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Company: iRobot General Guidelines I. Current Situation A. Past Performance B. Strategic Posture 1. Mission 2. Objectives 3. Strategies 4. Policies II. Corporate Governance A. Board of Directors B. Top Management III. External Environment (including EFAS) A. Natural Environment 1. Physical Resources 2. Wildlife 3. Climate B. Societal Environment 1. Economic 2. Technological 3. Political/Legal 4. Sociocultural C. Task Environment 1. Threat of New Entrants 2. Power of Buyers 3. Threat of Substitute Products 4. Power of Suppliers 5. Rivalry Among Competitors 6. Power of Other Stakeholders IV. Internal Environment (including IFAS) A. Corporate Structure B. Corporate Culture C. Corporate Resources 1. Marketing 2. Finance 3. R&D 4. Operations and Logistics 5. Human Resources 6. Information Systems V. Strategic Factors (including SFAS) A. SWOT Analysis B. TOWS Matrix C. Recommended Strategy .

Education

1. Marketing
2. Finance
3. R&D
4. Operations and Logistics
5. Human Resources
6. Information Systems
V. Strategic Factors (including SFAS)
A. SWOT Analysis
B. TOWS Matrix
C. Recommended Strategy

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KATIE'S POST: The crisis case I chose to discuss this week is the Tennessee Valley and the Kingston ash slide. On December 22, 2008, Tennessee Valley Authority who uses coal to generate electricity, had one of their containment pods that holds sludge from the ash wall begin to leak. The leak then caused the wall to eventually crumble. The leak then flowed into the Emory River that is located nearby. The river flowed into a nearby community, destroyed several houses, and forced families to evacuate the area. Chapter 5 discusses the importance of organization members accepting that crisis can start quickly and unexpectedly. Two months before the leak, TVA was informed of a wet spot located on one retaining wall that suggested a leak was present. The moisture was eroding the structure's integrity, but TVA continued to add ash to the pond. TVA organization leaders ignored the warning signs of a potential crisis. TVA then accepted blame for the spill and began dredging the Emory River shortly after the incident. No other independent party was allowed to assess the dredging plan before it launched. If TVA's plan failed, the organization would have been at fault once again. Upon further investigation of the crisis, lawyers were able to identify six primary failures in TVA's systems, controls, standards, and culture. “Lack of clarity and accountability for ultimate responsibility, lack of standardization, training, and metrics, siloed responsibilities and poor communication, lack of checks and balances, lack of prevention priority and resources, and being reactive instead of proactive” (Ulmer, Sellnow,& Seeger, 87). Unfortunately, this unintentional crises could have been avoided had the proper crisis management, quality assurance, and procedures been put in place. TVA's negligence cost people their homes, polluted the river, and the uncertainty of long-term health conditions from being exposed to the ash's toxins. "The community was not able to locate reliable information about potential short- and long-term health effects, uncertainty about the extent of environmental damage, and feared plummeting property values" (Ritchie, Little, & Campbell, 179). TVA was at fault for several things, but the most significant fault they did not consider is the risk of storing large volumes of fly ash near the Emory River that flowed into a nearby community. Ulmer, R. R., Sellnow, T. L., & Seeger, M. W. (2017). Effective crisis communication: Moving from crisis to opportunity. Sage Publications. Ritchie, L. A., Little, J., & Campbell, N. M. (2018). Resource Loss and Psychosocial Stress in the Aftermath of the 2008 Tennessee Valley Authority Coal Ash Spill. International journal of mass emergencies and disasters, 36(2), 179. .

