 218-219).
Although previous studies found virtually no association
between age structure and
police killings, our results suggest that it may be premature to
dismiss age effects in
macrolevel studies of violence against police.
370 Homicide Studies
The analysis controlled for variation in the types of law
enforcement agencies across
159. counties (percentage of sheriff’s agencies) because the risk of
officer victimization may
be related in unknown ways to differences among them (e.g.,
function, geographical
coverage). The results suggest it may be important to do so in
county-level analyses.
Although not statistically significant when small population
counties are included, there
is evidence of an effect when analyzing larger population
counties. This is probably
because smaller population counties are less likely than larger
population counties to
contain many municipal police departments.18 In any case,
when restricted to larger
population counties, the analysis suggests that police homicide
risk increases with
increases in the proportion of non-sheriff’s agencies. Further
study of violence against
police by agency type or function may be an interesting topic
for future research.
One previous study found that variation in levels of violent
crime was predictive
of serious but nonfatal attacks on police, even when various
structural conditions
were controlled (Kaminski et al., 2003). However, despite the
use of various mea-
sures of violent crime (violent crime residuals, violent crime
count, violent crime
rate, violent crime rate residuals, and general homicide rate),
we find no evidence of
an effect at the county level. It may be that the propensity for
violence measure oper-
ates only at a local level of spatial aggregation. Another
possible explanation for the
lack of an effect is measurement error associated with county-
160. level UCR data (see
Maltz & Targonski, 2002), and an appropriate assessment of the
impact of violent
crime at the county level may need to await corrections to those
data.
To summarize, previous studies of homicides of police across
enumerations units
have been limited to analyses using cities or states, and we
believe our findings
demonstrate the utility of using county-level data to explain the
patterning of killings
of police across the contiguous United States. We employed
regression models appro-
priate for the analysis of rare-event counts; controlled the
underlying population at
risk; and checked for overdispersion, spatial autocorrelation,
multicollinearity, and
the influence of high-leverage counties. The models appear
adequate, and the
included regressors explain substantial amounts of the
“variance” in police killings.
The results show that police homicide risk is higher in
economically depressed
counties, in less urbanized counties, in counties with larger
percentages of Black resi-
dents, and in counties located in the South, West, and Midwest.
Although less consis-
tent, there is some evidence that police homicide risk is higher
in counties with larger
percentages of non-sheriff’s agencies and persons aged 25-34
years. Population struc-
ture (size and density) was inversely related to murders of
police, though its impact is
dependent on the inclusion of three high-leverage counties. We
161. found no evidence that
police killings are related to two traditional measures of social
disorganization—
population mobility and divorce rates. Finally, various measures
of violent crime were
unrelated to police homicides. Although this study helps explain
the patterning of
murders of police across the United States, given the overall
lack of consistency of
findings in the extant research, we encourage further study of
the causes and correlates
of violence against the police at multiple levels of areal
aggregation using additional
and improved measures.
Kaminski / County-Level Covariates of Police Homicides 371
372 Homicide Studies
Figure 1A
Index Plots of Hat Diagonals Before & After Removal
of Los Angeles, New York, & Cook Counties
ha
t d
iag
on
al
Observation Number
162. 0 500 1000 1500 2000 2500 3000
0
.25
.5
.75
1
1.25
LA NY
Cook
ha
t d
iag
on
al
Observation Number
0 500 1000 1500 2000 2500 3000
0
.25
.5
.75
163. 1
1.25
Appendix
Kaminski / County-Level Covariates of Police Homicides 373
Figure 2A
Index Plots of Deviance Residuals Using All Counties, and
Minus Los
Angeles, New York, & Cook Counties & Counties With
Populations << 50,000
de
via
nc
e r
es
idu
al
Observation Number
0 500 1000 1500 2000 2500 3000
–3
–2
164. 0
2
3
4
San Bernardino County, CA; pop = 1,563,907; 0 killed
Jennings County, IN; pop = 25,608; 2 killed
Powell County, KY; pop = 12,467; 2 killed
de
via
nc
e r
es
idu
al
Observation Number
0 500 1000 1500 2000 2500 3000
–3
–2
0
2
165. 3
4
Appendix (continued)
Notes
1. One previous study used counties as the unit of analysis to
test for statistically significant spatial clus-
tering of police homicides, but that study controlled only for the
underlying civilian population to estimate
risk (Kaminski, Jefferis, & Chanhatasilpa, 2000). Because the
current study uses multiple regression to
explain the variation of murders of police across the United
States, it represents a substantial improvement.
