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Journal: Write in 300-500 words about the following topic. After watching some news and some television shows, including movies and anime. What are some portrayals of sexual harassment and rape myths that are perpetuated by social media, entertainment media, and news outlets? What is the motivation of rapists on TV and in the movies? What “types” of women get raped or sexually assaulted and harassed in movies and television? Some research suggests that on TV and in the movies nontraditional women get raped more often than traditional women as a means of putting nontraditional women “in their place.” How does what you saw compare to the research? How do gender stereotypes perpetuate rape and harassment culture? In your experience or opinion, what are some ways society can address some of these issues around sexual assault and sexual battery, especially on college campuses and workplaces? .

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JWI 505: Business Communications and Executive Presence Lecture Notes © Strayer University. All Rights Reserved. This document contains Strayer University confidential and proprietary information and may not be copied, further distributed, or otherwise disclosed, in whole or in part, without the expressed written permission of Strayer University. JWI 505 – Lecture Notes (1194) Page 1 of 4 WEEK 3: LISTEN AND ASK THE RIGHT QUESTIONS Listen and Ask the Right Questions You come home from work after a long day only to discover that your significant other is upset. You ask what’s wrong. As you hear the story unfold, you repeatedly offer suggestions as to how your significant other might solve the problems described. You are caught completely off guard when you end up sleeping on the couch. What you’ve just experienced is a frequent cause of failure where in-person communication is concerned. Your spouse was angry because you didn’t listen. You instead assumed you knew what could make the problem go away. Effective communication is not just about imparting information. It is about receiving information, too. When two people with a pair of radio walkie-talkies both hold down the button to talk, neither one of them can hear the other. They are both too busy sending to receive. To communicate effectively, you must focus most of your energy on listening when the other person talks. When someone feels heard, they are more receptive to your own message, more likely to build rapport with you, and more likely to become your active ally in solving the problems at hand. The result is that all parties to the communication exchange information effectively, moving toward a collaborative solution. When was the last time you felt heard? Do your colleagues listen? Do your direct reports listen? Does your boss listen? Do you? Listening – and only listening, with no reply needed, no action taken, and no solution suggested – can grow a relationship. We often believe, incorrectly, that more is better. Attempting to multi-task when you should be listening is not productive. Worse, it causes us to lose the human connection that we crave for real success in our business relationships. Most importantly, however, we must not merely listen actively to build these relationships; we must listen with empathy to achieve a connection with our colleagues. Listen with Empathy William Ury, an author and expert in negotiation, explains that there are three important reasons to listen: 1. Listening helps us understand the other side. Negotiation is an exercise in influence, and nothing helps you influence another person better than understanding them. 2. Listening helps us connect because it builds rapport and trust. When we listen, we demonstrate empathy because everyone wants to be heard. 3. Listening makes it more likely that the other person will listen to us, which helps us attain their buy- in. JWI 505.

