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Abstract
The Nigerian civil service emanated from the colonial service which was still in force during the
early years of Nigeria`s independence. A potpourri of indigenous officers and expatriates, the
colonial model civil service was designed as a mere secretariat of government business, but the
need to expand its scope and replace the expatriates with local workforce gave rise to series of
reforms and challenges hitherto experienced in the service. The height of this disarticulation in the
nation`s service occurred during the almost four decades of military rule. The regimented mentality
and the customary command-and-control style of the military severely rubbed-off on the psyche
and operations of the civil service. The noticeable manifestations of systemic weakness were over-
expansion of the service, unification of erstwhile regional services, nepotism, corruption, etc. The
colonial model started well in Nigeria and flourished up to the early post-independence years when
the system opted for the replacement of expatriates under the Nigerianisation scheme. Although
the expatriates were known for dedication and professionalism and even inspired the pioneer
Nigerians who took over from them, the service was to witness a steady decline in quality service
delivery and professionalism especially from the middle of the 1970s due to unhealthy inter-service
rivalries for managerial talent and spurious promotions. In fact, such critical condiments of the
public service such as officer deployments, job classification, grading and posting were routinely
manipulated by politicians and senior service officials. The practice was for some unscrupulous
officials to attach an occupational classification to a staff just to get the staff graded far beyond his
mates. The paper opines that it was this state of affairs that pushed every administration to embark
on reforms and rationalisation.

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Tsu jornal ipsacm vol. 2 no.4

  1. 1. V o l u m e 2 , N u m b e r 4 , J u l y 2 0 2 0 A PUBLICATION OF INSTITUTE OF PEACE STUDIES AND CONFLICT MANAGEMENT (IPSACM), A PUBLICATION OF INSTITUTE OF PEACE STUDIES AND CONFLICT MANAGEMENT (IPSACM), CONTRIBUTORS No. 51 Garu Street, Sabon line Jalingo, Taraba State, Nigeria. TEL 08036255661, 07035668900. HPLHPL HAMEED PRESS LIMITED 2682- 6194ISSN 1. TheTransformation ofTheNigerian CivilServiceFromColonialismTo Post- IndependenceEra Philip Afaha 2. Africa: Could There Ever Be Renaissance? Prof. Usen Smith, 3. An Examination of Election Related Violence and National Security In Nigeria Charles Akale & Olajumoke Ganiyat Jenyo 4. The Contributions of United Nations To Decolonisation In Africa: An Assessment Suleiman Bilal Ishaq & Abu Leonard 5. The Potentialities of Arabic Language In Promoting And Protecting Islam and Its Culture In Nigeria Busari, Kehinde Kamorudeen, PhD 6. Jesus as The Cosmic Christ and The Ecology of The Human Person Michael Gakbe Gokat and Gideon Y. Tambiyi, PhD 7. The Effects of Violent Students' Protests in Nigerian Universities, 1971-1999 Ajala, B. Luqman, Ph.D 8. Forms and Functions of The Nice Properties of English Mohammad Idris S/kudu, PhD & Isa Adamu Haliru, PhD 9. Impact of Nigerian Civil War On Anyigba, North Central Nigeria, 1967- 1970 Ezeogueri-Oyewole, Anne Nnenna & Nda Mariam 10. A Historical Analysis of Political and Electoral Violence in Nigeria Between 2011 – 2018 Ene Gift Linus 11. Cultural Implicity of Naming Among the Mumuye Juliana Aidan, Naomi Ishaya & Azinni Vakkai 12. An Assessment of the Role of River Basin Development Authorities in Agricultural and Economic Development in Nigeria Since 1960 Luka, Nathaniel B. Gimba & Sylvester I. Ugbegeli, PhD, 13. Women's Status in Islam and their Role in Politics and Sustainable Development Maunde Usman Muhammad, Adamu Alhaji Sa'idu & Amina Aminu Isma'il 14. The Role of Women in Traditional Mwaghavul Religion Nakam Nanpan Kangpe 15. La révolte contre les pratiques traditionnelles abusives: Une étude de Le Bistouri des Larmes de Ramonu Sanusi et Rebelle de Fatou Keita Nev Beatrice Nguwasen & Musa Elisha 16. Blind Hatred and Religious Intolerance in Nigeria: Comparing the Biblical Saul and Yerima Musa in Heart of Stone Chentu Dauda Nguvugher, PhD & Bem Alfred Abugh, 17. An Assessment of The Challenges and Opportunities of The De-Radicalisation Programme in North- Eastern State, Nigeria: A Case Study of Operation Safe Corridor Camp, Mallam Sidi, Gombe, Gombe State, Nigeria. Saleh Omar, PhD & Adamu Ahmed 18. Indigenous Knowledge as a Tool for Harmonizing Cultures in Nigerian Societies. Patience Ngunan Kersha, Fagbemi Victoria Yemi, PhD & Linus Nihunga Ahaz 19. Arabic and Fulfulde Grammatical Processes: A Descriptive Comparative Analysis Abubakar Mu'azu & Usman Bobbo Iliyasu 20. Vote Buying and Strategic Use of Money in the 2015 General Elections in Taraba State Auwal Chul & Isa Mohammed
  2. 2. JOURNALOF MULTI-DISCIPLINARYSTUDIES A Publication of Institute of Peace Studies and Conflict Management (IPSACM), Taraba State University, Jalingo, Nigeria Volume 2, Number 4, July 2020 ISSN: 2682-6194 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies
  3. 3. Institute of Peace Studies and Conflict Management (IPSACM), Taraba State University, Jalingo, Volume 2, Number 4, July 2020 ISSN: 2682-6194 Editorial Board Editor-In-Chief Akombo I. Elijah, PhD Secretary Abdulsalami M. Deji, PhD Editorial Members Isa M. Adamu, PhD Aboki M. Sani, PhD Atando Dauda Agbu, PhD Haruna M. Suleimuri, PhD Articles should be submitted online to the Secretary, Institute of Peace Studies and Conflict Management (IPSACM), Taraba State University, PMB 1167, Jalingo,TarabaState,Nigeria. Email: cpscmjournal@gmail.com, dejfat2009@tsuniversity.edu.ng, journalofmultidisciplinary18@gmail.com Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies i
  4. 4. Editorial Consultants Professor Talla Ngarka S., Director, Institute of Peace Studies and Conflict Management(IPSACM),TarabaStateUniversity,Jalingo,Nigeria. Professor Abolade Adeniji, Department of History and International Studies, Lagos StateUniversity,Ojo, Lagos,Nigeria Professor Oguntola-Laguda, Danoye, Department of African Traditional Religions, LagosStateUniversity,Ojo,Lagos,Nigeria Professor Mike O. Odey, Department of History, Benue State University, Makurdi, Nigeria. Professor E. C. Emordi, Department of History and International Studies,AmbroseAlli University,Ekpoma,EdoState,Nigeria Professor Adagba Okpaga, Department of Political Science, Benue State University, Makurdi,Nigeria Prof. Umar Habila Dadem Danfulani, Department of Religious Studies, University of Jos, PlateauState,Nigeria. Prof. OlubunmiAkinsanyaAlo, Department of Sociology, Federal University, Wukari, TarabaState,Nigeria Professor Saawua Gabriel Nyityo, Department of History, Benue State University, Makurdi,Nigeria. Dr. Gbemisola Abdul-Jelil Animasawun, Centre for Peace and Strategic Studies, UniversityofIlorin,Nigeria Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies ii
  5. 5. Mission Statement The world system is increasingly passing through very disturbing phases. Almost every sphere of life is being subjected to unprecedented crises. Both the human and the physical environments have come to crossroads of crises. There are, for instance, unprecedented episodes of global warming; depreciating conditions of soil fertility caused by, mostly, unregulated human activities; overflowing of banks of oceans and rivers on one hand, and alarming rain failures in different parts of the world resulting in protracted droughts and famine; on the other hand unprecedented frictions in human relationships across the globe resulting in unprecedented inter-personal, inter-group, inter-regional and inter- continentalconfrontations,amongothers. The Nigerian society is caught up at a similar crossroad. This presupposes that what has become, or is becoming, of the Nigerian society is directly a reflection of the predicament of the international community. Indeed, the entire Nigerian system is increasingly becoming alarmingly chaotic, resulting in unprecedented episodes of conflicts and violent behaviours. For instance, relationship within, and between, families is increasingly becoming very confrontational; the echoes of intra and inter-communal or group conflicts and violence are assuming new disturbing dimensions; the educational system is fast proving highly incapable of producing variables for positive national growth and development; the two dominant religions, Christianity and Islam, are disturbingly proving to be avenues for the promotion of intra and inter-religious rivalries other than peace and unity which are supposedly their main tenets; the political system is fast becoming terrains of unprecedented violence, conflict, misrule on one hand, as the securityagenciesareincreasingly Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies iii
  6. 6. proving to be suspiciously incapable of performing their constitutional roles on the other hand,amongmanyothervices. Needless to assert at this juncture that conflict, violence and confrontation have become the dominant features of the Nigerian society. This development results from a network of causes.Apparently, therefore, for us to be able to adequately comprehend the adjoining variables responsible for this down trend in our society, much mental, physical and financial energies have to be exerted. This, of course, is the hallmark of Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies, A Publication of Institute of Peace Studies and Conflict Management(IPSACM), Taraba StateUniversity,Jalingo. The Centre appreciates our renown academies who have identified with this mission, particularly, the maiden edition of its Journal through their very valuable articles. Our most reputable senior colleagues who have graciously accepted to be part of this mission as editorial consultants cannot be appreciated enough. The Centre has, indeed, put its hands on the plough and pledges to stick to the philosophy of “Forward Ever, Backward Never”.Weremainresolute. Akombo ElijahItyavkase, PhD Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies iv
  7. 7. Notes on Contributors 1. PhilipAfaha PhD, Dept.ofHistoryandDiplomaticStudiesUniversityofAbuja, Nigeria 2. Prof.Usen Smith, DepartmentofPoliticalScience,FederalUniversity,Wukari, Tarabastate 3. CharlesAkale&OlajumokeGaniyatJenyo,ResearchFellows,Centrefor StrategicResearchandStudies,NationalDefenceCollege,Abuja-Nigeria. 4. SuleimanBilalIshaq &Abu Leonard,DepartmentofHistoryandInternational Studies,FacultyofArtandHumanities,KogiStateUniversity,Anyigba,Nigeria. 5. Busari,KehindeKamorudeen,PhD DepartmentofReligionandAfricanCulture, Facultyofarts,AdekunleAjasinUniversity,Akungba –Akoko, Ondo State,Nigeria. 6. MichaelGakbeGokatPostgraduateStudent,DepartmentofReligionandPhilosophy UniversityofJos, NigeriaandGideonY.Tambiyi,PhD, DepartmentofReligionand Philosophy,UniversityofJos,PlateauState, Nigeria. 7. Ajala,B.Luqman, Ph.D, DepartmentofHistoryandInternationalStudies,AlHikmah University,Ilorin. 8. Mohammad Idris S/kudu, PhD, DepartmentofEnglishandLiteraryStudies,Faculty ofArts,TarabaStateUniversity,Jalingo&IsaAdamu Haliru,PhD, Departmentof LanguagesandLinguistics,FacultyofArts,TarabaStateUniversity,Jalingo. 9. Ezeogueri-Oyewole, Anne Nnenna &Nda Mariam,DepartmentofHistoryand InternationalStudies, KogiStateUniversity,Anyigba,KogiState 10. EneGiftLinus, DepartmentofPoliticalScienceandInternationalRelational,Istanbul AydinUniversity,Turkey. 11. JulianaAidan, NaomiIshaya &AzinniVakkai, DepartmentofLanguages and LinguisticsFacultyofArtsTarabaStateUniversity,Jalingo. 12. Luka NathanielB.Gimba,DepartmentofHistory, AdamawaStateUniversity,Mubi, Nigeria&SylvesterI. Ugbegeli,PhD, DepartmentofHistoryFacultyofArts, Benue StateUniversity,Makurdi,BenueState. 13. Maunde Usman Muhammad, AdamuAlhajiSa'idu &AminaAminu Isma'il, DepartmentofIslamicStudies,FacultyofArts,TarabaStateUniversity,Jalingo, Nigeria. 14. Nakam Nanpan Kangpe, DepartmentofReligionandPhilosophyUniversityofJos, PlateauState,Nigeria. Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies v
  8. 8. 15. Nev BeatriceNguwasen &Musa Elisha,DepartmentofFrenchLanguage,Taraba StateUniversity,Jalingo,Nigeria. 16. Chentu Dauda Nguvugher,PhD, DepartmentofReligionandPhilosophy, Faculty ofArts, UniversityofJos, Jos, Nigeria&BemAlfredAbugh, DepartmentofTheatre andFilmArts, FacultyofArts, UniversityofJos, Jos, Nigeria. 17. SalehOmar,PhD, FederalUniversity,Kashere,GombeState,Nigeria&Adamu Ahmed, DepartmentofSociologyGombeStateUniversity,Nigeria. 18. PatienceNgunan Kersha,NationalLibraryofNigeria,Abuja,FagbemiVictoria Yemi,PhD, DepartmentofLibraryandInformationScience,Universityof Nigeria,Nsuka, EnuguState,Nigeria&Linus NihungaAhaz, Departmentof LibraryandInformationScience,ModdiboAdamaUniversityofTechnology, Yola,AdamawaState,Nigeria. 19. AbubakarMu'azu&Usman Bobbo Iliyasu, FederalCollegeofEducation,Yola, AdamawaState. 20. Auwal Chul &Isa Mohammed,DepartmentofPoliticalScienceandInternational RelationsFacultyofSocialandManagementScience,TarabaStateUniversity, Jalingo. Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies vi
