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Part VI: The Past
as Prelude: Were
the Predictions of
Classic Scholars
Correct?
James L. Perry is Distinguished Professor,
School of Public and Environmental Affairs,
Indiana University, Bloomington, and
Department of Public Administration, Yonsei
University, Seoul, South Korea. He is coedi-
tor of Motivation in Public Management:
The Call of Public Service (Oxford University
Press, 2008) and editor of the Jossey-Bass
Reader on Nonprofi t and Public Leadership
(2010). His current research interests
include public service motivation, collabora-
tion, and shared leadership.
E-mail: [email protected], [email protected]
yonsei.ac.kr.
Neal D. Buckwalter is a doctoral
candidate in the School of Public and
Environmental Affairs at Indiana University,
Bloomington. His research interests include
the role of transparency in government
administration, state and local government
structure, and fi scal capacity. Concurrent
interests include public service structures
and the potential to strengthen capacity
through effective mentoring efforts.
E-mail: [email protected]
S238 Public Administration Review • December 2010 • Special
Issue
James L. Perry
Indiana University and Yonsei University
Neal D. Buckwalter
Indiana University
Th e Public Service of the Future
Th is article seeks to identify the
status and infrastructure of public
service in 2020. It fi rst examines
Leonard White’s early eff ort at
predicting a future search for
public service, written in 1942,
but with an eye toward the
1950s and 1960s. Th e authors
assess the subsequent structural
and ideological development of
public service to lay a framework
for their own projection of the
public service of the future. Th ey anticipate important
foundational shifts that will lead to a revaluing of public
service and opportunities to reinvigorate public work.
Th e authors conclude with a list of six specifi c public
service infrastructure changes that they anticipate will
become manifest by 2020.
Guest editors’ note: In 1942, the University of Chicago
Press published a book edited by Leonard D. White titled
Th e Future of Government in the United States. Each
chapter in the book presents predictions concerning the
future of U.S. public administration. In this article,
James L. Perry and Neal D. Buckwalter examine White’s
predictions for the future of public service published in
that book, comment on whether White’s predictions were
correct, and look to the future to examine public admin-
istration in 2020.
In 1942, Leonard White edited a volume of essays written by
some of the most infl uential minds in public administration to
honor the career of
political scientist Charles Merriam, White’s men-
tor and colleague at the University of Chicago and
member of the Brownlow Committee. Th e essays
sought to predict the face of public administration
across a range of issues 20 years forward. White had
the daunting task of projecting the public service of
the future, which World War II made even more chal-
lenging. From our vantage point, with almost 70 years
of history on which to train our hindsight, White’s
prescience is impressive.
Th is essay articulates a vision
for public service in 2020.
Although full-scale world war
does not impede our view, we
face new infl uences on all of
the fronts that White identi-
fi ed in his essay—“global or
national, economic, political or
managerial, racial, community,
ideological” (1942, 192). After
briefl y reviewing White’s pro-
jections, as well as subsequent
historical developments, we off er our vision of the
public service of the future. Like White, we recognize
how short a decade is, and therefore anticipate the
distinct possibility of institutional inertia carrying
forward many current circumstances. As White also
recognized, however, “supernormal developments”
may intervene to bring opportunities for foundational
shifts in civic engagement and the public interest
(1942, 192). Considering this tension between inertia
and interruption, we envision the upcoming decade
as a time of revaluing for the public service, with op-
portunities to reinvigorate public work and strength-
en public service infrastructures for the twenty-fi rst
century.
White’s Vision: A Broader and Stronger
Administrative Apparatus
White intended his essay to be descriptive rather than
normative, with his projections resting on “contempo-
rary trends and probable tendencies” (1942, 216). Th e
essay’s forward-looking gaze is all the more intriguing
with White’s fi rm grounding in the history of public
administration. Th at White would pen this particu-
lar essay to honor Charles Merriam is signifi cant:
M erriam’s participation on the Brownlow Committee
dramatically reshaped the nature of public service and
certainly infl uenced White’s thinking about it.
Th e post-Brownlow focus on administrative manage-
ment ushered in an era of “government by administra-
tors” (Mosher 1968, 79). Th is was refl ected in White’s
Th is essay articulates a vision for
public service in 2020 . . . .
[W]e face new infl uences on
all of the fronts that [Leonard]
White identifi ed in his essay—
“global or national, economic,
political or managerial, racial,
community, ideological.”
The Public Service of the Future S239
expansion of the federal public service, with signifi cant
legislation
passed toward many of the government’s most important
missions
(Light 2008).
As the decade waned, the public paradigm began to shift. While
it is impossible to designate a single tipping point, 1968
certainly
was a pivotal year. A sense of disillusionment toward public
service
grew as citizens questioned the country’s escalating
involvement in
Vietnam, civil unrest and race riots spread throughout many
cities,
Martin Luther King, Jr., and Robert Kennedy were assassinated,
and the so-called counterculture gained infl uence. In the
academy,
a “New Public Administration” emerged from the Minnowbrook
conference (Marini 1971), and a leading scholar of the fi eld
pro-
claimed public administration’s “crisis of identity” for the
inability
to articulate its own set of theories and methods (Waldo 1968,
3).
Th ese developments had profound impacts on peoples’ desire
to
enter public service and on the professional preparation of those
who did.
Th e training of the public service also garnered increased
scrutiny
in 1968, in Frederick Mosher’s infl uential book Democracy and
the Public Service. Historically, civil service reforms based on
merit
principles centered largely on the core value of neutral
competence.
However, as Mosher pointed out, public servants are not neutral
automatons, but rather use their training and backgrounds to
shape
the direction of public actions. Th e vital need to understand
this
aspect of the professionalized public service and concerns
regarding
responsibility and accountability greatly expanded the
discussion
begun earlier by Friedrich, Finer, and White.
Th e 1970s brought arguably the most dramatic civil service
reforms
since the Pendleton Act in 1883. Th e federal Civil Service
Reform
Act of 1978, whose impetus was state and local reforms, embod-
ied President Jimmy Carter’s eff orts to improve management
and
hinged on the desire to extend and uphold merit principles. Th e
reforms introduced merit pay for mid-level managers,
established
the Senior Executive Service, and replaced the U.S. Civil Ser-
vice Commission with the Offi ce of Personnel Management,
the
Merit Systems Protection Board, and the Federal Labor
Relations
A uthority. More than previous reforms, the Civil Service
Reform
Act focused attention on linking human resources and
performance
more directly. Despite the reforms, public service continued to
be
devalued in the public eye.
Civil service reforms were not the only important development
of
the period. A signifi cant change in our conception of public
service
began to emerge in the early 1980s, driven by structural and
ideological shifts. Historically, “public service” meant
government
employment.1 Yet new service provision arrangements that
began
to take hold in the early 1980s—driven by eff orts to introduce
market and quasi-market incentives into government—expanded
conceptions of the public sector. Th ese eff orts gained
momentum
in the 1990s, driven by notions of “reinventing government”
(Osborne and Gaebler 1992). Some scholars observed that the
increased use of private contracting and not-for-profi t service
pro-
vision was leading to “third-party government” (Salamon 2002),
or
“government by proxy” (Kettl 1988), enabling politicians to
claim
reductions in the civil service while masking the government’s
true
size (Light 1999b).
anticipation of a strengthened administrative apparatus at all
levels
of government, and a repositioning of administrative powers
involv-
ing growth in federal infl uence at the expense of states and
localities.
He also envisioned the postwar public service milieu to include
an
extension of merit system principles at all levels of government,
the
further development of public service careers, and the increased
im-
portance of civil service unions. Th ese initiatives, he argued,
would
be driven by a heightened professionalization of the public
service,
including ever-more focus on science, technology, and
management.
All of this would require greater discretionary judgment by
public
administrators.
White expressed cautious optimism about this broadened adm-
inistrative purview, describing an inherent tension between an
expansion of the “responsibility of offi cialdom” with the need
to commensurately increase the “responsiveness of offi
cialdom”
(1942, 213). While the former theoretically could enable more
eff ective execution of public policy, the latter must serve as a
check
against expanded power and authority in the hands of public
servants. In this way, White contributed an early extension to
the
now-classic—but then ongoing—debate between Carl Friedrich
(1940) and Herman Finer (1941).
How did White foresee the tension between increased discretion
and the need for greater responsiveness in the public service
being
relieved? Formal steps, such as improved public relations
techniques,
could enable offi cials to better ascertain the public’s
preferences.
However, these steps remain insuffi cient: the needed
responsiveness
must be found “deep in the spirit of the public service as a
social
organism. . . . [being] strengthened by example; hence the
invalu-
able contribution of the wise and tempered deans and guardians
of
the public service ethos, who are gathering in increasing
numbers as
the fruits of the merit system and of a career service ripen”
(1942,
215). Interestingly, White’s early recognition of the role of
public
service ethos in fostering responsiveness preceded by 50 years
the
recent growth in empirical research about public service
motivation
(Perry and Wise 1990).
How Far Have We Come Since White?
Many of White’s projections came to pass, some later than
antici-
pated. Th e right of federal employees to engage in labor
negotiations,
for instance, was not recognized until 1962, when President
John
F. Kennedy signed Executive Order 10988. Collective
bargaining
had previously been used by some state and local governments,
but
change at the federal level dramatically altered labor–
management
relations in the public service. Similarly, other hiring and salary
reforms during this period aimed at greater equality for public
service
personnel and extending merit principles within the civil
service.
Major advancements during the 1960s also fi t White’s
predictions
for a shift to more federal infl uence in social programs and an
altered relationship between the federal government and state
and
local governments. Meanwhile, a sense of idealism toward
public
service grew early in the decade. In his 1961 inaugural address,
President Kennedy fostered enthusiasm for greater engagement
in
public causes. A growing number of policy initiatives sought to
expand civil rights and reduce poverty, eff ectively reframing
the
public service as a front line for achieving greater societal
equality.
Broadly speaking, it was a time of tremendous direction setting
and
S240 Public Administration Review • December 2010 • Special
Issue
the centrality of government to national survival and
achievement. To some extent, growth in acceptance is event-
driven. Th e 1995 bombing of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal
Building in Oklahoma City was the fi rst in a series of events
that
have altered the American psyche. Th e terrorist attacks of
September 11, 2001, have had even more profound infl uences
on
highlighting government’s legitimate roles and the nobility of
public service. When the story of the “Great Panic” of 2008 is
written and digested, we believe that the actions of the U.S.
Federal Reserve and Treasury Department will further reinforce
the standing of public institutions (Wessel 2009).
Another event—nonviolent but likely no
less infl uential than 9/11—is the election
of Barack Obama. Obama’s election crossed
both racial and ideological divides, and it is
likely to contribute to how we value public
service in 2020. Th e election of an African
American president almost 50 years after the
Voting Rights Act of 1965 marks a signifi cant
passage in American history. We expect that
this new political reality will aff ect public
service not only nationally, but in state and
local governments and the voluntary sector as
well. Furthermore, it creates the prospect for
opening new paths to social change, stimulat-
ing greater involvement of previously unengaged Americans,
and
igniting new hope among disenfranchised and alienated groups.
Th e shifts in rhetoric accompanying Obama’s election are of
lesser
historic novelty, but they are nonetheless signifi cant for how
Ameri-
cans will view public service over the next several decades.
Obama’s
2008 speech to the Democratic National Convention at the time
of
his nomination is instructive about a shifting public mood:
Th at’s the promise of America—the idea that we are respon-
sible for ourselves, but that we also rise or fall as one nation;
the fundamental belief that I am my brother’s keeper; I am
my sister’s keeper. . . . [W]e must also admit that fulfi lling
America’s promise will require more than just money. It will
require a renewed sense of responsibility from each of us to
recover what John F. Kennedy called our intellectual and
moral strength.
Although the slumping economy has no doubt contributed to
the increased attractiveness of public work, many people
involved
with admissions in public aff airs programs attribute recent
robust
increases in both applications and enrollments to President
Obama’s
call to public service (Mangan 2009).
As further evidence of a profound shift in rhetoric about public
service, one needs to look no further than the British
Conservative
Party, the home of Margaret Th atcher, whose rhetoric was
closely
embraced by Ronald Reagan. George Osborne, a Conservative
Party
leader and now Chancellor of the Exchequer, gave a speech in
2009
about which David Brooks (2009) wrote,
In a party conference address earlier this month, Osborne
gave the speech that an American politician will someday
In the past decade, several scholars have noted the emergence of
a
substantively “new public service”: more diverse in
demographic,
educational, and work backgrounds; more open to pursuing
public
work in nongovernmental settings; more likely to switch sectors
during their careers; and decidedly committed to “making a dif-
ference in the world” (Light 1999a, 128). Janet and Robert Den-
hardt see the commitment to make a diff erence in the world or
to
“contribute to society” as the underlying motivational basis for
those
who choose public service careers (2003, 29). In their normative
view, the new public service should be guided by a focus on
demo-
cratic theory and aim chiefl y to be responsive to citizens, a
view that
stands in stark contrast to the New Public Management’s
economic
model, which treats citizens as customers.
