Main jjsms vol.2 no.1

Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 2, Number 1 December, 2019 Page i-v
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EDITORIL BOARD MEMBERS
Editor-In-Chief: Prof. Emeka D. Oruonye, Department of Geography,
Taraba State University, Jalingo.
Editor: Dr Chiakaan G. Jacob, Department of Mass
Communication, Taraba State University, Jalingo.
Deputy Editor: Dr Jev Amos Asongo, Department of Public
Administration, Taraba State University, Jalingo.
Associate Editors: Professor Abel A. Adebayo, Department of Geography,
Taraba State University, Jalingo
Prof. Joseph S. Rishante, Department of Mass
Communication, Taraba State University, Jalingo.
Dr. Akombo I. Elijah, Department of History, Taraba State
University, Jalingo
Secretary: Prof. Patrick Oromareghake Oroborome, Department of
Political Science, Taraba State University, Jalingo
Assistant Secretary: Gabriel Iornumbe Yina, Department of Political Science,
Taraba State University, Jalingo
Editorial Advisory Board
i. Prof Abdulsalam Jibril Dept of Business Administration, Adamawa State
University, Mubi
ii. Prof Sam Tende Dept of Mass Communication, Nasarawa State University,
Keffi
iii. Prof Mrs Madueme, I.S. Dept of Economics, University of Nigeria, Nsukka
iv. Prof Umaru Pate Dept of Mass Communication, Bayero University, Kano
v. Prof Ada Okau Dept of Sociology, Kogi State University, Anyigba
vi. Prof Abbas Bashir Dept of Geography, Modibbo Adama University of
Technology, Yola
vii. Prof John Sambe Dept of Mass Communication, Veritas University, Abuja
viii. Prof David Irefin Dept of Economics Federal University, Lokoja
ix. Prof Terkura Tarnande Dept of Political Science, Benue State University, Makurdi
x. Prof Ayuba Haruna Kuje Dept of Geography, Nasarawa State University, Keffi
xi. Prof. Vitalis Torwell Dept of Mass Communication, Benue State University,
Makurdi

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EDITORIAL NOTE
The Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences (ISSN 2659-0131) is a bi-annual
peer-review publication of the Faculty of Social and Management Sciences, Taraba State
University, Jalingo.
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The journal which is multi-disciplinary in nature, aims to inspire robust intellectual and
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management sciences. The journal aims at the promotion of innovative research in the field
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policy makers on current and emerging developments in the social and management
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carefully selected to provide readers with analytical, application-oriented approach to
managerial problems.
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March for April
issue and 30th
August for September issue.
2. Only papers not previously published or under consideration for publication elsewhere
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edition of APA.
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7. Authors of published papers are entitled to one hard copy

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TABLE OF CONTENTS
1. Politics and Violence in Nigeria: An Assessment of the 2019 General
Elections in Taraba State, Nigeria. Atando D. Agbu PhD, Isa Mohammed
and Mbave J. Garba
1-12
2. Local Government Administration and Minority Rights Issues in Michika
and Madagali Local Government Areas of Adamawa State, Nigeria. Prof.
Mohammed Isa Bazza, Adole Raphael Audu, PhD and Fatima Inuwa
Usman, PhD
13-31
3. The Impact of Exchange Rate on Selected Macroeconomic Variables in
Nigeria, 1986-2017. Yahaya, Salihu Emeje Ph.D and Apeh, Ajene
Sunday Ph.D
32-54
4. Interrogating the Concept of Poverty and Challenges of Development in
Nigeria Amos Asonge Jev, Ph.D and Hamisu Hamzat Yakubu
55-73
5. Combating Youth Violence and Insecurity in Jalingo Metropolis: A
Pragmatic Approach. Isa Mohammed
74-85
6. Resettlement of Internally Displaced Persons: the Need for Rehabilitation
to Cope With Life After Insurgency in Yobe State.
Adamu Saleh Usman, Ali Umaru and Idriss Usman
86-100
7. Influence of Social Change on Marriage Institutions: A Study of
Umuahia South Local Government Area of Abia State, Nigeria Nwosu
Chinedu Everest Ph.D
101-119
8. The influence of Socioeconomic, Cultural and School Based Factors on
Access to Primary Education Among Girls in Bali LGA, Taraba State
Nigeria. Abigail Embwa Moses, PhD, Yakubu Danladi Fwa and John
Moses Maikomo PhD
120-135
9. External Auditors’ Effort Expectancy For CAATs Usage: A Study Of
The Effect Of Gender Barnabas Onyejiaka Agochukwu, PhD.
136-148
10. Impact Assessment and Evaluation: Appraisal Tools in Rural Sociology
and Agricultural Extension for Rural Development. Adegbola Adetayo
Jacob, Obarein Obozokhai, Akor Sunday, Oriowo Praise, Lijoka Kehinde
Osemawe
149-159
11. Demographic and Socio-economic Characteristics of Livestock Rearers
in Maiduguri Metropolis, Borno State Nigeria. Alhaji Mukhtar, Prof. M.A
Iliya, Dankani, I.M. Ph.D and Prof. Yakubu, A.A.
160-168
12. Land Resources Management and Sustainable Agricultural land use
Around Bauchi Metropolis, Bauchi State, Nigeria.
Abubakar Bashir, Dasin, M.S., Joel Mari Bwala and Esther Ibrahim
169-184

v
13. Personal Income Tax Generation and Utilization in Taraba State Board of
Internal Revenue, Nigeria Babayo Jamilu and Suleiman Shatima
185-199
14. Political Leadership and Corruption in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic
Paulina Ada Akpa, PhD and Sunday Igah
200-221
15. Attitudinal Change: Overcoming Lethargy in the Nigerian Civil Service
Buetna’an M. Bassi
222-230
16. The Importance of Tourism Development to Socioeconomic
Development of Taraba State: A Case Study of Gashaka Gumti National
Park Akombo Elijah, I., Joseph John & Evelyn A. Nwagu
231-244

Politics and Violence in Nigeria: An Assessment of the 2019 General Elections in Taraba State, Nigeria.
1
Politics and Violence in Nigeria: An Assessment of the 2019 General
Elections in Taraba State, Nigeria.
1
Atando D. Agbu PhD, 2
Isa Mohammed and 3
Mbave J. Garba
1
Department of History & Diplomatic Studies, Taraba State University, Jalingo.
2
Department of Political Science & International Relations, Taraba State University, Jalingo.
3
Department of Sociology, Taraba State University, Jalingo.
Email: atandodauda@gmail.com
Abstract
Political campaigns are synonymous with political and electoral violence in Nigeria and
Taraba State in particular. The 2019 general elections came with a character of its own in
the context of prevailing political dynamics and the security atmosphere exacerbated by
kidnappings, farmers/herders conflicts, rising youth restiveness and political thuggery in
the State. This paper examines the links between political campaigns and electoral
violence. The paper further argues that political parties lack ideologies and manifestoes
which make candidates to base their campaigns on primordial sentiments of region,
religion and ethnicity as core campaign factors rather than issue-based approach. Lack of
ideologies and manifestoes are identified as being responsible for electoral violence or the
use of political thugs, ethnic militia, INEC officials and manipulation of security agencies
by the political gladiators during political campaigns and elections to capture power. The
methodology adopted in gathering data was survey while data analysis was qualitative.
Both primary and secondary sources of data were used. Findings reveal that most cases of
political violence emanate from the electoral process, particularly political campaigns.
The problem was more pronounced in the 2019 election in Taraba State. The study reveals
that the major causes of the phenomenon include ethno-religious and regional issues
exacerbated by voter illiteracy, unhealthy campaign slogans and utterances, intimidation,
among others. The paper therefore recommends that for electoral violence to be eschewed
in our politics, political parties must be ideological and articulated in their manifestoes,
campaigns of issue-based, respect for the provision on campaigns as contained in the
Electoral Act 2010, punishment of electoral offenders and banning of political thuggery
in the electoral process.
Keywords: Democracy, Election, Political campaigns, Political violence, Taraba State.
Introduction
Nigeria as a country has been experiencing electoral/political violence since
independence, which has serious consequences on the lives and property of the people and
threat to democracy. For instance, the electoral/political violence of 1964 and 1965 in the
country contributed to the military takeover of Nigeria’s nascent democracy in 1966

