Interpretive Plan

1
Table of Content
INTRODUCTION………………………………………………………………..…………..….2
PART 1 - FIRST WORLD WAR AND WIRELESS COMMUNICATION……...…….........4
The Beginnings of Wireless………………………………………………………………….……4
How Wireless Works……………………………………………………………………………...4
An Overview of the War………………………………………................………………………..5
First World War Communications…………………………………………………………..……8
The Newfoundland Royal Naval Reserve…………………………………………………..……11
PART 2 – BUILDING THE H.M. WIRELESS STATION…………………………….……15
The Marconi Contract……………………………………………………………………………15
Construction…………………………………...…………………………………………………16
Funding……………………………………………………………………………..……………17
Employment……………………………………………………………………………..……….18
The Cable Link…………………………………………………………………………..………18
PART 3 - THE STATION YEARS: 1915-1925…………………………………….………....21
The Technical Aspects of the Building…………………………………………………..………21
Wartime…………………………………………………………………………………………..21
After the War…………………………………………………………………………………….22
The Sale of the Station…………………………………………………………………..……….23
PART 4 – H.M WIRELESS STATION 1925-1955……………………………..……………27
4A – Farming in Newfoundland....................................................................................................27
The Rise and Fall of Farming………………………………………………………………..…..27
Living off the Land………………………………………………………………………………29
Life on the Farm………………………………………………………………………………….30
The Parsons Family………………………………………………………………….…………...31
4B – Radio in Newfoundland………………………………………………………………..…..33
Newfoundland’s Radio Beginnings – VONF, VOGY, and VOCM…………………………..…33
National Radio – The Broadcasting Corporation of Newfoundland………………………….…34
The Barrelman………………………………………………………………………………..….37
Confederation: The CBC Takeover……………………………………………………………...38
The Towers………………………………………………………………………………………39
PART 5 – THE 70’S TO THE PRESENT……………………………………………..…...…43
The NLHC……………………………………………………………………………….………43
The Decision to Keep the Building………………………………………………………..……..44
The Physical State of the Building……………………………………………………….………45
Admiralty House Communications Museum…………………………………………………….45
ABOUT THE ARTIFACTS…..…………………………………………………………..……47
PHOTO DESCRIPTIONS……...………………………………………………………...……60
ARCHIVAL MATERIALS……………………………………………………………...…….70
BIBLIOGRAPHY – INFORMATION SOURCES……………………………………..……79
BIBLIOGRAPHY – PHOTOS AND ARCHIVAL MATERIALS…………………….…….85

2
INTRODUCTION
During November of 1914, the British Admiralty ordered the construction of eleven naval
wireless stations across the British Empire in order to deal with the problems with
communication in the South Atlantic. The start of the First World War made it vital to address
these communication issues. The Admiralty decided to use Newfoundland for their West
Atlantic station because it was still a British dominion and under British control. They did not
want Canada to have influence over their operations1
. The Royal Navy had an establishment in
St. John’s prior to the start of the war. The Naval vessel H.M.S. Calypso was in St. John’s and its
officers were responsible for the yearly training of seamen2
. Some of these men would provide
protection for the Newfoundland station.
In March 1915, the Admiralty started building a wireless station in Mount Pearl. Mount Pearl
was chosen because it was further inland and was protected from sea attacks, it was about the
same elevation as Signal Hill so they would be able to get a clear signal from there, and it was in
a low-populated area so it was easy to keep secret. As well, the ground was ideal for wireless
transmissions because the soil was of excellent quality and therefore an excellent conductor of
electric signals3
.
The Marconi Company built the station at a cost of $500,0004
. Its purpose was to communicate
with naval ships and broadcast ice and weather conditions. It employed Marconi operators to run
the broadcasts and guards from the Calypso for defence. There was a transmission building to
house the equipment and a barracks where the operators and guards lived. Admiralty House
Communications Museum is now the location of what were the barracks. In addition to the
building, three hundred and five foot towers were constructed five hundred feet apart each. The
station had the call numbers BZM.
The station was busy during the war, communicating with naval vessels and responding to
emergency distress calls. Twenty-two men lived in the building full time, including eleven
wireless operators5
. There were guards on duty at all times, and there were occasions when the
station was under attack. In 1918 an operator was electrocuted in the spark room. The station
responded to the call from the S.S. Florizel when the ship was sinking while carrying passengers
to Halifax It was the only station to pick up the call6
. When the war was over, the station no
longer needed to be kept secret. A group of reporters were invited to the station for a tour. In
1922, the station was reduced to a care and maintenance party7
. It was closed in 19248
. There
was a proposal to the Newfoundland government to take over the station, but they were not
interested. The Admiralty tried to sell it at auction, but nobody bought it. Finally, the Parsons
family purchased it in 1926.
The Parsons family resided in the building until 19739
, although the St. John’s Housing
Authority purchased the majority of their farmland in 1955. In 1973, the Newfoundland and
Labrador Housing Association acquired the property and converted the building into their office.