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JWI 505: Business Communications and Executive Presence Lecture Notes © Strayer University. All Rights Reserved. This document contains Strayer University confidential and proprietary information and may not be copied, further distributed, or otherwise disclosed, in whole or in part, without the expressed written permission of Strayer University. JWI 505 – Lecture Notes (1194) Page 1 of 4 WEEK 3: LISTEN AND ASK THE RIGHT QUESTIONS Listen and Ask the Right Questions You come home from work after a long day only to discover that your significant other is upset. You ask what’s wrong. As you hear the story unfold, you repeatedly offer suggestions as to how your significant other might solve the problems described. You are caught completely off guard when you end up sleeping on the couch. What you’ve just experienced is a frequent cause of failure where in-person communication is concerned. Your spouse was angry because you didn’t listen. You instead assumed you knew what could make the problem go away. Effective communication is not just about imparting information. It is about receiving information, too. When two people with a pair of radio walkie-talkies both hold down the button to talk, neither one of them can hear the other. They are both too busy sending to receive. To communicate effectively, you must focus most of your energy on listening when the other person talks. When someone feels heard, they are more receptive to your own message, more likely to build rapport with you, and more likely to become your active ally in solving the problems at hand. The result is that all parties to the communication exchange information effectively, moving toward a collaborative solution. When was the last time you felt heard? Do your colleagues listen? Do your direct reports listen? Does your boss listen? Do you? Listening – and only listening, with no reply needed, no action taken, and no solution suggested – can grow a relationship. We often believe, incorrectly, that more is better. Attempting to multi-task when you should be listening is not productive. Worse, it causes us to lose the human connection that we crave for real success in our business relationships. Most importantly, however, we must not merely listen actively to build these relationships; we must listen with empathy to achieve a connection with our colleagues. Listen with Empathy William Ury, an author and expert in negotiation, explains that there are three important reasons to listen: 1. Listening helps us understand the other side. Negotiation is an exercise in influence, and nothing helps you influence another person better than understanding them. 2. Listening helps us connect because it builds rapport and trust. When we listen, we demonstrate empathy because everyone wants to be heard. 3. Listening makes it more likely that the other person will listen to us, which helps us attain their buy- in. JWI 505.

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Just Walk on By by Brent Staples My first victim was a woman—white, well dressed, probably in her early twenties. I came upon her late one evening on a deserted street in Hyde Park, a relatively affluent neighborhood in an otherwise mean, impoverished section of Chicago. As I swung onto the avenue behind her, there seemed to be a discreet, uninflammatory distance between us. Not so. She cast back a worried glance. To her, the youngish black man—a broad six feet two inches with a beard and billowing hair, both hands shoved into the pockets of a bulky military jacket—seemed menacingly close. After a few more quick glimpses, she picked up her pace and was soon running in earnest. Within seconds she disappeared into a cross street. That was more than a decade ago. I was 23 years old, a graduate student newly arrived at the University of Chicago. It was in the echo of that terrified woman’s footfalls that I first began to know the unwieldy inheritance I’d come into—the ability to alter public space in ugly ways. It was clear that she thought herself the quarry of a mugger, a rapist, or worse. Suffering a bout of insomnia, however, I was stalking sleep, not defenseless wayfarers. As a softy who is scarcely able to take a knife to raw chicken—let alone hold it to a person’s throat—I was surprised, embarrassed, and dismayed all at once. Her flight made me feel like an accomplice in tyranny. It also made it clear that I was indistinguishable from the muggers who occasionally seeped into the area from the surrounding ghetto. That first encounter, and those that followed signified that a vast unnerving gulf lay between nighttime pedestrians—particularly women—and me. And I soon gathered that being perceived as dangerous is a hazard in itself. I only needed to turn a corner into a dicey situation, or crowd some frightened, armed person in a foyer somewhere, or make an errant move after being pulled over by a policeman. Where fear and weapons meet—and they often do in urban America—there is always the possibility of death. In that first year, my first away from my hometown, I was to become thoroughly familiar with the language of fear. At dark, shadowy intersections in Chicago, I could cross in front of a car stopped at a traffic light and elicit the thunk, thunk, thunk, thunk of the driver—black, white, male, or female—hammering down the door locks. On less traveled streets after dark, I grew accustomed to but never comfortable with people who crossed to the other side of the street rather than pass me. Then there were the standard unpleasantries with police, doormen, bouncers, cab drivers, and others whose business it is to screen out troublesome individuals before there is any nastiness. I moved to New York nearly two years ago and I have remained an avid night walker. In central Manhattan, the near-constant crowd cover minimizes tense one-on-one stre.