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Just Walk on By by Brent Staples My first victim was a woman—white, well dressed, probably in her early twenties. I came upon her late one evening on a deserted street in Hyde Park, a relatively affluent neighborhood in an otherwise mean, impoverished section of Chicago. As I swung onto the avenue behind her, there seemed to be a discreet, uninflammatory distance between us. Not so. She cast back a worried glance. To her, the youngish black man—a broad six feet two inches with a beard and billowing hair, both hands shoved into the pockets of a bulky military jacket—seemed menacingly close. After a few more quick glimpses, she picked up her pace and was soon running in earnest. Within seconds she disappeared into a cross street. That was more than a decade ago. I was 23 years old, a graduate student newly arrived at the University of Chicago. It was in the echo of that terrified woman’s footfalls that I first began to know the unwieldy inheritance I’d come into—the ability to alter public space in ugly ways. It was clear that she thought herself the quarry of a mugger, a rapist, or worse. Suffering a bout of insomnia, however, I was stalking sleep, not defenseless wayfarers. As a softy who is scarcely able to take a knife to raw chicken—let alone hold it to a person’s throat—I was surprised, embarrassed, and dismayed all at once. Her flight made me feel like an accomplice in tyranny. It also made it clear that I was indistinguishable from the muggers who occasionally seeped into the area from the surrounding ghetto. That first encounter, and those that followed signified that a vast unnerving gulf lay between nighttime pedestrians—particularly women—and me. And I soon gathered that being perceived as dangerous is a hazard in itself. I only needed to turn a corner into a dicey situation, or crowd some frightened, armed person in a foyer somewhere, or make an errant move after being pulled over by a policeman. Where fear and weapons meet—and they often do in urban America—there is always the possibility of death. In that first year, my first away from my hometown, I was to become thoroughly familiar with the language of fear. At dark, shadowy intersections in Chicago, I could cross in front of a car stopped at a traffic light and elicit the thunk, thunk, thunk, thunk of the driver—black, white, male, or female—hammering down the door locks. On less traveled streets after dark, I grew accustomed to but never comfortable with people who crossed to the other side of the street rather than pass me. Then there were the standard unpleasantries with police, doormen, bouncers, cab drivers, and others whose business it is to screen out troublesome individuals before there is any nastiness. I moved to New York nearly two years ago and I have remained an avid night walker. In central Manhattan, the near-constant crowd cover minimizes tense one-on-one stre.

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JUST 497: Senior Seminar and Internship Experience International Film Critique: The Whistleblower · Due: April 3 · Reaction Paper: 10 Points · Presentation: 5 Points Your first written assignment was to critique a newspaper article dealing with misconduct and/or corruption at a local level within the United States. The capstone essay asks you to consider a social injustice and its consequences that occur on a national level. The International film assignment asks you to consider issues of international law and justice. The Whistleblower based on a true story depicts the horrors of human trafficking and human rights violations across international borders. Please choose Assignment A or B. Assignment A Write a 3-4 page Reaction Paper to the above film. Summarize the producer’s main message in no more than a half page. The remainder of the paper should reflect your opinion of the content of the film based on your knowledge of international law. Make specific references to scenes in the film that correlate with information you have gained in previous or current coursework. Cite all sources in-text according to the Hacker & Sommers APA Manual of Style. Cautionary Notes · Do not summarize the video. · Cite specific information from the film using the required APA Manual of style. · Use 12 font, double spacing and 1 inch margins. Students who need a special accommodation and cannot find a copy of a closed caption video, must meet with their instructor to design an alternative assignment. Assignment B The Whistleblower implicates the United Nations, the U.S. State Department, and private contractors in post war Bosnia in an organized human trafficking scheme. Kathryn Bolkovac discovers a lucrative, far-reaching operation involving the local police and United Nations peacekeepers, many of them protected by diplomatic immunity. This film is based on a true story and reflects the international concern with corruption and human trafficking. Cast · Kathryn Bolkovac: Nebraska police officer who accepts an offer to work with the U.N. International Police in Bosnia run by a private company in the U.K., Democra Security · Madeleine Rees: Head of the United Nations Human Rights Commission · Nick Kaufman: Kathryn’s Field Commander · Peter Ward: Internal Affairs Specialist · Luba, Raya and Irka: teenagers sold to the sex trafficking ring · Fred Murray: Democra Security Officer · John Blakely: Head of Human Resources Based on the movie, address the following questions. Answers should be in a Question and Answer format and not essay style. 1. Discuss the suffering and oppression witnessed by (not experienced by) the main character. Cite specific scenes from the movie to support your discussion. 2. In whatspecific ways does Kathryn advocate for the victims she encounters? Cite scenes from the movie to support your answer. 3. Discuss how both local citizens and higher ranking officials contribute to organized corruption in post-war Bosn.