We have come full circle to the present.
Although reform eff orts have changed the
context of public service, and social, political,
and economic trends have at times shaped
perceptions regarding its value, we continue
to grapple with many of the same core issues
that White and others acknowledged. Public
service that operates in a democratic context
struggles to balance apparently competing
values of effi ciency and equity, responsive-
ness and discretionary power (Denhardt and
deLeon 1995). Regardless of the challenges,
the importance of strengthening public service continues to be
rec-
ognized, as demonstrated in the spate of recent books on the
subject
(see, e.g., Bilmes and Gould 2009; Donahue 2008; Light 2008).
We see recent and ongoing social and technological
developments as
trending toward that end.
The Public Service of 2020
Like White before us, we fi x our projections on current trends
and
developments, with the intent to predict rather than prescribe.
Although the benchmark year of 2020 is only a decade away,
our
f uture search allows the possibility of—even anticipates—some
foundational shifts in the intervening years. Our discussion
begins
with the broadest of these shifts—revaluing public service—fol-
lowed by a description of what we believe is an emerging
infrastruc-
ture that both facilitates and reinforces public service in the
future.
The Pendulum Swings: Revaluing Public Service
We previously described the descent of the standing of public
service from the late 1960s to the late 1980s. Circumstances
began
to shift after the election of George H. W. Bush in 1988, when
rhetoric and reality once again began to accord public service
cau-
tious respect. We believe that public events and personalities
are
paving the way for a more positive—but still complex—role for
public service. Th ree broad developments—new political
realities
and rhetoric, generational transformations, and a normal
reascent
of public service—are precursors to improved standing of public
service in 2020.
New political realities and rhetoric. To be clear, we do not
envision the American people abandoning their historically
ambivalent relationship with government and the people who
embody it (Morone 1990). We anticipate, however, that the
contributions of public service will yield greater acceptance of
Th e election of an African
American president almost 50
years after the Voting Rights
Act of 1965 marks a signifi cant
passage in American history. We
expect that this new political
reality will aff ect public service
not only nationally, but in state
and local governments and the
voluntary sector as well.
The Public Service of the Future S241
Kennedy Serve America Act of 2009, which signifi cantly
expands
our national commitment to AmeriCorps and service programs
for
middle and high school students, will reinforce these trends.
And
recently, legislation was introduced in the U.S. House of
Represen-
tatives for both a Public Service Academy to foster the
development
of civilian leadership for public service and the Roosevelt
Scholars
Program, which would off er graduate-level scholarships in
mission-
critical fi elds in exchange for a federal service commitment.
Robert Putnam (2008) has gone so far as to suggest that the
Mil-
lennial Generation, whose members have been shaped by both
9/11 and the 2008 election, may be the new “Greatest
Generation.”
World War II was the formative event for the original Greatest
Gen-
eration. Putnam’s thesis is that 9/11 triggered a civic-
mindedness
among Millennials, but their political involvement,
foreshadowed
in the elections of 2004 and 2006, reached full fl ower in their
infl uence and success in the 2008 campaigns. Putnam
concludes,
perhaps with some hyperbole, but consistent with the sweep of
arguments here, “Th e 2008 elections are thus the coming-out
party
of this new Greatest Generation. Th eir grandparents of the
original
Greatest Generation were the civic pillars of American
democracy
for more than a half-century, and at long last, just as that
generation
is leaving the scene, reinforcements are arriving.”
Public–private dialectic. Th e political and generational changes
rest within a larger historical sweep. H. George Frederickson
called
attention to the historical dialectic in the National Academy of
Public Administration’s 2008 Elmer Staats Lecture. He
envisions the
pendulum swinging away from a private era toward a new
public
era: “We are witnessing the beginning of the end of the long era
of
bureaucrat bashing, of tearing down the managerial capacity of
the
national government, and the beginnings of reregulation” (2008,
6).
Frederickson’s contention that we are moving toward a “public
era” as a natural counterforce to an earlier era of public decline
and bureaucrat bashing gets support from noted economist
Albert
Hirschman. In Shifting Involvements: Private Interest and
Public
Action (1982), Hirschman argues that shifts from private action
to public action and back are quite normal in the larger
historical
sweep. Th e public–private dichotomy that Hirschman posits has
at
its core a very simple preference dynamic: “Acts of
consumption, as
well as acts of participation in public aff airs, which are
undertaken
because they are expected to yield satisfaction, also yield
dissatisfac-
tion and disappointment” (1982, 10).
have to give. He said that he is not ideologically hostile to
government. “Millions of Britons depend on public services
and cannot opt out,” he declared. He defended govern-
ment workers against those who would deride them as
self-serving bureaucrats: “Conservatives should never use
lazy rhetoric that belittles those who are employed by the
government.”
Perhaps the British are again the precursors of what we will
hear
from conservatives in the United States in the not too distant
future.
Osborne’s perspective certainly supports our contention that
public
service is being revalued.
Some readers may perceive our prognosis as overly optimistic
in light of recent developments in public opinion, which sug-
gest a growing antipathy toward government, as refl ected in the
tea party movement and partisanship surrounding issues such as
health care reform. As one perceptive observer of national
politics
observes, however, “Just because voters aren’t happy with
govern-
ment doesn’t mean that they don’t want government to play a
role
in their lives. . . . What they are saying is that they want
govern-
ment to do a better job” (Walter 2010). Despite frequent shifts
in
the winds of public opinion, we anticipate the overall trend in
the
next decade will contribute to revaluing public service.
Generational transformations. A second wave of change
involves
shifting patterns of public-regardingness across generations, as
refl ected in several recent trends. Tracking indicators of civic
engagement during the past decade show an upward shift among
the Millennial Generation, typically classifi ed as those born
between
1980 and 2000. It is from members of this cohort that the public
service of 2020 will look to replace large numbers of retiring
Baby
Boomers and aging members of Generation X.
Th e fi rst Millennials entered college shortly before 2000. A
snap-
shot of attitudes and behaviors among this group demonstrates
increased public-regardingness in a number of areas, according
to
annual surveys of college freshmen conducted by the Higher
Educa-
tion Research Institute (HERI) at the University of California,
Los
Angeles (UCLA). For example, the number of college freshman
who
reported that within the last year they had participated
(frequently
or occasionally) in organized demonstrations rose to an all-time
high of 50.2 percent in 2006. In 2007, 10.9 percent of
respondents
had participated in local, state, or national political campaigns,
up
from previous decades, but still not reaching pre-1970 levels.
Volun-
teering has increased steadily since the 1980s, up to 83.3
percent in
2007. Not only are more freshman volunteering, but also they
are
doing it for longer periods of time than respondents from 10
years
prior, as illustrated in table 1 (Higher Education Research
Institute
1997, 2002, 2006, 2007).
Changing political and civic attitudes of college freshman may
be a precursor of a public renewal, but it also signals
institutional
changes in higher education and government that could sustain
a revaluing of public service. Th e HERI group at UCLA (2009)
reported that among the goals that faculty listed as “very
important”
or “essential” for undergraduate education, instilling in students
a
commitment to community service saw the biggest increase
between
2004 and 2007, from 36.4 percent to 55.5 percent. Th e Edward
M.
Table 1 Hours per Week College Freshman Report
Volunteering,
1997, 2002, 2007
Hours Per Week in the Last Year Spent Volunteering a 1997b
2002c 2007d
None 31.5 27.7 25.1
Less than one 24.1 24.3 23.7
1–2 23.3 24.9 26.6
3–5 13.1 14.0 15.1
6–10 4.7 5.2 5.3
11–15 1.5 1.8 1.9
16 or more 1.8 2.2 2.2
Source: Higher Education Research Institute 1997, 2002, 2007.
a Weighted national average from all participating universities.
b N = 137,207 from 65 institutions.
c N = 119,061 from 66 institutions.
d N = 130,234 from 59 institutions.
S242 Public Administration Review • December 2010 • Special
Issue
to it in Th e New Public Service (1999a). Changing the mind-set
about and management of entry-level work in government is one
step in the right direction. Another step would be to fi nd ways
to reinforce the task signifi cance of public jobs (Grant 2008).
Government jobs still have potential for unique access to
intrinsic
motivations linked to the signifi cance of the tasks job
incumbents
perform. Th ese jobs need to be designed and managed to
activate
this potential.
• Mitigate systemic dysfunctions of public–private partnerships.
Th e design and management of public–private partnerships—
among them contracting and service delivery collaborations—in
recent years has strongly signaled the attractiveness of private
over
public jobs. Th e status of public jobs will languish if outsourc-
ing decisions are made primarily on ideological and effi ciency
grounds (Mulgan 2005). Th e specter of outsourcing raises
equity
and psychological concerns (Pearce 1983) that must be
remedied
for public jobs to recover their luster.
If these changes in public work can be institutionalized, then
the
prospects for sustaining the value of public service for the
longer-
term increase signifi cantly.
2. Recalibrating wage and salary structures. Th e decline in the
status of public service during the last third of the twentieth
century
has taken a toll on the relative fi nancial valuation of public
versus
private work. Th e fi nancial valuation of public work is more
acute
for higher- rather than lower-paying jobs, which are often better
paid in the public sector (Miller 1996). Higher-paying
professional,
administrative, and managerial jobs have historically been
better
compensated in the private sector. George Borjas (2003) studied
sector switchers and arrived at compelling fi ndings about wage
structures and the sorting of workers. Borjas suggests that as
public–private wage structures have evolved, the relative skills
of
“marginal” persons who moved across sectors also changed
signifi cantly. He concludes that the substantial widening of
wage
inequality in the private sector and the more stable wage
distribution in the public sector increased the prospect that
high-
skill workers were more likely to end up in the private sector.
Th ese
wage inequalities “created magnetic eff ects that altered the
sorting of
workers across sectors, with high-skill workers
becoming more likely to end up in the private
sector” (Borjas 2003, 52). Macro wage
structures are consequential for the public
sector’s ability to attract and retain a quality
workforce. Th e eff ects of macro structures,
however, are poorly understood and have had
little or no infl uence on public policy,
especially the dispersion and structure of
government wages.
John Donahue (2008) infers from Borjas’s
research that we need to pay more attention to dispersion in
wages
between the public and private sectors. Donahue’s solution is
quite
simple. He proposes that the distinctiveness of the public labor
market be changed by “pushing down the low end of the public
labor market, and lifting up the high end” (2008, 147). Th is
entails
more than depressing lower-level wages and increasing upper-
level
wages; benefi ts and job security also need to be fundamentally
altered.
As Frederickson notes in his Staats Lecture, New York Times
col-
umnist David Brooks also contends that we are in the midst of
an
episodic shift driven by three changing epochs: economic,
political
and generational. Brooks’ argument parallels elements of the
case
we build here, but we refer to his argument as further evidence
that
revaluing public service may, in part, be an outgrowth of
recurring
historical processes. Echoing Hirschman’s view from a quarter
cen-
tury earlier, Brooks (2008) wrote at the time of Obama’s
election,
“So today is not only a pivot, but a confl uence of pivots. When
historians look back at the era that is now closing, they will see
a
time of private achievement and public disappointment.” Many
Americans defi ned their well-being in recent years by growth
in
their stock portfolios, home equity, access to second homes,
dream
vacations and other acts of private consumption. Th ese pursuits
may
have produced satisfaction temporarily, but risky decisions by
bank-
ers, Wall Street fi nanciers, and mortgage lenders (not to
mention
citizens themselves)—the very institutions responsible for
creating
so much private wealth—have now generated widespread disap-
pointment and dissatisfaction. We believe that more Americans
will
seek to remedy their uncertainty and disappointment by turning
to public aff airs to fi nd satisfaction, which will serve to
further the
revaluing of public service.
Building Infrastructures for the Twenty-First Century
Although we believe that public service is being revalued, the
long-
term attractiveness of public service and the sustainability of
the
shift depends on bringing infrastructures—job designs,
compensa-
tion systems, and other concrete artifacts—into alignment with
the
social reconstruction that is under way. Longtime observers,
such as
Paul Light (1999a, 2008) and John Donahue (2008), believe that
the infrastructure supporting public service is more in tune with
industrial America of the 1950s—the world White was
predicting—
than 2020. Th is state of aff airs is the result of a variety of
factors,
not the least of which is a decline in the status of public service
that
led to its long-term neglect. What new infrastructures do we see
as
pivotal for reinforcing public service? We discuss six
infrastructure
components that will signifi cantly infl uence the long-term
status of
public service.