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Journal of Social Work Values & Ethics, Fall 2018, Vol. 15, No. 2 - page 37 Ethnicity, Values, and Value Conflicts of African American and White Social Service Professionals Andrew Edwards, MSW, Ph.D. Cleveland State University, Emeritus [email protected] Mamadou M. Seck, Ph.D. Cleveland State University [email protected] Journal of Social Work Values and Ethics, Volume 15, Number 2 (2018) Copyright 2018, ASWB This text may be freely shared among individuals, but it may not be republished in any medium without express written consent from the authors and advance notification of ASWB. Abstract This aspect of a broader study included 110 (68 White/European American and 42 Black/African American) social service professionals. The primary focus of this aspect of the study was to verify the value orientation or core beliefs of the practitioners who deliver services to clients through social service agencies and programs. The conceptualization of the core beliefs explored the values and value conflicts in relation to professional practice. The participants were employed in a Midwestern metropolitan region. They responded to a survey instrument that included vignettes, closed-ended items, scaled responses, as well as either-or type items. Major categories of the exploration included: life and death issues, lifestyle, domestic and social perspectives, value conflicts with the social work profession, and personal responses to value conflicts. Specific items measuring values related to abortion, homosexuality, religiosity, euthanasia, and corporal punishment were included. Study results showed statistical significance on 26 issues as African American participants were compared with White participants. Keywords: value conflicts, social work, ethical dilemmas, ethnicity, professional relationship Introduction The complexity of American society (Jarrett, 2000), specifically due to its historic, economic, social, and ethnic makeup, requires that social work professionals take their clients’ ethnicity, values, and professional-client value conflicts into consideration. Historical dynamics, such as unproductive treatment, have contributed to the reluctance of various population groups to engage with professional service providers. This history (Barker, 2014) has influenced the adoption of guidelines that require social workers to be culturally aware during interventions and recognizing that diversity-related characteristics have influence upon an individual’s thoughts, feelings, and behaviors. Barker (2014) further noted that the concept of values is influenced by one’s perceptions of what comprises appropriate principles, practices, and behaviors. An individual’s personal values are often considered as a representation of one’s core beliefs and what an individual may perceive as right. Therefore, these beliefs do not require supporting evidence for those who embrace them and may result in behavio.

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Journal of Policy Practice, 9:220–239, 2010 Copyright © Taylor & Francis Group, LLC ISSN: 1558-8742 print/1558-8750 online DOI: 10.1080/15588742.2010.489037 Journal of Policy Practice Are Social Work Advocacy Groups Using Web 2.0 Effectively? HEATHER R. EDWARDS and RICHARD HOEFER University of Texas at Arlington, Arlington, Texas PAGE 220 This article describes social work advocacy efforts, states what Web 2.0 technology has to offer social work advocacy, and presents original research on the current levels of Web 2.0 use on social work advocacy organization Web sites. This study employed a content analysis of a purposive sample of social work advocacy organization Web sites (N = 63). The researchers created a data collection instrument containing items related to communicating with policy makers, resource gathering, information, and use of specific Web 2.0 technologies. Findings reveal that social work organizations make good use of their Web sites for some advocacy activities, and grossly underutilize the Web forum for others. Furthermore, social work organizations do not use Web 2.0 often for advocacy. Barriers impeding Web 2.0 use and methods to overcome such barriers are also discussed. Implications for future social work education, practice, and research follow. KEYWORDS advocacy, Web 2.0, Internet advocacy, social work advocacy, policy practice The Code of Ethics for the National Association of Social Workers (NASW) states that social workers “pursue social change” and “challenge injustice” (NASW, 2008). Advocacy aimed at informing the policy process serves as a key method that social workers use to fulfill this mission (Hoefer, 2006; Jackson-Elmoore, 2005). Social work advocates must take advantage of every advocacy tactic available to the greatest extent possible to ensure timely policy change for vulnerable populations. PAGE 221 Advocacy tactics have been divided into “inside” and “outside” (Hoefer, 2001, 2005; Walker, 1993). Inside tactics are those that groups use to work directly with decision makers, such as lobbying. Outside tactics are employed by interest group members or the public to put pressure on decision makers. The Internet, as originally designed (Web 1.0), has been effectively used as an outside tactic to disseminate information from interest group leaders to decision makers and members of the public. Thus, the Web is a tool advocates can use to keep their message available at all times. In recent years, the Internet has moved from being a one-way highway to a more interactive entity, called Web 2.0. This second generation of Web site tools expands human services organizations’ advocacy efforts well beyond information dissemination. Through social media applications such as blogs, wikis, podcasts, videocasts, social networking, etc., human service organizations can promote information sharing, participatory knowledge generation, and collaboration building (Fine, 2007; McNutt, 2008; McNutt & Menon, 2008; Sche.