  9. 9. Contents 1. TheTransformationofTheNigerianCivilServiceFrom Colonialism To Post- Independence Era Philip Afaha 2. Africa: Could There Ever Be Renaissance? Prof. Usen Smith, 3. An Examination of Election Related Violence and National Security In Nigeria Charles Akale & Olajumoke Ganiyat Jenyo 4. The Contributions of United Nations To Decolonisation In Africa: An Assessment Suleiman Bilal Ishaq & Abu Leonard 5. ThePotentialitiesofArabicLanguageInPromotingAnd ProtectingIslam andItsCultureInNigeria Busari,KehindeKamorudeen,PhD 6. Jesus as The Cosmic Christ and The Ecology of The Human Person MichaelGakbeGokatand GideonY.Tambiyi,PhD 7. The Effects of Violent Students' Protests in Nigerian Universities, 1971-1999 Ajala,B.Luqman, Ph.D 8. Forms and Functions of The Nice Properties of English Mohammad Idris S/kudu, PhD & Isa Adamu Haliru, PhD 9. Impact of Nigerian Civil War On Anyigba, North Central Nigeria, 1967- 1970 Ezeogueri-Oyewole, Anne Nnenna & Nda Mariam 10. A Historical Analysis of Political and Electoral Violence in NigeriaBetween2011–2018 Ene Gift Linus 11. Cultural Implicity of Naming Among the Mumuye Juliana Aidan, Naomi Ishaya & Azinni Vakkai 12. An Assessment of the Role of River Basin Development Authorities inAgricultural and Economic Development in Nigeria Since1960 Luka, Nathaniel B. Gimba & Sylvester I. Ugbegeli, PhD, 13. Women's Status in Islam and their Role in Politics and Sustainable Development Maunde Usman Muhammad, Adamu Alhaji Sa'idu & Amina Aminu Isma'il 14. The Role of Women in Traditional Mwaghavul Religion Nakam Nanpan Kangpe 1-12 13-24 25-37 38-46 47-56 57-69 70-78 79-85 86-97 98-109 110-118 119-128 129-140 141-146 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies vii
  10. 10. 15. La révolte contre les pratiques traditionnelles abusives: Une étude de Le Bistouri des Larmes de Ramonu Sanusi et Rebelle de Fatou Keita Nev Beatrice Nguwasen & Musa Elisha 16. Blind Hatred and Religious Intolerance in Nigeria: Comparing the Biblical Saul and Yerima Musa in Heart of Stone Chentu Dauda Nguvugher, PhD & Bem Alfred Abugh, 17. An Assessment of The Challenges and Opportunities of The De- Radicalisation Programme in North-Eastern State, Nigeria: A Case Study of Operation Safe Corridor Camp, Mallam Sidi, Gombe, Gombe State, Nigeria. Saleh Omar, PhD & Adamu Ahmed 18. Indigenous Knowledge as a Tool for Harmonizing Cultures in Nigerian Societies. Patience Ngunan Kersha, Fagbemi Victoria Yemi, PhD & Linus Nihunga Ahaz 19. Arabic and Fulfulde Grammatical Processes: A Descriptive Comparative Analysis Abubakar Mu'azu & Usman Bobbo Iliyasu 20.Vote Buying and Strategic Use of Money in the 2015 General Elections in Taraba State Auwal Chul &Isa Mohammed 147-155 156-164 165-178 179-189 190-195 196-204 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies viii
  11. 11. The Transformation of The Nigerian Civil Service From Colonialism To Post- Independence Era Philip Afaha, PhD Dept. of History and Diplomatic Studies, University of Abuja, Nigeria. E-mail: afaha2k4@gmail.com Phone: 08035330806 Abstract The Nigerian civil service emanated from the colonial service which was still in force during the early years of Nigeria`s independence. A potpourri of indigenous officers and expatriates, the colonial model civil service was designed as a mere secretariat of government business, but the need to expand its scope and replace the expatriates with local workforce gave rise to series of reforms and challenges hitherto experienced in the service. The height of this disarticulation in the nation`s service occurred during the almost four decades of military rule. The regimented mentality and the customary command-and-control style of the military severely rubbed-off on the psyche and operations of the civil service. The noticeable manifestations of systemic weakness were over- expansion of the service, unification of erstwhile regional services, nepotism, corruption, etc. The colonial model started well in Nigeria and flourished up to the early post-independence years when the system opted for the replacement of expatriates under the Nigerianisation scheme. Although the expatriates were known for dedication and professionalism and even inspired the pioneer Nigerians who took over from them, the service was to witness a steady decline in quality service delivery and professionalism especially from the middle of the 1970s due to unhealthy inter-service rivalries for managerial talent and spurious promotions. In fact, such critical condiments of the public service such as officer deployments, job classification, grading and posting were routinely manipulated by politicians and senior service officials. The practice was for some unscrupulous officials to attach an occupational classification to a staff just to get the staff graded far beyond his mates. The paper opines that it was this state of affairs that pushed every administration to embark on reformsandrationalisation. Evolution of The Federal Civil Service The Nigerian Civil service as a colonial legacy is rooted in the 1854 Northcote-Trevelyan Report of the British Civil Service. According to that report, the civil service must offer a lifetime career to its officers who are mostly enlisted in their youth. These youths, armed with requisite qualifications, were expected to advance up the ladder of their career through promotion based on an appraisal and seniority until they reach the zenith of the civil service and/or retirement at a certain age. Along this ladder, officers were expected to fully grasp the modus operandi and set rules which make up the system's bureaucracy.This traditional model of public administration is characterised by certain inalienable features which include separation of roles, public interest, functional division of labour, merit- basedrecruitment,andefficientoperationalmethodsbasedon standardisationoftasks. The Nigerian civil service evolved from the bureaucracy of the Royal Niger Company at th the beginning of the 20 century, and had witnessed several pre and post-independence reforms which included His Majesty`s Colonial Service and the Nigerian Civil service of Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 1
  12. 12. 1954. While its main objective at inception was the maintenance of law and order, manpower recruitment and placement, mostly with Europeans, were utilized to achieve this objective. The pattern of recruitment and placement policy by the colonial administration had some racial connotation as Africans were deliberately excluded from 1 civil administration. The downside of this manpower recruitment and placement policy by a foreign colonial administration aroused political agitation amongAfrican members of the Legislative and Nigerian Council. Although members of the Nigerian Council which included both European andAfricans were to meet once a year merely to express opinions which were hardly used in shaping institutional policies and structures for the Nigerian civilservices. Frederick Lugard conducted the two separate civil services of Northern and Southern protectorates through a central secretariat in Lagos. Whatever such Lugardian separatist policies were intended to achieve, one significant consequence for manpower placement in the Nigerian civil service was the difficulty of finding sufficient number of indigenes from the North to take up some posts in the service even before unification. This explains the relatively high number of Europeans in the civil service who, by 1906, numbered locals by 266. Knowledge of Hausa became the main criterion for appointment into the administrative class just to enhance the recruitment and placement of northerners into the civil service, and also as an avenue to select people from the junior ranks to higher posts. This, no doubt, represented a lowering of qualification and was to have unpleasant consequences not only for recruitment into the Northern civil service but also into the federalcivilservice. Sustained agitation by local members of the Nigerian Legislative Councils had its first impact in the appointment of the Walwayn Committee in 1942 set up to consider the question of admission ofAfricans to posts other than secretarial posts in the administrative service. Observers link this change of policy to the Second World War since there was a desire to compensate Nigerians in their support of British war efforts. Due to the Report of the Walwyn Committee, the number of Africans in the senior service rose to 172 out of a 2 totalof2,207posts ascomparedwith26 in1938. RichardConstitution and theNigerianisationoftheCivilService Acceptance in principle of the right to recruit and place Nigerians in the civil service brought about another important policy development, namely that of training. Here, one must mention a related political development, in the form of the Richards constitution, which granted a greater measure of political autonomy than before. Nigerian politicians seemed to have seized upon the Nigerianisation of the civil service and training of suitable Nigerians to occupy posts in it as a quicker way of obtaining the substance of power rather than wait for the development of political institutions. The appointment of the Foot Commission by the Governor-General in 1948/to make recommendations about the recruitment and training of Nigerians fitted in to this policy objective. The report, among others, contained valuable information on student and scholarship plans and resources for thefinancingof thefirst 385 scholarshipand trainingawards by theNigeriansGovernment forthenextthreeyears. The creation of the Civil Service Commission's Department to handle civil service matters, as part of the Foot Commission recommendations should be seen as an important structure within which training was pursued. Training of Nigerians was therefore being considered too important to be treated as part of the function of the Establishment Branch Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 2
  13. 13. of the Chief Secretary's Office.The latter, mostly staffed with Europeans and advisory to the Governor-General, had until then had responsibility for staff recruitment into the civil service. The Civil Service Commissioner's Department was therefore an agency with Nigerian representation that advised the Governor-General on all matters relating to senior appointments and promotions in the services. Side by side with it was created a Central Public Service Board to handle recruitment and selection of candidates for scholarship andtrainingtobeplacedinallGovernmentAuthoritiesorVoluntaryAgencies. Marcpherson Constitution and theCreationofPublicServiceCommission In 1948, the Macpherson constitution was introduced along with the House of Representatives in operation. In furtherance of the policy of Nigerianisation, an order in council was promulgated in 1951 which provided for the creation of a Public Service Commission in Nigeria. The Commission which came into being in May, 1952, was to advise on matters referred to it by the Governor-General relating to the appointment of any person to an office in the public service of the federation or to the dismissal or disciplinary control of officers in that service. The fact that the Commission had little powers was reflected in the Phillipson-Adedo report, which Commission was set up in 1952 to examine and review the policy of Nigerianisation introduced in 1948. The Report states inter-alia: “The circumstances attendant upon the establishment of the present constitution did not admit of the creation at that time of such a body. Other large change in administrative practice and organization were in progress and those responsible for directing in details the course of those changes recognized that the erection of a full-time Public Service Commission competent to advise the Governor on the full range of subjects referred to in section 169 of the order in Council. They raised many issues relating to composition, procedure, regulation of powers (both advisory and executive) and relations to other authorities, including regional governments and the public service boards, which called for mature 3 considerationinthelightoffurtherexperience” The Phillipson-Adebo Commission, like others that preceded it, was set up as a result of Nigerian public opinion expressed in the House of Representatives. As noted in the Commission's observation above, there was a need to establish machinery for making appointments and promotions, a machinery in which the public would repose confidence in the performance of the existing Public Service Commission which was in doubt, and fears were expressed that in the existing arrangements, expatriates less suitable and qualified than available Nigerians could be appointed. Meanwhile, the Northern politicians had begun to express fears that unqualified application of the policy of Nigerianisation was not in their interest because of the shortage of suitable and qualified NigeriansofNorthernorigintomakeup civilserviceposts. In its report published in 1953, the Philison-Adebo Commission noted a modest increase in the number of Nigerians in the civil service, including “Senior Service” posts. In view of progress made in Nigerianisation, it recommended the advertisement of vacant posts at home and abroad and the control of expatriate contract renewal. Training schemes for Junior and Senior officers was recommended, including the establishment of the Regions todealwithappointments,recruitment,promotionsanddisciplinewithintheservice. The Public Service Commission in the Regions should be distinguished from the regional Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 3