Jalingo Journal of Social and Management Sciences Volume 2, Number 1 December, 2019 Page 1-12
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(Anifowase, 1983; Osaghae, 1998; Human Right Watch, 2007). Similarly, in 1983, the
Shagari led government organized a general election, which was characterized by massive
rigging and violence in many parts of the country, leading to another military takeover on
31st
December, 1983 (Obakhedo, 2011). In a similar vein, in June 1993, President Ibrahim
Babangida annulled what was considered the most credible election in Nigeria’s history
and the consequence was the June 12, 1993 post–election violence that brought about the
emergence of the Interim National Government (ING) led by Chief Ernest Shonekan in
1993 which lasted a few months (Ukase, 2011).
Nigeria’s political and electoral experiences since 1999 up to the most recent general
elections in 2019 have remained sad memories of political violence. In fact, violence has
saturated the political atmosphere in the country. For instance, the 1999, 2003, 2007, 2011
and 2015 elections were marred by widespread fraud and unprecedented political
violence. The election violence in 2007, 2011 and 2015 led to severe damage to the
political atmosphere in Nigeria, including loss of lives and property worth billions of Naira
(Abah and Nwokwu, 2015).
Even though elections are supposed to be the legitimate way of transferring political
power from one democratic regime to another through the ballot box, the reverse has
remained the case in Nigeria (Ugoh, 2004). Electoral violence has featured in all elections
conducted in Nigeria since independence. Hence, issues surrounding the electioneering
campaigns potentially relate to violence, and violation of the rights of individuals. Thus,
rather than serve as a means and a process of exercising legitimate political rights,
elections in Nigeria have, since independence, turned out to be a serious political liability,
causing serious political turmoil and threatening the survival of corporate existence in
Nigeria (Abah and Nwokwu, 2015).
In the light of the foregoing, whenever elections draw near in Nigeria, there are usually
palpable fears engulfing the well-meaning citizens of the country over the serious dangers
that may trail the process. This is because elections are always characterized by cases of
high incidences of political thuggery and uncontrollable violence always resulting in
wanton destruction of lives and property. According to Sesan (2012), cited in Kalu and
Gberevbie (2013), electoral violence has really discouraged citizens’ participation in the
political process in many states in Nigeria, and this development portends serious danger
to Nigeria’s democracy because without sufficient turnout, elections would not reflect the
people’s preference. It is against this background that it becomes imperative for this paper
to isolate Taraba State and evaluate the causes, impacts and issues of political campaigns
and political violence in the State.
Conceptual Clarifications
Some key concepts are used in this paper prominent among which are Democracy,
Election, Political Campaign and Political/electoral Violence. These concepts are
explained in accordance with how they are used in this paper.

3
The Concept of Democracy
There is no universally accepted definition of democracy. Various scholars have different
definitions and interpretations on the conceptualization of democracy. The term
democracy is derived from two Greek words: “demos” meaning ‘people’ and “Kratos”
which means ‘rule of’ (Falade, 2014). Put together, democracy is the rule of the people.
In his classic definition of democracy, Lincoln (1868) defines the concept as “the
government of the people by the people and for the people”. That is to say, people are
central in any democratic process. Without giving people the power to decide who become
their political leaders, as well as hold their political leaders responsible, democracy would
be a mirage.
According to Appadorai (2004), democracy is a system of government under which the
people exercise the governing power either directly or through representatives
periodically elected by themselves. Democracy demands from the common man a certain
level of ability and character; rational conduct and active participation in the government;
the intelligent understanding of public affairs; independent judgment, tolerance and
unselfish devotion to public interest, democracy believes in the principles of mutual
discussion and persuasion. In a democracy, there is equality for all; every man has one
vote; the opinion of everybody counts (Mahogan, 2017). Diamond, Liuz and Lipset (1989)
believe that democracy as a system of government entails healthy competition between
parties for an all effective positions of governance, devoid of violence for all
encompassing levels of political participation in the selection of leaders through the
conduct of periodically free and fair elections, and the observation of fundamental human
rights. The foregoing definitions and conceptualizations imply that democracy is
essentially a people-centered form of government.
Concept of Election
According to Abah and Nwokwu (2015), election, no doubt, is one of the defining features
of representative democracy. It paves way for citizens who are within the voting age in a
country to exercise their franchise in determining who govern them. Casting of votes
during an election is a powerful weapon to either select those contestants adjudged to have
good tract records or to vote out those leaders who fail to fulfill their campaign promise.
In the words of Heywood (2000), the election is a device for filling an office or post
through choices made by a designated body of people called electorates. Similarly, Dye
(2005) defines election as a major instrument for the recruitment of political leadership in
democratic societies; it is the key to effective participation in a democratic dispensation
and the means through which people give their consent to government.
Election simply means the process through which eligible electorates cast their votes in
order to choose from among political contestants that vie for various elective positions for
the purpose of sound leadership, quality representation and good governance. In most

4
developing countries such as Nigeria, elections mostly always degenerate into violence
(what is always referred to as electoral violence.
Political /Electoral Violence
Several attempts have been made by scholars to conceptualize electoral violence. Fisher
(2002) defines electoral violence as any random or organized act that seeks to determine,
delay or otherwise influence an electoral process through threat, verbal intimidation, hate
speech, disinformation, physical assault, forced “protection”, blackmail, destruction of
property or assassination. Nwolise (2007) citing Albert, sees political/electoral violence
as all forms of organized acts or threat - physical, psychological and structural geared
towards intimidating, harming, blackmailing a political stakeholder before, during and
after an election with a view to determining, delaying or otherwise influencing an electoral
process.
In view of the foregoing, Abah and Nwokwu (2015) state that, political/electoral violence
is the use of force or threat of it to change the voting behavior pattern of electorates during
elections. In modern times, electoral violence generally involves political parties, their
supporters, journalists, and agents of government, election administrators and the general
public and includes threats, assault, murder, destruction of property and physical or
psychological harm (Fisher 2002; IFES, 2011).
In Nigeria, elections have been accompanied with election violence since independence.
It may be physical, emotional/psychological and otherwise with the sole intent to
intimidate and harass voters to change their minds before, during and after voting. This
suggests that, electoral violence cuts across different segments of the electoral process
commencing from the registration period to post-election period. Most often, electoral
violence is always aimed at altering, influencing or changing, by force, the voting pattern
or manipulating the electoral results in favor of a particular candidate or political party
(Ugoh, 2004). Electoral violence is one major problem that has affected the Nigeria’s
democratic sustainability and achievement of good governance (Gberevbie, 2014).
Electoral violence, particularly in Nigeria, is essentially an elitist phenomenon arising
from the inordinate struggle for places in the structure of power. This has often
degenerated into open violence among ethno-religious and communal groups or
individuals who are deceived into believing that their interest is about to be imperiled
(Michael, 2012).
Concept of Political Culture
The concept “Political Culture” first appeared in modern empirical Political Science in
the late 1950s or early 1960s and is chiefly associated with the American political
scientist, Gabriel Almond. Almond (1956) states that, “every political system is embedded
in a particular pattern of orientation to political actions”. Consequently, Almond and
Verba (1963) define political culture as “the specifically political orientations and

5
attitudes toward the political system and its various parts, and attitudes toward the role of
the self in the system”. More broadly, Almond and Verba (1963) view the political culture
of a nation as “the particular distribution of patterns of orientation toward political objects
among the members of the nation”.
Almond and Verba (1963) identified three modes of political orientation viz; the
cognitive, the affective, and the evaluative. According to them, these three major kinds of
belief influence the character and policy outcomes of political systems. Thus, political
culture refers to something like the psycho-sociological limits or conditions within which
individual political agents act. More generally expressed, it refers to the belief structure
of a given polity, outside of which structure, political action would be incoherent (Bove,
2002). Hence, political campaign is conditioned by the culture of the people in a political
system.
Generally, political culture simply means a set of shared views and normative judgments
held by a population regarding its political system. The notion of political culture does not
refer to attitudes toward specific actors, such as a president or prime minister, but rather
it denotes how people view the political system as a whole and their belief in its
legitimacy.
Historical Evolution of Political Violence in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic
One of the key elements of modern representative democracy is election. Without election
or periodic elections, the modern representative democracy would be impracticable.
Invariably, election is indispensable to the practice of modern representative democracy
that is guided by the principles of participation, representation and contestation.
In any democratic process, the right of the citizens to choose their leaders freely is only
guaranteed through the electoral process (Przeworski, 2003). Hence, election is the right
to choose freely from available alternatives and it ensures peaceful change of government
through the ballots. The most interesting aspect of the electoral process is the political
campaign. Political campaigns are those activities carried out by political parties and their
candidates or independent candidates for furthering their prospects in an electoral
competition (Ikeanyibe et al, 2018).
Since the return of civil rule in 1999, Nigeria’s democracy has witnessed changes in the
electioneering process characterized by unhealthy political campaigns prone to political
violence. The 2019 general election was the sixth in the series of elections conducted
under the Fourth Republic. However, the most disturbing feature of the 2019 elections
was that they were held despite the volatile security challenges exacerbated by Boko
Haram, farmer/herders clashes and rampant kidnappings across the country, and Taraba
State in particular.