1. Reinvigorating public work. For all the
attention historically given to the
meaningfulness of public service jobs, we have
given the issue almost no serious attention in
the new governance era (Salamon 2002).
Inattention to the attractiveness of public
work has had predictable consequences—
many potential, high-quality employees
perceive that it is easier to fi nd satisfying work
outside government, often in the nonprofi t
sector.
Erosion of the attractiveness of government jobs has many
causes,
and reinvigorating public work will require concerted action as
we
move toward a new public era. Among the steps that can be
institu-
tionalized to reinvigorate public work are,
• Find ways to make jobs at all levels of government more chal-
lenging. Scholars (Buchanan 1974) pointed to the low challenge
of entry-level government jobs well before Light called
attention
Inattention to the attractiveness
of public work has had
predictable consequences—
many potential, high-quality
employees perceive that it is
easier to fi nd satisfying work
outside government, often in
the nonprofi t sector.
The Public Service of the Future S243
4. Reemphasizing public service across organizational systems.
Given the foregoing attention to wage and retirement systems,
you
might get the impression that what matters is money. Although
money is important, the eff ort to build infrastructures must, as
Paul
Light argues in A Government Ill Executed, “involve the right
motivations for service” (2008, 233). Indeed, public leaders and
executives have given some attention to the motivational
equation
and the unique call of public service. Th e U.S. Offi ce of
Personnel
Management (OPM), for example, includes public service
motivation among its list of six fundamental competencies for
federal senior executives. Th e OPM defi nes public service
motivation as follows: “Shows a commitment to serve the
public.
Ensures that actions meet public needs; aligns organizational
objectives and practices with public interests” (OPM 2010).
We foresee public leaders making progress during the course of
the
next decade to enhance and align public service values across
orga-
nizational systems. Research on altruism, public service
motivation,
and prosocial behavior (Paarlberg, Perry, and Hondeghem 2008)
has
begun to make headway in suggesting how infrastructures can
be
modifi ed to strengthen reinforcement of other- and public-
regarding
motivational orientations. Th e evolving research has begun to
identify
a number of infrastructure changes that might put governments
in
better position to reap the power of public service. Among them
are,
• Assessing applicants’ past public service behaviors in
selecting
employees to improve fi t with public service values and
account-
ability
• Providing formal opportunities for newcomers during
on-boarding (Partnership for Public Service 2008) and early
socialization experiences to learn about organizational values
and
expectations related to public service values
• Developing performance appraisal and performance monitor-
ing systems that include observations of behaviors that manifest
public service motivations
• Identifying benefi ciaries of jobs; establishing opportunities
for
direct contact between employee and benefi ciary; and
providing
clear channels for service benefi ciary feedback
• Interpreting organization goals in ways that allow employees
to
connect their work tasks to broad, positive public service
missions
• Designing compensation systems to emphasize long-term
attractiveness to employees and avoid extrinsic incentives that
crowd out intrinsic motivations
5. Repositioning training and development as a routine element
of the employment contract. A June 2009 White House proposal
to
set mandatory spending levels for employee training (Kauff man
2009) focuses attention on a historical limitation of public
service
infrastructure. John Berry, director of the OPM, observed in
announcing prospective federal reforms: “Th e president really
sees
this as a legacy opportunity, and he gets that this is a once-in-a-
generation chance to get this right” (Kauff man 2009).
Fundamental changes in the public sector’s human capital
invest-
ment policies are vital if gains in the public services’ status are
to
be reinforced and maintained. And a number of factors are
aligned
to make the legacy opportunity of human capital investment in
governments a distinct possibility. Th e fi rst factor is sheer
demo-
graphics—and the imminent wave of retirements and
generational
Donahue’s proposal is intriguing, but we have reservations
about the
advisability of pushing down lower-end wages and reducing job
se-
curity across government, a course of action pursued in some
recent
state-level reforms (Battaglio and Condrey 2006). Not only do
we
believe that it will be politically diffi cult to push down lower-
end
wages, but also we are concerned about the human
consequences
for lower-level workers. Reducing salary compression by
modestly
increasing salaries for professional, administrative, and
managerial
employees at the upper ends of salary schedules is a more
politi-
cally acceptable and constructive fi rst step. Increasing the
slope of
the salary line for public employees would help attract and
retain
higher-skill workers. Reducing salary compression could also
pay
dividends for lower- and middle-level employees who must
make
choices about where they pursue their careers. Regardless of the
specifi c details, we believe that a recalibration of wage
structures in
line with the options identifi ed here is under way and will
continue
for the foreseeable future.
Recent steps to improve student loan forgiveness provisions refl
ect
the trend toward recalibrating wage and salary structures that
we
project. Th e College Cost Reduction and Access Act of 2007
and
the Health Care and Education Reconciliation Act of 2010
create
the potential to infl uence sector selection among college gradu-
ates. With education costs continuing to rise, many graduates fi
nd
themselves encumbered with daunting student loan payments.
Th e prospect of having the remaining loan balance forgiven
after
10 years of public service employment may provide just the
type
of fi nancial relief and incentive to attract quality employees
who
otherwise might chase higher salaries in the private sector to
repay
their student loans.
3. Redesigning public retirement systems. A long-expressed
justifi cation for giving public employees lower wages is the
lucrative
retirement benefi ts that many public employees receive. If
demonstrable changes are made in public wage structures as
suggested earlier, then retirement system designs could be
rethought
as well. Public jurisdictions have taken small steps in this
direction
during the last quarter century. We foresee changes in public
pension systems as a natural outgrowth of both the fi scal stress
that
states will confront over the course of the next decade and the
need
for states to reduce unfunded pension liabilities (Pew Center on
the
States 2010).
A rethinking of retirement systems could entail two obvious
changes. One would be to shift more of the burden for defi ned
benefi t retirement systems to employees. Th e introduction of
the
Federal Employee Retirement System in 1983 to replace the
Civil
Service Retirement System, which was originally created in
1920,
was the fi rst step down the path of greater employee
responsibility
for funding retirement.
A second change would be to convert defi ned benefi t plans to
defi ned contribution plans. Fiscally stressed states such as
Michigan,
for example, are considering converting teachers’ defi ned
benefi t
plans to defi ned contribution plans. Th e movement of public
pen-
sions toward defi ned contribution designs is likely to reduce
long-
term fi nancial obligations and increase governments’
credibility for
establishing new wage bargains with employees. Th is may
prove to
be a pivotal shift in public infrastructure.
S244 Public Administration Review • December 2010 • Special
Issue
public service and current developments, we
fi nd fertile soil for a revaluing of public service.
To accommodate and sustain a revalued pub-
lic service in 2020, we envision that public
service infrastructures will be modifi ed in six
key ways. By reinvigorating public work, new
life will be breathed into noble and meaning-
ful service. Attention will be given to highlighting the
challenging
and rewarding nature of public work, as well as more eff
ectively
structuring entry-level management and public–private
partnerships
in order to attract talented individuals to the public service.
Wage
and salary structures will be recalibrated and retirement systems
redesigned. Much can be done to reemphasize public service
across
organizational systems, reposition training and development as
a
routine element of the public employment contract, and rethink
ac-
countability structures that not only accommodate performance
but
also grant public servants a level of autonomy in which to
compe-
tently carry out work in the public interest.
Th e replacement of the Baby Boom generation will, by itself,
cre-
ate public service demand and opportunities that have not
existed
since the 1970s. Th e changes are less the result of growth as
they
are the exit of masses of job incumbents moving to another
stage of
their lives. Th is transition alone will change the public service.
We
can hope that the next generation of public employees will enter
a revalued and restructured public service. We are optimistic
that
demographic, social, political, and technological changes will
trend
in that direction.
Notes
1. Two semantic issues deserve comment. One involves the
precise scope of “public
service.” As we note, public service traditionally has referred to
government
employees. As nonprofi t and even for-profi t organizations
have been enlisted as
instruments of public action, however, we believe it is
appropriate to envision
public service more broadly. We use “public service” in that
spirit here, but, for
the most part, the people to whom we refer will be government
employees. A
related issue is our reference to public- or other-regarding
behavior, in which we
include civic engagement, community service, and volunteering.
We choose to
connect these behaviors to our discussion of public service
because a variety of
forms of civic engagement are indicators of public-
regardingness in the society.
We believe that shifts in public-regarding behaviors have a
direct bearing on the
status of public service in society.
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that
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progression of
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Acknowledgment:
Th is research was supported by WCU(World Class University)
program through the National Research Foundation of Korea
funded by the
Ministry of Education, Science and Technology (R32-20002).
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WWW.THEPUBLICMANAGER.ORG70
T
Highs and Lows of the
Career Roller Coaster
Grimaldi
he working world has changed during the span of my working
career and
certainly since that of my father.When my father began his
career during the
height of the Great Depression, he worked twelve hours a day
and six days a
week. Then he went to school at night. In forty-four years of
work, he had
two employers. In my case, I worked for the federal government
for twenty-
six years—several different agencies, but essentially one
employer.
Meanwhile, today’s Generation Y’ers can expect to work for
multiple
employers. Indeed, the retirement system has been changed to
virtually
encourage such an outcome. So, it seemed apropos to discuss
some of the
virtues and liabilities of the new “screw ‘em, it’s a promotion”
or “I’ll get
mine and I’ll get mine again” mentality for job change.
Upside of Job Change
On the plus side of job change, you get to leave behind all the
mistakes
and enemies you made.You also get to ignore and move on from
any obli-
gations you might have because “you are never going to see
them again.”
The most effective proponent of this career path was Henry
Kissinger. He
moved swiftly from academe to national security advisor to
secretary of state
to international consultant to grand statesman. He never met a
challenge he
wasn’t able to overcome. In fact, he was able to drop in, become
the captain
of the team, call the plays, and leave for another team before
the play ends.
Think about it. This is a brilliant strategy that Henry was able
to hone to a
fine edge. If things worked out, he was a hero. If they didn’t, he
could claim
The Uncivil Servant
that the clowns who followed him
weren’t brilliant enough to carry out
his vision. Truly brilliant. Of course,
you have to be almost as arrogant as
you are bright to pull this off.
Risk of Peaking Early
Another advantage of rapid job
movement is that you get to try
something new before boredom
takes over. Of course, there is a risk.
There is always a risk.The risk is the
bombed-out hulk. (See below.) This
is the girl or guy who started as the
next hotshot. He or she moves to the
next job and the next and even the
next perhaps. Suddenly, at age twen-
ty-five or twenty-eight, say, the hot-
shot is at the top of middle manage-
ment at a tender age. Herein lies the
rub.Where do you go from there?
What do you do with a career
that peaks before thirty in the public
service? In the private sector, one
notes that at least Bill Gates was at
his first billion. Donald Trump was at
about $4 million, but of course that
is just about the same amount of
money Daddy gave him to “get his
start.” We won’t even go into the
Rockefellers or Kennedys, other
than to note that Teddy just snuck
under the wire to be old enough
when he was elected U. S. Senator.
And one cannot forget the joke
about Bush, the Father, that he was
born on third base and thought he
hit a triple. Well, I guess that would
apply to Bush, the Decider, as well.
Here you are at thirty knocking
on the executive door, and where are
you? You are looking into twenty
more years of labor with one or
maybe two rungs on the ladder. If
you got a promotion tomorrow,
would you hang around for nineteen
years and 364 days in hopes of the
last one? Are you going to be willing
to sit around getting 2.00345 percent
raises till they call your name for that
top rung?
Bombed-Out Hulks
Too many become bombed-out
hulks (BOHs). BOHs are what hap-
pens to the best and the brightest
when the pinch of the ever-thinning
career ladder takes job after job away.
The brass ring just isn’t within your
grasp.You are making decent money.
Your parents still think you are pro-
gressing and will one day own the
government. You are starting to see
that this is the last rung you will ever
stand upon. Your contemporaries
have moved on to the next level and
no longer have much time for you.
They may bring you along to the
next job, but generally they are
embarrassed for you.
You think you might quit or
take your talent to the private sector
or become a consultant. But by this
time your knowledge is so special-
ized that few will even recognize
what you do. You’d have to take a
couple of steps back. You have just
acknowledged that the upward spiral
of your career to date has lost some
momentum. You are married, with
kids. You have bought life insurance
because now you have something to
protect for the first time in your life.
It is not you, sadly, that has value, but
THE PUBLIC MANAGER F SUMMER 2006 71
your ability to provide a standard of
living—for others! You can see the
debt of college and weddings and
mortgages to the end of time.