2. Attractiveness also is a major component of opportunity
theory and is typically conceptualized as
the symbolic or economic value of targets to offenders
(Garofalo, 1987, pp. 38-39; Miethe, Hughes, &
McDowall, 1991, p. 166; Miethe & McDowall, 1993, p. 749).
However, the concept of attractiveness as
applied to the victimization of police officers requires
substantial redefinition. Although some police offi-
cers may be sought out and murdered because of their
“symbolic” value (e.g., killed because they are per-
ceived as being representatives of a repressive government),
because most officers are murdered by
offenders engaged in serious crime who wish to escape and
avoid punishment (Cardarelli, 1968; Creamer
& Robin, 1970; Margarita, 1980b), it is arguable that
instrumental rather than expressive motives can be
attributed to most offenders’ decisions to kill police:
166. The motivation is not to harm police because they are despised
or because officers do something
to anger offenders. Rather, most offenders are motivated to kill
or seriously injure police because
the potential opportunity costs associated with their current
and/or past criminal activities are high
(e.g., safety, loss of freedom, reduced future income). Further,
most active criminals wish to avoid
police, and are unlikely to seek officers out as “attractive”
targets. (Kaminski, 2004, pp. 23-24)
3. African Americans are vastly overrepresented among those
who kill law enforcement officers.
Specifically, though they represent only about 13% of the
population, they constitute about 43% of the
felons who kill police (Brown & Langan, 2001).
4. Data on murders of police are considered to be highly
reliable and valid (Chapman, 1998, p. 8;
Margarita, 1980a, p. 16), and they do not suffer from data
problems typically associated with the Uniform
Crime Report (Maltz & Targonski, 2002). Homicides of police
are the most widely publicized events in
law enforcement, and when assailants remain at large all law
enforcement agencies are notified, includ-
ing the FBI, with the hope that the perpetrator will be
apprehended. When local police apprehend a sus-
pect, at a minimum the FBI is notified to access the suspect’s
criminal history file prior to trial (Chapman,
1998, p. 8; Konstantin, 1984, p. 34). In addition to receiving
notification of duty-related deaths directly
from state and local law enforcement agencies, the FBI receives
notification from its field divisions and
legal attaché officers, and from the Public Safety Officers’
Benefits Program (administered by the Bureau
167. of Justice Assistance). Once notification has been made, the FBI
obtains additional details concerning the
circumstances surrounding the death from the victim officer’s
employing agency. The primary source of
error is the rare incident where the cause of death is not clearly
identified (Konstantin, 1984, p. 34).
5. The five New York City Counties (Richmond, Queens, Kings,
Bronx, and New York) were merged
into a single polygon and treated as a single entity because the
data did not allow for the apportioning of
New York City police officers killed to their respective
boroughs. Other adjustments also were made in
merging the county-level data, such as deleting South Boston
County, Massachusetts (because of a
merger), counties in Alaska and Hawaii, and Yellowstone
National Park. The final number of counties
used in the analysis is 3,105.
6. The subculture-of-violence thesis also has been employed as
an explanation for the high Black
crime rates in urban areas (Wolfgang & Ferracuti, 1967), which
essentially posits that some subcultures
provide greater normative support for violence in upholding
values such as honor, courage, and manli-
ness. Although measurement and design issues leave the debate
unsettled, there appears to be more
research support for theoretical perspectives emphasizing
structural rather then cultural explanations
(Parker et al., 1999, p. 109).
7. Cultural/subcultural explanations for the observed high levels
of homicide in the South essentially
posit that the Southern subculture provides greater normative
support for violence in upholding values
168. 374 Homicide Studies
such as honor, courage, and manliness, though not necessarily a
culture that condones violence (Corzine
et al., 1999; Gastil, 1971; Hackney, 1969). Cultures more
supportive of expressions of physical aggres-
sion and combat in response to threats to one’s honor or as a
measure of daring and courage increase the
likelihood of violence and homicide (Wolfgang & Ferracuti,
1967).
8. Crime data were not available for 128 counties. Also, we
advise readers that county-level crime
data suffer from a number of limitations, and thus caution must
be used when interpreting the effects of
this regressor (for details, see Maltz & Targonski, 2002).