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One worrisome phenomenon in Nigeria is that political parties and their campaign
approaches are not based on ideologies and issues. Rather, they are directed at individuals,
and specifically to misinform and to utter hate speeches for the purpose of confusing or
diverting the attention of the electorates and to cause disaffection between and among
party supporters. Consequently, in the last two decades, most, if not all, of Nigeria’s
elections have been affected by political violence. The “do or die” attitude of the Nigerian
political class always triggers violence during and after campaigns which usually results
in several deaths and loss of property.
Most elections in Nigeria are characterized by violence, intimidation, harassment, killings
and the snatching of ballot boxes (Human Rights Watch, 2007). There are several actors
that are involved in political violence in the electoral process prominent which include
government, political thugs, ethno-religious and regional militias, party leaderships and
support groups. However, the major cause of political violence in Nigeria is the attitude
of the political class, especially as it relates to utterances and conduct during campaigns.
The fact that political parties in Nigeria have always lacked ideologies makes them resort
to the politics of identity, intimidation, thuggery and violence during campaigns
(Omotola, 2009). This unfortunate feature has continued to produce ethno-religious and
regional politics founded essentially on hate speeches, political violence, especially during
and after elections. Experiences have shown that since 1999, the question of who wins in
any election in Nigeria has remained how one is able to mobilize and harness ethno-
religious and regional sentiments based essentially on very parochial primordial factors
sustained mostly by political intimidation and all manner of electoral frauds. Little wonder
that elections are always accompanied by violence and litigations as asserted by Iyayi
(2006). For instance, in both the 23rd
February, 2019 Presidential and 9th
March, 2019,
Gubernatorial elections in the country, very disturbing electoral violence was reported in
Lagos, Zamfara, Kebbi, Kano, Nasarawa, Benue, Plateau, Ekiti, Bauchi, Kwara and Oyo
States with scores of lives lost and property destroyed (CSSR, 2019).
One of the controversial aspects of political campaigns in Nigeria is the lack of
understanding and observance of campaign laws as stipulated in the Electoral Act. These
issues include campaign funding, permission to hold rallies, commencement of
campaigns, use of abusive language, and use of private security during the electioneering
process. This informed the reason why the Electoral Act 2010, as amended, in Section 96
(1) says:
No candidate, a person or group of persons shall directly or indirectly
threaten any person with the use of force or violence during any political campaign
in order to compel that person or any other person to support or refrain from
supporting a political party or candidate.
In Section 102, the Act further says:

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Any candidate, person or association who engages in campaigning or broadcasting
based on religious, tribal or sectional reason for the purpose of promoting or
opposing a particular political party or the election of a particular candidate is guilty
of an offense under this Act and on conviction shall be liable to a maximum fine of
N1m or imprisonment for 12 months or to both.
To corroborate the Electoral Act, the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999,
as amended, in Section 277 says:
No person or association shall retain, organize, train, or equip any person or group
of persons for the purpose of enabling them to be employed for the use or display
of physical force or coercion in promoting any political objective or interest or in
such manner as to arouse reasonable apprehension that they are organized and
trained or equipped for that purpose.
On expenditure ceilings by candidates, Section 91, subsections 2-7 and Section 91 (2) say:
The maximum election expenses for a candidate at a Presidential level is (N1,
000,000,000), for Governorship election is (200,000,000), for Senatorial is
(40,000,000), and the seat in the House of Representatives shall be (20, 000, 000).
It can be deduced from the foregoing that, there are regulations under Nigerian law
guiding the conduct of the electoral process in order to prevent political violence in the
political process. However, the challenge has been applying the provisions of the law in
the electoral process, particularly when it comes to punishing offenders.
Political/Electoral Violence in Taraba State in the Fourth Republic
Since the commencement of democratic process in Taraba State, elections have always
been conducted in the atmosphere of varying degrees of electoral violence. This was
evident, for instance, in the 2007, 2011 and 2015 at the gubernatorial campaigns and
elections. The case of the 2019 elections was, however, more glaring. There were alarming
cases of intimidation, harassment and killings during and after the 2019 gubernatorial
election (Provide source of your information to substantiate your claims).
A review of political and electoral violence in Taraba State since creation, especially in
the 2019 elections, shows that, the major causes of electoral and political violence are
ethno-religious and regional factors, exacerbated by youth restiveness. This phenomenon
became pronounced during the 2007 gubernatorial election. Since then, the phenomenon
keeps assuming new dimension in each election. Mohammed (2018) laments that there is
the emergence of a new phenomenon of youth restiveness known as “Base Boys”. This
development has direct negative implications on the political process in the state,
particularly in Jalingo, the state capital.
Among the major factors associated with political and electoral violence are the
followings:
i. Ethno-religious and regional politics.

8
ii. Volatile security situation/inadequate security.
iii. Use of political thugs in the electoral process.
iv. Lack of internal party democracy.
v. Poor voter education.
vi. Politics as a zero sum game.
vii. Poverty and unemployment
Table 1: Reported Cases of Violence during Campaigns in Taraba State, 2019
S/N Nature of Violence Place Date
1. Assassination attempt on APC
Gubernatorial candidate resulting in
five (5) deaths.
Ibi round-about, Wukari LGA. 17th
Jan., 2019
2. Violent APC Presidential Campaign
Rally resulting in deaths, destruction
of billboards, cars, etc.
Jalingo Metropolis 7th
& 8th
Feb.,
2019
3. Harassment of PDP Gubernatorial
Candidate at a Campaign Rally.
Baissa, Kurmi LGA. 21st
Feb.,
2019
4. Post-Presidential election violence
resulting in three (3) deaths.
Amar/Kambari, Karim-
Lamido LGA.
24th
Feb.,
2019
5. Harassment on PDP Gubernatorial
candidate.
Nyamusala, Jalingo LGA. 7th
March,
2019
6. Violent clash between PDP and APC
supporters.
Nyamusala, Jalingo LGA. 8th
March,
2019
7. Violent clashes between political
opponents resulting in one (1) death.
Kashimbilla, Takum LGA. 9th
March,
2019
8. Violent clashes between political
opponents resulting in one (1) death.
Lissam II, Ussa LGA. 21st
March,
2019
Source: Field Survey, 2019.
The above table presents the major instances of political and electoral violence and
number of deaths during the 2019 elections in Taraba State. The nature and dynamics of
the political violence vary. While some instances occurred during campaigns, others took
place during and after elections. Generally, however, the level of violence in the state was
not as glaring as was the case in other states of the federation.

9
Table 2: Reported Violence & Deaths from Post-Election Violence in Jalingo, the
Taraba State capital
S/N Place Death (s) Date
1 Anguwan Kassa, Jalingo LGA. NIL 9/03/2019
2 Main Market Area, Jalingo LGA. 2 13/02/2019
3 Water Board Area, Jalingo LGA. 5 12-14/02/2019
4 Sabon Gari, Jalingo LGA. 1 13/02/2019
5 Nyamusala, Jalingo LGA. NIL 12-13/02/2019
6 Tella, Gassol LGA. NIL 12/02/2019
Source: Field Survey, 2019
The tension that accompanied the gubernatorial campaigns in Jalingo, the Taraba State
capital, signalled the upsurge of post-election violence. Consequently, on the 11th
of
March, 2019, the Taraba State government imposed a dusk to dawn curfew in Jalingo
Metropolis in order to prevent post-election violence. However, when the gubernatorial
election result was announced by INEC on 12th
March, 2019, with Governor Darius
Dickson Ishaku of the PDP re-elected with the highest votes of 520, 432 against Alhaji
Sani Abubakar Danladi of the APC who came second with 362, 735 votes, there were
reported cases of violent clashes between supporters of PDP and APC in the Jalingo
Metropolis. The occurrences were partly as a result of the celebration by PDP supporters.
The post-election violence claimed eight (8) lives and over fifty-six (56) people were
arrested for various offenses. The table above presents the major incidences, places and
dates they occurred.
Conclusion
This study investigates the dynamics associated with elections and political violence in
Taraba State. The paper starts with a general review of the phenomenon in Nigeria since
in the First Republic. However, the 2019 elections form the specific focus of the study.
The study reveals that most cases of political violence emanate from the electoral process,
particularly political campaigns. Among the factors highlighted as the major causes of the
phenomenon include ethno-religious and regional issues exacerbated by voter illiteracy,
unhealthy campaign slogans and utterances, intimidation, among others.
The study reveals that the foregoing phenomenon was more pronounced in the 2019
elections in the state, resulting in the loss of lives and destruction of property worth
millions of Naira. It is also revealed that violence occurred even before, during and after
the elections, which resulted in the imposition of twenty four (24) hour curfew in Jalingo
Metropolis. The paper identifies the nature of political campaigns as the major factor that
instigate election and post-election violence in Nigeria and Taraba State in particular,
especially, during the 2019 elections.

