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Angus Deaton, Princeton University 
HLEG working group on subjective wellbeing 
Herbert Simon Society, Turin 
October 2014 
USING WELLBEING MEASURES FOR 
POLICY: PROMISES AND PITFALLS
Prolog 
 We have measures, especially evaluative 
measures 
 We have many correlates of SWB 
 How to use these? 
 Government regulation and cost-benefit analysis 
 Deshrouding: telling people “what works” for 
happiness 
 Parallel with NICE for health 
 Up to people what to do with this, not enforced in policy 
 Subject to the “curse of the average”: what is good on 
average may not be good for you 
2
The problem of z’s 
 Think of conventional utility as max u which is a function of q and 
z, former chosen subject to budget constraint p.q=y, but z’s are 
not chosen 
 Think of public goods 
 We have a standard apparatus (CV, EV, COLI) for evaluating 
changes in q (i.e. p and y) 
 But behavior does not reveal the value of z 
 Many doomed attempts in the literature 
 Three possibilities 
 z is chosen, e.g. political economy 
 Change in z can be priced, shadow pricing 
 Measure u directly: happiness regressions 
 Shadow pricing is what governments do now 
 But it is difficult and badly done 
 Must keep this in mind when critiquing happiness measures 
3
Consider examples 
 Correlates of happiness 
 Can we use them to value z’s, for CBA or deshrouding? 
 Clocks and life-cycles 
 Religion 
 Relative income 
 SWB over space 
 Is SWB or safe? 
 What about Sen’s critique that it risks neglecting important 
deprivations? 
4
Clocks and cycles 
 People are tired in the evening! 
 Knowing that can be useful 
 U-shape of wellbeing in rich countries 
 People don’t seem to know this & are interested 
 Perhaps elderly don’t deserve as much as they get? 
 Perhaps connected with social security 
 If elderly are just more efficient in producing utility, a utilitarian would 
give them more, not less 
 Stress, anger, worry, decline rapidly with age 
 Again, people are interested, but deshrouding? 
 Not much room for action 
 But again relevant for wellbeing of the elderly 
 Which is also why those regressions are easy to interpret 
 All subject to “average critique”: because it works on average doesn’t 
mean it works for you 
5
Religion 
 Those who say that religion is important in 
their lives have better SWB 
 Is this a causal effect? Who knows? But 
perhaps 
 People become religious and change their 
religion often, so potentially useful 
information 
 But also makes it easier to challenge the finding 
 Policy? Countries have established religions, 
perhaps positive social policy to encourage 
6
Relative income 
 Many claims that SWB depends on your 
income relative to the income of others 
 If so, there is an externality of my working 
hard and earning more 
 Case for a high marginal tax rate to 
discourage this 
 Coase solution seems unlikely to work 
 But the econometrics is fraught, and it could 
be your own past income, or something else 
7
Geography 
 Economist standard model is that people locate to maximize 
utility given their abilities 
 Conditional on ability (human capital?) SWB ought to be the 
same over space if no restrictions, e.g. within the US 
 Psychologists see people as “stumbling” on happiness: random 
allocation 
 Michigan and Californians agree that happiness is higher in California, 
but are equally happy 
 How would I know how happy I would be in some place I have never 
been? 
 Evidence: spatial diffs are small locally, large over bigger areas, 
e.g. states on opposite coasts in US 
 Perhaps costs of relocation are larger over larger distances 
 If so, policy based on spatial differences can be unproductive 
 E.g. noise regulation for airports 
 Disamenity regulation in general 
8
Sen’s critique 
 US regressions of life evaluation on circumstances show 
without controls 
 Blacks lower LE 
 Women higher than men 
 Hispanics higher than whites 
 Control for income, marital status, education, and age 
 Blacks much higher LE than whites 
 Hispanics higher than whites 
 Women more than men 
 D0es this mean that other deprivations don’t matter? 