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Journal of Personality 86:2, April 2018 VC 2016 Wiley Periodicals, Inc. DOI: 10.1111/jopy.12301Unique Associations Between Big Five Personality Aspects and Multiple Dimensions of Well-Being Jessie Sun , 1,2 Scott Barry Kaufman, 3 and Luke D. Smillie 1 1 The University of Melbourne 2 University of California, Davis 3 University of Pennsylvania Abstract Objective: Personality traits are associated with well-being, but the precise correlates vary across well-being dimensions and within each Big Five domain. This study is the first to examine the unique associations between the Big Five aspects (rather than facets) and multiple well-being dimensions. Method: Two samples of U.S. participants (total N 5 706; Mage 5 36.17; 54% female) recruited via Amazon’s Mechanical Turk completed measures of the Big Five aspects and subjective, psychological, and PERMA well-being. Results: One aspect within each domain was more strongly associated with well-being variables. Enthusiasm and Withdrawal were strongly associated with a broad range of well-being variables, but other aspects of personality also had idiosyncratic associations with distinct forms of positive functioning (e.g., Compassion with positive relationships, Industriousness with accomplishment, and Intellect with personal growth). Conclusions: An aspect-level analysis provides an optimal (i.e., parsimonious yet sufficiently comprehensive) framework for describing the relation between personality traits and multiple ways of thriving in life. Keywords: Personality, aspects, Big Five, subjective well-being, psychological well-being When multiple positive end states are examined, it becomes apparent that aspects of psychological well-being may be achieved by more people than just the nonneurotic, extraverted members of society. (Schmutte & Ryff, 1997, p. 558) The large literature describing the associations between personality traits and well-being suggests that Extraversion (the tendency to be bold, talkative, enthusiastic, and sociable) and Neuroticism (the tendency to be emotionally unstable and prone to negative emotions) are especially strong predictors of well-being (e.g., Steel, Schmidt, & Shultz, 2008). But is well-being only accessible to the extraverted and non-neurotic? We propose that more nuanced insights can be revealed by examining the relation between narrower traits and a broader spectrum of well-being dimensions. The goal of the current study is to comprehensively describe the unique associations between personality aspects and dimensions of well-being across three well-being taxonomies. Personality Traits and Three Taxonomies of Well-Being Personality traits and well-being dimensions can each be described at different levels of resolution. The Big Five domains provide a relatively comprehensive framework for organizing differential patterns of affect, behavior, and cognition (John, Naumann, & Soto, 2008). These broad traits can be further bro- ken dow.