You can’t relocate for a job
because you can’t move your kids to
a new high school. How will they
find a date to the prom? You can’t
start your own business because of
the budding debts and obligations
that have accumulated? How did that
happen so fast? And when did the
invasion on your freedom of move-
ment take place? And why weren’t
you guarding your own flanks?
Ironically, you still feel young,
just as bright and just as able as when
you were the new hotshot. What do
you do? You are a BOH. You walk
the halls recalling lost glory. People
don’t talk to you quite the same way.
People you were mentoring are now
at your level, but they don’t invite
you to the meetings where the deals
are cut and the decisions are made.
You are called afterward to carry out
the decisions you no longer influ-
ence. But you aren’t giving up that
easily. Just a year or so ago you were
an up-and-comer. Now, you have the
energy but no place to go with it.
Some get divorced. (It must be
the situation at home that is holding
you back.The spouse is not as enam-
ored of your momentum and long
hours.) The truly smart BOHs pour
that energy into something else.
They coach little league. They take
up art or play bridge or slow pitch
softball. (The beer belly won’t allow
you to get the bat around for that fast
stuff any longer.) Or they work out
at the gym—a good place to meet
the next significant other anyway. Or
they run for condo president.At least
there you can exert authority over
others and once again make deci-
sions about someone else’s money.
Exit Strategies
Or you start moving laterally to
other agencies.You might find some-
one who hasn’t figured you out yet
and laughs at your clever bons mots. If
you are really lucky, an elected official
or political appointee takes a shine to
your act and takes you along to his or
her next station in the train to politi-
cal office or corporate nirvana.
I can recall one such hotshot
who left government and went with
one of the Big Eight consulting
firms. (How dated does that make
me??) He became a “borrow your
watch to tell you what time it is”
consultant. You know these types.
They’re the ones who don’t really
add any value.They are brought in to
document the decision a politico has
made but still requires the weight of
a report to provide the gravitas to
have the nerve to make a change.
There are myriad firms and partners
who have made a fortune trading on
their contacts with former colleagues
in this way. If you are really lucky,
something like the U.S. Government
Performance and Results Act of
1993 will fall in your lap.You might
have been in the first wave of imple-
mentation of the latest rage to “make
government accountable.” You’re
now the expert. You can sell this
expertise. In the private sector, the
latest example was Sarbanes-Oxley. If
this wasn’t the latest incarnation of
the accountants’ employment act,
one will have to nominate its
replacement.
Later, this same hotshot left the
consulting firm after working for
one of the periodic commissions that
are going to reform the way govern-
ment functions.Talk about footprints
in the sand!! How many have there
been, and what is the difference left
in their wake? We are hard-pressed to
name them—two Hoover Commis-
sions, Grace,Volcker I and II, and let’s
not forget VP Gore’s National
Performance Review (the NPR, or
reinventing government initiative)
with its hammer symbol. For the
man who invented the Internet, he
should have been able to produce
better. And thank God for the aca-
demics to keep track of the wonders
of government they have left behind
as a legacy. They went with one of
the private-sector experts who was
going to reform government when
the guru declared victory and
returned to the firm his father had
started. Between them, they ran it
into scandal and poor performance.
Ah, what is life without irony?
Dragonslayer
Is this cynical? You bet. But do
not forsake me, oh my darlin’.
Occasionally, you read or hear of
Ol’ Johnson. He or she was the lucky
one. He or she had established a rela-
tionship with a former appointee
such that at a convenient point in his
or her career he or she is able to
escape BOH status (if he or she was
smart enough to “credential up” dur-
ing his or her idle time) and find a
job at some association or university
or think tank where his or her inside
knowledge is a plus—or even (shud-
der the thought) his or her expertise
is actually valued.
WWW.THEPUBLICMANAGER.ORG72
What one learns when one
makes this journey to the dark side is
that many denigrate the manage-
ment experience of government
executives.And what one finds is that
if you can manage in the Byzantine
environment of federal and, increas-
ingly, state systems, you can manage
anywhere. Coming from a system
where everyone can say “No” and no
one can say “Yes” into the world of
“get it done,” the creative juices
begin to flow. You know you can
digest anything they send at you—
because you’ve been there. You’ve
done it, and you’ve slain that dragon.
In the end, it is like going from
the major leagues to AA ball—with-
out the loss of physical and mental
skills that you acquired going from
hotshot to BOH. And it’s like riding
a bike.You don’t forget those lessons.
Now let’s be clear. You still aren’t
rich. In fact, had you stayed you
would likely be slightly ahead in asset
accumulation toward the ultimate
retirement. But what a fun and col-
orful ride it will have been.
In the end, if you are a
Generation Y’er, you never intended
to stay that long anyway. You were
punching your ticket only to get on
the fast track to corporate/lobbying/
consulting heaven. For those of us
who are your antecedents, the line
for that roller coaster has closed. And
you just ate wedding cake at your
child’s wedding.You feel a bit bloat-
ed, and a dose of indigestion is com-
ing on. [Burp!] Good luck and
Godspeed to all.
Public Sector April 2009 ��
ith plans to cut back-
room staff and cap
public servant numbers
and departmental funding, many
public servants will be consider-
ing their job security and career
prospects with trepidation.
Public Sector asked three people
working in the area of public sec-
tor recruitment and career advice
for ways to future proof your ca-
reer and what to do if you’re made
redundant.
Campbell Hepburn is General
Manager with The Johnson Group,
an agency specialising in recruitment
for the public sector.
Have a clear understanding about
this new environment and what is
expected of you as an individual,
your role, your team, your organi-
sation and where it fits into the big
picture.
Professional development
should be constant. Anticipate
which skills will be good in future
and develop those to make yourself
a valuable resource. The public sec-
tor is not immune from skill short-
ages and they are often around
specialisation.
Networking is absolutely criti-
cal in the public sector. It is not
just about positioning yourself
for new opportunities, but about
positioning yourself to seek help,
referrals, and just be informed
about the big picture and what’s
going on. Networking also makes
for an interesting and colourful
existence.
Develop your brand equity. It
is about being clear about who you
are and your chosen profession
and building the required skills,
competencies and experience that
reflect this.
Market your ‘brand’ by
building and maintaining diverse
personal networks; join IPANZ
and professional bodies and attend
events; keep connected through
online social networks like www.
Future proof your career
linkedin.com; build a reputation
for doing good work and being
productive.
Create career resilience in your
job – seize new opportunities, have
a can-do attitude, be flex-
ible, reliable and results
focused. Be known as a
team player, be visible, e.g.
be active in the social club,
volunteer to be part of new
projects.
Use a mentor or coach in
times of change.
There are plenty of oppor-
tunities at the moment if you
see it in a positive way – even
if that means employment
change. Embrace it for what it’s
worth and make the most of it.
Julie Thomas is a Service Delivery
Professional Practice Manager
with Career Services, a Crown
Entity and New Zealand’s largest
provider of independent career
information and advice.
Access available support to
assess your strengths, research
your career options, set goals
and develop a plan.
Increase professional
networking. If you find network-
ing challenging start with ‘hot’
contacts, such as ex-colleagues and
say you are starting to research
your options, my strengths are X,
Y, Z. Then move onto the warm
contacts and keep going out on a
web.
Join professional networks.
Question people about what’s
happening in their sector and or-
ganisation, in both the public and
private sectors.
Look for opportunities to
evidence your currency of skills
– for example if you are a general-
ist, what could you do more of
to future proof yourself. Identify
what employers are looking for.
Productivity is a big issue, so
you need to be able to evidence
that you can be productive and
effective.
At a time like this some people
may think now is my chance to
work less hours; it might pay less,
but will free you up for other
things.
If you are looking for a new
job, set yourself a timeframe
– whatever your tolerance level
is. When you reach it revise your
goals and your bottom line – what
you are prepared to compromise
on and what you aren’t.
Facing redundancy can be one
of the most stressful life events,
whether there is a lot or little
warning. Get personal support
networks in place.
Be resilient and hopeful for the
future, present yourself positively
and remain open to opportunities.
Penny Stonyer is General Manager
with Human Resource company Tal-
ent2 and has been recruiting for the
public service for 15 years.
In times of change it is inevitable
that there are opportunities and
challenges. It’s important not to
panic and think sensibly about
what skill sets are most likely to be
in demand.
The Government has said it
wants to shift resources from the
back office to service delivery.
It is important that you under-
stand better how service delivery
functions operate and how you
can contribute to that in a more
meaningful way to make yourself
a more effective and valuable
staff member.
Be proactive. Talk to
professionals and people you
value and who have insight,
including people who have
been around in difficult times
before in the public sector.
Job opportunities can
come from the most unlikely
sources and don’t necessar-
ily come along when you are
ready; have in your own mind
clarity about what you need in a
job, what turns your buttons on,
so you can test those opportunities
against a template and make the
right judgment call.
Wellington runs on network-
ing. Talk to people who under-
stand and have knowledge about
what is going on to enable you to
make informed decisions about
your career.
If you are made redundant be
clear it’s not about you personally,
but about the role and function.
Don’t come across bitter and
twisted. If you’ve got baggage
about the redundancy, prospective
employers will be really wary.
Don’t spray yourself around
– don’t have your CV everywhere
or you will look desperate.
“the most successful
people are those who
are good at plan b.”
James yorke
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Part VI The Past as Prelude Were the Predictions of Cl.docx

  • 1. Part VI: The Past as Prelude: Were the Predictions of Classic Scholars Correct? James L. Perry is Distinguished Professor, School of Public and Environmental Affairs, Indiana University, Bloomington, and Department of Public Administration, Yonsei University, Seoul, South Korea. He is coedi- tor of Motivation in Public Management: The Call of Public Service (Oxford University Press, 2008) and editor of the Jossey-Bass Reader on Nonprofi t and Public Leadership (2010). His current research interests include public service motivation, collabora- tion, and shared leadership. E-mail: [email protected], [email protected] yonsei.ac.kr.