  14. 14. Public Service Commissions. While the former were branches of the federal set up, the latter, first requested for by the North, were to be under the control of the Regional Governments. The Northern Regional Government's point of view concerning Nigerianisation was that no appointments of non-expatriate officers (southerners in particular) other than Lieutenant Governor, and that if there was a suitable Northerner with the preference to all other claimants. A policy of Nigerianisation with predominant Southern officers was therefore not acceptable. It is only fair to remark that this mutual suspicion between the North and the South was political but its effect on the establishment ofanefficientNigeriancivilservicewas notindoubt. The difficulty of establishing under the 1951 Richard's Constitution a true federal Nigerian civil service staffed mainly with Nigerians had no doubt surfaced under the serious political undertones and reservations expressed by politicians from the North. This explains why the Phillison-Adebo Commission report, especially their recommendations concerningtheestablishmentofaNigerianCivilService,werenotaccepted. It was under the Macpherson Constitution in 1954 that a federal structure of government for Nigeria as opposed to the unitary system was established. The Constitution provided a regionalized civil service in which four Public Service Commissions were setup to advise the Governor-General and the regional Governors on questions relating to the appointment, discipline or disciplinary control of any public servant which might be referred to them. This situation fitted with what the North had desired of the civil service, while the policy of Nigerianisation was also practiced.The Constitution also provided new posts, salaries,allowancesandconditionsofservicefortheirpublicservices. EvolutionofTheFederalCivilService The breakup of what appeared to be unified civil service under the new Constitution raised some problems that led to the setting up in 1954 of the Gorsuch Commission. The Commission was to make enquiry into the constitutional changes on the future federal and Regional Government since the machinery of government had remained unchanged since 1948 and the Phillison-Adebo Commission dealing with these issues had been overtaken by the political developments since 1953. The Gorsuch Commission Report dealt principally with the Federal Civil Service structure including pay as well as the structure and composition of the Federal Public Service Commission, a commission that would ensure impartiality in the recruitment of civil servants and loyalty to all Governments without political influence and pressures.As a result of the Gorsuch Commission Report, a st Federal and three Regional Public Service Commissions were later established on 1 October,1954,andpublishedintheGazetteasLegalNoticeNo. 2 of1955. The setting up of the Federal Public Service Commission with some Nigerians as members, and the implementation of other recommendations of the Gorsuch Report was followed by an important political event in 1956 when the House of Representatives, elected under the self governing constitution of 1954, passed a Resolution on the Nigerianisationofthecivilservice.TheResolutionStatesthat; “this House, realizing the importance of education in the speeding up of the Nigerianisation of the Federal Civil Service, and in the provision of higher training to fit Nigerians for increased responsibility in all walks of life, calls upon the Council of Ministers to make a comprehensive statement and present specific proposal to this end at the next budget meeting of the 4 House”. The debate of the Resolution resulted in a far-reaching policy statement highlighting the Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 4
  15. 15. problems of training adequate manpower to fill vacant senior posts in the Federal Public Service and the steps necessary to overcome them.As in the recommendations of the Foot Commission of 1948 on Nigerianisation, the House resolution recognised that, although the needs of the government service had first claim on the Government's met by sufficientlytrainednumberofNigerians. As in the House debate, the importance of training for the efficiency of the civil service and the utilization of its manpower was not overlooked in the Gorsuch Report. In paragraph 176,itnotedthat: “it is not enough that the structure of the public service should provide the avenues of advancement. There must be in addition, a comprehensive and coordinated system of training nor should this be merely a phase of limited duration; there will always be room in the services for the two systems to exist side by side-direct entry at various points according to qualifications acquired before recruitment, and promotion from the lower ranks of those 5 whose qualitybyprovedabilityandtrainingfor higherresponsibility”. The Report recommended that each of the four Governments should set up a standing committee on training, comprising the Establishment Secretary, the Director of Education and one member of the Public Service Commission. This was to allay the north's fears of domination by the south, and to assure the development of federal service badly undermined by the existence of Regional Public Service Commissions and Houses of Assembly. Recruitment to fill junior posts in the Federal Service was to be drawn from the Regions while recruitment above that level should be opened to all Nigerians irrespective of their locations. The existence of two grades - the junior and senior services - which encouraged the jump and the inefficiency in promotion from one grade to another were recognised. The Commission therefore recommended the full establishment of an executivegradetobridgethegapbetweentheSeniorandJuniorServices. In spite of all the measures taken to effect rapid Nigerianisation of senior posts in the Civil Service, and with the establishment of the Federal Public Service Commission in 1955, the situation by the eve of independence showed that although there were qualified Nigerians, opportunity to exercise responsibility was denied to them. In contrast, their expatriate counterparts remained indifferent, or were simply opposed to the policy of Nigerianisation. In their books, “The Autobiography of Chief Obafemi Awolowo” and 6 “My life” , both Chief Awolowo and Alhaji Ahmadu Bello had remarked on the over- bearing attitude and instructiveness of the expatriate administrators. Thus, further agitation by Nigerian politicians in the Federal House of Representatives in 1959 led to the appointment of a Parliamentary Committee to examine the progress made with the NigerianisationofthePublicService. The report noted the big disparity that still existed between Nigerians and expatriates in the superscale posts that not all Ministries complied with the requirement to review prospective staff needs of their Departments and to inform the Federal Public Service. The Committee further observed that the presence of expatriate permanent secretaries and other highly-placed officers in what was described as “policy-making post” amounted to an “external control, direct or indirect”, of the public service, and that while these officers remained, it cannot be said that the federal service and that the most critical areas of placement of Nigerians were the technical departments where few Nigerians could be Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 5
  16. 16. found intheseniorposts. The problem of Nigerianisation at the eve of independence then had two aspects. The first was that qualified Nigerians should take over from the expatriates and to encourage the latter to continue to serve under special conditions or be paid lump-sum compensations on precipitate withdrawal. The second was the problem of finding suitably qualified Northerners to fill positions in the federal service. By 1962, the Northern Regional Executive Council had recommended a Nothernisation policy whereby preference would be given to suitable Northerners over others, mainly Southerners. In place of fixed quotas of senior posts in the federal public service being reserved for Northerners as demanded before independence, it was suggested that the Northern Regional Government should assistinreleasingsuitableNorthernerstofillvacanciesinthefederalservice. Thus, at independence, following the report of the Nigerianisation Offices, and on the basis of an evolving political and administrative developments, a federal civil service 7 emerged well defined but according to Olusanya , whose personnel still consisted of a sizeable number of expatriates and of many Nigerians with little or no experience. This situation was not surprising because as observed by the Parliamentary Committee and accepted in the government statement of policy on Nigerianisation, it was not possible for a country to get through the transitional phase of independence without deterioration in standard, although it was necessary to avoid an intolerable degree of deterioration. What was uppermost for Nigerian political elites was to achieve political independence together with a reasonable Nigerianisation of the Administrative Cadre of the civil service and to ensureadequaterepresentationinallgradesoftheservicefortheentirethreeregions. The colonial administrative structure of the Federal Civil Service emphasized country- wide administration through field officers which existed under the unitary system of government between 1914-1946 and the federal system which emerged under the 8 Richard's Constitution of 1946.As noted by Nwosu, the pillars of colonial administration rested on field officers represented by the Colonial Governor, the Residents and District Officers. It was through them that the principal goals of colonial administration, maintenanceoflawandorderandresourcesmobilizationwereachieved. It can be concluded that the then Federal Civil Service was conceived as a colonial institution serving mainly the interest of an external power, and that its structure and personnel recruitment policies reflected this philosophy. The strong nationalist pressure and constant demand for the Nigerianisation of civil service also served as an instrument ofgainingindependenceandpoliticalpower. Post-ColonialCivilService At Independence, there were efforts to transfer both political and administrative responsibilities to the indigenous elites. What this transfer of power and responsibilities translated to for the Nigeria civil service was that the last leg of the race towards full Nigerianisation, a process which started during the colonial period, commenced in 1960. Regardless of the fact that as at that time, full Nigerianisation was yet to be attained, it must be underscored that in contrast to political powers, the service was bequeathed to a Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 6