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July 2002, Vol 92, No. 7 | American Journal of Public Health Editorial | 1057 ⏐ EDITORIAL A Code of Ethics for Public Health The mandate to ensure and pro- tect the health of the public is an inherently moral one. It carries with it an obligation to care for the well-being of communities, and it implies the possession of an element of power to carry out that mandate. The need to exercise power to ensure the health of populations and, at the same time, to avoid abuses of such power are at the crux of public health ethics. Until recently, the ethical nature of public health has been im- plicitly assumed rather than ex- plicitly stated. Increasingly, however, society is demanding explicit attention to ethics. This demand arises from technological advances that create new possibil- ities and, with them, new ethical dilemmas; new challenges to health, such as the advent of HIV; and abuses of power, such as the Tuskegee study of syphilis. Medical institutions have been more explicit about the ethical elements of their practice than have public health institutions. However, the concerns of public health are not fully consonant with those of medicine. Thus, we cannot simply translate the principles of medical ethics to public health. In contrast to medicine, public health is concerned more with populations than with individuals, and more with prevention than with cure. The need to artic- ulate a distinct ethic for public health has been noted by a number of public health professionals and ethicists.1–5 A code of ethics for public health can clarify the distinctive elements of public health and the ethical principles that follow from or respond to those elements. It can make clear to populations and communities the ideals of the public health institutions that serve them, ideals for which the institutions can be held accountable. THE PROCESS OF WRITING THE CODE The backgrounds and perspectives of people who identify themselves as public health professionals are as diverse as the multitude of factors affecting the health of populations. Articulating a common ethic for this diverse group is a formidable challenge. In the spring of 2000, the gradu- ating class of the Public Health Leadership Institute chose writing a code of ethics for public health as a group project. The institute provides advanced leadership training to people who are al- ready in leadership roles in public health. Because the fellows bring a wealth of experience from a wide variety of public health institutions, they are uniquely able to represent diverse perspectives and identify ethical issues common in public health. At the 2000 meeting of the Na- tional Association of City and County Health Officers, the group added a non-institute member ( J. C. Thomas) and charted a plan for working toward a code. The plan included receiving a formal charge as the code of ethics working group at the annual meeting of the American Public Health Asso- c.

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Journals are to be 2 pages long with an introduction, discussion and conclusion. They must be double spaced. Your formatting, sentence structure, spell checking, etc., will all be taken into account. Utilizing YouTube, do a search for and listen to at least two perspectives from CNN, Fox News and/or MSNBC regarding culture wars. Provide me with an analysis that discusses two different perspectives. I typed in CNN/Fox News/MSNBC and then culture war, and was able to find quite a few 5 minute vignettes with regard to the topic. If you find a discussion of the culture wars either in written form or at another site, you must insure that it is a legitimate source and provide a link to the site. Make sure to first provide your understanding of the definition of culture wars as outlined in the text readings, then provide me with your analysis obtained from the news outlets. .

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Judgement in Managerial Decision Making Based on examples from one of the recommended articles selected by you, the lecture notes, the text, and other sources, discuss one or several of the themes: the nature of managerial decision making, the steps in the managerial decision making, organizational learning and creativity, judgmental heuristics, common biases in managerial decision making, bounds of human judgment, strategies for making better decisions. .

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Joyce is a 34-year-old woman who has been married 10 years. She has three children, all less than 10 years old: Sheena (age 9), Jack (age 6), and Beth (age 2). Her husband is a prominent attorney. They present an ideal picture of an upper-middle-class family. They live in a fashionable suburb. The husband has been successful to the extent that he has been made a full partner in a large law firm. The family is very active in church, the country club, and various other social organizations. Joyce is an active member of several charitable, civic, and social groups. Joyce’s initial call to the abuse center was vague and guarded. She expressed an interest in inquiring for “another woman” in regard to the purpose of the center. After she had received information and an invitation to call back, a number of weeks elapsed. Joyce’s second call occurred after receiving a severe beating from her husband. Joyce tells the crisis worker in the phone:"Well, last night he beat me worse than ever. I thought he was really going to kill me this time. It had been building up for the past few weeks. His fuse was getting shorter and shorter, both with me and the kids. It’s his work, I guess. Finally he came home late last night. Dinner was cold. We were supposed to go out, and I guess it was my fault . . . I complained about his being late, and he blew up. Started yelling that he was gonna teach me a lesson. He started hitting me with his fists . . .knocked me down . . . and then started kicking me. I got up and ran into the bathroom. The kids were yelling for him to stop and he cuffed Sheena . . . God, it was horrible! (Wracked with sobs for more than a minute. CW waits.) I’m sorry, I just can’t seem to keep control." As the crisis worker: 1-What typical dynamics did you see occurring—denial, guilt, fear, rationalization, withdrawal, and so on—in the victim? How would you as the crisis worker handle them? What are some of the domestic violence intervention strategies? Pick one and how would you apply it to the scenario .