3
They were there until 198810
. After they vacated the premises, there was a debate about what to
do with the building. The City of Mount Pearl wanted to tear it down, but a committee was
formed to petition them to keep the building because of its historical significance11
. The William
MacCallum Architect Limited firm was hired to do a survey of the building and found that it was
structurally sound and had numerous potential uses12
. It was finally decided to convert the
building into a museum. Admiralty House Communications Museum officially opened in 1997
as Mount Pearl’s Cabot 500 project13
.
Vincent, Elizabeth. Admiralty House, Mount Pearl, Newfoundland. (Historical Services Branch: Historic Sites and
Monuments Board of Canada, 1994), 898.
2
Ransom, Bernard. “A Nursery of Fighting Seamen? The Newfoundland Royal Naval Reserve 1901-1920.” In A
Nations Navy: In Quest of Canadian Royal Naval Identity, edited by Michael L. Hadley, Rob Huebert, and Fred W.
Crickard, pg. 239-255. (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1996), 244.
3
Vincent 899.
4
Ibid.
5
Smallwood, Joseph. “Memorandum on broadcasting for Newfoundland Delegation.” (Joseph R. Smallwood
Collection, Centre for Newfoundland Studies, Memorial University of Newfoundland, St. John’s, 1948).
6
Vincent 900.
7
PANL, GN 1/3/A Box 129 #170, Commander-in-Chief Pakenham to Allardyce, April 27th
, 1922.
8
PANL, GN 1/3/A Box 129 #170, Commander-in-Chief Pakenham to Allardyce, October 30th
, 1924.
9
Murray, Hilda Chaulk. Cows Don’t Know It’s Sunday: Agricultural Life in St. John’s. (St. John’s: ISER Books,
2002), 278.
10
Vincent 902.
11
Eds. Griffin, Samantha and Cox, Melissa. Mount Pearl: Large Community, Small City. Mount Pearl Oral History
Project: A Collection of Personal Experience Narratives. 1st
ed. (Mount Pearl: City of Mount Pearl, 2014), 228.
12
William MacCallum Architect Limited. Preliminary Structural Analysis for Restoration/Redevelopment Study of
Admiralty House. St. John’s: Devon House, 1992), 45.
13
Griffin and Cox 237.

4
PART 1 – THE FIRST WORLD WAR AND WIRELESS
COMMUNICATION
The Beginnings of Wireless
In the 1890’s, wireless communication looked like a real possibility. Guglielmo Marconi formed
Wireless Telegraph and Signal Company, which became the Marconi Wireless Telegraph
Company in 1897. By 1900, Marconi’s company was well established in the communications
world and the value of wireless communication was realized, especially its potential for use by
vessels at sea14
.
Despite conducting transatlantic experiments in Newfoundland in 1901 atop Signal Hill, Marconi
could not set up business in the country because the Anglo-American Telegraph Company had
monopoly over the industry. He set up on Cape Breton Island, Nova Scotia instead. The Titanic
disaster in 1912 emphasized the importance of radio communication and new regulations were
put in place. People realized the potential for radio as a safety device15
.
With the outbreak of the First World War, radio communication was more important than ever
for communicating war information and weather forecasts. At the beginning of the war, the
British government suspended wireless communication on board all vessels in the British Isles
except on British warships as a security measure to prevent the enemy from gaining useful
information. Experimental wireless telegraph stations in the UK were closed and the Admiralty
secured the services of Marconi operators. Similarly, the Canadian government closed all
amateur stations and provided protection for Marconi stations and eventually took over some of
them16
. The North Atlantic was vital as a communication centre during the war. Eventually, the
Admiralty negotiated a contract with the Marconi Company to build eleven wireless stations
worldwide.
How Wireless Works
Sending wireless signals requires a transmitter, a receiver, and a spark. The spark sends out
electrical energy which can travel through the air without wires and be detected at a distant point.
The transmitter generates and controls the spark. The receiver detects radio waves created by the
spark17
. Marconi patented a method in 1897 that sent electromagnetic waves using a transmitting
apparatus. The waves were detected through a coherer, a glass tube filled with metallic filings.
The terminals of a relay circuit entered the coherer. When the wave fell on conducting material,
the spark gap would be replaced by the coherer, and the metallic filings would cling together,
closing the circuit so that a signal was created. A quick tap on the coherer would break the circuit
so that messages could be sent in quick succession. Marconi’s system used long wave signals
and spark transmitter technology. This required high-power transmitters and long antennas18
.