  17. 17. relatively more sophisticated elites.Although, this has been mentioned early, the reason for the state of affairs was that politician's participation in the colonial government had neither challengingresponsibilitiesnorfullpower. The pursuit of this colonial phase of Nigerianisation started with the establishment of the Morgan Commission in 1963. This Commission and that of Elwood Grading Team (1966) Adebo (1971) all premised their submission in line with their mandate. Accordingly, the federal civil servants became the beneficiaries of an elevated remuneration package and associated privileges commensurate with their grades. This notwithstanding, and integral to this process, was the gradual increase in the future damage that expatriate civil servants would be averted or controlled. With respect to recruitment, it needs to be noted that there was only a marginal growth in the size of the services from 54,989 in 1966 the Federal Civil 9 Servicegrewto98,877 in1974. This public service review commission was understandably the first comprehensive attempt at restructuring the service in all its ramifications. Since the 1970s, the challenges of post war reconstruction and management of the new oil factor in Nigeria rested on the services. Fundamentally, it becomes imperative to gear it up. This necessitated the setting 10 up of Udoji Review Commission in 1972, whose term of reference covered structural and conditions of service, examination of all laws regarding pension and rules guiding intra- services movements. Similarly, it was expected to review grading and salary scales, among others. The Commission`s recommendations that the salary grading system be unified, new management techniques be put in place, “open report system to replace the age old confidentially reporting”, among others, are worthy of note. However, of direct relevance here is its prescription for optimum utilisation of manpower and “how to evolve” a development oriented public service. The Commission became popular with the civil servants based on how it facilitated wage increases. It equally called for the recruitment and training of specialised personnel in the application of scientific knowledge and new management techniques, such a Planning, Programming and Budgeting System (PPBS), Management By Objectives (MBO) and other qualitative measures for gauging targets and results. In fact, the size of the federal civil service generally shot from 98,877 in 1974 to 11 257,103 in1984. It is never in doubt that manpower development, placement and utilisation can be achieved principally through training.Training in the federal civil service since the Udoji Report has been on the upward trend in terms of resource allocation in the budget. This went up from N500,000.00 in 1974 to N7milion in 1982. ASCON training, especially at management 12 level,increasedup to221 from1947-79. Post training placement problems apart, other problems still persisted, as observed by 13 Adamolekun , notably in respect of qualitative aspects of training. Further, post-training placement is compounded by the “pool system” centralized control and development of officers, whereas individual ministries are required to manage their training functions withinthecentralframework. The worse that befall the Commission painstaking efforts was that it “Became 14 synonymous with bonus and new wealth” . The administration of Gowon factored this to attract undue public attention to the salary increase which it retroactively implemented, without implementing other areas of recommendations that could turn the service around. Evidently, it was at this time that a bias was laid for the spade of inter service challenges Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 7
  18. 18. from the state to the federal service which was very noticeable in the 1990s. This reason lends itself to Ademolekun and Ayo's corroboration when they posited that “the state permanent secretaries were portrayed as occupying inferior position below their federal 15 counterparts”. The industrial unrest that resulted from the corrupted implementation process was said to constitute a major factor that promoted the taking over of power by Murtala/Obasanjo administration. To show the relationship between this public service malady and the coup that brought Murtala/Obasanjo of power, no sooner did the regime settle on the job that it set upWilliams Panel in 1975.The Panel received a mandate to look into complaints which arose out of the grading and salary structure put in place by the Udoji Commission. Consequently, the purge of the 1975 that came as the regime's corrective measure against the prevalent civil service inadequacies, a footstep which Buhari administration followed, visited more damage on the service.The fallout of this was captured byAugustusAdebayo. “Never in the history of any human public organisation had so much havoc been wreaked on the organisation by a ruthless decimation its labour force. Without establishing any rational basis or any ascertainable reason, about ten thousand civil servants were thrown out, a good many of them being the cream and the best in the service. This exercise destroyed morale in the service, led to frustration and uncertainty and inevitably shattered productivity and efficiency since many good ones were thrown out and those who 16 remainedlosttheirmoraleandsense ofdevotiontoduty(Adebayo,2000). Rationalization Another reforms effort which aimed to holistically overhaul the service structure was the 17 1988 reforms. Broadly, what came under its purview for streamlining were the structure, size and overhead cost as well as how to make the service efficient as well as boost the morale of the civil servants. It equally sought to determine the cause of problems like over staffing, poor management and operation methods which give rise to avoidable bureaucraticinefficiency. As sweeping as this focus was, so unprecedented were the measures that followed from the exercise. The ministers replaced the permanent secretaries as Chief Executives and Accounting Officers of their ministries. The nomenclature of the permanent secretaries was dropped for Director-General, but of critical implication to the service was that the latter “ends of this radical reforms was the professionalization of the civil service”. This meant the service had no place for generalist administrators any longer. Each ministry was mandatedtoberesponsibleforallpersonnelandstaffmattersexcludingrecruitment. Virtually all the pillars of the reforms have implication for the central concern of this paper. 18 To start with the impression created by Dotun Philips that the minister, by this reform exercise, just assumed the status ofAccounting Officer was inconsistent with the reality. In the words of Ogunlowo J., a former Head of Service with the Kwara state government, “we doubt this because since the inception of the 1979 civilian regime, and has been that injury inflicted on the public service by Murtala regime”. The truth has been that “the role of the Permanent Secretaries as Accounting Officers has been meaningless, except where the 19 Ministers/Commissionerswereineffective. Moreover, Ministers who could be in office for as period as to be counted in months not years, and with the craze for primitive material accumulation prevalent in our society, they might want to make “as much money as they could” yet the checks and balances between the ministry and the career civil servant (Permanent Secretaries) was now removed by Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 8
  19. 19. politicization that it does not exclude all the officers at senior levels. The service equally loses its major attraction of 'insulated' tenure as a career officer for promising young ones. Hence, they join the seekers of greener pastures elsewhere. All these taken together point in a direction that lends to Amuwo's deduction that “the military can only conceive all these either propitious for pattern maintenance or germane to the extension of political 20 landscapebothbeforeandafter1992”. The manner the reforms eroded professionalism was such that it limped on job location, that is the ministry, and not the function or ability of a personnel to become an organised 21 team player for goal achievement, is a contradiction of terms. As Olowu explicates forthrightly that to professionalise is in consonance with horizontal movement across 22 ministries, Leleye buttressed same. The dangers inherent in trying a policy as far reaching as professionalization to the ministerial structure of government can never be overstressed. This idea of each ministry being autonomous in personnel processes put an end to the office of the Head of Service and reduced that of the Federal Civil Service Commission to mere recruiting agents. This severely compromised the critical relevance of the Centralised Personnel Agencies (CPA). In effect, the reforms circumvented the bureaucratic essence of the civil service since it has always been the brief functions of these bodies to harmonize personnel policies and co-ordinate the processes. The CPA is the only unifying cord for all the ministries and extra-ministerial departments while executing their differing schedules. By this autonomy, the 1988 reform exercise equally shots itself in the foot. Its inclusion aimed at reducing the size of the civil service. However, due to the stipulation that “every ministry may have up to a maximum of five 23 operational departments and three common services departments” ministry including those with moderate number of schedules aspired to have the minimum number of departments allowed resulting in an increase in the size of the Civil Service instead of reductionasenvisaged. The damages that 1988 reforms ushered into the civil services led to the formation of Ayida Panel in 1994. Its report constituted the basis of the government white paper released in June 1997. The Ayida Panel re-invested the service with its much desired structural health and the civil servants' hope for a robust career prospect was equally re- awoken. Placement and utilisation of the permanent secretaries that were restricted in the 1988 reforms regained their pristine career importance.The critical coordinating presence ofCPAwithinthesystemwas restoredandreaffirmed. Expectedly, pools system was restored particularly as it concerns certain professions. However, given the inherited bloated size of the service, with the spectra of ghost workers, theAbachamilitaryregimestartedanarbitraryrationalisationofstructureandpersonnel. RemunerationVersus Institutional Reforms Public perception of the role of the civil service has raised the issue of its productivity to become an important political question. In the minds of the political elites and that of other Nigerians, the civil service remains an important vehicle for economic development. The significance of this perceived role for the service is its efficiency and capacity to fulfil such role. It underscores the need to make the civil service manpower more productive and emphasizes the importance of the factors necessary to raise their productivity and performance. Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 9
  20. 20. Towards this end, a strategy of eliciting, and/or sustaining a describable type of behaviour from civil servants for higher productivity has been an agenda of successive governments. It has been the general rationale behind setting up of service reform commission or panel. Any situation that tends to inhibit the efficiency of the service at a given point in time constitutesthedefiningvariableforthetermsofreferenceforacommission. With this in view, all the reform commissions that ever existed in the annual of the Nigeria Federal Civil Service could be broadly categorized into two depending on a commission or panel primal focus. The Tudor-Davies (1945), Mbanefo (1954), Morgan (1963), Elwood Grading Team (1966) and Adebo (1971) Commissions, to mention but a few, represent structural reformation Commissions whose responsibilities or recommendations cut across the divide. While the Gorsuch Commission (1995) was saddled with the task of determiningthenecessityforbothremunerationandstructuralchanges. Equally worthy of attention is the fact that the implementation of recommendations of such Commissions was shaped not only by their terms of reference but also by political expediency. It is therefore not uncommon in circumstances like the Gorsuch Commission for government to accept most recommendations, be it monetary reward inclined or institutional reform biased. The Udoji public service reform though comprehensive was implemented as if the recommendations were solely on salary increases. In order words, rather than giving at least a levelled or equal emphasis on all aspects of the recommendations, Gowon, who wanted support for his plan to prolong his tenure, effected the recommendations as if all to it was salary increment. The conceptualization of the 1988 reform and its implementation made it look as the administrative component of Structural AdjustmentProgrammeandaself-successionagendafortheBabangidaAdministration. Conclusion The colonial model started well in Nigeria and flourished up to the early post- independence years when the system opted for the replacement of expatriates under the Nigerianisation scheme. Although the expatriates were known for dedication and professionalism and even inspired the pioneer Nigerians who took over from them, the service was to witness a steady decline in quality service delivery and professionalism, especially from the middle of the 1970s due to unhealthy inter-service rivalries for managerial talent and spurious promotions. The dynamics of manpower utilization which hitherto relied on planning, forecasting, budgeting and control broke down as even job designs, description and performance were determined by nepotism and other shady factors. In fact, such critical condiments of the public service such as officer deployments, job classification grading and posting became manipulated by politician and senior service officials. The practice was for some unscrupulous officials to attach an occupational classification to a staff just to get the staff graded far beyond his mates. The author opines that it was this “character of the state” that dampened the competence and efficiency of the publicservice. Every succeeding government grappled with reforms to ensure the much needed transformation of the Nigerian civil service from merely 'administrative to managerial culture' to ensure optimal productivity. In 1974, the Udoji Commission set out to articulate a functional template for the Nigerian public service “for it to become a more effective tool to achieve results in its newer, more demanding roles as agents for development.” It was not until in 1974 when the Udoji unified Grading structure attempted a redress of that dysfunctional grading system in the public service. The grading system was not the only Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 10