 For blacks, no correction for quality of education, higher 
mortality, imprisonment, healthcare, etc. etc. 
 But this cannot mean that those deprivations do not matter! 
 Plausible SWB can’t behave like this: not there yet! 
9

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HLEG thematic workshop on "Multidimensional Subjective Well-being", Angus Deaton

  • 1. Angus Deaton, Princeton University HLEG working group on subjective wellbeing Herbert Simon Society, Turin October 2014 USING WELLBEING MEASURES FOR POLICY: PROMISES AND PITFALLS
  • 2. Prolog  We have measures, especially evaluative measures  We have many correlates of SWB  How to use these?  Government regulation and cost-benefit analysis  Deshrouding: telling people “what works” for happiness  Parallel with NICE for health  Up to people what to do with this, not enforced in policy  Subject to the “curse of the average”: what is good on average may not be good for you 2
  • 3. The problem of z’s  Think of conventional utility as max u which is a function of q and z, former chosen subject to budget constraint p.q=y, but z’s are not chosen  Think of public goods  We have a standard apparatus (CV, EV, COLI) for evaluating changes in q (i.e. p and y)  But behavior does not reveal the value of z  Many doomed attempts in the literature  Three possibilities  z is chosen, e.g. political economy  Change in z can be priced, shadow pricing  Measure u directly: happiness regressions  Shadow pricing is what governments do now  But it is difficult and badly done  Must keep this in mind when critiquing happiness measures 3
  • 4. Consider examples  Correlates of happiness  Can we use them to value z’s, for CBA or deshrouding?  Clocks and life-cycles  Religion  Relative income  SWB over space  Is SWB or safe?  What about Sen’s critique that it risks neglecting important deprivations? 4
  • 5. Clocks and cycles  People are tired in the evening!  Knowing that can be useful  U-shape of wellbeing in rich countries  People don’t seem to know this & are interested  Perhaps elderly don’t deserve as much as they get?  Perhaps connected with social security  If elderly are just more efficient in producing utility, a utilitarian would give them more, not less  Stress, anger, worry, decline rapidly with age  Again, people are interested, but deshrouding?  Not much room for action  But again relevant for wellbeing of the elderly  Which is also why those regressions are easy to interpret  All subject to “average critique”: because it works on average doesn’t mean it works for you 5
  • 6. Religion  Those who say that religion is important in their lives have better SWB  Is this a causal effect? Who knows? But perhaps  People become religious and change their religion often, so potentially useful information  But also makes it easier to challenge the finding  Policy? Countries have established religions, perhaps positive social policy to encourage 6
  • 7. Relative income  Many claims that SWB depends on your income relative to the income of others  If so, there is an externality of my working hard and earning more  Case for a high marginal tax rate to discourage this  Coase solution seems unlikely to work  But the econometrics is fraught, and it could be your own past income, or something else 7
  • 8. Geography  Economist standard model is that people locate to maximize utility given their abilities  Conditional on ability (human capital?) SWB ought to be the same over space if no restrictions, e.g. within the US  Psychologists see people as “stumbling” on happiness: random allocation  Michigan and Californians agree that happiness is higher in California, but are equally happy  How would I know how happy I would be in some place I have never been?  Evidence: spatial diffs are small locally, large over bigger areas, e.g. states on opposite coasts in US  Perhaps costs of relocation are larger over larger distances  If so, policy based on spatial differences can be unproductive  E.g. noise regulation for airports  Disamenity regulation in general 8
  • 9. Sen’s critique  US regressions of life evaluation on circumstances show without controls  Blacks lower LE  Women higher than men  Hispanics higher than whites  Control for income, marital status, education, and age  Blacks much higher LE than whites  Hispanics higher than whites  Women more than men  D0es this mean that other deprivations don’t matter?  For blacks, no correction for quality of education, higher mortality, imprisonment, healthcare, etc. etc.  But this cannot mean that those deprivations do not matter!  Plausible SWB can’t behave like this: not there yet! 9