10
Recommendations
Deduced from the foregoing findings, the following recommendations are made:
i. Political campaigns should be issue based.
ii. Political parties should ensure internal party democracy.
iii. Candidates/contestants should have manifestos as a policy guide.
iv. Identity politics should be replaced by merit.
v. Inculcation of democratic culture in the people.
vi. Punishment of electoral offenders.
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Local Government Administration and Minority Rights Issues in Michika and Madagali Local Government Areas of Adamawa State,
Nigeria
13
Local Government Administration and Minority Rights Issues in Michika and
Madagali Local Government Areas of Adamawa State, Nigeria
1
Prof. Mohammed Isa Bazza, 2
Adole Raphael Audu, PhD and 3
Fatima Inuwa Usman, PhD
1
Department of Business Administration, University of Maiduguri, Borno State.
2
Department of Public Administration, Faculty of Management Sciences, University of Maiduguri Borno State, Nigeria
3
Department of Business Administration Faculty of Management Sciences, University of Maiduguri,Borno State,
Nigeria.
Email: moharnmedbazza59@gmail.com adolecabs@yahoo.com fatimahinnuwaUSman@Yahoo.com
Abstract
This study examines local government administration and the question of minority rights
in Madagali and Michika Local Government Areas of Adamawa state, Nigeria. The study
utilized both primary and secondary sources of data, using survey method and available
documents. The objective is to interrogate management strategies for even development
among local government areas in Adamawa State. The method of data collection was the
field method involving primary and secondary sources. The data collected were analyzed
using simple statistical tools, cross tabulation, tables, multiple regression equation (Y = a
+bx1+ bx2…..bxn+E) and partway coefficient to determine the effect of management of
minority issues on local government development as an independent variable against
dependent variables like; minority issues in the local government such as decision making
on minority issues; opinions and responses of communities on minority issues: Inter-
governmental relations on minority issues and minority participation in decision making
process for even development. The result indicated that, minority issues are impediments
to local government administration and development among newly created local
government areas in Nigeria now and in the future. The study recommends that, key
minority issues/persons at local government level should participate in the art and process
of management, administration, developmental programs and hence periodic review of
policies on the management of minority issues among local government councils in
Nigeria.
Keywords: Development, Local Government Administration, Madagili, Michika,
Minority rights issues
Introduction
The boundary of what is today known as Nigeria was defined in 1914 following the
amalgamation of the Northern and Southern protectorates. Then, Nigeria became a
federation of three regions at independence in 1960. She then evolved into a federation
comprising, at one time or the other 12, 19, 21, 30 and now 36 states with 774 local
government councils. Since Nigeria came into being as a political entity, the re-
organization of the Nigerian nation has been an ongoing phenomenon in response to two

14
main factors; Willink (1957) reported that it was in the quest for even development at the
grassroots and the desire to meet the yearnings and aspirations of the various ethnic and
sub-ethnic minorities for local autonomy. This has continued to be actualized through the
break-up and re-constitution of local government councils.
The restructuring and reconstitution of local government councils, though simple
and routine, is in reality a complex process. It can be bedeviled with intrigues, especially
when dealing with minority issues at the level of local government councils. It is against
this backdrop that this paper examines and analyzes minority issues in relation to the
creation of local government councils vis-à-vis meaningful development at the local
government councils with special attention on Michika and MadagaliLocal Government
Councils of Adamawa state. The objective is to come out with strategies for addressing
minority issues among ethnic and sub-ethnic groups for even development in the study
area.
Adebayo (1989) reports that the structuring of countries and nations into territorial
administrative units of states and local government councils for political and administrative
purposes has a historical trend. When a new state or local government council is created
out of an old one, the decision on minority issues has always been the first to be addressed.
The standing trend in Nigeria has been for the government of the day to set up a committee
to determine how the issue will be resolved, especially when it comes to the issues on how
to tackle minority issues of the defunct units among the new entities. According to
Adekanye (1989), most of these exercises, especially in the recent past, took place under
military regimes. While it has been easier to carry out the exercise under a military rule
because of the dictatorial nature of military regimes, it is always a difficult exercise during
a democratic/civilian period due to the rancorous interaction and processes associated with
minority issues under a democratic setting. Among the thorny issues associated with this
is to manipulation for selfish reasons which often led to dissatisfaction of people in the
affected areas. The dissatisfaction is usually borne from the procedures and or methods by
which the minority issues are addressed, all related to employment, administrative
positions and even admission into schools at all levels.
In the wake of the creation of new local government councils in Adamawa State
vide decree number 21 of 1991; Michika Local Government Area was split into two local
government units consisting of Madagali and Michika Local Government Councils.
Hitherto, the two local government areas were under what had been named Michika Local
Government Area. Given the background of the area as being made up of fairly literate
communities, different ethnic groups with different socio-cultural values, etc., It was
expected that problems will certainly arise, leading to the contentious issues on minority
issues between the two Local Government Councils as they break up. Accordingly,
committees were inaugurated with terms of reference to determine how the minority issues

Nigeria
15
of the parent local government should be determined between the emergent Local
Government Councils. It is important to note that the major tribe in Michika local
government is HIGGI while that of Madagali is MARGI. The minority tribes of Sukur.
Mahakam and Fulani are common to the two Local Government Areas. This paper
identifies and examines the local government administration and minority issues in
Madagali and Michika Local Government areas of Adamawa State.
Creation of Local Government in Nigeria: Historical perspective
Historically, in many societies, a dominant group of people exercises greater
influence over government, business, and culture than other groups. Okpu (1977) states
that, minority groups differ from the dominant group in some ways, and they often suffer
from discrimination and have less political power. Traditionally, minority groups are
defined on the basis of cultural differences, such as language or religion. In practice,
however, minority groups are defined by both physical and cultural differences. Examples
of minority groups in the United States include African Americans, Asian Americans and
Native Americans.
In Nigeria, minorities have a lower average socioeconomic status than the dominant
group in their society. According to Willink, Philip and Sheerer (1958), this is the case of
the major tribes like the Hausa-Fulani, Igbo and Yoruba’ against minority tribes like the
Kanuri, Tiv and many other tribes in Nigeria. Minorities also often face barriers, for
instance, the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria provides that, a minister must
come from each state of origin which consists of many Local Government Areas.
However, the minority groups are not always given chances to produce a candidate. In the
same way, in the admission into higher educational institutions, especially State owned
schools, where minority tribes are not always given little or no consideration when it comes
to catchment areas.
In recent times in Nigeria, there seems to be a continuous conflict between the
major and sub-ethnic groups due to the inability of the government of the day to address
the minority issues. This has serious setback on the development of communities at the
grassroots.
Awolowo (1947) reports that on a political map, the biggest red patch on the West
Coast of Africa is Nigeria. It covers a land area of 923,773 square meters. Similarly, Lugard
and Kirk-Green (1965) remark that, it is one third of British India or the size of France,
Belgium and the United Kingdom put together. Its population is estimated at over
120,000,000 people as per the 1991 population census figures. Today, the estimated
population is 160,000,000.

16
Nigeria consists of different ethnic and sub-ethnic groups. Each group has certain
generic and political features common to all in the group, but each has certain differential
characteristics peculiar to it and thus their needs and wants are based on similar political
values. A country with these varied characteristics and features entails restructuring for
better governance, improved efficiency and equity among the groups and sub-ethnic
groups. Oliver (2001) reports that, specific factors led to the adoption of a federal system
in Nigeria among which include; diversity of the country, desire for political unity in spite
of ethnic and religious differences, shared colonial experience since 1914 amalgamation
by the colonialists, problems associated with the emergence of tribal nationalism and ethnic
based political parties, desire for economic and political viability as a country and general
disenchantment with experimenting the unitary constitutions and the eventual breakdown
of the Macpherson Constitution. Until today, these factors form the basis for the creation
of states and local government councils in Nigeria. The re-structuring exercise continued
with the creation of more states from nineteen in 1987 to thirty-six in 1997.
Further changes in the administrative composition of the country where the
redefinition of the political regions as local government councils and the creation of Abuja
Federal Capital Territory (FCT) in 1991. With this, Lagos ceased to be the Federal Capital,
a position it held right from before independence. There are at present 36 states with a total
of 774 local government councils in the country. According to Dlakwa (1997), this is an
indication that the creation of administrative units would be deemed a continuous process
in Nigeria as various ethnic and sub-ethnic groups continue to press for the creation of
more states and local government areas for obvious socioeconomic and political
conditions. Okoli (1986) states that, the demand for, and creation of local government
councils could be traced as far back to the advent of the McPherson Constitution in 1950
when an attempt was made to democratize administration at the local government level.
Seeing that local governments are very important in the life of the entire community, there
were more agitations by ethnic and sub-ethnic nationalities to have their own Local
Government Areas for economic, cultural and sociopolitical development of their areas.
Since then, there has been the creation of more and more States and Local Government
Councils in Nigeria to serve the yearnings of the diverse ethnic and sub-ethnic nationalities
in the areas of social, economic and political development.
It is imperative to note that, the existing structures of local government councils in
Nigeria have come a long way through different administrations. This could be referred to
as a circumstantial structure of local government councils in Nigeria. In 1985 the Ibrahim
Babangida’s military administration ordered the replacement of the Muhammadu Buhari’s
“Sole Administrator” system with a five-man committee system of which one must be a
woman. Most of the programmesof Babangida’s regime gave credence to the wishes and
aspirations of the people as reported by Adebayo (1989) that the program put in place
public political debate and discussion as the bases for reforming the federal structure. It