  21. 21. challenge that bedevilled the public system as at the seventies and the eighties. The symptom of gradual system's collapse got somehow compounded with the neglect it sufferedunderthegripofmilitaryruleonNigeria. The next attempt to tinker on the service was in 1985 when the Buhari regime constituted the Professor Dotun Phillips Committee to recommend ways to synchronize the management and operations of the civil service with the presidential system of government envisaged by the 1979 Constitution. This reform proposal was given the force of law by Decree No. 43 of 1988 by the Gen. Babangida regime and was later supplanted by the Ayida Reform of 1995 due to its disarticulated conception of service professionalism. Apart from these conceptual shortcomings, these reforms were stymied by the command and control tradition of the military which inexorably destroyed accountability mechanisms and other core values of the civil service. For instance, between 1988 and 1999, the military had abolished the office of the Head of Service of the Federation with its attendant backlash on the operations and psyche of the civil service. The paramount consequence of that action was inadequacies and overcrowding of the administrative system. The unguarded expansion was to create distortions in the size, skills and structure of the Civil Service and its overall capacity to deliver services. The tradition of symbiosis among different sectors as basis for policy intelligence was eroded, while the sheer size and structure of the government outgrew its capacity for policy making, programme and projectimplementationaswellaseffectivemonitoringandevaluationofsame. From the onset of the Fourth Republic in 1999, several efforts has been made to restructure the civil service for optimal outputs. Some of these efforts came in form of reform packagesandisolatedpoliciesbyeachsucceedingadministration. References 1. Olusanya G.O Evolution of the Nigerian civil Service 1861-1960. The problem of Nigerianisation, University of Lagos Press, 1975, p.2-4. 2. Katagum, sule (Alhaji), The Development of the Public Service Commission System, Lecture delivered to the Public Service Forum, Fed. 22, 1974, p. 4 3. Ibid, p. 4 4. Gorsuch, L.H., Report of the Commission of the Public services of the government in the Federation of Nigeria, 1954-55, Federal Government of Nigeria, 1955. P. 29 5. Ibid, p. 31 6. Awolowo, Chief Obafemi: My Life 7. Olusanya, op.cit., p.16 8. Nwosu 9. Olusanya G.O. op. cit. p.85 10. Federation of Nigeria, Statement of policy of the Government of the Federation on the Nigerianisation of the Federal Public Service and the Higher training of Nigerians, 1956-60; (sessional Paper No.4, 1956) p.8 11. Sessional paper No.6 op. cit. p.5 12. S. Bamidele Ayo, “The Contributions of Practitioners to Administrative Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 11
  22. 22. Reforms” in Nigeria Public Administration past present and Future, Dele Olowo, S. Bamidele Ayo John Erero (Eds.) (Shonenkan C.I.,Ibadan, 1991) p.69; Augustus Ibid. 13. Ademolekun L., Politics and Administration in Nigeria, London, Hutchinson, 1986) p. 17 14. S. Bamidele Ayo, op. cit, p.71 15. Adamolekun, L. and S.B. Ayo “The Evolution of the Nigeria Federal Administration”. Publius: the Journal of Federalism, Winter Volume 19, No. 1, p. 162 cited by S. Bamidele Aya op. cit. p.70. 16. Augustus Adebayo, Public Administration in Nigeria second Edition (Spectrum Ibadan, 2000) p.213 17. Augustus Adebayo, Op. Cit 18. Dotun Phillip, Preliminary Policy-impact Assessment of the Reforms of the Nigerian Civil Service in Journal of Nigerian Public Administration and management, Vol.1. No. of 1991. 19. Ogunlowo J., “Result_Oriented Public Service in Nigeria-Illusion?' University th of Ilorin. Master in Public Administration. Guest Lecturer, 28 Fed. 1991. P.5; Bamidele Ayo, Ibid. 20. Amuwo 21. Olowu, Dele and Oshionebo Basil, A Report on the National workshop on Manpower Utilization and Development in Nigeria. A post-Udoji evaluation. (ASCON presses, Badagry, January, 1986) p.5 22. Leleye 23. Ogunlowo J. op. cit. p. 11-12. Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 12
  23. 23. Africa: Could There Ever Be Renaissance? Prof. Usen Smith, Department of Political Science, Federal University, Wukari, Taraba state. E-mail: lizzyusensmith@gmail.com Phone: 08063168529 Abstract Those who seek to understand post-colonial African continent and the problems confronting it could only discern what is taking place. The Cold War and apartheid ended and their departure removed two issues that shaped international interest in the continent. Domestically, continued economic crisis, the collapse of neo-patrimonial post-colonial state, and, in response, a surge in pressure for reform shifted political calculations. These international and domestic transformations altered the topography of power and institutional arrangements across the continent and hence the context in which elites made decisions relating to peace and conflict. In some cases,African leaders responded with difficulty and fragile efforts to reform their economies and political systems while in others the pressures led to violence or state collapse. Many states fell somewhere in between these two extremes, with the future still in the balance. This paper will analytically study the situation and sort of prognosticates whether there could be any hope to move away from the present condition. Introduction Africa is increasingly an integrated regional political system, that shares a history of colonial oppression; a new but still evolving, state system; a marginalized place in the international political economy that is still reliant on primary commodity exports; and a widespread desire among its people for democracy, prosperity, and secure livelihoods. To understand where Africa's countries are headed to today, including the big players of 1 NigeriaandSouthAfrica,wemustunderstandtheircommonpast. Current anthropological theories concur thatAfrica is the cradle of all humankind. The “African genesis” theory holds that the earliest hominids, the primordial ancestors of human race, lived in the Great Rift Valley of Central Africa and the Ethiopian highlands. Thus the beginning of African history is the beginning of human history. African history and its present are marked by extensive cross-border and internal migration, changing structures of authority and governance between traditional and modern forms, evolving boundaries of the state and society, and contested concept of religious, ethnic, and national identity. Historically, great ancient kingdoms developed in Africa, including the Gao in present-day Senegal, the Mali dynasties of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries and the regal traditions of the Ashanti in present-day Ghana. During these times, Africans interacted with Islamic traders such as the Berbers, and a vibrant system of exchange developedacrossthesands ofSahara. Early in the fifteenth century, Portuguese fortune-seekers and emissaries of imperialistic monarchies crossed the straits of Gibraltar, and eventually rounded the Cape of Good Hope, and began the European colonization of Africa. This system of colonial domination lasted in some areas until the early 1990s, when independence of Namibia Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 13
  24. 24. marked an end to colonialism. Before European rule, traditional authority in the persons of African monarchs and chief, rooted in agrarian systems of livelihood, was the dominant mode of governance. Colonial rule changedAfrica significantly, and its long-term effects tothepresentcannotbeoverstated. Over the seventeenth to twentieth centuries, additional imperial powers invaded Africa.They carved up the continent along artificial and illogical boundaries, manipulated social systems, and created economic legacies that continue to bedevil African countries. An initial impetus for the colonial exploitation of Africa was the slave trade, in which at least twelve million Africans were enslaved and forcibly trafficked to destinations in the colonial Americas to work plantations of cocoa, coffee, tobacco, cotton, and sugar. The legacies of the slave trade informed the strength of anticolonial movements into the presentin termsof theexploitativerelationshipthatAfricanshavelong hadwithforeigners who intervene primarily in their own interests. Indeed, just west of the capital of Dakar, Senegal, lies Goree Island, once a prison where slaves were auctioned to slave traders in 2 passing ships; todayithouses aninstitutefordemocracy,development,andhumanrights. With the British decision to abolish slavery in 1833 and the emancipation of slaves in the Americas during the US Civil War, the nature of European subjugation changed. Colonial powers annexed large swaths of African territory in an effort to fuel their industrial revolution with raw materials extracted from the rich natural resources found on the continent. Principally, these resources included cotton, peanuts, cocoa, palm oil, coffee, sisalandmineralssuchascopper,gold,diamond,andotherpreciousorrareearthmetals. Colonization accelerated in the final three decades of the nineteenth century. In 1870, only 10% of Africa was colonized; by 1900 only 10% was not. At the infamous Berlin Conference of 1884, the major European colonial powers-Britain, France, Belgium, Germany, Italy, Portugal, and Spain-divided Africa's territory among themselves. Their colonial “state” was rather arbitrary in terms of then-existing African social patterns. For the most part, the colonial administrative entities simply reflected the pattern of military control exercised by the colonial armies of the European imperialist powers: whoever controlled an area took it as a colony. The borders of most African states today are the legacy of the ill-considered partition ofAfrica in the mid-nineteenth century, based on the “principle of effective occupation” of territory. These boundaries often did not correspond to a consistent geographic, national, or ethnic logic. Ultimately they set the stage for many of the problems of ethnic tension that challenge the majority of African countries today. This process of change is ongoing, as evidenced by the secession of Eritrea from Ethiopia in 1993 or the independence of South Sudan from Sudan in 2011. Whether Eritrea and South Sudan's independence are still part of decolonization as a broad historical process or thebeginningsof theunravelingof contemporaryAfricanstatesintosmallerones willonly be known by future observers. For the present, though, it is safe to say the process of nation building and state building inAfrica remains incomplete, and that theAfrican state system itselfisstillverymuchawork inprogress. Patternsofcolonialism The discovery of rich diamond and gold deposits in South Africa in the 1860s heightened what became known as the “scramble for Africa”. To fully exploit Africa's wealth, colonizers required ever more effective occupation and social control. Although, different in their approaches-the British used “indirect rule” whereas the French, Belgians, and Germans preferred more direct administration-the colonial powers engaged in the Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 14