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Journal of Soc. & Psy. Sci. 2018 Volume 11 (1): 51-55 Available at: www.jspsciences.org HISTORY OF PSYCHOLOGY AND THE ROLE OF ETHICS IN THE DISCIPLINE Ian Lawson ABSTRACT This paper discusses some of the moral and ethical issues associated with psychological research throughout history. This is a very broad area which covers a vast array of topics. However, it is not within the scope of this paper of focusing on absolutely every single aspect of this area. Thus, not sacrificing depth of analysis, the present paper brings relevant issues for discussion by examining some key areas including, schizophrenia, and gender and IQ research, as well as hypothesis and significance testing, which normally constitutes the basis for changes in ethics and research development. These areas have become paradigmatic for much criticism concerning its moral and ethical implications for individuals who received diagnostic labels as a consequence of such research. This paper takes the position that the very practice of uncritically presenting such research as being ‘value free’ or as some form of universal and absolute truth is in itself a cause for major ethical concerns. Keywords: Critical Psychology, history of psychology, IQ, Schizophrenia Journal of Soc. & Psych. Sci. (2018) Vol.11 (1): 51-55 Ian Lawson 52 © Oxford Mosaic Publications 2018. All rights reserved ISSN 1756-7483 (print) 1756-7491 (online) INTRODUCTION One can trace the development of contemporary ethics back to the Vienna Circle and its associated philosophers, researchers and theorists attempt to demarcate science from pseudo-science (Wlash, Teo & Baydala, 2014). It was at this point that theorists defined what aspects of reality were worthy of studying, and thus defining the very course of alleged scientific progress (Wlash, Teo & Baydala, 2014). It should also be noted that early research being carried out in human participants involved deliberate violation of ethics conduct (Mandal, Acharya & Parija, 2011). For instance, in 1946 the American tribunal brought leading German physicians to justice due gross negligence of ethics and crimes against humanity. More specifically, these physicians were being tried mainly due to conducting medical experiments on thousands of concentration camp prisoners without their consent. As a result of such experiments most prisoners would either be permanently disabled or would die (Mandal, Acharya & Parija, 2011). It should be evident that much of such atrocities were carried out in the name of scientific progress, which seems to be the usual argument for changes and negligence in ethics. When it comes to examining epistemological and ontological stand point of scientific underpinnings of mainstream psychology it should be evident that many constructs emerging through psyc.