Nigeria
17
was also to ensure collective participation in governance, motivate the physical and
economic development and create the conditions for employment opportunities and to
provide social services that will improve the well-being of rural people. For these reasons,
many communities and or ethnic groups sought for the creation of more local government
areas. Thus, between 1976 and 1996, 774 local government councils were created in
Nigeria, as shown in Table 1
Table 1: Local Government Councils between 1976 and 1996
Years Number of local governments
1976 301
1989 449
1991 589
1996 774
Source: Augustus Adebayo, 2000
The gains of local government under the military deduced from Table 2.1 show that
774 local government areas were created within 20 years in Nigeria (301 + 473 = 774).
Until this time, local government areas were created in pursuance of the same reasons given
before, that is, even or equal socio-cultural development of the ethnic and sub-ethnic
groups that existed in the 774 local government councils in Nigeria. The strategic question
is: how has the creation of local government councils addressed the minority issues/rights?
Methodology
This study adapted survey design. Data were collected from both primary and
secondary sources. Questionnaires were structured in both open and close-ended forms to
obtain the desired information from the respondents. This created a provision for more
uniformity of ideas and thoughts for easy assessment of the intrigues involved in the
minority issues related to employment, administrative positions and employment at the
level of local government councils. One hundred and twenty (120) copies of the
questionnaire were distributed to respondents. The population for this study was 1200 for
Michika and Madagali Local Government Areas jointly put at (600+600) that is, 300
people for major tribes and minority tribes from each local government of the study. This
was to enable a cross sectional coverage of local government staff and stakeholders that
take decisions, fully employed and have full participation in development programs of the
local government.
A sample size of 120 (60+60) that is, 30 for major and minority tribes from each of
the local government of study was used. This figure consisted of 5 directors of the local
government areas. 5district heads, 5 ward heads, 5 youth leaders, 5 voluntary organizations,
5 women representatives and 60 members of the public from each of the local government

18
areas were utilized as sample size for the study. Thus, 120 copies of questionnaires were
distributed to respondents in the two local government councils of study. The purpose is to
obtain information on how minority issues, participation and employment in the two local
government councils of Adamawa state were dealt with.
A purposive random sampling method was used to select the respondents. The
sampling method was based on the number of local government staff and stakeholders that
take decisions, fully employed and have full participation in development programs in the
local government areas. The number consisted of the major and sub-ethnic groups in the
localities of study.
The study made use of secondary information involving published books,
committee reports on assets and liabilities sharing, Committee Reports and government
White paper on minority rights in Adamawa State. The methods of data analysis for this
study were simple statistical tools using percentage tables, multiple regression equation (Y
=a+ bx1 + bx2….bxn + E) and partway coefficient to determine the effect of minority issues
on development at the local government level. The objective is to assess whether factors
like minority issues, decisions taken, and opinions of the communities and inter-
governmental relations affected meaningful development in the areas of study.
Data Presentation
For the purpose of gathering and presentation of data, four relevant objective
questions were formulated as a guide for the study. Each set of questions formed a section
of its own. One hundred and twenty sets of questionnaire were designed and distributed in
the local governments of study. Out of this figure, only 95 copies of the questionnaire were
completed and returned to the researchers. This represents 79.1 7% response to the
questionnaires distributed.
Table 2. Distribution of questionnaire
Local
Government Area
No. of distributed
questionnaire
No. of returned
questionnaire
No. of Unreturned
questionnaire
Madagali 60 44(73.3%) 16(26.7%)
Michika 60 51(85%) 9(15%)
120 95 25
Source: Fieldwork, 2018.
From Table 2, there has been a positive response to the questionnaires distributed.
This could be attributed to the simplified design of the questionnaires, which made it easy
to read and to understand by the respondents. The outcome of the responses from the two
local government councils shows that, there were good responses from the local

Nigeria
19
governments under study (with Madagali and Michika) forming 73.7% and 85% response
to questionnaires distributed respectively.
Previous participation in minority issues
Taking the right decision demands skill, experience and previous participation in a
similar exercise. In the same way, the researcher wanted to find out if the respondents had
previous experience and participation in taking decisions on minority issues. The outcome
is presented in Table 3.
Table 3: Previous participation in minority issues
S/No. Responses Frequency Percentage
a.
b.
Yes
No
89
6
93.7
6.3
Total 95 100.0%
Source: Field work 2018
Table 3 shows that, most of the respondents participated in one capacity or the other
in the art or process of taking decisions in a similar exercise on minority issues from other
localities in Adamawa State. It therefore means that respondents had the relevant skill and
hence the skill and experiences in dealing with minority issues.
Decision Implementation
At times, when decisions are taken, they serve as a guide for carrying out a task,
especially implementing the decision taken on minority issues. The researcher tried to find
out if the decisions that were taken on minority issues were implemented as expected. The
result is presented in Table 4.
Table 4: Decision implementation
a.
b.
c.
Partially implemented
Fully implemented
Not implemented
58
37
0
61.1
38.9
0.0
Total 95 100.0%
Source: Field work; 2018

20
Table4shows that the decision on minority issues were partially implemented as
indicated by 58 respondents out of the 95 responses received. The case here will be
reactions from the minority groups in the two localities which may not be good for
meaningful development of the two localities.
Settling disagreements from inability to implementing decisions on minority issues
Since minority issues involve intrigues; disagreements are bound to arise from the
exercise over the criteria used. In this situation, the researcher sought to find out how these
disagreements were resolved. The outcome is shown in Table 5.
Table 5: Settlement of disagreement
a.
b.
c.
d.
Third-party Adjustment
Compromise
Petitions
Government intervention
7
15
72
1
7.4
15.8
75.8
1.1
Total 95 100.0%
Source: Field work; 2018.
Table 5 indicates that, the resolution by compromise among the minorities in the
localities is the major criterion used for settling a disagreement arising from settling
minority issues. Other reasons deduced were that, the new local government entities did
not want to waste time and resources when other methods to seek redress through petitions,
intervention of a 3rd
party and adjudication are used for the settlement of disagreements
among the entities.
Satisfaction with minority issues exercise.
The fact that almost the entire community was aware of the minority issues
exercise. The need to find out if the communities were satisfied with the process by which
the issues were settled is very important. The researcher sought to know if they were not
satisfied by the way minority issues were settled among the minority groups in Michika
and MadagaliLocal Government Councils. The report of the responses could be seen in
Table 6.

Nigeria
21
Table 6: Satisfaction with minority issue exercise
S/ No. Responses Frequency Percentage
a.
b.
Yes
No
81
14
85.3
14.7
Total 95 100.0%
Source: Field work; 2018.
From Table 6, it can be seen that, people were satisfied with the outcome of the exercise
on minority issues in the two localities. Though the result portrays a positive response, one
can rightly say that, people had some reservations on how minority issues were treated in
Michika and Madagali Local Government Councils. However, the community satisfaction
means an indication of meaningful development in the area of study.
Analysis and implication of findings
This section analyses the implication of the opinions and responses of the
communities on settling minority issues on how the committees took advantage of local
government creation to amplify the struggle over resource allocation in the area of study.
Regression analysis was used as a tool to examine the relative importance of the parameters
that constituted tools therein:
i. Decision making on minority issues in the local government councils of study;
ii. Minority issues in the local government of study;
Results based on their multiple regressions that present the magnitude of each
variable and their percentage equivalents are covered in Tables 8 — 10. They are presented
in the order by which they were raised by the aims and objectives of the study.
Madagali and Michika decision-making on minority issues
Decision-making process and procedures relating to the topic of study were
considered to find out which variables were considered as the most important, using the
multiple regression equation which was earlier mentioned as Y = a + bx1 ± bx2bxn + E.
The combined result is presented in Table 8.