  25. 25. widespreadpoliticalmanipulationofAfricansocieties. 1. The British relied on agreements with traditional rulers to impose their policies, usually backed up with superior military might. Consequently, we find today that in erstwhile British colonies such as Ghana, Kenya, South Africa, or Uganda, traditional rulers remain very powerful as informal institutions with their own authority, legitimacy, governance functions (for example, on land tenure), and de-facto territorial control by ethnicgroups remainscriticallyimportant. 2. In French and Belgian colonies, centralized power was more important and to a certain extent it eroded more fully traditional power structures. The French sought to exert cultural influence through their language policy, and they ruled their colonies as an extension of France itself. Colonial subjects were to become evolues, or “people evolving” into Frenchmen. In contrast, though, Belgian colonies such as the vast Congo were ruled as thepersonalpropertyoftheeccentricKingLeopardII. 3. In Portuguese colonies, such as Angola, Mozambique, and Cape Verde, assimilation was encouraged and many inter-racial marriages occurred. As a result, assimilados (or mulattos, the product of mixed marriages) became an important social 3 group that blurred the lines between colonial and indigenous rule. Lusophone (Portuguese speaking) countries inAfrica today thus have social structures that are remarkably different from those of former British or French colonies, and assimilados are still influential leaders inthesecountries. Thus another legacy of the colonial period was the stark division of a large part of Africa into Anglophone (English-speaking), Francophone (French-speaking), and Lusophone (Portuguese-speaking) colonies. These language difference affect the way today'sAfrican countries relate to one another and stymie the development of a common approach to contemporary problems. Former British colonies tend to have special ties with one another, as do former French colonies. For example, former English colonies are active members of 4 the British Commonwealth, while French WestAfrican countries have adopted a common currency(theCentralAfricanfranc,orCFA, whichisguaranteedbyFrenchtreasury). The reliance onAfrican land and labour to grow crops and extract mineral wealth in service to the colonial powers in severe distortion in traditional African societies. The colonial authorities introduced European concepts with no indigenous roots inAfrica: Christianity, monogamy, formal education, and wage labour, among others. New stratifications based on socio economic class came into being, ethnic identities were transformed, and basic economic infrastructures and modes of production were created to serve the single- commodity economies needed by the colonial powers. In Southern Africa, European immigrants set up white minority “settler states” that systematically displaced Africans from the land and created a new form of what was described byAfrican liberation leaders in these countries as internal colonialism. In many colonies, the imperial powers imposed a “head tax,” in which anAfrican peasant had to work for a European plantation owner or an enterprisetopayoffdebttothemetropolitanstate(thecolonialpower). After the creation of the Union of South Africa following the British defeat of the Dutch- origin colonists (then known as the Boers, or today, the Afrikaners) in 1902, and after Germany's defeat in World War I, the shape of colonialism in Africa was nearly complete. European plenipotentiaries and bureaucrats ruled the vast continent, and their oppression of the indigenous population was nearly universal. Once Germany lost its colonies after 1918, most decisions affecting the masses of the continent were made in Paris or London, with little regard for their implications for the millions of people whom colonial policy Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 15
  26. 26. affected. Only Liberia and Ethiopia, each owing to their own historical contingencies, were independentcountries. LegaciesofColonialism:ExplainingUnderdevelopment Colonialism's legacies are thus pervasive throughoutAfrica some 60years after the system of domination began to crumble beginning with Ghana's liberation in 1957. These legacies 5 arepolitical,economic,andcultural. 1. Politically, the territorial boundaries of today's countries are the result of the competition among the European powers over arable land, water, blue-water harbors, transportationarteriessuchasrivers,andpreciousmineralresources. 2. Economically, the African colonies were reliant on single commodity, resource- extraction economies. Urbanization was inhibited, subsistence agriculture encouraged, andthedevelopmentofdiversifiedindustrialproductionwas stultified. 3. The cultural units that had existed before colonialism were also affected, and in many regions ethnic and linguistic groups are now divided by artificial lines on a map.As a result most African countries today are a mosaic of ethnic, linguistic, racial, and religious diversity. One of the consequences is a pattern of distorted social relations. Conflict in Rwanda, for example, between the minority Tutsi (now 15% of the population) and the Hutu (84%) were fanned by the Belgian colonists' support for the Tutsi. A Hutu revolt in 1959 ended Tutsi domination. Violence erupted periodically after independence in 1962 as theTutsi challenged Hutu power. In 1994, more than 800,000 people died in a hundred days intheworst genocidesinceWorldWarIIasHutus lashedoutagainsttheTutsi. AfricanNationalism:ThePursuitofthePoliticalKingdom World War II had significant material and psychological effects on the continent and its people. As a consequence of the war, the colonial powers were weakened and the legitimacy of occupation began to erode; at the same time, the message of the struggle for civil rights in countries such as the United States spread abroad. U.S presidents such as Dwight Eisenhower pressed for decolonization to open Africa's markets to free trade. Encouraged by civil right activism in the United State, African nationalist movements emerged to resist colonial rule and exploitation. Under the leadership of these movements, demands for independence from the colonial powers grew rapidly in the late 1940s and 1950s. Although there had been prior resistance to colonial rule,notably by the Ashanti Kingdom in the late nineteenth century, the Ndebele-Shona uprisings in current-day Zimbabwe in 1896-97, and the Maji-Maji rebellion in present-day Tanzania in 1905-07, more consequential resistance to European rule emerged in the continent after World War II. Among the most significant of these new awakenings was the Mau Mau rebellion in Kenya in 1950, in which Kikuyu tribe's people articulated the legitimacy of African aspirationstobefreeofcolonialyoke. African nationalism arose from the frustrations of educated elites that deeply resented that the highest positions in commerce, finance, government administration, and even religious organizations were controlled by foreigners, as were the rewards of economic success. African nationalists from within this educated elite sought independence from colonial powers, a goal that would bring them complete control over the state apparatus and territory of their respective countries. Buoyed by the promise of the Charter of the United Nations to promote the “self determination of peoples”, and imbued with the post-war optimism reflected in the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, African leaders began to agitate for decolonization.Western-educated, skilled professional Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 16
  27. 27. leaders organized independence movements and petitioned for independence. Tanzania's Julius Nyerere, Jomo Kenyata of Kenya, Leopold Senghor of Senegal, Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, and Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia, to name a few, articulated philosophies of independence,self-reliance,andeconomicdevelopmentforAfricancolonies. The aforementioned men were the founding fathers of today'sAfrican states, much like Mohandas Gandhi and Jawaharal Nehru, who led India to independence in 1947. Senghor, for example, argued for a rekindling of traditional African values. He coined the term negritude to encompass “the whole complex of civilized values (cultural, economic, social, and political) which characterize the black people”. Senghor and other nationalists believed that cultural nationalism could unify countries whose people had little in common other than their suffering to bind them in their post-colonial political units. To achieve this unity, African anti-colonial nationalists sought the reins of state power. This drive for power, waged in revolutionary struggles of armed resistance and guerrilla warfare in many colonies, was heralded by Nkrumah's dictum, “Seek ye first the political kingdom”.At the same time, the United States, in conformity with its own anti-colonial past, pressured the European powers to loosen their control of markets and commerce withAfrica, in turn, the Soviet Union saw African liberators, especially in the Afro-Marxist movements in countries such asAngola, Mozambique, and Namibia, as vanguards of a global revolution 6 againstimperialism,offeringthemideologicalandtangiblesupport. Independence came rapidly for many countries in the 1960s. Fueled by UN General Assembly Resolution 1514 (1960), which called for decolonization and the sanctity of existing borders. The claims of African nationalists could not be denied. As early as 1957, Ghana's Nkrumah had succeeded in his effort to seize the political kingdom. His Convention People's Party won a pivotal election, assumed power, and forced the British to relinquish control. In 1960 alone, 26 African colonies became independent, and by 1969 some 42 countries had emerged as sovereign states, becoming full-fledged members of the United Nations. In subsequent years, after bitter struggles for independence, Portuguese colonies such as Mozambique andAngola were finally freed in the mid-1970s.The settler societies of southernAfrica, such as Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe), Namibia and South Africa, also came over time to be ruled by African nationalist movements.Across the continent, in the short historical span of some 30years, colonial-era flags went down and the flags of newly independent African countries were crafted and raised. As it happened, however,African nationalism in these formative decades of decolonization was not tightly linked to democracy. Unlike leaders in Britain and the United States, where nationalism and democratic tendencies were virtually inseparable from the beginning, most African independence leaders defined their nationalism in pronouncedly anti- Western terms. Upon taking power, most of them quickly abandoned any pretense to Western liberal democratic ideas and practices, establishing authoritarian or semi- authoritarian regimes based on the military or one-party dominance. African democracy was setbackfordecadesasaresult. From LiberationStruggletoNeo-Patrimonialism Initially, the constitutions of the newly liberated states tended to establish the minimal framework of democracy: constitutionalism, the rule of law, and elections. In countries throughout Africa, the anticolonial nationalist movements, such as TANU in Tanzania, Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 17
  28. 28. KANU in Kenya, and UNIP in Zambia, won elections. With charismatic leaders such as Nyerere, Kenyatta, and Kaunda, these movements inherited a highly centralized state and highly diverse populations. But contrary to the democratic tenets of political pluralism, which rest on free and open competition among political parties and freedom of expression, some of the most prominent leaders ofAfrican independence quickly turned to patronage forms of politics, what some scholars have called neo-patrimonialism. Liberation elites then argued that African states needed one-party rule to unify their populations and “build nations”. Creating new countries required emphasizing common struggles and sufferings; competitive, multiparty elections, in their view, would tear the nascentnationsapart. The hypothesis that multiparty competition is ill suited to Africa's multiethnic, impoverished societies because it divides rather than unifies is a common and recurrent 7 theme in Africa's political development. It reverberates through the region today. For example, Uganda's President Yoweri Museveni experimented with a system of “no-party” politics, in which candidates for office could stand as individuals and are allowed to a party identification. The National Resistance Movement, which he leads, is the guiding force in the country despite a popular referendum on constitutional change in 2005 that abandoned the “no-Party” notion. Although it espouses such democratic notions as market-oriented economics, freedom of expression and free primary education (a rarity in Africa), it resolutely monopolizes power. At the same time, President Museveni maneuvered a change in the constitution that enabled him to serve a third term, circumventing the provision barring more than two terms in office. In election in 2011, Museveni's party won handily with 68% of the vote, even as opposition leaders and international observers claimedtheelectionsweremarredby irregularities. While rejecting British-style parliamentarism and other Western models of democracy, most African states in the post-colonial period turned to one form or another of authoritarian or semi-authoritarian rule. In virtually every newly independent African country, the formal institutions of democracy that may have been in place when self-rule began were systematically undermined by power-accumulating elites. Democratic practices and human rights fell victim to political and military elites who sought the reins of 8 office for their own personal power and enrichment. These elites relied on the centralized, bureaucratic structures of the states that they inherited from the colonial powers to become Africa'snewdominantclass. In the worst instances, some countries such as Angola and Mozambique suffered from protracted civil war in which independence movements fought against the Portuguese and among themselves over who would wield power in the independence era. In both instances, the hasty retreat of Portuguese colonizers in 1974-75 left a power vacuum in which the competing local factions vied for dominance.These factions obtained arms and ideological support (and sometimes troops) from their respective benefactors, especially the United States, the Soviets, the apartheid-era South African regime, and the Cubans-who were lockedintheirglobalColdWarconfrontation. Despite several effort and peace agreements and UN peacekeeping efforts in the 1990s, Anagola's civil war continued nearly uninterrupted for 25years. Tragically, as a result Angola has the highest proportion of victims of land mines of any country in the world, including some 100,000 land-mine victims. In 1999, an estimated 200 people died per day in Angola's tragic war. The war finally ended in 2001 when rebel leader, Jonas Savimbi, was killed on battle field. Today, Angola is yet to see meaningful democratization and the wartime ruling regime, the MPLA (Movement for the Popular Liberation of Angola), Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 18