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Journal of Social Work Values & Ethics, Fall 2018, Vol. 15, No. 2 - page 37 Ethnicity, Values, and Value Conflicts of African American and White Social Service Professionals Andrew Edwards, MSW, Ph.D. Cleveland State University, Emeritus [email protected] Mamadou M. Seck, Ph.D. Cleveland State University [email protected] Journal of Social Work Values and Ethics, Volume 15, Number 2 (2018) Copyright 2018, ASWB This text may be freely shared among individuals, but it may not be republished in any medium without express written consent from the authors and advance notification of ASWB. Abstract This aspect of a broader study included 110 (68 White/European American and 42 Black/African American) social service professionals. The primary focus of this aspect of the study was to verify the value orientation or core beliefs of the practitioners who deliver services to clients through social service agencies and programs. The conceptualization of the core beliefs explored the values and value conflicts in relation to professional practice. The participants were employed in a Midwestern metropolitan region. They responded to a survey instrument that included vignettes, closed-ended items, scaled responses, as well as either-or type items. Major categories of the exploration included: life and death issues, lifestyle, domestic and social perspectives, value conflicts with the social work profession, and personal responses to value conflicts. Specific items measuring values related to abortion, homosexuality, religiosity, euthanasia, and corporal punishment were included. Study results showed statistical significance on 26 issues as African American participants were compared with White participants. Keywords: value conflicts, social work, ethical dilemmas, ethnicity, professional relationship Introduction The complexity of American society (Jarrett, 2000), specifically due to its historic, economic, social, and ethnic makeup, requires that social work professionals take their clients’ ethnicity, values, and professional-client value conflicts into consideration. Historical dynamics, such as unproductive treatment, have contributed to the reluctance of various population groups to engage with professional service providers. This history (Barker, 2014) has influenced the adoption of guidelines that require social workers to be culturally aware during interventions and recognizing that diversity-related characteristics have influence upon an individual’s thoughts, feelings, and behaviors. Barker (2014) further noted that the concept of values is influenced by one’s perceptions of what comprises appropriate principles, practices, and behaviors. An individual’s personal values are often considered as a representation of one’s core beliefs and what an individual may perceive as right. Therefore, these beliefs do not require supporting evidence for those who embrace them and may result in behavio.

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Journal of Policy Practice, 9:220–239, 2010 Copyright © Taylor & Francis Group, LLC ISSN: 1558-8742 print/1558-8750 online DOI: 10.1080/15588742.2010.489037 Journal of Policy Practice Are Social Work Advocacy Groups Using Web 2.0 Effectively? HEATHER R. EDWARDS and RICHARD HOEFER University of Texas at Arlington, Arlington, Texas PAGE 220 This article describes social work advocacy efforts, states what Web 2.0 technology has to offer social work advocacy, and presents original research on the current levels of Web 2.0 use on social work advocacy organization Web sites. This study employed a content analysis of a purposive sample of social work advocacy organization Web sites (N = 63). The researchers created a data collection instrument containing items related to communicating with policy makers, resource gathering, information, and use of specific Web 2.0 technologies. Findings reveal that social work organizations make good use of their Web sites for some advocacy activities, and grossly underutilize the Web forum for others. Furthermore, social work organizations do not use Web 2.0 often for advocacy. Barriers impeding Web 2.0 use and methods to overcome such barriers are also discussed. Implications for future social work education, practice, and research follow. KEYWORDS advocacy, Web 2.0, Internet advocacy, social work advocacy, policy practice The Code of Ethics for the National Association of Social Workers (NASW) states that social workers “pursue social change” and “challenge injustice” (NASW, 2008). Advocacy aimed at informing the policy process serves as a key method that social workers use to fulfill this mission (Hoefer, 2006; Jackson-Elmoore, 2005). Social work advocates must take advantage of every advocacy tactic available to the greatest extent possible to ensure timely policy change for vulnerable populations. PAGE 221 Advocacy tactics have been divided into “inside” and “outside” (Hoefer, 2001, 2005; Walker, 1993). Inside tactics are those that groups use to work directly with decision makers, such as lobbying. Outside tactics are employed by interest group members or the public to put pressure on decision makers. The Internet, as originally designed (Web 1.0), has been effectively used as an outside tactic to disseminate information from interest group leaders to decision makers and members of the public. Thus, the Web is a tool advocates can use to keep their message available at all times. In recent years, the Internet has moved from being a one-way highway to a more interactive entity, called Web 2.0. This second generation of Web site tools expands human services organizations’ advocacy efforts well beyond information dissemination. Through social media applications such as blogs, wikis, podcasts, videocasts, social networking, etc., human service organizations can promote information sharing, participatory knowledge generation, and collaboration building (Fine, 2007; McNutt, 2008; McNutt & Menon, 2008; Sche.