22
Table 7: Decision-making process for Madagali and Michika on minority issues
S/NO ITEMS Coefficient
of
regression
(b-value)
Standard
error
T-Values Significance
Intercept .113 .213 .529 .598
1. Involvement in
final decision
.366 .032 31.078 .000
2. Implementation
of decision
.257 .045 21.601 .000
3. Decision
making
procedure
.556 .020 49.888 .000
4. Predominant
way of making
a decision
.594 .210 50.853 .000
5. Community
satisfaction
.217 .052 18.713 .000
Dependent variable: Local government Development
Combined results from the two local governments of study on decision process
indicated that, the predominant way of decision-making’; ‘decision procedure’, ‘decision
implementation’, ‘final decision’, and ‘community satisfaction’ were ranked in that order.
The researcher attempted to know the percentage contribution of the variables to determine
which of the variables is rated high to decision making on minority issues among the local
government of study, and hence the outcome presented as follows:
LD = f(x1 + x2 + x3 + x4+ x5
Where:
LD = Local government development
x1 = Final decision on minority issue
x2 = Decision implementation on the minority issue
x3 = Decision procedure for minority issue
x4 = Predominant way of decision making on minority issue
x5 = Community satisfaction on minority issues

Nigeria
23
Operationalizing the formula, the coefficients of the regression (b-value) as seen in
table 8 is substituted to find out which of the variables is ranked highest for decision-
making on minority issues in the two in the two local governments under investigation.
LD = 0.366 x1 + 0.257 X2+ 0.556 x3 + 0.594 x4 + 0.217 x5 1.99.
It is assumed here that, acceptable decision process on minority issues among the local
government of study is a function of the ‘final decision made’, ‘implementation of the
decisions’, decision procedures, the predominant way of decision-making’ and
‘community satisfaction’ in the exercise of the minority issues among the local
governments of study. The coefficients of regression for the variables (items) enlisted in
their order of appearance and their individual percentage contribution equivalence to the
final decision on minority issues is as indicated below.
i. Final Decision on Minority issue (FD) 18.39%
ii. Implementation of Decision (ID) on minority issue 12.92%
iii. Decision Procedure (DP) on minority issue, 27.94%
iv. Predominant Way of Decision Making (PW) on minority issue 29.85%
v. Community Satisfaction (CS) on minority issue, 10.90% 100%
The combined ratings for five parameters for both Madagali and Michika local
government range from 10.90 - 29.85% as seen above. Among the decision variables,
decision procedures’ and predominant ways of decision making’ topped the ranks as the
most important features in decision making, ‘community satisfaction’ and
‘implementation’ were viewed as less important. From the combined results of the two
local government councils, the decision-making variables contributed positively (b-values)
to the total minority issues in the decision-making process. However, the negative intercept
(a = -0.113) indicates that, decision-making process was not strictly followed on minority
issues in the two local government councils. Thus, the negative intercept -0.113. The error
margin of 0.213 indicates the contribution of other extraneous factors, not considered by
the study.
Terms of Reference and Committee’s Decisions
The fact that, terms of reference guides committees during the exercise of minority
issues is not to be disputed. Variables affecting the impact of the terms of reference on
committee’s decision were compared using the regression coefficient that explains the
magnitude of each variable. Out of the four variables offered to test the impact of terms of
reference on the committee’s decision. Effect on community opinions’ of the local
government councils was the overall deciding factor (37.22%). This was followed by
‘effect of terms of reference’ and ‘effect of decision making’, which in turn significantly
overshadowed ‘terms of reference’ in importance as shown below for both local
government councils.

24
Table 8. Effect of Terms of Reference on Committee’s Decision on Minority Issues.
S/NO ITEMS Coefficient of
regression (b-
VALUE)
Standard
error
T-Value Significance
Intercept 1.477E- 02 .341 .043 .966
1. Terms of Reference .123 .164 6.292 .000
2. Impact of term of
Reference
.477 .043 24.845 .000
3. Effect on Decision .456 .042 22.697 .000
Effect on com.
Opinions.
.626 .029 33.203 .000
Dependent Variable: Local government development
The combined result from Madagali and Michika Local Government Councils
indicated that, the decision leading to the opinions of the communities affected localities
witnessed ‘serious impact’ and hence rated as the highest variable affected by the terms
of reference that guided the committee’s decisions. Other factors like ‘final decision’
were also affected. When this situation was analyzed from the percentage contribution,
the outcome is presented as follows.
LD =F(X1 + X2 + X3 + X4 +X5)
Where: LD = Local government development
x1= Terms of reference on minority issues
X2 = Committees Decisions on the minority issue
x3 = Extent of impact on decisions on minority issue
x4 = Impact of decisions on community opinions on minority issues
Substituting the values of the variables from table 5.9.1 we have the following:
ITRD = 0.123 x1+ 0.477 X2 + 0.456 x3+ 0.626 x4 = 1.682. The coefficients of regression
for the various variables (items) enlisted in their order of appearance and the individual
percentage contribution equivalence is as indicated 7 below.
Terms of Reference (TR) on minority issue, 07.31%
Committees Decisions (CD) on minority issue, 28.36%
Effect of Decision (ED) on minority issue, 27.11%
Impact on Take-off (ET) on minority issue, 37.22%
Total 100%

Nigeria
25
The outcome of the combined contribution indicates that, the terms of reference’
given to the committees had a serious impact on the community opinions of the localities.
The order of importance placed on the features or variables ranged from 7.3l%-37.22% for
Madagali and Michika Local Government Councils. From the combined results of the two
local government councils, the variables for terms of reference contributed positively (b-
values) to the committee’s decision-making process on minority issues exercise. However,
the positive intercept (1.477 E-02) shows that, the terms of reference on minority issues
were strictly followed by the committees. The error margin of.341 indicates the
contribution of other extraneous factors, not considered by the study. Thus, the positive
intercept 1.477.
The opinions and responses from the community
The aftermath of an exercise similar to that of the minority issues could be the
opinions and responses on how best the exercise would have been done. Variables affecting
opinions and responses from both local government councils of the study were compared
to explain the magnitude of each variable. Similarly, assessment was done for individual
local government and hence the overall combined result as indicated on Table l0.
Table 9. Effect of decision acceptability on local government development.
Items.
Coefficient of
regression (b-value)
Standard
Error
T-value Significance
Intercept. 1.1 bE-IS .000 - -
Awareness .209 .000 - -
Satisfaction. .283 .000 - -
Acceptable
basis
.890 .000 - -
Dependent variable: Local government development
Combined results from Madagali and Michika Local Government Councils
indicated that the communities were more concerned about acceptable basis on minority
issues. Other factors like ‘community satisfaction’ and ‘awareness’ were among the factors
rated high by the community as to how best the exercise should have been done. To find
out the percentage contribution of each variable, the result is presented as follows.
LD =COR = f(x1+ x2 + X3)
Where: LD = Local government development
COR = Community opinions and responses on minority issue
x1 Community awareness on minority issues
X2= Community satisfaction on minority issues
X3= Acceptable basis for consideration of minority issues

26
Substituting the values of each of the variables from the coefficients of the
regression (b-value) on Table 10, we have the following; COR 0.209 x1 + 0.283 X2 +
0.890 x3 = 1.382. The coefficients of regression for the variables (items) enlisted in their
order of appearance and the individual percentage contribution equivalence is as
indicated below.
Community Awareness (CA) on minority issue = 15.12%
Community satisfaction (C S) on minority issue = 20.48%
Acceptable basis (AB) on minority issue = 64.40%
Total = 100%
The combined result of the two local government councils shows that, ‘acceptable
basis for minority issues was rated highest variable as a true reflection of the opinion and
responses from the Michika and Madagali communities. The order of importance placed
on the features or variable ranged from 15.12%-64.40% for Madagali and Michika Local
Government Councils.
Result of the Findings
This section deals with the issues arising from minority issues as the Nigerian
nation continued to be restructured. As more states and local government councils are being
created. Minority issues must be addressed for development. However, minority issues are
not an easy task as it involves some contentious issues relating to administrative positions,
employment, school admission and dissatisfaction on decisions taken on minority issues in
the two local governments of study.
Previous Participation of Committees in the Determination of Minority Issues.
The determination of what constitute minority issues varies with the localities and
skill and experience of the committee members. From Table 3; the committees are said to
have participated in a similar exercise as the responses indicated 93.7%. This is an
indication that the minority issues among the two localities of study were adequately
determined. This view is acceptable as most Nigerians know the minority issues between
the ethnic and sub-ethnic tribes in Nigeria. Thus, the determinations of minority issues are
not a problem and hence have little significance on the development of the local
government councils of study.
Decision-making process for Madagali and Michika on minority issues
Effective decision-making requires a rational selection of a course of action, which
is seen as part of every one’s livelihood. In the same way, problems relating to minority
issues among local government councils or the community must be decided upon.
However, some decisions are rational while some are irrational in the sense that they follow
the conventional methods and otherwise respectively of the ways of making a decision.
Whichever method adopted by either the individual or the committee members, there must

Nigeria
27
be a decision. However, the concern of this study is who takes the final decision on minority
issues at the local government level, and of what relevance has it on the development of
the localities of study?
Table 8 indicates 18% on final decision which is an indication that, decision may
be taken at the local level, but the white paper (final Decision) will be taken by the state
government. The case here is that, decisions will have little or no impact on development
at the local government areas as the committees set up sub-committees at the local
government level and then refer all issues to the terms of references without reflecting on
the provisions of the constitutional powers of the state and local government on the
minority issues.
Decision implementation
This is the art and process of putting into action the decision that was taken. This
requires competent administrators that must come from a combination of the tribes who
will be able to understand and interpret the decisions taken. From Table 4, it can be seen
that, the right decision was taken on minority issues, but the implementation was very
partial 61.1% as compared to full implementation 38.9%. This is not good for meaningful
development at the local government level. The reason, according to Adejo (2006), is that;
Nigerian governments have had very good decisions/plans that can transform the Nigerian
nation, but the problem of implementing the decisions/plans is always the cause of concern.
When this occurs over a period of time, there cannot be any development. The reason for
this could be deduced from disagreements among ethnic and sub-ethnic tribes in the area
of study.
Generally, there are a number of problems facing most local government councils
when it comes to decision implementation. According to Ikoiwak (1994), the problems are
categorized into, conceptual, institutional and operational. It is conceptual if the newly
created and reconstituted local government councils do not possess the adequate capacity,
requisite skill and aptitude for addressing such issues involving minority issues between
local government councils concerned. Similarly, implementation of a decision
encompasses those actions by public and private individuals that are directed at the
advancement of the objectives set forth. Successful implementation requires that decisions
be clearly stated and understood by the implementers. Any misinterpretation can lead to
undesired outcomes. Clarity of decision objectives helps in the evaluation of the
implementation of the decisions made.
The relationship between various committees both at the state and local government
levels brings about institutional problems in tackling minority issues for a good decision.
It needs to be cordial or with some degree of cooperation. This is rarely achieved at the
local government level as the committees are not the only organs involved in the