  29. 29. remainsinpowerinLuanda. The Ivory Coast, Liberia, and Sierra Leone were also embroiled in civil war in the 1990s and into the 2000s. International peacekeeping missions involving British, French, or (in Liberia's case)American troop gathered with troops from many other countries under the UN flag, were sent to these countries to provide security, build peace, and support the developmentofmorelegitimate,inclusive,andcapablestateinstitutions. Perhaps, no country has seen postcolonial civil war in Africa more than Sudan. Since its independence from British and Egyptian joint-rule arrangement (known as condominium), Sudan was embroiled in almost constant war between the mostly Islamic north and mostly Christian and animist south, a division that also reflected differentiation between Arab and African identities. In the so-called second civil war of 1983-2005, more than 2million people lost their lives, and more than 5million were displaced, with many more suffering from famine and loss of livelihoods. The civil war in Sudan was ended only after years of international mediation in 2005 with a comprehensive peace agreement, one that turned out to be only a segue to the partition of the country with the independence of South Sudan following the UN-facilitated referendum that led to the creation of Africa's 55th country. Even with the creation of South Sudan, the region remains deeply conflicted with armed conflict over disputed territories, ethnic violence, andanon-goingfoodsecuritycrisis. Among the several forms of authoritarianism that emerged in Africa between the early 1960s and the late 1980s, one variant is semi authoritarian one-party rule. Examples include TANU in Tanzania and Guinea's Parti democatique de Guinee. In these and similar examples of this political system, political power is monopolized and guided by famous and generally popular political leaders. The government and party structures operate in parallel, with some similarities to the relationship between party and state in communist Russia and China. These parties voiced socialist rhetoric and have sought to achieve economic development by breaking the bonds of dependency that tied the prosperity of their country to uneven and disadvantageous trade relation with Europe. These parties still exist in most countries. Some of them remain in power despite the introduction of multiparty politics; for example, TANU (which was renamed Chama Cha Mapinduzi, or CCM) continues to dominate politics in Tanzania as it has since independence in 1962. Elsewhere, as in Zambia, one-party governments were defeated in electionswhenpoliticalliberationbeganintheearly1990s. Zimbabwe experienced a fundamental transformation of its one-party system in 2000 as a relatively new party, the Movement for Democratic Change, won nearly half the parliamentary seats up for election, delivering a stunning blow to the ZimbabweAfrican National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF), the party that had dominated the country for 20years under liberation-leader, President Robert Mugabe. In 2002, Mugabe claimed he has won a hotly contested presidential election against Morgan Tsvangirai, a popular trade union leader and democracy advocate. The election outcome was regarded as fraudulent by Mugabe's opponents, and in 2003 Tsvagirai was put on trial for treason. Mugabe's despotic leadership and the country's rapidly deteriorating economy prompted some 3million people to flee the country. In 2008, the main political parties (ZANU-PF and the Movement for Democratic Change, or MDC, headed by Tsvangirai) agreed to a power sharing deal. In reality, though, ZANU-PF under Mugabe continued to wield the levers of power, intimidated MDC officials, and was implicated in human rights abuses such as targeted assassinations and illegal property seizures; more or less collapsed Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 19
  30. 30. power sharing in Zimbabwe, as was meaningful constitutional reforms. And despite elections in 2013, few observers expected much change toward the return of democracy in 9 ZimbabweuntiltheMugabeerapassed. Other countries have had patrimonial rule, which is rule by a domineering and personalistic elite. In Belgian Congo (later known as Zaire and now as the Democratic Republic of Congo, or DRC), a troubled decolonization process in the 1960s was marked by civil war, UN military intervention, superpower rivalry, and assassinations. Eventually, Mobutu Sese Seko seized power and ruled as a veritable monarch until his despotic regime was toppled by rebels in May 1997. Mobutu's assets at the time of his death were estimated at $8 billion in property and money, while his country sunk to the bottom of the global list in virtually every conceivable development indicator. A prolonged war for control of the country involving both Congolese factions and interventions from not less than 11 other Africanstates(which was dubbedAfrica's “firstworld war”) claimed3.8 lives.Following a South Africa-brokered peace agreement, which led to the deployment of a significant UN peacekeeping force in 2004, the DRC remains a country bedevilled by conflict and a weak state that does not have authority over its vast territory despite the continued deployment of UN peacekeepers. Indeed, in the eastern DRC, an on-going humanitarian emergency persists and rampant rape or gender-based violence has garnered the attention of the entire worldasacontinuingcrimeagainsthumanity. In other countries, the military stepped in and took over power from corrupt or incompetent elites. Military coups were rampant in Africa from the 1960s through the 1980s: In 75 instances between 1952 and 1990, military officers gained power through violence or the threat of it and ruled the country as dictators. In Ethiopia, military officers with pro-Soviet leanings and a Marxist ideology seized power in 1974, deposing the aging emperor, Haile Selassie. Under the despotic rule of the military committee, known as the Dergue and led by Mengistu Haile Mariam, the junta unleashed a reign of terror and embroiled the country in devastating civil war and wars with its neighbours (notably the war with Somalia over the Ogaden desert in 1975). It used its radical Marxist-Leninist ideology to justify dictatorial rule at home and to establish international alliances with the Soviet Union, Cuba, and other communist states. After inflicting untold suffering on the Ethiopian people, Mengistu fled the country in 1991 as rebel forces closed in on the capital, Addis Ababa. (Mengistu fled to Zimbabwe, where he eventually became a “security advisor” to PresidentMugabe). Several countries inAfrica, such as Botswana, Mauritius, Gambia, and Senegal, and more recently, Ghana, have managed to remain near or partial democracies with constitutional systems, regular elections, and relatively good human rights records. But only in a few instances have elections ever led to the ouster of the ruling party. For example, in Botswana, Africa's oldest surviving democracy, elections held in 2009 returned to power the only party that has governed the country since independence in 1966. Alternation in power, the periodic transfer of state power from one party to another over a succession of elections, is a key indicator of the vibrancy of democracy as traditionally defined. Unfortunately, until the dawn of the twenty-first century, it was largely absent fromAfrica. The relative success of some of these countries in avoiding the complete collapse of democracy has tended to stem from the responsiveness of the dominant party to ethnic and religious groups. This type of political system has been labled a hegemonic exchange regime in which for the right to exercise its hegemony over the state and the population, the dominant party provides benefits to the country's main ethnic or religious groups. It is Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 20
  31. 31. equally fair to describe the post-genocide regime of President Paul Kagame of Rwanda in this fashion, although some wonder about whether instability could return to Rwanda over time. In the 1980s and 1990s, global factors such as the collapse of communism in the Soviet Union and in Eastern Europe, together with a new assertiveness of multilateral financial institutions to advance “good governance”, converged with domestic pressures to undermine the alternatives to democracy in Africa. International lending organizations, including the World Bank and International Monetary Fund, along with aid providers such as the United States and Western Europe, increasingly insisted on “good governance”, private enterprise, and trade liberalization as conditions for future economic assistance. They called on the states ofAfrica to root out official corruption, reduce state control over economic activity and remove tariffs and other barriers to trade with the outside world. They also enjoined them to take more responsibility for their governance, economic development, and human rights records. Sanctions on apartheid-era South Africa in the 1980s, including the country's expulsion from the Olympic Games, placed special external pressure on that country's white minority government to open negotiations with African nationalists with the aim of democratizing the entire country. Under these mounting outside pressures, political practices within individualAfrican countries gave way to new continentalandglobalrealities. In many countries, popular movements arose that demanded space for the development of an autonomous civil society outside the single-party framework. They called for multiparty competitive elections, new constitutional framework, an end to corruption, and a more equitable distribution of wealth. In Ghana, Kenya, Malawi, and Zambia, new coalitions of organizations in civil society came together and pressured the incumbent governments to open the political system to multiparty competition. Africa was clearly caught up in the third wave of democratization that spilled across the world in the early 1990s. Over the course of 1990s, nearly all ofAfrica's then 54 states underwent dramatic political changes.As we've seen, the pressures for democratization were both external, a condition of further loans, foreign direct investment, and foreign aid, and internal, the result of widespread public disaffection with the status quo. Whether through negotiated agreements (“pacts”), the victory of rebel movements on the battlefield, or the passing of long-time liberation-era leaders, the stereotypicalAfrican one-party state became a relic of the past in the early 1990s. During the 1990s,Africa witnessed scores of governments that have come to power seeking to inaugurate a new era, such that some dubbed the period of 10 the1990s “Africa'ssecondindependence”. More than anything, the process of democratization inAfrica was characterized by the rush to multiparty elections. Between 1992 and 1994, 20 countries held national level elections. These elections swept away one-party regimes in the Ivory Coast, Gabon, Mali, and Zambia. In some instances, as in Angola, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Liberia, Mozambique, Namibia, Sierra Leone, South Africa, and Uganda, votes were held to restore and legitimize a new political order after years of civil war or political violence. Many Francophone countries held “national conferences” to arrive at new constitutional rules of thegamefordemocraticpolitics. The track record of the remarkable attempts at democratization of Africa is demonstrably mixed. Some experiments of the 1990s were relatively successful, in that legitimate government was reconstructed and the stage was set for a long-term evolution to mature Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 21