Journal of Personality 862, April 2018VC 2016 Wiley Perio.docx

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Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 1977, Vol. 35, No. 9, 677-688 Self-Reference and the Encoding of Personal Information T. B. Rogers, N. A. Kuiper, and W. S. Kirker University of Calgary, Canada The degree to which the self is implicated in processing personal information was investigated. Subjects rated adjectives on four tasks designed to force varying kinds of encoding: structural, phonemic, semantic, and self-reference. In two experiments, incidental recall of the rated words indicated that adjectives rated under the self-reference task were recalled the best. These results indicate that self-reference is a rich and powerful encoding process. As an aspect of the human information-processing system, the self appears to func- tion as a superordinate schema that is deeply involved in the processing, inter- pretation, and memory of personal information. Present research and theory in personality appear to be placing more and more emphasis on how a person has organized his or her psychological world. Starting with Kelly's (1955) formulation of personal constructs, we see a gradual emergence of a number of avenues of inquiry that use this as their focal point. In person perception, the concept of lay personality theory stresses that the ob- server's analytic network of expected trait covariations is an integral part of how he processes (and generates) interpersonal data (Hastorf, Schneider, & Polefka, 1970). Bern and Allen (1974), in their embellishment of Allport's (1937) idiographic position, argue that an important determinant of predictive utility of trait measurement is the manner in which the respondent has organized his or her view of the trait being measured. These authors see the overlap between the respondent's and the experimenter's concept of the trait as a necessary prerequisite of predic- tion. Attribution theory (Jones et al., 1971) is another example of this increased accent on personal organization. Here the emphasis is on how the subject explains past behavior This research was supported by a grant from the Canada Council. We would like to thank the following persons for their useful ideas and comments on earlier drafts: F. I. M. Craik, E. J. Rowe, P. J. Rogers, H. Lytton, J. Clark, J. Ells, C. G. Costello, and especially one anonymous reviewer. Requests for reprints should be sent to T. B. Rogers, Department of Psychology, The University of Calgary, Calgary, Alberta, Canada, T2N 1N4. and how these explanations are organized in an attributional network. The common thread in all of these contemporary research areas is the notion that the cognitions of a person, particularly their manner of organization, should be an integral part of our attempts to explain personality and behavior. Of concern in the present article is the construct of self and how it is implicated in the organization of personal data. Our general position is that the self is an extremely active and powerful agent in the organizati.

Journal of Personality and Social Psychology1977, Vol. 35, N.docx

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Journal of Pcnonaluy and Social Psychology 1»M. Vd 47, No 6. 1292-1302 Copynghi I9S4 by the American Psychological Association. Inc Influence of Gender Constancy and Social Power on Sex-Linked Modeling Kay Bussey Macquarie University New South Wales, Australia Albert Bandura Stanford University Competing predictions derived from cognitive-developmental theory and social learning theory concerning sex-linked modeling were tested. In cognitive-developmental theory, gender constancy is considered a necessary prerequisite for the emulation of same-sex models, whereas according to social learning theory, sex- role development is promoted through a vast system of social influences with modeling serving as a major conveyor of sex role information. In accord with social learning theory, even children at a lower level of gender conception emulated same-sex models in preference to opposite-sex ones. Level of gender constancy was associated with higher emulation of both male and female models rather than operating as a selective determinant of modeling. This finding corroborates modeling as a basic mechanism in the sex-typing process. In a second experiment we explored the limits of same-sex modeling by pitting social power against the force of collective modeling of different patterns of behavior by male and female models. Social power over activities and rewarding resources produced cross-sex modeling in boys, but not in girls. This unexpected pattern of cross-sex modeling is explained by the differential sex-typing pressures that exist for boys and girls and socialization experiences that heighten the attractiveness of social power for boys. Most theories of sex role development as- sign a major role to modeling as a basic mechanism of sex role learning (Bandura, 1969; Kagan, 1964; Mischel, 1970; Sears, Rau & Alpert, 1965). Maccoby and Jacklin (1974) have questioned whether social practices or modeling processes are influential in the development of sex-linked roles. They point to findings that in laboratory situations children do not consistently pattern their This research was supported by Research Grant No. M-S162-21 from the National Institute of Mental Health, U.S. Public Health Services, and by the Lewis S. Haas Child Development Research Fund, Stanford University. We thank Martin Curland, Brad Carpenter, Brent Sha- phren, Deborah Skriba, Erin Dignam, and Pamela Minet for serving as models. We are indebted to Marilyn Waterman for filming and editing the videotape modeling sequence, to Eileen Lynch and Sara Buxton, who acted as experimenters, and to Nancy Adams, who assisted in collecting the data. Finally, we also thank the staff and children from Bing Nursery School, Stanford University. Requests for reprints should be sent to either Kay Bussey, School of Behavioral Sciences, Macquarie Uni- versity, North Ryde, Australia, 2113, or to Albert Bandura, Department of Psychology, Stanford University, Building 420 Jordan Hall, Stanford,.

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