  • 2. Neal D. Buckwalter is a doctoral candidate in the School of Public and Environmental Affairs at Indiana University, Bloomington. His research interests include the role of transparency in government administration, state and local government structure, and fi scal capacity. Concurrent interests include public service structures and the potential to strengthen capacity through effective mentoring efforts. E-mail: [email protected] S238 Public Administration Review • December 2010 • Special Issue James L. Perry Indiana University and Yonsei University Neal D. Buckwalter Indiana University Th e Public Service of the Future Th is article seeks to identify the status and infrastructure of public service in 2020. It fi rst examines
  • 3. Leonard White’s early eff ort at predicting a future search for public service, written in 1942, but with an eye toward the 1950s and 1960s. Th e authors assess the subsequent structural and ideological development of public service to lay a framework for their own projection of the public service of the future. Th ey anticipate important foundational shifts that will lead to a revaluing of public service and opportunities to reinvigorate public work. Th e authors conclude with a list of six specifi c public service infrastructure changes that they anticipate will become manifest by 2020. Guest editors’ note: In 1942, the University of Chicago Press published a book edited by Leonard D. White titled Th e Future of Government in the United States. Each chapter in the book presents predictions concerning the future of U.S. public administration. In this article, James L. Perry and Neal D. Buckwalter examine White’s predictions for the future of public service published in that book, comment on whether White’s predictions were correct, and look to the future to examine public admin- istration in 2020. In 1942, Leonard White edited a volume of essays written by some of the most infl uential minds in public administration to honor the career of political scientist Charles Merriam, White’s men- tor and colleague at the University of Chicago and member of the Brownlow Committee. Th e essays sought to predict the face of public administration across a range of issues 20 years forward. White had the daunting task of projecting the public service of
  • 4. the future, which World War II made even more chal- lenging. From our vantage point, with almost 70 years of history on which to train our hindsight, White’s prescience is impressive. Th is essay articulates a vision for public service in 2020. Although full-scale world war does not impede our view, we face new infl uences on all of the fronts that White identi- fi ed in his essay—“global or national, economic, political or managerial, racial, community, ideological” (1942, 192). After briefl y reviewing White’s pro- jections, as well as subsequent historical developments, we off er our vision of the public service of the future. Like White, we recognize how short a decade is, and therefore anticipate the distinct possibility of institutional inertia carrying forward many current circumstances. As White also recognized, however, “supernormal developments” may intervene to bring opportunities for foundational shifts in civic engagement and the public interest (1942, 192). Considering this tension between inertia and interruption, we envision the upcoming decade as a time of revaluing for the public service, with op- portunities to reinvigorate public work and strength- en public service infrastructures for the twenty-fi rst century. White’s Vision: A Broader and Stronger Administrative Apparatus White intended his essay to be descriptive rather than
  • 5. normative, with his projections resting on “contempo- rary trends and probable tendencies” (1942, 216). Th e essay’s forward-looking gaze is all the more intriguing with White’s fi rm grounding in the history of public administration. Th at White would pen this particu- lar essay to honor Charles Merriam is signifi cant: M erriam’s participation on the Brownlow Committee dramatically reshaped the nature of public service and certainly infl uenced White’s thinking about it. Th e post-Brownlow focus on administrative manage- ment ushered in an era of “government by administra- tors” (Mosher 1968, 79). Th is was refl ected in White’s Th is essay articulates a vision for public service in 2020 . . . . [W]e face new infl uences on all of the fronts that [Leonard] White identifi ed in his essay— “global or national, economic, political or managerial, racial, community, ideological.” The Public Service of the Future S239 expansion of the federal public service, with signifi cant legislation passed toward many of the government’s most important missions (Light 2008). As the decade waned, the public paradigm began to shift. While
  • 6. it is impossible to designate a single tipping point, 1968 certainly was a pivotal year. A sense of disillusionment toward public service grew as citizens questioned the country’s escalating involvement in Vietnam, civil unrest and race riots spread throughout many cities, Martin Luther King, Jr., and Robert Kennedy were assassinated, and the so-called counterculture gained infl uence. In the academy, a “New Public Administration” emerged from the Minnowbrook conference (Marini 1971), and a leading scholar of the fi eld pro- claimed public administration’s “crisis of identity” for the inability to articulate its own set of theories and methods (Waldo 1968, 3). Th ese developments had profound impacts on peoples’ desire to enter public service and on the professional preparation of those who did. Th e training of the public service also garnered increased scrutiny in 1968, in Frederick Mosher’s infl uential book Democracy and the Public Service. Historically, civil service reforms based on merit principles centered largely on the core value of neutral competence. However, as Mosher pointed out, public servants are not neutral automatons, but rather use their training and backgrounds to shape the direction of public actions. Th e vital need to understand this aspect of the professionalized public service and concerns
  • 7. regarding responsibility and accountability greatly expanded the discussion begun earlier by Friedrich, Finer, and White. Th e 1970s brought arguably the most dramatic civil service reforms since the Pendleton Act in 1883. Th e federal Civil Service Reform Act of 1978, whose impetus was state and local reforms, embod- ied President Jimmy Carter’s eff orts to improve management and hinged on the desire to extend and uphold merit principles. Th e reforms introduced merit pay for mid-level managers, established the Senior Executive Service, and replaced the U.S. Civil Ser- vice Commission with the Offi ce of Personnel Management, the Merit Systems Protection Board, and the Federal Labor Relations A uthority. More than previous reforms, the Civil Service Reform Act focused attention on linking human resources and performance more directly. Despite the reforms, public service continued to be devalued in the public eye. Civil service reforms were not the only important development of the period. A signifi cant change in our conception of public service began to emerge in the early 1980s, driven by structural and ideological shifts. Historically, “public service” meant government employment.1 Yet new service provision arrangements that
  • 8. began to take hold in the early 1980s—driven by eff orts to introduce market and quasi-market incentives into government—expanded conceptions of the public sector. Th ese eff orts gained momentum in the 1990s, driven by notions of “reinventing government” (Osborne and Gaebler 1992). Some scholars observed that the increased use of private contracting and not-for-profi t service pro- vision was leading to “third-party government” (Salamon 2002), or “government by proxy” (Kettl 1988), enabling politicians to claim reductions in the civil service while masking the government’s true size (Light 1999b). anticipation of a strengthened administrative apparatus at all levels of government, and a repositioning of administrative powers involv- ing growth in federal infl uence at the expense of states and localities. He also envisioned the postwar public service milieu to include an extension of merit system principles at all levels of government, the further development of public service careers, and the increased im- portance of civil service unions. Th ese initiatives, he argued, would be driven by a heightened professionalization of the public service, including ever-more focus on science, technology, and management. All of this would require greater discretionary judgment by
  • 9. public administrators. White expressed cautious optimism about this broadened adm- inistrative purview, describing an inherent tension between an expansion of the “responsibility of offi cialdom” with the need to commensurately increase the “responsiveness of offi cialdom” (1942, 213). While the former theoretically could enable more eff ective execution of public policy, the latter must serve as a check against expanded power and authority in the hands of public servants. In this way, White contributed an early extension to the now-classic—but then ongoing—debate between Carl Friedrich (1940) and Herman Finer (1941). How did White foresee the tension between increased discretion and the need for greater responsiveness in the public service being relieved? Formal steps, such as improved public relations techniques, could enable offi cials to better ascertain the public’s preferences. However, these steps remain insuffi cient: the needed responsiveness must be found “deep in the spirit of the public service as a social organism. . . . [being] strengthened by example; hence the invalu- able contribution of the wise and tempered deans and guardians of the public service ethos, who are gathering in increasing numbers as the fruits of the merit system and of a career service ripen” (1942,
  • 10. 215). Interestingly, White’s early recognition of the role of public service ethos in fostering responsiveness preceded by 50 years the recent growth in empirical research about public service motivation (Perry and Wise 1990). How Far Have We Come Since White? Many of White’s projections came to pass, some later than antici- pated. Th e right of federal employees to engage in labor negotiations, for instance, was not recognized until 1962, when President John F. Kennedy signed Executive Order 10988. Collective bargaining had previously been used by some state and local governments, but change at the federal level dramatically altered labor– management relations in the public service. Similarly, other hiring and salary reforms during this period aimed at greater equality for public service personnel and extending merit principles within the civil service. Major advancements during the 1960s also fi t White’s predictions for a shift to more federal infl uence in social programs and an altered relationship between the federal government and state and local governments. Meanwhile, a sense of idealism toward public service grew early in the decade. In his 1961 inaugural address, President Kennedy fostered enthusiasm for greater engagement
  • 11. in public causes. A growing number of policy initiatives sought to expand civil rights and reduce poverty, eff ectively reframing the public service as a front line for achieving greater societal equality. Broadly speaking, it was a time of tremendous direction setting and S240 Public Administration Review • December 2010 • Special Issue the centrality of government to national survival and achievement. To some extent, growth in acceptance is event- driven. Th e 1995 bombing of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City was the fi rst in a series of events that have altered the American psyche. Th e terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, have had even more profound infl uences on highlighting government’s legitimate roles and the nobility of public service. When the story of the “Great Panic” of 2008 is written and digested, we believe that the actions of the U.S. Federal Reserve and Treasury Department will further reinforce the standing of public institutions (Wessel 2009). Another event—nonviolent but likely no less infl uential than 9/11—is the election of Barack Obama. Obama’s election crossed both racial and ideological divides, and it is likely to contribute to how we value public service in 2020. Th e election of an African American president almost 50 years after the Voting Rights Act of 1965 marks a signifi cant
  • 12. passage in American history. We expect that this new political reality will aff ect public service not only nationally, but in state and local governments and the voluntary sector as well. Furthermore, it creates the prospect for opening new paths to social change, stimulat- ing greater involvement of previously unengaged Americans, and igniting new hope among disenfranchised and alienated groups. Th e shifts in rhetoric accompanying Obama’s election are of lesser historic novelty, but they are nonetheless signifi cant for how Ameri- cans will view public service over the next several decades. Obama’s 2008 speech to the Democratic National Convention at the time of his nomination is instructive about a shifting public mood: Th at’s the promise of America—the idea that we are respon- sible for ourselves, but that we also rise or fall as one nation; the fundamental belief that I am my brother’s keeper; I am my sister’s keeper. . . . [W]e must also admit that fulfi lling America’s promise will require more than just money. It will require a renewed sense of responsibility from each of us to recover what John F. Kennedy called our intellectual and moral strength. Although the slumping economy has no doubt contributed to the increased attractiveness of public work, many people involved with admissions in public aff airs programs attribute recent robust increases in both applications and enrollments to President
  • 13. Obama’s call to public service (Mangan 2009). As further evidence of a profound shift in rhetoric about public service, one needs to look no further than the British Conservative Party, the home of Margaret Th atcher, whose rhetoric was closely embraced by Ronald Reagan. George Osborne, a Conservative Party leader and now Chancellor of the Exchequer, gave a speech in 2009 about which David Brooks (2009) wrote, In a party conference address earlier this month, Osborne gave the speech that an American politician will someday In the past decade, several scholars have noted the emergence of a substantively “new public service”: more diverse in demographic, educational, and work backgrounds; more open to pursuing public work in nongovernmental settings; more likely to switch sectors during their careers; and decidedly committed to “making a dif- ference in the world” (Light 1999a, 128). Janet and Robert Den- hardt see the commitment to make a diff erence in the world or to “contribute to society” as the underlying motivational basis for those who choose public service careers (2003, 29). In their normative view, the new public service should be guided by a focus on demo- cratic theory and aim chiefl y to be responsive to citizens, a view that stands in stark contrast to the New Public Management’s
  • 14. economic model, which treats citizens as customers. We have come full circle to the present. Although reform eff orts have changed the context of public service, and social, political, and economic trends have at times shaped perceptions regarding its value, we continue to grapple with many of the same core issues that White and others acknowledged. Public service that operates in a democratic context struggles to balance apparently competing values of effi ciency and equity, responsive- ness and discretionary power (Denhardt and deLeon 1995). Regardless of the challenges, the importance of strengthening public service continues to be rec- ognized, as demonstrated in the spate of recent books on the subject (see, e.g., Bilmes and Gould 2009; Donahue 2008; Light 2008). We see recent and ongoing social and technological developments as trending toward that end. The Public Service of 2020 Like White before us, we fi x our projections on current trends and developments, with the intent to predict rather than prescribe. Although the benchmark year of 2020 is only a decade away, our f uture search allows the possibility of—even anticipates—some foundational shifts in the intervening years. Our discussion begins with the broadest of these shifts—revaluing public service—fol- lowed by a description of what we believe is an emerging infrastruc-
  • 15. ture that both facilitates and reinforces public service in the future. The Pendulum Swings: Revaluing Public Service We previously described the descent of the standing of public service from the late 1960s to the late 1980s. Circumstances began to shift after the election of George H. W. Bush in 1988, when rhetoric and reality once again began to accord public service cau- tious respect. We believe that public events and personalities are paving the way for a more positive—but still complex—role for public service. Th ree broad developments—new political realities and rhetoric, generational transformations, and a normal reascent of public service—are precursors to improved standing of public service in 2020. New political realities and rhetoric. To be clear, we do not envision the American people abandoning their historically ambivalent relationship with government and the people who embody it (Morone 1990). We anticipate, however, that the contributions of public service will yield greater acceptance of Th e election of an African American president almost 50 years after the Voting Rights Act of 1965 marks a signifi cant passage in American history. We expect that this new political reality will aff ect public service not only nationally, but in state
  • 16. and local governments and the voluntary sector as well. The Public Service of the Future S241 Kennedy Serve America Act of 2009, which signifi cantly expands our national commitment to AmeriCorps and service programs for middle and high school students, will reinforce these trends. And recently, legislation was introduced in the U.S. House of Represen- tatives for both a Public Service Academy to foster the development of civilian leadership for public service and the Roosevelt Scholars Program, which would off er graduate-level scholarships in mission- critical fi elds in exchange for a federal service commitment. Robert Putnam (2008) has gone so far as to suggest that the Mil- lennial Generation, whose members have been shaped by both 9/11 and the 2008 election, may be the new “Greatest Generation.” World War II was the formative event for the original Greatest Gen- eration. Putnam’s thesis is that 9/11 triggered a civic- mindedness among Millennials, but their political involvement, foreshadowed in the elections of 2004 and 2006, reached full fl ower in their