  32. 32. democracy and its consolidation (e.g., frequent or occasional alteration in power by governing coalitions). In Benin, Madagascar, Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa, Uganda, and Zambia, elections have been more or less successful vehicles for ushering in fledgling democracies. But there have been failures as well. Elections went awry inAngola, Burundi, Liberia, and Sierra Leone, leading to renewed civil violence, the suspension of human rights, and sharp declines in the standard of living as well as in the prospect for future prosperity. Observers have differed over whether the electoral contest of 1990s produced greater accommodation among conflicting groups within these countries, especially along ethnic lines, or whether they exacerbated tensions and underminednationalcohesiveness. Among the alternatives to elections as a route to democracy is the promotion of viable civil societies inAfrica. Some have suggested that popular participation and consensus building decision-making processes are more suited toAfrica's divided societies than are the rough- and-tumble of Western-style competitive elections. John Harbeson suggests that democratization efforts in Africa have relied too much on elections, arguing, “This overemphasis derives from an inaccurate reading of the most widely accepted definition of 'democracy', upon which most of the contemporary democratic transitions appears to rest”. He suggests as an alternative that “a broadened conception of democratization will result in a significantly improved understanding of the status and quality of democracy (in Africa) and the prospect for it”. African countries should engage in more constitution-making exercises that establish a consensus on the rules of democratic game before rushing into electionsintheabsenceofthatconsensus, Harbeson maintains. TheAfricanRenaissance? In recent years, some African leaders have called for a “renaissance”. This appeal for a rebirth is a response to disillusioned pessimists who decry the persistence of war, authoritarian rule, and poverty in Africa and the continent's marginalization in the international economy. Thabo Mbeki, former president of South Africa, advocates for a renaissance that motivatesAfrican leaders to take responsibility for the continent's security andeconomicwell-being.As Mbekiputsit: Renaissance has to be about democracy, peace and stability throughout our continent. It has to be about economic regeneration so that we pull ourselves out of the category “the underdeveloped” permanently. It has to be about 11 vastlyimprovingthequalityof lifeof allourcitizens. There is widespread agreement that, if the hoped-for African renaissance is to occur, the further broadening and deepening of democracy in African nations will be necessary. Positive signs include the much heralded elections in Rwanda in 2003, the first since the 1994 genocide,and theintroductionof a new democraticallyelectedgovernmentin Kenya. At the same time, the tainted senate elections held in Zimbabwe in 2005 failed to force Robert Mugabe to step down; instead, Mugabe's forces perpetrated human rights violations against white former settlers and the government's political opponents in a desperateefforttoretainpower. Food shortages and starvation have resulted, severely halting progress toward Africa's renaissance. In fact, the years 2007-11 saw movement away from democratic practice in Africa, as countries limited the activities of opposition parties and civil societies, restricted mass protests, and conducted elections in which electoral processes lacked sufficient integrity to call the regime fully democratic. Thus, most regimes today inAfrica, as seen in the 2012 Freedom House rankings of African states, are at best partial or, perhaps more Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 22
  33. 33. accurately, façade democracies in civil liberties. For 2012, only 21% of Africa's countries werelabeled“free”,with37%codedas“partlyfree”,and42% as“notfree”. Democratization has also been problematic in postcolonial Africa as electoral processes have at times featured devastating election-related violence. In 2007-08, for example, elections in Kenya generated violence that cost an estimated 800 lives and displaced some 600,000 others. Only after international mediation by former UN Secretary General Kofi Annan, who invoked the principle that governments have a responsibility to protect innocent civilian from violence, did the violence subside. Annan succeeded in leveraging the parties into an agreement on power sharing that averted a broader civil war in Kenya. Similarly, elections in Ivory Coast in 2010, verified by the UN, put the country back on the brink of civil war (and produced some 2,000 fatalities until the UN and the former colonial power, France, intervened forcefully to require the incumbent president (Laurent Gbagbo) tostepdown andhandoverpowertothepresumedwinnerofthepoll,AlassaneOuatarra. Mali, a democracy thought to be stable, succumbed to a military coup in March 2012 following the seizure of the country's north by separatist Tuareg rebels together with Islamist groups, thus reversing democracy in what had been an African success story. The crisis in Mali shows the continued vulnerability of democratic African regimes to instability and conflict that may well be driven by underlying factors such as environmentalchange,migration,or foodinsecurity. Conclusion Democratization continues to be accompanied by crisis, turbulence, and sometimes violence in Africa's varied contexts reflect and further informs some of these broader patterns. Despite these significant obstacles, Africans generally tend to strongly favour democracy. In the systematic sampling on attitude toward democracy of theAfrobarometer (a survey carried out in 18 African countries), more than 70% of respondents preferred democracy to any other elected kind of government, and more than 79% disapproved or strongly disapproved of the statement that “elections and the parliament (can be) abolished so the president can decide everything”. Support for democracy in the Afrobarometer survey was strong in South Africa, with 67% in favour of democracy, and in Nigeria 72% favoureddemocracy. References 1.Howard W. French, A continent for the taking: The Tragedy and Hope of Africa (New York: AlfredA. Knopt,2004). 2. Colin Legum “The coming ofAfricas second Independence” The Washington Quarterly 25, (winter 1990). Pp 129-40. See also Claude Ake, “Rethinking African Democracy”, JournalofDemocracyVol.2No1. 1991,Pp. 32-44. 3.StatementattheAfricanTelecomforum,Johannesberg,May4,1990. 4.Seehttp://www.refer,sn/sngal-ct/cop/goree/fgoree.htm. Gerald Bender, Angola Under the Portuguese: The Myth and Reality (Berkeley and Los Angeles:UniversityCaliforniaPress, 1978). 5. The Commonwealth consists of former British colonies or dependencies that are now independent countries. Membership is voluntary, and the organization's main function is consultation on such matters as economic cooperation, technical assistance, terrorism, Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 23
  34. 34. anddrugtrafficking.Attheendof2006 therewere53memberstates. 6. Gus Liebnow, “The Impact of Colonialism”, in African politics: Crisis and Challenges(Bloomington,IN:IndianaUniversityPress, 1986). 7 Zaki Laidi, The Superpower and Africa: The Constraint of Rivalry, 1960-1990 (Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress, 1990). 8. This argument was first articulated by SirArthur Lewis in his classic book, Politics inWestAfrica(London:AllenandUnwin, 1965). 9. Robert Jackson and Carl Rosberg, Personal Rule in Black Africa. (Los Angeles and Berkeley (University of California Press, 1982). See also Robert H. Bates, When Things Fall Apart: State Failure and Late Century Africa (Cambridge: Cambridge UniversityPress, 2006). 10 Robert I. Rotberg, “Wining the African Prize for Repression: Zimbabwe”, in The Worst of The Worst: Dealing with Repressive and Rogue Nations, ed. Robert I. Rotberg, (WashingtonDC:BrookingsInstitutionPress, 2007). Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 24
  35. 35. An Examination of Election Related Violence and National Security In Nigeria Charles Akale & Olajumoke Ganiyat Jenyo Research Fellows, Centre for Strategic Research and Studies, National Defence College, Abuja-Nigeria. E-mail: akalecharles@yahoo.co.uk Phone: 08064179445 Abstract The Nigerian democratic space has been bedeviled by several elections related violence. In some cases, the negative impact of these election related violence create a state of national insecurity in the country resulting in loss of lives and destruction of properties. The conduct of elections since the return to democratic rule in 1999 has been seriously flawed and marred by violence. The violence usually arises from problems of electoral malpractices necessitating the deployment of military personnel to safeguard national security.This paper examines the effects of election related violence on Nigeria's national security, by diagnosing the nexus between election related violence and national security. Drawing data from both primary and secondary sources such as in-depth interviews, key informant interviews (KII), questionnaires and extant literatures, this paper argues that in the past, there were more cases of snatching of ballot boxes and other forms of violence by politicians wanting to win elections by all means. However, recently, the country has seen a wave of thuggery, rigging and vote-buying often culminating to election violence. This act obstructs the democratic process by interfering with the rights of citizens to freely decide who will represent them andtheirinterests,whichunderminesnationalsecurity. Keywords: Election,Violence,Democracy, NationalSecurity,Nigeria. Introduction Worldwide, people's voice and their ability to influence the course of their government have become imperative. This is achieved through electoral process which involves the vote of the people. Elections are of utmost importance in any democratic society as people participate to choose their representatives. The elective process provides an opportunity for all eligible members of the society to participate in the process of determining who would become their leader. The process of free and fair elections makes the people to have the sense of belonging in the determination of their leaders. Regular elections serve to hold leaders accountable for their actions and permit an exchange of influence between leaders andthegoverned. In view of the foregoing, election represents the lifeblood of modern democracy hence the frequency, fairness and openness of conducting such elections are crucial to the political stability of the polity. The extent to which elections advance democratic order depends in large part on the existing electoral system, its nature and its acceptance by the stakeholders. Basically, the stakeholders include the people and the political parties, in the electoral process. Usually, complex rules and regulations govern the selection of the leaders in a democratic context. People are therefore aware of their fundamental human rights as related to the electioneering processes. Consequent upon this, any attempt to manipulate election results is usually resisted and sometimes leads to election related violence. These Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies 25

Abstract The Nigerian civil service emanated from the colonial service which was still in force during the early years of Nigeria`s independence. A potpourri of indigenous officers and expatriates, the colonial model civil service was designed as a mere secretariat of government business, but the need to expand its scope and replace the expatriates with local workforce gave rise to series of reforms and challenges hitherto experienced in the service. The height of this disarticulation in the nation`s service occurred during the almost four decades of military rule. The regimented mentality and the customary command-and-control style of the military severely rubbed-off on the psyche and operations of the civil service. The noticeable manifestations of systemic weakness were over- expansion of the service, unification of erstwhile regional services, nepotism, corruption, etc. The colonial model started well in Nigeria and flourished up to the early post-independence years when the system opted for the replacement of expatriates under the Nigerianisation scheme. Although the expatriates were known for dedication and professionalism and even inspired the pioneer Nigerians who took over from them, the service was to witness a steady decline in quality service delivery and professionalism especially from the middle of the 1970s due to unhealthy inter-service rivalries for managerial talent and spurious promotions. In fact, such critical condiments of the public service such as officer deployments, job classification, grading and posting were routinely manipulated by politicians and senior service officials. The practice was for some unscrupulous officials to attach an occupational classification to a staff just to get the staff graded far beyond his mates. The paper opines that it was this state of affairs that pushed every administration to embark on reforms and rationalisation.

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