28
implementation of the decision. On the operational problems, decisions as well as their
implementation require participation of individuals, decision makers, the decision
implementers and the decision enforcing bodies, which are the executive, the council and
the law enforcement authorities. Where such participation is weak or not forthcoming, the
decision will remain ineffective and hence its implementation becomes subtle.
Settling disagreements from inability to implement decisions on minority issues
Communities comprise of people who are linked together with some common ties
like history, economic and social interests. In the same way, interest groups are hatched in
the event of such an exercise that has community interest at stake. These groups, usually
political leaders, youths and elders, have ‘concern’ for the community. The intrigues here
are that, while the interest groups are not conversant with constitutional and administrative
provision in such exercise and have no knowledge of regional and local government
experience in addressing minority issues, they insist on having an influence on how the
minority issues were ascertained at the two local government areas. Specifically, village
heads or district heads are part of the interest groups, who seek to influence their subject
not to disclose the existence of minority issues in the community. The point here is that,
the district head can be biased on his advice to the committees.
From Table 5, disagreement over non-implementation of decision on minority
issues was full of petitions to 75.8%. To deal with petition cases requires time, which
otherwise should have been used for development of the local government areas. For these
reasons, the roles played by the interest groups (as sub-committee members at local
government level) become matters of contention arising from minority issues among local
government councils.
Satisfaction with the mode of minority issues’ exercise
The researcher wanted to find out whether the localities under study were satisfied
with the decisions taken as well as the implementation of the decisions on minority issues.
The answer to this was based on the politics of minority issues in the localities of study.
The politics of minority issues have a bearing on the system of governance of an era. Within
a given community, a group of politicians would want to fulfill their political aspirations.
When voted into office they ensure that, there is good bargaining, compromise, persuasion
and reconciliation in their dealings as they try to fulfill their party promises. In the same
way, when dealing with the minority issue, they would want to apportion more blame on
the majority tribes of that area.
Table 6 indicated that the level of satisfaction is 85.3%, while those that were
satisfied are 14.7% which is due to political reasons. As a result of this, instead of being
persuasive, compromising and good bargaining in their manner of approach, they create

Nigeria
29
rancor between the Local Government Councils concerned. Where this exists, it becomes
a problem that may lead either to a slow decision or incorrect decision for effective and
smooth development in the affected local government councils. When this occurs, there
are more intrigues affecting minority issues in the local government council leading to
more disagreement between the parties responsible for making the final decision for
meaningful development in the localities.
Terms of reference of minority issues
Decisions on the terms of reference on minority issues were strictly followed by
the committees as indicated on table 9. This is because members of committees were
appointed by the state government to represent the interest of the various communities. In
view of their representative capacity, appointed members may have little or no knowledge
of minority issues in the area of study. In this case. They may work strictly on the
provisions of the terms of reference to carry out the assignment they were asked to
accomplish subject to a white paper by the state government.
Conclusion
After a series of cross-examination, analysis, findings and discussions based on the
objectives of the study raised earlier on, the study concludes on the followings: Firstly, the
determinations of minority issues are not a problem and hence have little significance on
the development of the local government councils of study. Secondly, decisions based on
the provisions of the constitutional powers of the state and local government on minority
issues will have an impact on the development of the local government. Thirdly, Decision
implementation requires competent administrators that must come from a combination of
the tribes who will be able to understand and interpret the decisions taken. Fourthly,
disagreement over non-implementation of decision on minority issues was full of petitions
to 75.8%.
To deal with petition cases requires time, which otherwise should have been used
for development of the local government areas. There are more intrigues affecting minority
issues in the local government council leading to more disagreement and dissatisfaction
with the outcome of minority exercise. The need for adequate information about cases
dealing with minority issues is required as minority issues have and stand as impediments
to local government administration and development among newly created local
government areas in Nigeria now and in the future. The terms of reference that served as a
guide for minority issues affected the process of arriving at a decision for tackling minority
issues in the affected local government councils.

30
Recommendations
A study of this nature has serious implications on the political, social, economic
and cultural development of the affected communities. Already, results from the study have
indicated the items listed in the conclusion. Given these conclusions, the study
recommended the following:
1. Minority participation in decision making on minority issues among local government
councils should be promoted and encouraged for meaningful development at the
grassroots.
2. Minority issues should be harmonized with the opinion and wishes of minority groups
in the community at the local government councils for meaningful development in Nigeria
as seen in Madagali and Michika Local government areas.
3. There should be adequate, implementation of the decisions reached on minority issues
by improving on the ability, skill and experience of the committees and the staff involved
in the execution of minority issues exercise.
4. The relationship between tiers of government on minority issues must be improved.
References
Adebayo, A. (1989). Principles and Practice of Public Administration: Ibadan, Heinemann
Educational Books Limited.
Adejo, U. (1994). “Local Government as Third Tier of Government: Roles, Functions and
Challenges”, Being a Paper Presented at the National Orientation Workshop for
Local Government Care Taker Committees, Abuja, Ministry of State and Local
Government Affairs, Abuja
Adekanye, B. (1989). Politics in Military Context in Nigeria since Independence: The first
25 years; Ibadan, Heinemann Educational Books Limited.
Adamolekun, L. (1983). Public Administration: A Nigerian and Comparative
Perspectives, Administrative staff college of Nigeria (ASCON), Ikeja-Lagos,
Longman Nigeria Ltd.
Awolowo, O. (1947). Path to Nigerian Freedom. Forwarded by Perham Magrey. London,
Faber and Faber Ltd.
Dlakwa, H. (1997). “Decision Making Theory” Unpublished Material. Department of
Political Science and Administration, Maiduguri; University of Maiduguri.
Federal Government of Nigeria (1972). Report on the work of the interim commission
service agency, Kaduna.1st
April 1968 to 31st
March 1972 Government Printer.

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Federal Government white paper on the interim administration council’s work 1968
Kaduna. Government printer.
Federal Republic of Nigeria (1975). Report of the Panel Appointed by the Federal Military
Government to Investigate the Issue of the Creation of More States and Boundary
Adjustment in Nigeria; Lagos Government Printer.
Gboyega, A. (1987). Political Values and Local Government in Nigeria. Lagos, Malt house
Press Limited. George Allen and Unwin Ltd.
Kirk-Greene, A.H.M. (1965). The Principles of Native Administration in Nigeria. London,
Oxford University Press.
Kirk-Greene, A.H.M. (1971). Crisis and Conflict in Nigeria: A Documentary Source Book
1966-1990, Vol. I. London, Oxford University Press.
Okoli, F.C. (1986). “The Place and Role of Local Government in Nigeria’s National
Development”, In the “intergovernmental system and Alternative Political Order
for Nigeria in the 1990’s and beyond”, Maiduguri, Department of Political Science
and Administration, University of Maiduguri.
Oyediran, O. and Gboyega, A. (1979). “Local Government and Administration” In
Oyeleye Oyediran (Ed), Nigeria Government and Politics under Military Rule.
London, Macmillan Press.
Willink, H. G., Philip, H. M. and Sheerer J.B. (1958). Report of the Commission
Appointment to Inquire into Fears of Minorities and the Means of allaying them,
London, Her Majesty’s Stationeries Office.