  • 17. infl uence and success in the 2008 campaigns. Putnam concludes, perhaps with some hyperbole, but consistent with the sweep of arguments here, “Th e 2008 elections are thus the coming-out party of this new Greatest Generation. Th eir grandparents of the original Greatest Generation were the civic pillars of American democracy for more than a half-century, and at long last, just as that generation is leaving the scene, reinforcements are arriving.” Public–private dialectic. Th e political and generational changes rest within a larger historical sweep. H. George Frederickson called attention to the historical dialectic in the National Academy of Public Administration’s 2008 Elmer Staats Lecture. He envisions the pendulum swinging away from a private era toward a new public era: “We are witnessing the beginning of the end of the long era of bureaucrat bashing, of tearing down the managerial capacity of the national government, and the beginnings of reregulation” (2008, 6). Frederickson’s contention that we are moving toward a “public era” as a natural counterforce to an earlier era of public decline and bureaucrat bashing gets support from noted economist Albert Hirschman. In Shifting Involvements: Private Interest and Public Action (1982), Hirschman argues that shifts from private action to public action and back are quite normal in the larger
  • 18. historical sweep. Th e public–private dichotomy that Hirschman posits has at its core a very simple preference dynamic: “Acts of consumption, as well as acts of participation in public aff airs, which are undertaken because they are expected to yield satisfaction, also yield dissatisfac- tion and disappointment” (1982, 10). have to give. He said that he is not ideologically hostile to government. “Millions of Britons depend on public services and cannot opt out,” he declared. He defended govern- ment workers against those who would deride them as self-serving bureaucrats: “Conservatives should never use lazy rhetoric that belittles those who are employed by the government.” Perhaps the British are again the precursors of what we will hear from conservatives in the United States in the not too distant future. Osborne’s perspective certainly supports our contention that public service is being revalued. Some readers may perceive our prognosis as overly optimistic in light of recent developments in public opinion, which sug- gest a growing antipathy toward government, as refl ected in the tea party movement and partisanship surrounding issues such as health care reform. As one perceptive observer of national politics observes, however, “Just because voters aren’t happy with govern- ment doesn’t mean that they don’t want government to play a
  • 19. role in their lives. . . . What they are saying is that they want govern- ment to do a better job” (Walter 2010). Despite frequent shifts in the winds of public opinion, we anticipate the overall trend in the next decade will contribute to revaluing public service. Generational transformations. A second wave of change involves shifting patterns of public-regardingness across generations, as refl ected in several recent trends. Tracking indicators of civic engagement during the past decade show an upward shift among the Millennial Generation, typically classifi ed as those born between 1980 and 2000. It is from members of this cohort that the public service of 2020 will look to replace large numbers of retiring Baby Boomers and aging members of Generation X. Th e fi rst Millennials entered college shortly before 2000. A snap- shot of attitudes and behaviors among this group demonstrates increased public-regardingness in a number of areas, according to annual surveys of college freshmen conducted by the Higher Educa- tion Research Institute (HERI) at the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA). For example, the number of college freshman who reported that within the last year they had participated (frequently or occasionally) in organized demonstrations rose to an all-time high of 50.2 percent in 2006. In 2007, 10.9 percent of
  • 20. respondents had participated in local, state, or national political campaigns, up from previous decades, but still not reaching pre-1970 levels. Volun- teering has increased steadily since the 1980s, up to 83.3 percent in 2007. Not only are more freshman volunteering, but also they are doing it for longer periods of time than respondents from 10 years prior, as illustrated in table 1 (Higher Education Research Institute 1997, 2002, 2006, 2007). Changing political and civic attitudes of college freshman may be a precursor of a public renewal, but it also signals institutional changes in higher education and government that could sustain a revaluing of public service. Th e HERI group at UCLA (2009) reported that among the goals that faculty listed as “very important” or “essential” for undergraduate education, instilling in students a commitment to community service saw the biggest increase between 2004 and 2007, from 36.4 percent to 55.5 percent. Th e Edward M. Table 1 Hours per Week College Freshman Report Volunteering, 1997, 2002, 2007 Hours Per Week in the Last Year Spent Volunteering a 1997b 2002c 2007d
  • 21. None 31.5 27.7 25.1 Less than one 24.1 24.3 23.7 1–2 23.3 24.9 26.6 3–5 13.1 14.0 15.1 6–10 4.7 5.2 5.3 11–15 1.5 1.8 1.9 16 or more 1.8 2.2 2.2 Source: Higher Education Research Institute 1997, 2002, 2007. a Weighted national average from all participating universities. b N = 137,207 from 65 institutions. c N = 119,061 from 66 institutions. d N = 130,234 from 59 institutions. S242 Public Administration Review • December 2010 • Special Issue to it in Th e New Public Service (1999a). Changing the mind-set about and management of entry-level work in government is one step in the right direction. Another step would be to fi nd ways to reinforce the task signifi cance of public jobs (Grant 2008). Government jobs still have potential for unique access to intrinsic motivations linked to the signifi cance of the tasks job incumbents perform. Th ese jobs need to be designed and managed to activate this potential. • Mitigate systemic dysfunctions of public–private partnerships. Th e design and management of public–private partnerships— among them contracting and service delivery collaborations—in recent years has strongly signaled the attractiveness of private over public jobs. Th e status of public jobs will languish if outsourc-
  • 22. ing decisions are made primarily on ideological and effi ciency grounds (Mulgan 2005). Th e specter of outsourcing raises equity and psychological concerns (Pearce 1983) that must be remedied for public jobs to recover their luster. If these changes in public work can be institutionalized, then the prospects for sustaining the value of public service for the longer- term increase signifi cantly. 2. Recalibrating wage and salary structures. Th e decline in the status of public service during the last third of the twentieth century has taken a toll on the relative fi nancial valuation of public versus private work. Th e fi nancial valuation of public work is more acute for higher- rather than lower-paying jobs, which are often better paid in the public sector (Miller 1996). Higher-paying professional, administrative, and managerial jobs have historically been better compensated in the private sector. George Borjas (2003) studied sector switchers and arrived at compelling fi ndings about wage structures and the sorting of workers. Borjas suggests that as public–private wage structures have evolved, the relative skills of “marginal” persons who moved across sectors also changed signifi cantly. He concludes that the substantial widening of wage inequality in the private sector and the more stable wage distribution in the public sector increased the prospect that high-
  • 23. skill workers were more likely to end up in the private sector. Th ese wage inequalities “created magnetic eff ects that altered the sorting of workers across sectors, with high-skill workers becoming more likely to end up in the private sector” (Borjas 2003, 52). Macro wage structures are consequential for the public sector’s ability to attract and retain a quality workforce. Th e eff ects of macro structures, however, are poorly understood and have had little or no infl uence on public policy, especially the dispersion and structure of government wages. John Donahue (2008) infers from Borjas’s research that we need to pay more attention to dispersion in wages between the public and private sectors. Donahue’s solution is quite simple. He proposes that the distinctiveness of the public labor market be changed by “pushing down the low end of the public labor market, and lifting up the high end” (2008, 147). Th is entails more than depressing lower-level wages and increasing upper- level wages; benefi ts and job security also need to be fundamentally altered. As Frederickson notes in his Staats Lecture, New York Times col- umnist David Brooks also contends that we are in the midst of an episodic shift driven by three changing epochs: economic, political
  • 24. and generational. Brooks’ argument parallels elements of the case we build here, but we refer to his argument as further evidence that revaluing public service may, in part, be an outgrowth of recurring historical processes. Echoing Hirschman’s view from a quarter cen- tury earlier, Brooks (2008) wrote at the time of Obama’s election, “So today is not only a pivot, but a confl uence of pivots. When historians look back at the era that is now closing, they will see a time of private achievement and public disappointment.” Many Americans defi ned their well-being in recent years by growth in their stock portfolios, home equity, access to second homes, dream vacations and other acts of private consumption. Th ese pursuits may have produced satisfaction temporarily, but risky decisions by bank- ers, Wall Street fi nanciers, and mortgage lenders (not to mention citizens themselves)—the very institutions responsible for creating so much private wealth—have now generated widespread disap- pointment and dissatisfaction. We believe that more Americans will seek to remedy their uncertainty and disappointment by turning to public aff airs to fi nd satisfaction, which will serve to further the revaluing of public service. Building Infrastructures for the Twenty-First Century Although we believe that public service is being revalued, the
  • 25. long- term attractiveness of public service and the sustainability of the shift depends on bringing infrastructures—job designs, compensa- tion systems, and other concrete artifacts—into alignment with the social reconstruction that is under way. Longtime observers, such as Paul Light (1999a, 2008) and John Donahue (2008), believe that the infrastructure supporting public service is more in tune with industrial America of the 1950s—the world White was predicting— than 2020. Th is state of aff airs is the result of a variety of factors, not the least of which is a decline in the status of public service that led to its long-term neglect. What new infrastructures do we see as pivotal for reinforcing public service? We discuss six infrastructure components that will signifi cantly infl uence the long-term status of public service. 1. Reinvigorating public work. For all the attention historically given to the meaningfulness of public service jobs, we have given the issue almost no serious attention in the new governance era (Salamon 2002). Inattention to the attractiveness of public work has had predictable consequences— many potential, high-quality employees perceive that it is easier to fi nd satisfying work outside government, often in the nonprofi t sector.
  • 26. Erosion of the attractiveness of government jobs has many causes, and reinvigorating public work will require concerted action as we move toward a new public era. Among the steps that can be institu- tionalized to reinvigorate public work are, • Find ways to make jobs at all levels of government more chal- lenging. Scholars (Buchanan 1974) pointed to the low challenge of entry-level government jobs well before Light called attention Inattention to the attractiveness of public work has had predictable consequences— many potential, high-quality employees perceive that it is easier to fi nd satisfying work outside government, often in the nonprofi t sector. The Public Service of the Future S243 4. Reemphasizing public service across organizational systems. Given the foregoing attention to wage and retirement systems, you might get the impression that what matters is money. Although money is important, the eff ort to build infrastructures must, as Paul Light argues in A Government Ill Executed, “involve the right
  • 27. motivations for service” (2008, 233). Indeed, public leaders and executives have given some attention to the motivational equation and the unique call of public service. Th e U.S. Offi ce of Personnel Management (OPM), for example, includes public service motivation among its list of six fundamental competencies for federal senior executives. Th e OPM defi nes public service motivation as follows: “Shows a commitment to serve the public. Ensures that actions meet public needs; aligns organizational objectives and practices with public interests” (OPM 2010). We foresee public leaders making progress during the course of the next decade to enhance and align public service values across orga- nizational systems. Research on altruism, public service motivation, and prosocial behavior (Paarlberg, Perry, and Hondeghem 2008) has begun to make headway in suggesting how infrastructures can be modifi ed to strengthen reinforcement of other- and public- regarding motivational orientations. Th e evolving research has begun to identify a number of infrastructure changes that might put governments in better position to reap the power of public service. Among them are, • Assessing applicants’ past public service behaviors in selecting employees to improve fi t with public service values and account-
  • 28. ability • Providing formal opportunities for newcomers during on-boarding (Partnership for Public Service 2008) and early socialization experiences to learn about organizational values and expectations related to public service values • Developing performance appraisal and performance monitor- ing systems that include observations of behaviors that manifest public service motivations • Identifying benefi ciaries of jobs; establishing opportunities for direct contact between employee and benefi ciary; and providing clear channels for service benefi ciary feedback • Interpreting organization goals in ways that allow employees to connect their work tasks to broad, positive public service missions • Designing compensation systems to emphasize long-term attractiveness to employees and avoid extrinsic incentives that crowd out intrinsic motivations 5. Repositioning training and development as a routine element of the employment contract. A June 2009 White House proposal to set mandatory spending levels for employee training (Kauff man 2009) focuses attention on a historical limitation of public service infrastructure. John Berry, director of the OPM, observed in announcing prospective federal reforms: “Th e president really sees this as a legacy opportunity, and he gets that this is a once-in-a- generation chance to get this right” (Kauff man 2009). Fundamental changes in the public sector’s human capital invest-
  • 29. ment policies are vital if gains in the public services’ status are to be reinforced and maintained. And a number of factors are aligned to make the legacy opportunity of human capital investment in governments a distinct possibility. Th e fi rst factor is sheer demo- graphics—and the imminent wave of retirements and generational Donahue’s proposal is intriguing, but we have reservations about the advisability of pushing down lower-end wages and reducing job se- curity across government, a course of action pursued in some recent state-level reforms (Battaglio and Condrey 2006). Not only do we believe that it will be politically diffi cult to push down lower- end wages, but also we are concerned about the human consequences for lower-level workers. Reducing salary compression by modestly increasing salaries for professional, administrative, and managerial employees at the upper ends of salary schedules is a more politi- cally acceptable and constructive fi rst step. Increasing the slope of the salary line for public employees would help attract and retain higher-skill workers. Reducing salary compression could also pay dividends for lower- and middle-level employees who must make
  • 30. choices about where they pursue their careers. Regardless of the specifi c details, we believe that a recalibration of wage structures in line with the options identifi ed here is under way and will continue for the foreseeable future. Recent steps to improve student loan forgiveness provisions refl ect the trend toward recalibrating wage and salary structures that we project. Th e College Cost Reduction and Access Act of 2007 and the Health Care and Education Reconciliation Act of 2010 create the potential to infl uence sector selection among college gradu- ates. With education costs continuing to rise, many graduates fi nd themselves encumbered with daunting student loan payments. Th e prospect of having the remaining loan balance forgiven after 10 years of public service employment may provide just the type of fi nancial relief and incentive to attract quality employees who otherwise might chase higher salaries in the private sector to repay their student loans. 3. Redesigning public retirement systems. A long-expressed justifi cation for giving public employees lower wages is the lucrative retirement benefi ts that many public employees receive. If demonstrable changes are made in public wage structures as suggested earlier, then retirement system designs could be rethought
  • 31. as well. Public jurisdictions have taken small steps in this direction during the last quarter century. We foresee changes in public pension systems as a natural outgrowth of both the fi scal stress that states will confront over the course of the next decade and the need for states to reduce unfunded pension liabilities (Pew Center on the States 2010). A rethinking of retirement systems could entail two obvious changes. One would be to shift more of the burden for defi ned benefi t retirement systems to employees. Th e introduction of the Federal Employee Retirement System in 1983 to replace the Civil Service Retirement System, which was originally created in 1920, was the fi rst step down the path of greater employee responsibility for funding retirement. A second change would be to convert defi ned benefi t plans to defi ned contribution plans. Fiscally stressed states such as Michigan, for example, are considering converting teachers’ defi ned benefi t plans to defi ned contribution plans. Th e movement of public pen- sions toward defi ned contribution designs is likely to reduce long- term fi nancial obligations and increase governments’ credibility for establishing new wage bargains with employees. Th is may prove to
  • 32. be a pivotal shift in public infrastructure. S244 Public Administration Review • December 2010 • Special Issue public service and current developments, we fi nd fertile soil for a revaluing of public service. To accommodate and sustain a revalued pub- lic service in 2020, we envision that public service infrastructures will be modifi ed in six key ways. By reinvigorating public work, new life will be breathed into noble and meaning- ful service. Attention will be given to highlighting the challenging and rewarding nature of public work, as well as more eff ectively structuring entry-level management and public–private partnerships in order to attract talented individuals to the public service. Wage and salary structures will be recalibrated and retirement systems redesigned. Much can be done to reemphasize public service across organizational systems, reposition training and development as a routine element of the public employment contract, and rethink ac- countability structures that not only accommodate performance but also grant public servants a level of autonomy in which to compe- tently carry out work in the public interest.