5
Two types of transmitters are spark-gap transmitters and continuous-wave transmitters. The
spark-gap transmitter works by passing a spark through the air that is intercepted at a receiving
point. The problem with spark-gap waves is that they can interfere with other signals. A
continuous-wave transmitter produces a constant signal that can be turned on and off with a
switch. This solves the problem of interference because the signals can only be received when
the receiver is tuned to the correct frequency. Continuous wave transmitters became widely
available after The First World War and were eventually modified to be able to carry not just
Morse code messages, but also speech. Household and car radios are receivers that pick up
waves sent out by radio station transmitters when tuned to a certain frequency. Each wireless
station operates on a different frequency and has a specific wavelength, or distance that its
broadcasts can travel19
.
An Overview of the War
The First World War began when years of mounting tensions were ignited by the assassination
of Austrian Archduke Franz Ferdinand and his wife by a nineteen-year-old Serbian nationalist
named Gavrilo Princip in Sarajevo on June 28th
, 1914. Extreme nationalism which began
decades before the outbreak of the war was a major contributor to the war. When Queen Victoria
died in 1901, a decline in European relations began. This was partially due to the resentment felt
by Wilhelm II, heir to the throne of Germany, towards his uncle, Edward VII, the new British
King. This rivalry impeded German expansion and military activities, especially with regards to
the German navy matching Britain’s power20
.
In 1908, Austria annexed Bosnia and Herzegovina, which had a large population of ethnic Serbs.
Serbia was angry and made threats against Austria, appealing to Russia for backup. Germany
promised to back Austria, and sent notice to Russia that they were to acknowledge the seizure
and to not assist Serbia. Russia yielded, and with no help, Serbia was forced to accept the
annexation. Several new nationalist societies formed in Serbia, including the Black Hand, of
which Gavrilo Princip was a member. The Balkan Wars of 1912-1913 served to increase
tensions as Serbia sought new territories and Austria-Hungary reacted against Serbian ambitions.
Increasing nationalism across European nations led to increasing tensions. Kaiser Wilhelm II
was in power in Germany, and many Germans wanted to unite all German-speaking nations in
one Pan-Germanic state. There were Russians who wanted the same thing for all Slavic nations.
The 1908 annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina was a setback for Pan-Slavists. French
nationalism was also on the rise. France had lost the provinces of Alsace and Lorraine to
Germany during the Franco-Prussian War. There was a lot of anti-German sentiment in France21
.
Other countries, such as Britain, were also experiencing nationalist movements.
Imperialism was another contributing factor. The European powers sought domination of the
world and its resources, leading to competition between nations. Britain and France had come to
an agreement over territorial claims in 1904 called the Entente Cordiale. Germany resented this