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Journal of Personality 86:2, April 2018 VC 2016 Wiley Periodicals, Inc. DOI: 10.1111/jopy.12301Unique Associations Between Big Five Personality Aspects and Multiple Dimensions of Well-Being Jessie Sun , 1,2 Scott Barry Kaufman, 3 and Luke D. Smillie 1 1 The University of Melbourne 2 University of California, Davis 3 University of Pennsylvania Abstract Objective: Personality traits are associated with well-being, but the precise correlates vary across well-being dimensions and within each Big Five domain. This study is the first to examine the unique associations between the Big Five aspects (rather than facets) and multiple well-being dimensions. Method: Two samples of U.S. participants (total N 5 706; Mage 5 36.17; 54% female) recruited via Amazon’s Mechanical Turk completed measures of the Big Five aspects and subjective, psychological, and PERMA well-being. Results: One aspect within each domain was more strongly associated with well-being variables. Enthusiasm and Withdrawal were strongly associated with a broad range of well-being variables, but other aspects of personality also had idiosyncratic associations with distinct forms of positive functioning (e.g., Compassion with positive relationships, Industriousness with accomplishment, and Intellect with personal growth). Conclusions: An aspect-level analysis provides an optimal (i.e., parsimonious yet sufficiently comprehensive) framework for describing the relation between personality traits and multiple ways of thriving in life. Keywords: Personality, aspects, Big Five, subjective well-being, psychological well-being When multiple positive end states are examined, it becomes apparent that aspects of psychological well-being may be achieved by more people than just the nonneurotic, extraverted members of society. (Schmutte & Ryff, 1997, p. 558) The large literature describing the associations between personality traits and well-being suggests that Extraversion (the tendency to be bold, talkative, enthusiastic, and sociable) and Neuroticism (the tendency to be emotionally unstable and prone to negative emotions) are especially strong predictors of well-being (e.g., Steel, Schmidt, & Shultz, 2008). But is well-being only accessible to the extraverted and non-neurotic? We propose that more nuanced insights can be revealed by examining the relation between narrower traits and a broader spectrum of well-being dimensions. The goal of the current study is to comprehensively describe the unique associations between personality aspects and dimensions of well-being across three well-being taxonomies. Personality Traits and Three Taxonomies of Well-Being Personality traits and well-being dimensions can each be described at different levels of resolution. The Big Five domains provide a relatively comprehensive framework for organizing differential patterns of affect, behavior, and cognition (John, Naumann, & Soto, 2008). These broad traits can be further bro- ken dow.

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Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 1977, Vol. 35, No. 9, 677-688 Self-Reference and the Encoding of Personal Information T. B. Rogers, N. A. Kuiper, and W. S. Kirker University of Calgary, Canada The degree to which the self is implicated in processing personal information was investigated. Subjects rated adjectives on four tasks designed to force varying kinds of encoding: structural, phonemic, semantic, and self-reference. In two experiments, incidental recall of the rated words indicated that adjectives rated under the self-reference task were recalled the best. These results indicate that self-reference is a rich and powerful encoding process. As an aspect of the human information-processing system, the self appears to func- tion as a superordinate schema that is deeply involved in the processing, inter- pretation, and memory of personal information. Present research and theory in personality appear to be placing more and more emphasis on how a person has organized his or her psychological world. Starting with Kelly's (1955) formulation of personal constructs, we see a gradual emergence of a number of avenues of inquiry that use this as their focal point. In person perception, the concept of lay personality theory stresses that the ob- server's analytic network of expected trait covariations is an integral part of how he processes (and generates) interpersonal data (Hastorf, Schneider, & Polefka, 1970). Bern and Allen (1974), in their embellishment of Allport's (1937) idiographic position, argue that an important determinant of predictive utility of trait measurement is the manner in which the respondent has organized his or her view of the trait being measured. These authors see the overlap between the respondent's and the experimenter's concept of the trait as a necessary prerequisite of predic- tion. Attribution theory (Jones et al., 1971) is another example of this increased accent on personal organization. Here the emphasis is on how the subject explains past behavior This research was supported by a grant from the Canada Council. We would like to thank the following persons for their useful ideas and comments on earlier drafts: F. I. M. Craik, E. J. Rowe, P. J. Rogers, H. Lytton, J. Clark, J. Ells, C. G. Costello, and especially one anonymous reviewer. Requests for reprints should be sent to T. B. Rogers, Department of Psychology, The University of Calgary, Calgary, Alberta, Canada, T2N 1N4. and how these explanations are organized in an attributional network. The common thread in all of these contemporary research areas is the notion that the cognitions of a person, particularly their manner of organization, should be an integral part of our attempts to explain personality and behavior. Of concern in the present article is the construct of self and how it is implicated in the organization of personal data. Our general position is that the self is an extremely active and powerful agent in the organizati.