  • 33. Th e replacement of the Baby Boom generation will, by itself, cre- ate public service demand and opportunities that have not existed since the 1970s. Th e changes are less the result of growth as they are the exit of masses of job incumbents moving to another stage of their lives. Th is transition alone will change the public service. We can hope that the next generation of public employees will enter a revalued and restructured public service. We are optimistic that demographic, social, political, and technological changes will trend in that direction. Notes 1. Two semantic issues deserve comment. One involves the precise scope of “public service.” As we note, public service traditionally has referred to government employees. As nonprofi t and even for-profi t organizations have been enlisted as instruments of public action, however, we believe it is appropriate to envision public service more broadly. We use “public service” in that spirit here, but, for the most part, the people to whom we refer will be government employees. A related issue is our reference to public- or other-regarding behavior, in which we include civic engagement, community service, and volunteering. We choose to
  • 34. connect these behaviors to our discussion of public service because a variety of forms of civic engagement are indicators of public- regardingness in the society. We believe that shifts in public-regarding behaviors have a direct bearing on the status of public service in society. References Battaglio, R. Paul, Jr., and Stephen E. Condrey. 2006. Civil Service Reform: Examin- ing State and Local Government Cases. Review of Public Personnel Administration 26(2): 118–38. Bilmes, Linda J., and Scott W. Gould. 2009. Th e People Factor: Strengthening America by Investing in Public Service. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press. Borjas, George J. 2003. Wage Structures and the Sorting of Workers into the Public Sector. In For the People: Can We Fix Public Service? edited by John D. Donahue and Joseph S. Nye, Jr., 29–54. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press. Brehm, John, and Scott Gates. 1997. Working, Shirking, and Sabotage: Bureaucratic Response to a Democratic Public. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. ———. 2008. Teaching, Tasks, and Trust: Functions of the Public Executive. New York: Russell Sage Foundation.
  • 35. Brooks, David. 2008. A Date with Scarcity. New York Times, November 3. ———. 2009. Th e Reality Moment. New York Times, October 16. changes in public service. Investments in current and new public employees may be essential to retain capacity in the face of retire- ments. A second factor is that public work is increasingly knowledge work. Add to this the public’s high expectations for reliability and performance. It is hard to imagine that leaders will not eventually come to the conclusion that human capital investments in public employees are both effi - cient and eff ective investments. A third factor is the shifting institu- tional rules where more employees are attached to public service in ways quite diff erent from traditional, lifetime career systems (Perry 1994, 2007). New governance arrangements call for new skills and competencies (Salamon 2002). Th ese institutional changes militate for more training and development. 6. Rethinking accountability structures that accommodate performance, but legitimize autonomy and competence of public servants. Th at public servants wield substantial administrative power is not new knowledge (see the previous discussion regarding Friedrich, Finer, and White). Th e potential to infl uence policy through discretionary judgment in service provision has been a signifi cant area of research (Lipsky 1980). Because of this, the
  • 36. need to understand and develop accountability structures has also been a focus of much research, particularly in the literature on political control of the bureaucracy (Wood and Waterman 1991). Much of the control research is steeped in an economics- oriented tradition of principal–agent models, with a focus on securing com- pliance through supervision (Brehm and Gates 1997). While this output-oriented approach may make sense in a private sector set- ting, the nature of the public sector holds some important distinc- tions. John Brehm and Scott Gates aptly note, [B]ureaucratic policy output is notoriously diffi cult to moni- tor. Public sector policy output typically does not lend itself to piece-rate production. Ultimately, public sector organizations are inherently infused with ambiguity. Th ere is almost never a bottom line, but rather many overlapping and competing goals. All organizations, even small private sector fi rms, face problems of ambiguity, but public sector organizations must overcome more fundamental issues of ambiguity—ambiguities in terms of goals, design, and organization. (2008, 12) What is needed are accountability structures that encourage public servants to achieve high levels of performance, but also provide op- portunities to exercise a degree of autonomy in their duties. Brehm and Gates (2008) suggest that appropriate training, the cultivation
  • 37. of trust, and improved task management can improve accountability structures in the public sector. Steps in this direction will help make the public service a more attractive career choice for those who seek to use their creativity in solving challenging public problems. Conclusion So what will the public service look like in 2020? Our review of White’s future search reveals the importance of a healthy respect for historical developments in attempting to cut through the clouds of global and national economic, social, and political infl uences that shape public service. At the crossroads of the historical progression of To accommodate and sustain a revalued public service in 2020, we envision that public service infrastructures will be modifi ed in six key ways. The Public Service of the Future S245 Buchanan, Bruce, II. 1974. Building Organizational Commitment: Th e Socialization of Managers in Work Organizations. Administrative Science Quarterly 19(4): 533–46. Denhardt, Janet V., and Robert B. Denhardt. 2003. Th e New Public Service: Serving, Not Steering. Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe.
  • 38. Denhardt, Robert B., and Linda deLeon. 1995. Great Th inkers in Personnel Management. In Classics of Public Personnel Policy, edited by Jack Rabin, Th omas Vocino, W. Bartley Hildreth, and Gerald J. Miller, 21–41. New York: Marcel Dekker. Donahue, John D. 2008. Th e Warping of Government Work. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Finer, Herman. 1941. Administrative Responsibility in Democratic Government. Public Administration Review 1(4): 335–50. Frederickson, H. George. 2008. Finding Administration in the Coming Public Era. Elmer B. Staats Lecture presented at the Fall Meeting of the National Academy of Public Administration, November 21, Washington, DC. Friedrich, Carl J. 1940. Public Policy and the Nature of Administrative Responsibility. In Public Policy: A Yearbook of the Graduate School of Public Administration, vol. 1, edited by Carl J. Friedrich and Edward S. Mason, 3–24. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Grant, Adam M. 2008. Employees without a Cause: Th e Motivational Eff ects of Prosocial Impact in Public Service. International Public Management Journal 11(1): 48–66. Higher Education Research Institute. 1997, 2002, 2006, 2007. Th e American Freshman: National Norms (annual series). Los Angeles: University of California, Los Angeles. ———. 2009. Th e American College Teacher: National Norms for 2007–2008. http://www.heri.ucla.edu/PDFs/pubs/briefs/brief-pr030508- 08faculty.pdf [accessed August 28, 2010]. Hirschman, Albert O. 1982. Shifting Involvements: Private Interest and Public Action. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University
  • 39. Press. Kauff man, Tim. 2009. Personnel Director Outlines Bold Plan for Personnel Reforms. Federal Times, June 23. Kettl, Donald F. 1988. Government by Proxy: (Mis)Managing Federal Programs. Washington, DC: CQ Press. Light, Paul C. 1999a. Th e New Public Service. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press. ———. 1999b. Th e True Size of Government. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press. ———. 2008. A Government Ill Executed: Th e Decline of the Federal Service and How to Reverse It. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Lipsky, Michael. 1980. Street-Level Bureaucracy: Dilemmas of the Individual in Public Services. New York: Russell Sage Foundation. Mangan, Katherine. 2009. Schools of Public Aff airs Benefi t from Obama’s Call to Service. Chronicle of Higher Education, May 11. Marini, Frank, ed. 1971. Toward a New Public Administration: Th e Minnowbrook Perspective. Scranton, PA: Chandler. Miller, Michael A. 1996. Th e Public–Private Pay Debate: What Do the Data Show? Monthly Labor Review 119(5), 18–29. Morone, James A. 1990. Th e Democratic Wish: Popular Participation and the Limits of American Government. New York: Basic Books. Mosher, Frederick C. 1968. Democracy and the Public Service. New York: Oxford University Press. Mulgan, Richard. 2005. Outsourcing and Public Service Values: Th e Australian Experience. International Review of Administrative Sciences 71(1): 55–70. Obama, Barack. 2008. Acceptance Speech at the Democratic National Convention, Denver, CO. New York Times, August 28. http://elections.nytimes.com/2008/president/ conventions/videos/transcripts/20080828_OBAMA_SPEECH.ht ml
  • 40. Osborne, David, and Ted Gaebler. 1992. Reinventing Government: How the Entrepreneurial Spirit Is Transforming the Public Sector. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley. Paarlberg, Laurie E., James L. Perry, and Annie Hondeghem. 2008. From Th eory to Practice: Strategies for Applying Public Service Motivation. In Motivation in Public Man- agement: Th e Call of Public Service, edited by James L. Perry and Annie Hondeghem, 268–93. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Partnership for Public Service. 2008. Getting On Board: A Model for Integrating and Engaging New Employees. Washington, DC: Partnership for Public Service. Pearce, Jone L. 1983. Job Attitude and Motivation Diff erences between Volunteers and Employees from Comparable Organizations. Journal of Applied Psychology 68(4): 646–52. Perry, James L. 1994. Revitalizing Employee Ties with Public Organizations. In New Paradigms for Government: Issues for the Changing Public Service, edited by Patricia W. Ingraham and Barbara S. Romzek, 191–214. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. ———. 2007. Democracy and the New Public Service. American Review of Public Administration 37(1): 3–16. Perry, James L., and Lois Recascino Wise. 1990. Th e Motivational Bases of Public Service. Public Administration Review 50(3): 367–73. Pew Center on the States. 2010. Th e Trillion Dollar Gap: Underfunded State Retirement Systems and the Road to Reform. Washington, DC: Pew Center on the States. Putnam, Robert. 2008. Th e Rebirth of American Civic Life. Boston Globe, March 2. Salamon, Lester M. 2002. Th e New Governance and the Tools of Public Action: An Introduction. In Th e Tools of
  • 41. Government: A Guide to the New Governance, edited by Lester M. Salamon, 1–47. New York: Oxford University Press. U.S. Offi ce of Personnel Management (OPM). 2010. Senior Executive Service Recruitment and Selection Fundamental Competencies. http://opm.gov/ses/recruitment/com- petencies.asp [accessed August 28, 2010]. Waldo, Dwight. 1968. Scope of the Th eory of Public Administration. In Th eory and Practice of Public Administration: Scope, Objectives, and Methods, edited by James C. Charlesworth, 1–26. Philadelphia: American Academy of Political and Social Science. Walter, Amy. 2010. Voters Aren’t Tired of Government. National Journal, February 23. Wessel, David. 2009. In Fed We Trust: Ben Bernanke’s War on the Great Panic. New York: Crown Business. White, Leonard D. 1942. Th e Public Service of the Future. In Th e Future of Government in the United States: Essays in Honor of Charles E. Merriam, edited by Leonard D. White, 192–217. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Wood, B. Dan, and Richard W. Waterman. 1991. Th e Dynamics of Political Control of the Bureaucracy. American Political Science Review 85(3): 801–28. Acknowledgment: Th is research was supported by WCU(World Class University) program through the National Research Foundation of Korea funded by the Ministry of Education, Science and Technology (R32-20002).