6
agreement and wanted to take Morocco from France. In 1907, the Anglo-Russian Entente was
struck. Germany was becoming increasingly afraid of encirclement. Another cause of tension in
Europe was increased militarism. Every country was recruiting and training armies and
increasing their military spending. Instead of increasing safety, this arms race added to the
feeling of aggression that was permeating in Europe. The 1907 Peace Conference scrapped the
idea of disarmament and instead came up with guidelines for proper warfare. Germany had
created a plan called the Schlieffen Plan for invading France via Belgium. Other nations were
working on their own military strategies. Soon alliances began forming. The Triple Alliance
included Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Italy. It also drew in the Ottoman Empire. The Triple
Entente included Great Britain, Russia, and France, and later the United States. Canada,
Newfoundland, Australia, and South Africa were brought in by association with Great Britain.
After the assassination of Archduke Ferdinand, all of the troubles of the past few years came to a
head. Austria wanted to stop Serbian advances and sought help from Germany in case Russia
backed Serbia. Germany was more than willing to come to their aid if necessary. After receiving
a promise of help from Germany, Austria sent an ultimatum to Serbia on July 23rd
. Serbians
would stop all Anti-Austrian movements or face war. Serbia had forty-eight hours to respond.
Russia advised caution but would back Serbia in the event of hostilities, since they did not want
to lose support in the Balkans and end their dream of a Pan-Slavic state. On July 25th
, Russia
began military preparations.
Serbia refused Austria’s demands and on July 28th
, Austria declared war on Serbia. Russia, as
promised, declared war on Austria, and Germany came to Austria’s aid. France was prepared to
back Russia against Germany, hoping that this might help them gain back Alsace and Lorraine.
France was aware of the Schlieffen Plan and knew that they would need to be prepared to fight
against Germany. Russia mobilized on July 30th
. The next day, Germany gave Russia twelve
hours to cease military preparations. When they did not, Germany declared war on Russia.
France began mobilizing military troops on August 1st
. Great Britain was allied with France, and
declared war on Germany on August 4th
.
At the beginning, the Great War was popular. Men were eager to serve their countries, and
everyone thought the war would be short; a few months at most. Germany immediately carried
out the Schlieffen Plan. They also sent a small force to hold off Russia. At first, Germany was
quickly advancing and the Allies were retreating. German troops began to get tired as they
neared France. Supplies were dwindling and because of the size of the German armies and they
were difficult to coordinate. Britain and France were starting to pick back up as Germany lagged.
There were a series of counterattacks and Germany was forced to pull back. The Schlieffen Plan
had failed. Russia fought Germany off for a while, but Paul von Hindenburg led his troops to
victory against the Russian armies. Germany was not yet strong enough to invade Russia, but
Russia was too weak to hold off Germany any longer. The Ottoman Empire and Bulgaria joined
the war on Germany’s side. The three nations and Austria-Hungary became the Central Powers.

7
Throughout 1915 and 1916, the war was locked in a stalemate. Both sides bunkered down in
their trenches and launched various attacks in an attempt to dominate the fighting. Italy had not
gone to war in 1914, even though it was a member of the Triple Alliance. However in 1915, Italy
joined the war on the side of the Triple Entente by attacking Austria. Britain and France had
bribed Italy with promises of Austrian and Ottoman territory after the war. Allied forces
attempted to seize the Dardanelles with the objective of defeating the Ottoman Empire but they
were held down at Gallipoli and were eventually forced to withdraw from that attack. Both sides
launched numerous attacks throughout 1915 and 1916, and Germany steadily gained the upper
hand. Powerful new technology began to dominate on both sides. New weapons were being
invented to try and break the stalemate, and civilians were often the victims of these new
technologies. The war became a “total war”.
Both sides incurred heavy losses and people on the home front were becoming less eager to
enlist for the war and governments were having difficulty recruiting new troops to replace those
who were lost in battle. Both sides were locked in battles wherein one army would try to
penetrate a front, the defense would fight them off, and both sides would come out tired and
without sizeable gains. The Battle of the Somme and Verdun were two major battles in which
there were heavy casualties sustained. People were also dying in trenches from sniper fire,
disease, and spoiled food. Those who lived suffered horrible conditions such as trench foot,
rodents, lice, sickness, and loss of fellow soldiers. The soldiers on the front lines endured much
suffering.
The First World War was fought just as much on the seas as it was on land. Great Britain had the
world’s largest navy. All nations involved were dependent on ships to supply their armies, and
Germany and Britain in particular were attacking each other’s ships in an attempt to cut off
supply chains to the enemy22
. The British would also stop neutral ships and search them in case
they were helping supply Germany. The United States, before entering the war, helped supply
the Allies, as British blockades prevented them from accessing the German trades. During their
neutral period, they would have supplied any paying customer, no matter what side of the
conflict they were on23
. This would change when they had a reason to go to war against
Germany.
Germany used U-Boats to attempt to cripple the Allies once and for all. The Germans
implemented a policy of unrestricted naval warfare, where they would sink any ship, Allied or
neutral, on sight. In 1917, Germany sank the American ship Lusitania, which was carrying
passengers across the Atlantic. This, combined with Germany’s promise to Mexico that could
have the southwestern states if they attacked the U.S, brought the U.S. into the war against
Germany. The U.S. coming into the war made things a lot worse for Germany. All nations were
mobilizing on the home front and civilians were working to send supplies to their troops and fill
the jobs that were vacated by those who had gone to war. However, Russia appeared to be on the
verge of collapse, and Germany still believed it could win the war.