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Journal of Pcnonaluy and Social Psychology 1»M. Vd 47, No 6. 1292-1302 Copynghi I9S4 by the American Psychological Association. Inc Influence of Gender Constancy and Social Power on Sex-Linked Modeling Kay Bussey Macquarie University New South Wales, Australia Albert Bandura Stanford University Competing predictions derived from cognitive-developmental theory and social learning theory concerning sex-linked modeling were tested. In cognitive-developmental theory, gender constancy is considered a necessary prerequisite for the emulation of same-sex models, whereas according to social learning theory, sex- role development is promoted through a vast system of social influences with modeling serving as a major conveyor of sex role information. In accord with social learning theory, even children at a lower level of gender conception emulated same-sex models in preference to opposite-sex ones. Level of gender constancy was associated with higher emulation of both male and female models rather than operating as a selective determinant of modeling. This finding corroborates modeling as a basic mechanism in the sex-typing process. In a second experiment we explored the limits of same-sex modeling by pitting social power against the force of collective modeling of different patterns of behavior by male and female models. Social power over activities and rewarding resources produced cross-sex modeling in boys, but not in girls. This unexpected pattern of cross-sex modeling is explained by the differential sex-typing pressures that exist for boys and girls and socialization experiences that heighten the attractiveness of social power for boys. Most theories of sex role development as- sign a major role to modeling as a basic mechanism of sex role learning (Bandura, 1969; Kagan, 1964; Mischel, 1970; Sears, Rau & Alpert, 1965). Maccoby and Jacklin (1974) have questioned whether social practices or modeling processes are influential in the development of sex-linked roles. They point to findings that in laboratory situations children do not consistently pattern their This research was supported by Research Grant No. M-S162-21 from the National Institute of Mental Health, U.S. Public Health Services, and by the Lewis S. Haas Child Development Research Fund, Stanford University. We thank Martin Curland, Brad Carpenter, Brent Sha- phren, Deborah Skriba, Erin Dignam, and Pamela Minet for serving as models. We are indebted to Marilyn Waterman for filming and editing the videotape modeling sequence, to Eileen Lynch and Sara Buxton, who acted as experimenters, and to Nancy Adams, who assisted in collecting the data. Finally, we also thank the staff and children from Bing Nursery School, Stanford University. Requests for reprints should be sent to either Kay Bussey, School of Behavioral Sciences, Macquarie Uni- versity, North Ryde, Australia, 2113, or to Albert Bandura, Department of Psychology, Stanford University, Building 420 Jordan Hall, Stanford,.