32
Impact of Exchange Rate on Selected Macroeconomic Variables in Nigeria, 1986-
2017.
1
Yahaya Salihu Emeje Ph.D and 2
Apeh, Ajene Sunday Ph.D
1
Department of Economics, Taraba State University Jalingo, Taraba State, Nigeria.
2
Department of Economics and Management Science, Nigeria Police Academy Wudil, Kano
Email address: seyahaya@gmail.com&apehsunday96@gmail.com
Abstract
This paper examines the impact of exchange rate on selected macroeconomic variables in
Nigeria. The paper covers the period of 1986 to 2017 taking into consideration the trade
liberalization policy (SAP era) and Export Promotion Policy (post SAP era) (1999 to date).
The aim is to analyze the extent to which exchange rate affects selected macroeconomic
variables. The data for this study were analyzed using analytical tools. The analytical tools
involved the use of Vector Error Correction Model, Augmented Dickey-Fuller (ADF) test,
stability test, Lag Order Selection Criteria, and the Johansen Co-integration Test. The result
revealed that the coefficients of GDP, inflation rate, money supply and trade openness
conformed to a priori expectation while interest rate did not. This implies that as GDP rises,
the exchange rate will appreciate. This is because as the country produces more goods, it
means there would be an increase in exports, which boosts the exchange rate of a country.
Similarly, an improvement in exports will also increase the level of openness of the
economy, which affects the exchange rate positively. Conversely, as inflation rises, the
value of money erodes, which leads to a depreciation of the exchange rate, because the
exchange rate is computed using relative commodity prices of different countries. The
study found that GDP, trade openness and inflation rate significantly affect exchange rates,
while interest rate and money supply do not significantly affect the exchange rate in
Nigeria. The study, therefore, concludes that while some macroeconomic variables are
instrumental to exchange rate appreciation, others are detrimental to it and leads to
exchange rate depreciation. On the basis of these findings, the paper recommends that the
government of Nigeria should focus on expanding productive activities so as to improve
the exports of the nation which can lead to a reduction of exchange rate depreciation, It
also recommends that the monetary authorities should avoid rapid variations in the growth
of money so as to avoid frequent increases in the rate of inflation which is detrimental to
exchange rate appreciation.
Keywords: Exchange rate, Interest rate, Inflation, Money supply, Gross domestic product,
Nigeria.

Impact of Exchange Rate on Selected Macroeconomic Variables in Nigeria, 1986-2017.
33
Introduction
The exchange rate is an important macroeconomic variable used as a parameter for
determining international competitiveness and it serves as an indicator of competitiveness
for any country’s currency. In view of that, the lower the value of this indicator in any
country the higher the competitiveness of such currency of that country. Exchange rate
system includes set of rules, arrangement and institutions under which nations effect
payments among themselves.
The exchange rate is said to be an important element in the economic growth and
development of a developing nation. Exchange rate policies influence the economic
activities and to a large extent, dictate the direction of macroeconomic variables in the
country. The mechanism of exchange rate determination is different systems of managing
the exchange rate of a nation’s currency in terms of other currencies and this should be
properly done in a way that will bring about efficient allocation of scarce resources so as
to achieve growth and development.
In Nigeria and indeed many developing countries, the price of foreign exchange
plays a critical role in the ability of the economy to attain optimal levels in production
activities. In the wake of policy change, occasioned by the introduction of structural
adjustment programs (SAP) in July, 1986, led to the emergence of the flexible exchange
rate as oppose to fix the exchange rate as a regime that was in place before the policy
change. During the fixed exchange rate regime, the supply of foreign exchange was highly
subsidized through the overvaluation of domestic currency. The essence of the policy was
to maintain a relatively cheaper cost of importation of industrial raw-material and
equipment, so as to sustain the policy of import substitution industrialization strategy
(Obadan, 2015).
To further consolidate the period of the oil boom of the 1970s, the government
continued to sustain overvaluation of domestic currency, so as to douse the inflationary
pressure arose from the monetization of the oil windfall gains through the Udoji committee
known as “Udoji Awards” of 1975. But in the wake of persistent balance of payment deficit
caused by the downward trend in the oil price in the international market led to the jettison
of the fixed exchange rate, and emergence of flexible exchange rate through second-tier-
exchange rate market (SFEM). This policy led to the downward trend in exchange rate and
the impact of overvaluation of the exchange rate came with the massive importation of
foreign goods because they are cheaper and while exports are relatively expensive and
uncompetitive in the international market and led to the importation of large volumes of
consumer goods and thereby worsen the country’s balance of payment deficit (Gbosi,
2015). In view of the above anomaly, it is important to investigate the impact of exchange
rate on macroeconomics variables for the period of 1986-2017; a sample size of 31 years,
a period long enough for time series analysis. However, several studies on the impact of
exchange rate on macroeconomic variables have been conducted, but most of these studies

34
either focused on the impact of exchange rate on trade or on growth or were done outside
the shore of this country. In addition, the majority of the studies on exchange rate did not
consider the possibility of the long run relationship between exchange rate and their
macroeconomic variables. Suffice it to say that most of their time frames are too short to
access the long run behavior of exchange rates and its macroeconomic variables. The
choice of this period is due to the fact that Nigerian economy has practiced different types
of exchange rate regimes within the given period. All these constitute the gap other studies
have not been able to bridge that this paper has succeeded in filling. The main objective of
this paper is to examine the impact of exchange rate on selected macroeconomic variables
in Nigeria. Apart from the introduction, the rest of the paper is organized into section 2,
literature review, section 3, is the materials and methods used, section 4 is the data
presentation and discussion of the results, finally section 5 is conclusion and policy
recommendations.
Conceptual Clarification
Exchange Rate
According to Oriavwote and Oyovwi (2012), the exchange rate is defined as the
rate at which one country’s currency is exchanged for the currency of another country. This
implies that the exchange rate is the price of one country’s currency relative to other
countries’ currency. Furthermore, Bakoulas, Baum and Caglayan (2012) defined exchange
rate as the price at which exchange between two countries take place. They stated that the
modality to determine the exchange rate is an issue that has taken the center stage of
monetary and international economics. Monetary policy authority in Nigeria is faced with
the problems of having a stable and realistic exchange rate, which is in consonance with
other macroeconomic fundamentals. This is because exchange rate instability can have
serious adverse consequences on prices, investments and international trade decisions. A
realistic exchange rate is one that reflects the strength of foreign exchange inflow and
outflow, the stock of reserves as well as ensuring equilibrium in the balance of payments
that is consistent with the cost and price levels of trading partners (Ojo, 2012).
More so, Nouri and Samimi (2012) define exchange rate as the amount of local or
home currency required to purchase one unit of a foreign currency. They opined that
exchange rate is determined by the demand and supply of foreign currency, trade balance,
current account balance and capital account balance. GDP per capita is often considered as
an indicator of a country's growth. Changes in the exchange rate translate directly into
changes in domestic collections from imports and exports. For a given level of imports or
exports, a more depreciated real exchange rate would increase the base of trade taxes in
domestic currency terms, which would in turn increase trade tax collections.
Oladipupo and Ogheneov (2014) perceive exchange rate as the price of one
currency in terms of another. The increase or decrease of real exchange rate indicates the
strength or the weaknesses of the currency in relation to foreign currency, and it is a

Impact of Exchange Rate on Selected Macroeconomic Variables in Nigeria, 1986-2017.
35
standard for illustrating the competitiveness of domestic industries in the world market.
When there is deviation of this rate over a period of time from the benchmark or
equilibrium, the exchange rate is said to be volatile. It also indicates that the misalignment
of the exchange rate has occurred where there is a multiplicity of markets parallel with the
official market. It is of a general belief that the appreciation of a currency expands imports
and reduces exports while the depreciation of currency increases the cost of importation;
thereby discouraging imports and encouraging export. Risk adverse investors invest in
exports so as to worry less about the changes in the exchange rate and prevent a sudden
loss of revenue (Olowe, 2015).
Masha and Adamgbe (2015) have defined exchange rate as the rate at which one
currency exchanges for another. The exchange rate is said to depreciate if the amount of
domestic currency requires buying a foreign currency increases, while the exchange rate
appreciates if the amount of domestic currency require buying a foreign currency reduces.
An appreciation in the real exchange rate may create current account problems because it
leads to overvaluation. Overvaluation in turn makes imports artificially cheaper while
exports relatively expensive, thus reducing the international competitiveness of a country.
Ehinomen and Oladipo (2015) define exchange rate as the price of one currency
(the domestic currency) in terms of another (the foreign currency). The exchange rate plays
a key role in international economic transactions because no nation can remain in autarky
due to varying factors endowment. Movements in the exchange rate have ripple effects on
other economic variables such as interest rate, inflation rate, unemployment, money supply
and so on. These facts underscore the importance of the exchange rate to the economic well
being of every country that opens its doors to international trade in goods and services.
Concept of Interest Rate
In the views of Rasaq (2016), interest can be defined as the return or yield on equity
or the opportunity cost of deferring current consumption in the future. This definition
clearly shows that interest is a concept which can mean different things depending from
the perspective it is viewed. The interest rate can therefore be seen as a nebulous concept,
a position affirmed by the availability of different types of this rate. Some of which are
savings rate, discount rate, lending rate and the Treasury bill rate. Apart from this, the
interest rate can also be categorized as nominal or real.
Also, Oriavwote and Oyovwi (2012) note that interest rates are the cost of
borrowing money. Interest rates are normally expressed as a percentage to the total
borrowed. The rate of interest is the amount of interest per unit of time, typically one year.
There is no one rate of interest, but, rather, a myriad of rates. Interest rates vary to reflect
the ability and willingness of borrowers to meet their obligations and the ease with which
a borrower’s promissory note or bond, mortgage, debenture or other evidence of
indebtedness can be turned into money (Attah-Obeng, Enu, Osei-Gyimah and Opoku,
2013).

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