8
In November 1917, weakened by its new provisional government, Russia dropped out of the war
and was forced to sign a humiliating peace treaty with Germany. However, the U.S. was proving
to be a great help to the Allies. U.S. President Woodrow Wilson put forth a peace plan in January
1918. The Allies would not punish Germany after the war, just render it less powerful. The
Germans managed to push them back, but the Allies had more reserve troops than Germany did.
There were a series of counterattacks that drove the Germans back. In August 1918, the British
defeated Germany at Amiens.
By September, Germany had mostly been pushed out of France, signaling the potential end of
war. The war wound down throughout the later months of 1918 as Turkey and Bulgaria
surrendered. Ethnic minorities in Austria-Hungary declared independence, and Austria dropped
out on November 3rd
. Germany now stood alone. Wilhelm II was pressed to abdicate and flee
Germany, and Germany was forced to renounce its peace treaty with Russia and pay reparations
to France. On November 11th
, 1918, the war was over.
First World War Communications
When war was declared, the British naval forces were ordered via wireless to mobilize at the
North Sea. Early offensive action by the Royal Navy had a long-term impact on international
communications both during and after the war24
. Communication was essential during the First
World War in order to coordinate attacks on the enemy. Being able to locate and target enemies
and plan out attacks was much more efficient than arbitrarily firing and wasting ammunition.
Radio communication allowed for a shorter time between observation and response, danger
warnings, and alerts to success or failure. Wired telephone and telegraph were not the most
efficient means of communication, especially not over long distances, because the wires were so
easily damaged25
. Radio allowed for ships to communicate over long distances so that plans
could be changed as needed. It could be used to track enemy ships with a modicum of accuracy.
As well it eliminated the problem of ships having to be within sight of each other in order to
communicate.
The necessity of having efficient means of communication meant that both sides made efforts to
impede communication on the other side. A few weeks after the war started, the Allies cut
Germany’s telegraph cables to the U.S. and South America, which passed by Britain and Ireland,
so that their communications were limited to wireless. On August 24th
, their wireless
communications were cut when they were forced to destroy their own station at Togoland, West
Africa, as the Allies closed in. Germany retaliated by cutting the cable link between Vancouver
and Fiji26
. A month later, the link was repaired. The German ship Emden attacked several British
relay stations in the Indian Ocean, impeding communications between Britain and Australia27
.
Sometime before the Gallipoli campaign, the Australian government had had the foresight to
purchase six portable Marconi wireless sets and distribute them throughout the country28
. The
sets were able to be set up as a mobile operational wireless station within five minutes and had a

9
guaranteed range of fifty kilometers, but they often far exceeded that. All messages were sent as
codes or ciphers29
. These mobile stations provided Australian troops with a 24/7 wireless link to
the British Navy during the Gallipoli campaign. When Gallipoli was aborted, wireless
communications helped facilitate the removal of the Allied troops without the Turkish troops’
knowledge30
.
The wide range of new wireless devices developed during the First World War used either spark
or continuous waves31
. The BF Trench Set was introduced in 1916 and solved the problem of
telephone lines being destroyed and was very easy to operate. It had a 10-volt 12.5 amp-hour
battery and could operate on three wavelengths: 350, 450 or 550 metres. The box was 16x10x9
inches and weighed thirty-one pounds. The wire antenna was sixty to eighty metres long. It could
communicate within a range of one to four kilometers32
.
Later, the Wilson Transmitter and Mark III receiver were developed. These were used as a set,
operating on the same wavelength as the BF Trench Set but with an input power of 120 watts
allowing for a range of eight or more kilometers. It had a 5 amp power capacity. It was
commonly used on tanks. The French developed the R-valve which was used at Vimy Ridge33
.
In 1916, the British began assessing continuous wave equipment which used triode valves. The
equipment had a range of eleven or more kilometers, and operated on short wavelengths. This
work resulted in the introduction of the loop set which was lighter and simple to install34
. The
Germans created their own wireless sets, very similar to the ones designed by Marconi, but the
German ones were manufactured by Telefunken35
. At the start of the war, ship’s wireless
equipment used 5-kilowatt rotary spark transmitters. This device had a long range and the
possibility of interference was less of a problem at sea than on land36
.
According to John Keegan, renowned military historian and author of The First World War,
radio communication offered a solution in theory, but not in practice. Wireless sets depended on
large power sources that were not always available. Keegan claims that while wireless played a
“minor strategic role” early in the war, it held no tactical significance throughout the war. This
was also a problem at sea, because navies were unable to assure secrecy when in close proximity
of the enemy37
. The significant drawback of radio communication at that time was that the
technology did not exist for transmitting voice messages, all messages had to be sent using
Morse code. It took longer to write messages, send, receive, and decode them. It could take ten to
fifteen minutes. This time was crucial in action38
.
Despite the time-consuming nature of wireless communication, codes and ciphers existed to
ensure the secrecy of wireless transmissions. The U.S. Army developed these during the war.
They wanted “automatic features of the printing telegraph art” to be rendered available for
enciphering and deciphering messages. Printing telegraphs were fast and accurate but messages
were not secret. Studies were launched to figure out how messages passed through this service
could be made secret. A cipher system was developed to render messages completely secret