  • 42. Copyright of Public Administration Review is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. WWW.THEPUBLICMANAGER.ORG70 T Highs and Lows of the Career Roller Coaster Grimaldi he working world has changed during the span of my working career and certainly since that of my father.When my father began his career during the height of the Great Depression, he worked twelve hours a day and six days a week. Then he went to school at night. In forty-four years of work, he had two employers. In my case, I worked for the federal government for twenty-
  • 43. six years—several different agencies, but essentially one employer. Meanwhile, today’s Generation Y’ers can expect to work for multiple employers. Indeed, the retirement system has been changed to virtually encourage such an outcome. So, it seemed apropos to discuss some of the virtues and liabilities of the new “screw ‘em, it’s a promotion” or “I’ll get mine and I’ll get mine again” mentality for job change. Upside of Job Change On the plus side of job change, you get to leave behind all the mistakes and enemies you made.You also get to ignore and move on from any obli- gations you might have because “you are never going to see them again.” The most effective proponent of this career path was Henry Kissinger. He moved swiftly from academe to national security advisor to secretary of state to international consultant to grand statesman. He never met a challenge he
  • 44. wasn’t able to overcome. In fact, he was able to drop in, become the captain of the team, call the plays, and leave for another team before the play ends. Think about it. This is a brilliant strategy that Henry was able to hone to a fine edge. If things worked out, he was a hero. If they didn’t, he could claim The Uncivil Servant that the clowns who followed him weren’t brilliant enough to carry out his vision. Truly brilliant. Of course, you have to be almost as arrogant as you are bright to pull this off. Risk of Peaking Early Another advantage of rapid job movement is that you get to try something new before boredom takes over. Of course, there is a risk. There is always a risk.The risk is the
  • 45. bombed-out hulk. (See below.) This is the girl or guy who started as the next hotshot. He or she moves to the next job and the next and even the next perhaps. Suddenly, at age twen- ty-five or twenty-eight, say, the hot- shot is at the top of middle manage- ment at a tender age. Herein lies the rub.Where do you go from there? What do you do with a career that peaks before thirty in the public service? In the private sector, one notes that at least Bill Gates was at his first billion. Donald Trump was at about $4 million, but of course that is just about the same amount of money Daddy gave him to “get his start.” We won’t even go into the
  • 46. Rockefellers or Kennedys, other than to note that Teddy just snuck under the wire to be old enough when he was elected U. S. Senator. And one cannot forget the joke about Bush, the Father, that he was born on third base and thought he hit a triple. Well, I guess that would apply to Bush, the Decider, as well. Here you are at thirty knocking on the executive door, and where are you? You are looking into twenty more years of labor with one or maybe two rungs on the ladder. If you got a promotion tomorrow, would you hang around for nineteen years and 364 days in hopes of the last one? Are you going to be willing
  • 47. to sit around getting 2.00345 percent raises till they call your name for that top rung? Bombed-Out Hulks Too many become bombed-out hulks (BOHs). BOHs are what hap- pens to the best and the brightest when the pinch of the ever-thinning career ladder takes job after job away. The brass ring just isn’t within your grasp.You are making decent money. Your parents still think you are pro- gressing and will one day own the government. You are starting to see that this is the last rung you will ever stand upon. Your contemporaries have moved on to the next level and no longer have much time for you.
  • 48. They may bring you along to the next job, but generally they are embarrassed for you. You think you might quit or take your talent to the private sector or become a consultant. But by this time your knowledge is so special- ized that few will even recognize what you do. You’d have to take a couple of steps back. You have just acknowledged that the upward spiral of your career to date has lost some momentum. You are married, with kids. You have bought life insurance because now you have something to protect for the first time in your life. It is not you, sadly, that has value, but THE PUBLIC MANAGER F SUMMER 2006 71
  • 49. your ability to provide a standard of living—for others! You can see the debt of college and weddings and mortgages to the end of time. You can’t relocate for a job because you can’t move your kids to a new high school. How will they find a date to the prom? You can’t start your own business because of the budding debts and obligations that have accumulated? How did that happen so fast? And when did the invasion on your freedom of move- ment take place? And why weren’t you guarding your own flanks? Ironically, you still feel young, just as bright and just as able as when you were the new hotshot. What do
  • 50. you do? You are a BOH. You walk the halls recalling lost glory. People don’t talk to you quite the same way. People you were mentoring are now at your level, but they don’t invite you to the meetings where the deals are cut and the decisions are made. You are called afterward to carry out the decisions you no longer influ- ence. But you aren’t giving up that easily. Just a year or so ago you were an up-and-comer. Now, you have the energy but no place to go with it. Some get divorced. (It must be the situation at home that is holding you back.The spouse is not as enam- ored of your momentum and long hours.) The truly smart BOHs pour
  • 51. that energy into something else. They coach little league. They take up art or play bridge or slow pitch softball. (The beer belly won’t allow you to get the bat around for that fast stuff any longer.) Or they work out at the gym—a good place to meet the next significant other anyway. Or they run for condo president.At least there you can exert authority over others and once again make deci- sions about someone else’s money. Exit Strategies Or you start moving laterally to other agencies.You might find some- one who hasn’t figured you out yet and laughs at your clever bons mots. If you are really lucky, an elected official
  • 52. or political appointee takes a shine to your act and takes you along to his or her next station in the train to politi- cal office or corporate nirvana. I can recall one such hotshot who left government and went with one of the Big Eight consulting firms. (How dated does that make me??) He became a “borrow your watch to tell you what time it is” consultant. You know these types. They’re the ones who don’t really add any value.They are brought in to document the decision a politico has made but still requires the weight of a report to provide the gravitas to have the nerve to make a change. There are myriad firms and partners
  • 53. who have made a fortune trading on their contacts with former colleagues in this way. If you are really lucky, something like the U.S. Government Performance and Results Act of 1993 will fall in your lap.You might have been in the first wave of imple- mentation of the latest rage to “make government accountable.” You’re now the expert. You can sell this expertise. In the private sector, the latest example was Sarbanes-Oxley. If this wasn’t the latest incarnation of the accountants’ employment act, one will have to nominate its replacement. Later, this same hotshot left the consulting firm after working for
  • 54. one of the periodic commissions that are going to reform the way govern- ment functions.Talk about footprints in the sand!! How many have there been, and what is the difference left in their wake? We are hard-pressed to name them—two Hoover Commis- sions, Grace,Volcker I and II, and let’s not forget VP Gore’s National Performance Review (the NPR, or reinventing government initiative) with its hammer symbol. For the man who invented the Internet, he should have been able to produce better. And thank God for the aca- demics to keep track of the wonders of government they have left behind as a legacy. They went with one of
  • 55. the private-sector experts who was going to reform government when the guru declared victory and returned to the firm his father had started. Between them, they ran it into scandal and poor performance. Ah, what is life without irony? Dragonslayer Is this cynical? You bet. But do not forsake me, oh my darlin’. Occasionally, you read or hear of Ol’ Johnson. He or she was the lucky one. He or she had established a rela- tionship with a former appointee such that at a convenient point in his or her career he or she is able to escape BOH status (if he or she was smart enough to “credential up” dur-
  • 56. ing his or her idle time) and find a job at some association or university or think tank where his or her inside knowledge is a plus—or even (shud- der the thought) his or her expertise is actually valued. WWW.THEPUBLICMANAGER.ORG72 What one learns when one makes this journey to the dark side is that many denigrate the manage- ment experience of government executives.And what one finds is that if you can manage in the Byzantine environment of federal and, increas- ingly, state systems, you can manage anywhere. Coming from a system where everyone can say “No” and no one can say “Yes” into the world of
  • 57. “get it done,” the creative juices begin to flow. You know you can digest anything they send at you— because you’ve been there. You’ve done it, and you’ve slain that dragon. In the end, it is like going from the major leagues to AA ball—with- out the loss of physical and mental skills that you acquired going from hotshot to BOH. And it’s like riding a bike.You don’t forget those lessons. Now let’s be clear. You still aren’t rich. In fact, had you stayed you would likely be slightly ahead in asset accumulation toward the ultimate retirement. But what a fun and col- orful ride it will have been. In the end, if you are a
  • 58. Generation Y’er, you never intended to stay that long anyway. You were punching your ticket only to get on the fast track to corporate/lobbying/ consulting heaven. For those of us who are your antecedents, the line for that roller coaster has closed. And you just ate wedding cake at your child’s wedding.You feel a bit bloat- ed, and a dose of indigestion is com- ing on. [Burp!] Good luck and Godspeed to all. Public Sector April 2009 �� ith plans to cut back- room staff and cap public servant numbers and departmental funding, many
  • 59. public servants will be consider- ing their job security and career prospects with trepidation. Public Sector asked three people working in the area of public sec- tor recruitment and career advice for ways to future proof your ca- reer and what to do if you’re made redundant. Campbell Hepburn is General Manager with The Johnson Group, an agency specialising in recruitment for the public sector. Have a clear understanding about this new environment and what is expected of you as an individual, your role, your team, your organi- sation and where it fits into the big picture. Professional development should be constant. Anticipate which skills will be good in future and develop those to make yourself a valuable resource. The public sec- tor is not immune from skill short- ages and they are often around specialisation. Networking is absolutely criti- cal in the public sector. It is not just about positioning yourself for new opportunities, but about positioning yourself to seek help,
  • 60. referrals, and just be informed about the big picture and what’s going on. Networking also makes for an interesting and colourful existence. Develop your brand equity. It is about being clear about who you are and your chosen profession and building the required skills, competencies and experience that reflect this. Market your ‘brand’ by building and maintaining diverse personal networks; join IPANZ and professional bodies and attend events; keep connected through online social networks like www. Future proof your career linkedin.com; build a reputation for doing good work and being productive. Create career resilience in your job – seize new opportunities, have a can-do attitude, be flex- ible, reliable and results focused. Be known as a team player, be visible, e.g. be active in the social club, volunteer to be part of new projects. Use a mentor or coach in
  • 61. times of change. There are plenty of oppor- tunities at the moment if you see it in a positive way – even if that means employment change. Embrace it for what it’s worth and make the most of it. Julie Thomas is a Service Delivery Professional Practice Manager with Career Services, a Crown Entity and New Zealand’s largest provider of independent career information and advice. Access available support to assess your strengths, research your career options, set goals and develop a plan. Increase professional networking. If you find network- ing challenging start with ‘hot’ contacts, such as ex-colleagues and say you are starting to research your options, my strengths are X, Y, Z. Then move onto the warm contacts and keep going out on a web. Join professional networks. Question people about what’s happening in their sector and or- ganisation, in both the public and private sectors.
  • 62. Look for opportunities to evidence your currency of skills – for example if you are a general- ist, what could you do more of to future proof yourself. Identify what employers are looking for. Productivity is a big issue, so you need to be able to evidence that you can be productive and effective. At a time like this some people may think now is my chance to work less hours; it might pay less, but will free you up for other things. If you are looking for a new job, set yourself a timeframe – whatever your tolerance level is. When you reach it revise your goals and your bottom line – what you are prepared to compromise on and what you aren’t. Facing redundancy can be one of the most stressful life events, whether there is a lot or little warning. Get personal support networks in place. Be resilient and hopeful for the future, present yourself positively and remain open to opportunities.
  • 63. Penny Stonyer is General Manager with Human Resource company Tal- ent2 and has been recruiting for the public service for 15 years. In times of change it is inevitable that there are opportunities and challenges. It’s important not to panic and think sensibly about what skill sets are most likely to be in demand. The Government has said it wants to shift resources from the back office to service delivery. It is important that you under- stand better how service delivery functions operate and how you can contribute to that in a more meaningful way to make yourself a more effective and valuable staff member. Be proactive. Talk to professionals and people you value and who have insight, including people who have been around in difficult times before in the public sector. Job opportunities can come from the most unlikely sources and don’t necessar- ily come along when you are ready; have in your own mind clarity about what you need in a
  • 64. job, what turns your buttons on, so you can test those opportunities against a template and make the right judgment call. Wellington runs on network- ing. Talk to people who under- stand and have knowledge about what is going on to enable you to make informed decisions about your career. If you are made redundant be clear it’s not about you personally, but about the role and function. Don’t come across bitter and twisted. If you’ve got baggage about the redundancy, prospective employers will be really wary. Don’t spray yourself around – don’t have your CV everywhere or you will look desperate. “the most successful people are those who are good at plan b.” James yorke