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Journal of Management Vol. 42 No. 7, November 2016 1904 –1933 DOI: 10.1177/0149206314522298 © The Author(s) 2014 Reprints and permissions: sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav 1904 Pay Attention! The Liabilities of Respondent Experience and Carelessness When Making Job Analysis Judgments Frederick P. Morgeson Michigan State University Matthias Spitzmuller National University of Singapore Adela S. Garza Independent Consultant Michael A. Campion Purdue University Job analysis has a central role in virtually every aspect of HR and is one of several high performance work practices thought to underlie firm performance. Given its ubiquity and importance, it is not surprising that considerable effort has been devoted to developing comprehensive job analysis systems and methodologies. Yet, the complexity inherent in collecting detailed and specific “decomposed” information has led some to pursue “holistic” strategies designed to focus on more general and abstract job analysis information. It is not clear, however, if these two different strategies yield comparable information, nor if respondents are equally capable of gener- ating equivalent information. Drawing from cognitive psychology research, we suggest that experienced and careless job analysis respondents are less likely to evidence convergence in their decomposed and holistic job analysis judgments. In a field sample of professional managers, we found that three different types of task-related work experience moderated the relationship between decomposed and holistic ratings, accounting for an average ΔR2 of 4.7%. Three other more general types of work experience, however, did not moderate this relationship, supporting predictions that only experience directly related to work tasks would prove to be a liability when making judgments. We also found that respondent carelessness moderated the relationship Acknowledgment: This article was accepted under the editorship of Deborah E. Rupp. Corresponding author: Frederick P. Morgeson, Eli Broad Graduate School of Management, Michigan State University, 632 Bogue St., Room N475, East Lansing, MI 48824, USA. E-mail: [email protected] 522298 JOMXXX10.1177/0149206314522298Journal of ManagementMorgeson et al. / Job Analysis Judgments research-article2014 Morgeson et al. / Job Analysis Judgments 1905 between decomposed and holistic ratings, accounting for an average ΔR2 of 6.2%. These results link cognitive limitations to important job analysis respondent differences and suggest a number of theoretical and practical implications when collecting holistic job analysis data. Keywords: job analysis; work experience; cognitive limitations; decomposed and holistic judgments; human resource management Job analysis represents one of the most commonly used organizational data collection techniques. As “a wide variety of systematic procedures for examining, documenting, and drawing inferences about work activities, work.

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Journal of Monetary Economics 22 (1988) 3-42. North-Holland ON THE MECHANICS OF ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT* Robert E. LUCAS, Jr. University of Chicago, Chicago, 1L 60637, USA Received August 1987, final version received February 1988 This paper considers the prospects for constructing a neoclassical theory of growth and international trade that is consistent with some of the main features of economic development. Three models are considered and compared to evidence: a model emphasizing physical capital accumulation and technological change, a model emphasizing human capital accumulation through school- ing. and a model emphasizing specialized human capital accumulation through learning-by-doing. 1. Introduction By the problem of economic development I mean simply the problem of accounting for the observed pattern, across countries and across time, in levels and rates of growth of per capita income. This may seem too narrow a definition, and perhaps it is, but thinking about income patterns will neces- sarily involve us in thinking about many other aspects of societies too. so I would suggest that we withhold judgment on the scope of this definition until we have a clearer idea of where it leads us. The main features of levels and rates of growth of national incomes are well enough known to all of us, but I want to begin with a few numbers, so as to set a quantitative tone and to keep us from getting mired in the wrong kind of details. Unless I say otherwise, all figures are from the World Bank's World Development Report of 1983. The diversity across countries in measured per capita income levels is literally too great to be believed. Compared to the 1980 average for what the WorId Bank calls the 'industrial market economies' (Ireland up through Switzerland) of U.S. $10,000, India's per capita income is $240, Haiti's is $270, *This paper was originally written for the Marshall Lectures, given at Cambridge University in 1985. ! am very grateful to the Cambridge faculty for this honor, and also for the invitatiou's long lead time, which gave me the opportunity to think through a new topic with the stimulus of so distinguished an audience in prospect. Since then, versions of this lecture have been given as the David Horowitz Lectures in Israel, the W.A. Mackintosh Lecture at Queens University, the Carl Snyder Memorial Lecture at the University of California at Santa Barbara, the Chung-Hua Lecture in Taipei. the Nancy Schwartz Lecture at Northwestern University, and the Lionel McKenzie Lecture at the University of Rochester. I have also based several seminars on various parts of this material. 0304-3932j88j$3.50©1988, Elsevier Science Publishers B.V. (North-Holland) 4 R. E. Lucas, Jr., On the mechanics of economic development and so on for the rest of the very poorest countries. This is a difference of a factor of 40 in living standards! These latter figures are too low to sustain life in, say, England or the United States, so they ca.

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