10
while still being quick and accurate. It was called the “Cipher Printing Telegraph System.” The
U.S. Signal Corps tested it and found it to their liking. Messages were automatically enciphered
at the sending station and deciphered at the receiving station. If an enemy intercepted a message,
they could not decipher it without the key. The Cipher Printing Telegraph Machine was built
with as many regular telegraph parts as possible in order to save production time. It was built to
handle large amounts of traffic at high speeds39
. There was also a Portable Cipher Machine. No
electric current was required for its operation. It was slower than the larger machine but the
messages were just as secret. The machines could be customized for various needs40
.
Any cipher messages that needed to be turned over to a cable company to transmit (like in the
case of early messages to the station) had to be in written or printed form. The machines would
then print the messages as five-letter “words” which appeared to the naked eye as jumbled letters
that didn’t spell anything. The two main methods of ensuring the secrecy of a message were
preventing access to the message and making the message illegible except to the designated
recipients. Both of these methods were used during the First World War, but rendering the
message illegible was found to be the more useful method. Alarm devices existed to alert people
sending messages if their line was tapped. They detected changes in the electrical constants of
the line circuit. However these were ineffective because over long distances, a number of factors
impacted the circuits such as temperature changes or adverse weather conditions. Also, using
vacuum tube amplifiers allowed for a recording of circuit signals without affecting the circuit41
.
A system was developed that would use small line currents which used coils and condensers to
prevent sudden changes in current value. It was difficult using ordinary methods to get a
recording of the signals. However, it could be done using modern vacuum tube amplifying
equipment. A method of making messages unintelligible was by sending alternating impulses
over two wires that would be combined through one relay at the receiving end. If only one wire
was tapped, the enemy would only get every second word. However, this could be enough to get
the gist of the message, and they could just tap both wires42
. There were also ways of tapping
duplex or multiplex circuits, so that if multiple messages were going over the same circuit at the
same time, they could still be intercepted. Because of all the ways of intercepting messages,
secrecy was usually assured by using codes and ciphers43
.
A code was a system in which entire words were replaced by seemingly arbitrary letters and
numbers. A cipher replaced individual letters44
. Codes could use actual other words to replace
the real message. Codes enabled messages to be shortened which had the advantage of lowering
costs, but they were not always accurate. If codebooks were compromised, it was costly to
rewrite and redistribute codes. Ciphers were often slower than codes but could potentially be
more secretive. Transposition ciphers rearranged letters in messages according to a definite
system and substitution ciphers substituted letters according to a prearranged key45
. Ciphers were
very difficult to create and break manually and they left ample room for error. However, if a
machine wrote and decoded messages, the whole process was simplified46
.