9. In practice, count data are frequently overdispersed; that is,
the variance is greater than the mean,
which violates the Poisson assumption of equidispersion (the
mean and variance of the event counts are
equal). In this case, the Poisson regression model can produce
inefficient (though consistent) estimates,
and z tests may overestimate the significance of variables
(Long, 1997, p. 230). An alternative to the
Poisson under these conditions is the negative binomial
regression model. However, a likelihood-ratio test
of the overdispersion parameter from a negative binomial
regression suggests our model is not overdis-
persed, and a comparison of estimates and standard errors
across models shows virtually no differences.
These results are available on request. Note further that given
the large number of zero values a zero-
inflated Poisson (ZIP) model is arguably more appropriate for
169. the analysis (Long, 1997). We attempted
to estimate a ZIP model, but for reasons unclear we were unable
to get the model to converge.
10. Spatial autocorrelation can occur when the enumeration
units being analyzed share boundaries
that result in a structure to the data. Units that share physical
boundaries or are closer to each other are
likely more similar than units not sharing physical boundaries
or those that are farther away from one
another. Thus, geographic data may often fail to meet the
assumption that observations are independent.
The consequence is that the errors will not be independent—a
condition necessary for valid hypothesis
tests. The consequences of spatial autocorrelation are the same
as in temporal autocorrelation, that is, the
standard errors will be biased, and t statistics used to test the
null hypothesis may seriously overstate the
statistical significance of an effect. This can lead to the
mistaken conclusion that variables are related
when they are not (Odland, 1988).
11. Global Moran’s I = .0907 (p = .0020) with 999
permutations; local Moran statistics indicate sig-
nificant clustering for 312 observations (p ≤ .05) with 999
permutations.
12. Although SatScan allows the introduction of categorical
covariates, it cannot handle continuous
covariates; hence, Kulldorff’s recommendation to use the
predicted values from a regression model.
13. Our spatial weights matrix consisted of a first-order spatial
lag of the dependent variable using the
queen criterion. All calculations were carried out with GeoDa
(version 9.5-i; Anselin, 2003).
170. 14. We examined each individual regressor’s relationship to
police killings by entering each into
bivariate Poisson model using the number of full-time
equivalent (FTE) sworn officers as the offset.
Poverty, unemployment, and income were all highly significant
(all p ≤ .000) and in the expected direc-
tion. Percent divorced also was highly significant (p ≤ .000) and
positive, but percent still residing in the
same house as 5 years earlier was not significant (p = .902), and
it was in the opposite direction expected.
Population size (logged, as the model using the raw metric
failed to properly converge) and population
density also were both highly significant (p ≤ .000) but
inversely related.
15. Diagonal entries from the regression model’s hat matrix, hii,
are useful for detecting influential
observations (Cameron & Trivedi, 1998, p. 150) and are
presented in Figure 2A in the Appendix. The top
graph suggests that New York City (all five boroughs
combined), Los Angeles County, and Cook County
exert a strong influence on the estimates in Model 1. The
bottom graph in Figure 1A in the Appendix
displays the results after removal of these three counties.
16. Counties with populations less than 50,000 had on average
only 1.9% of the population residing
within urbanized areas (93% had no residents living in
urbanized areas), whereas counties with popula-
tions of 50,000 or more had on average 48.7% of the population
residing within urbanized areas (23%
had no residents living in urbanized areas).
17. We also tested the effect of an interaction term between the
two original variables, but the inter-
171. action term did not even approach statistical significance in any
model.
Kaminski / County-Level Covariates of Police Homicides 375
18. Sheriff’s departments accounted for a third of the agencies
in 21.1% of the small population coun-
ties (SPCs), for half in 24.5%, and they were the sole local law
enforcement agency in 10.7% of the SPCs.
Conversely, sheriff’s departments accounted for a third of
agencies in only 7.8% of the large population
counties (LPCs), for half in 5.7%, and they were the sole local
agency in only 7 counties (0.8%). Thus,
sheriff’s departments accounted for a third or more of the law
enforcement agencies in more than half of
the SPCs (56.3%), but did so in only 14.3% of the LPCs.
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Robert J. Kaminski is an assistant professor in the Department
of Criminology and Criminal Justice,
University of South Carolina. His research interests include
public perceptions of the police, police use
of force, violence against the police, less lethal technology,
crime mapping and spatial analysis, and
applied quantitative methods.
380 Homicide Studies
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