11
Wireless was essential at the beginning of the war with increased movement on both sides. When
trench warfare began, the armies initially preferred the telephone because they were at a
standstill. However, when it became evident that the telephone lines could easily be interfered
with, they went back to using wireless, which was much less vulnerable to destruction by
artillery bombardment or enemy tampering. By the end of the war, wireless had been firmly
established as a reliable means of communication47
.
The Newfoundland Royal Naval Reserve
In 1871, Newfoundland was effectively demilitarized when the imperial garrison was recalled48
.
Newfoundland had no military to speak of, but it had the potential to build a navy out of the
thousands of fishermen that lived in the country. Newfoundlanders were fishermen by heritage
and would typically go to sea at the age of fifteen or sixteen. In 1899, the Royal Navy and the
governor of Newfoundland visited outport communities in Newfoundland to try and drum up
interest in a Newfoundland Navy. It seemed at the time as though their mission was not well
received by the population and that people were more interested in sealing, which took place at
the same time of the year as naval training49
.
In 1900, Newfoundland was unable to supply a military unit for the South African War, and the
Colonial office put pressure on Newfoundland to “attend to its self-defence needs”. The British
government accused Newfoundland of neglecting its duty of defence. Prime Minister Robert
Bond felt it was more prudent for Newfoundland to have a naval force rather than an armed force
because it had a seafaring population. He brought this up at the 1902 Colonial Conference in
London50
. Bond promised to train a navy and selected fifty men from those who had registered
for service. The men were brought to St. John’s for training aboard the HMS Charybdis. Bond
spent a considerable amount of money on the Newfoundland Royal Naval Reserve (NRNR) but
some of the costs fell to the colonial government. Clothing costs and retaining fees would be
paid by the Admiralty and lodging for the men would be paid for by the government of
Newfoundland. There was a six-month trial cruise which proved successful51
. In October 1902,
the HMS Calypso arrived in Newfoundland for use by the NRNR as a training vessel. It was the
only naval vessel in Newfoundland by the time the war started, but it could accommodate three
hundred reservists. The Calypso was originally moored in Placentia Bay because it was a remote
location, it would isolate the men from the distractions of the city, and it was suitable for firing
practice. However, the colonial government felt that government control would be better
exercised in the capital and insisted on moving the Calypso to St. John’s52
.
Reservists were required to enlist for a five-year term, after which they could choose whether or
not to re-enlist. Once a year, they would take part in a twenty-eight-day drill followed by a three-
month training cruise on a ship. Ordinary seamen were paid sixty-six cents per day while training
with an annual retainer of sixteen dollars, and qualified seamen were paid seventy-five cents per
day with a retainer of thirty dollars. Local magistrates were asked to recruit men from their
localities, and would be paid two dollars for each recruit they signed up. Over the next ten years,

12
volunteering for the NRNR became so popular in some communities that it was almost a
traditional yearly practice. Young inshore fishermen liked the idea of being paid cash for work,
the glamour of the King’s uniform, and the chance to see the world and go on an adventure.
Recruits had to be single, “of good character and good physique” and have basic reading and
writing skills. Some drawbacks of the NRNR were its association with enforcing the unpopular
Treaty of Utrecht, which gave the French the right to fish off the west coast of Newfoundland,
and the fact that winter training clashed with the sealing season53
. In 1905, there was a poor level
of re-enrolment among reservists who had completed their first five-year term. Less than twenty
percent were interested in re-enrolment. Standards for acceptance were severely diluted by 1910,
to the point that local magistrates were warned for violating recruitment standards with the men
they signed up54
.
When the First World War broke out, Lieutenant-Commander Anthony MacDermott of the
Calypso was forced to drastically reduce recruitment standards to meet war needs55
. MacDermott
had begun preparing the Calypso before the war even officially started. Reports came to
Newfoundland that the German ship Dresden was off the coast of Newfoundland, but the
government was unsure whether to believe this report. Still, they were not taking any chances.
MacDermott’s plan was to let the German ship get in past the narrows and then trap it. However,
it turned out that the ship was never anywhere near the island56
.
In 1915, Newfoundland decided to coordinate their defensive plans with Canada to better protect
their seas57
. Newfoundland would supply reservists for the Canadian Navy, and Canada’s
military would protect Newfoundland. The Admiralty anticipated naval attacks by German U-
Boats on Canada or Newfoundland coastlines. They also feared Germans using ports in or
around Newfoundland as supply bases. Newfoundlanders worried about an attack since the
country was largely defenseless58
. However, Newfoundland was still able to take defensive
measures by preventing German U-boats from gaining access to their waters as a supply base
and establishing communication and observation systems59
. The Admiralty took guns from the
Calypso and mounted them at the mouth of the harbour. Ships coming in were searched and
questioned about submarine sightings60
.
The first NRNR members to actively participate in the war were on the Canadian ship HMS
Niobe61
. By the summer of 1915, the Niobe was getting ready to retire from going to sea. Her
final landfall was in Halifax in July of that year. The Newfoundlanders who had been on the
Niobe now joined the new recruits on the HMS Pembroke62
. The majority of NRNR members
served on armed merchant cruisers (AMCs), merchant vessels that had been converted for naval
use63
. AMC service was extremely unpleasant. One NRNR member described constantly being
wet and being treated like a “dumb animal”. He protested that men who had volunteered for
service should not be mistreated in this way64
. NRNR members were known for accepting
horrible conditions while on duty without complaint, but as soon as anything amounted to unfair
treatment, they would raise objections65
.

13
In 1916, Canada increased the amount of supplies and troops that they were sending to Europe.
This added to the risk of U-Boat attacks. Governor Davidson toured the coast of Newfoundland
and Labrador and reported that he was confident that the Germans would not be able to penetrate
their fortifications in order to use Newfoundland as a supply base66
. The Admiralty, on the other
hand, was not satisfied with the fortifications67
. The new plan was for the Newfoundland patrol
to find and destroy vessels supplying the Germans. The government supplied several coastal
steamers with wireless equipment so that they could alert St. John’s to any suspicious vessels68
.
MacDermott and the Calypso, which had been renamed the Briton in February 1916, organized
patrols to protect the Grand Bank fishery. Other home front duties performed by the vessel
included minesweeping St. John’s harbour, maintaining the harbour’s defence battery at Fort
Waldegrave, and guarding the H.M. Wireless Station in Mount Pearl69
.
In 1917, there was a manpower surplus in the NRNR and four hundred members were without
clear employment but still being paid. Governor Davidson said they were “on full pay leave,
idling and being a bad example.” Apparently these reservists were enticing men who should have
been joining the Newfoundland Regiment to join the NRNR instead. Davidson briefly
considered transferring all of the NRNR members to the Regiment 70
. Instead, after Germany
announced that they would resume unrestricted naval warfare, the Newfoundland government
offered the Canadian government sixty NRNR men to assist the Canadian navy71
. The sinking of
the Lusitania provoked even more fear of naval attacks. A general suspicion of Germans began
to foster in Newfoundland. They were suspected of operating enemy bases in the country72
.
1,964 people served in the NRNR, which had an acceptance rate of about twenty-five percent
during the war. 180 were killed and 125 wounded. The fatal casualty rate was about ten percent.
Those who joined the NRNR were considered to be something of an elite, especially in rural
communities and were known for being extremely capable seamen. Although Newfoundland was
considered to be a “nursery of fighting seamen”, this did not occur naturally, but had to be
encouraged by the government, and encountered some distain and resistance73
.
14
Vincent 893.
15
Vincent 895.
16
Vincent 896.
17
Perera, Tom. “How Wireless Telegraph Works/How to Build a Simple Wireless Telegraph Set.” W1TP Telegraph
and Scientific Instrument Museums. 2013. http://w1tp.com/perwirls.htm
18
Chase, Henry. The Wonder Book of Knowledge. (Philadelphia: The John C. Winston Company, 1921) no page #’s.
19
Linnartz, Jean-Paul. “Radio Telegraphy.” Wireless Communication. 1995.
http://www.wirelesscommunication.nl/reference/chaptr07/telgraph.htm
20
Jensen, Peter Rolf. Wireless at War. (Kenthurst: Rosenberg Publishing, 2013), 51.
21
Goff, R.; Moss, W.; Terry, J.; Upshur, J.; Schroeder, M.; eds. The Twentieth Century and Beyond: A Global
History 7th
ed. (Boston: McGraw Hill, 2008), 98.
22
Goff et al 111.
23
Ibid.
24
Jensen 52.

14
25
Keegan, John. The First World War. (London: Hutchinson, 1998), 22.
26
Jensen 52.
27
Jensen 53.
28
Jensen 57.
29
Jensen 58.
30
Jensen 60.
31
Jensen 69.
32
Jensen 71.
33
Jensen 72-73.
34
Jensen 73-74.
35
Jensen 70.
36
Jensen 75.
37
Keegan 22.
38
Keegan 282.
39
Vernam, G.S. “Cipher Printing Telegraph Systems for Secret Wire and Radio Telegraphic Communications.”
(Journal of the A.I.E.E. 45:2, pg 109-115, February 1926), 109.
40
Vernam 110.
41
Ibid.
42
Ibid.
43
Vernam 111.
44
Ibid.
45
Vernam 112.
46
Vernam 113.
47
Jensen 75.
48
Ransom 239.
49
Ransom 241.
50
Ransom 240.
51
Ransom 243.
52
Ransom 244.
53
Ibid.
54
Ransom 245.
55
Ransom 246.
56
Westcott, Michael Richard. Defending the Dominions: Canada, Newfoundland, and the naval defence of the
British empire during the first world war. (Master’s Thesis, Memorial University of Newfoundland, 2013), 16.
57
Westcott 1.
58
Westcott 15.
59
Westcott 1.
60
Westcott 24.
61
Ransom 247.
62
Ransom 249.
63
Ransom 250.
64
Ransom 250-1.
65
Ransom 253.
66
Westcott 34.
67
Westcott 35.
68
Westcott 36.
69
Ransom 252.
70
Ibid.
71
Westcott 41-2.
72
Westcott 25.
73
Ransom 254.

15
PART 2 - BUILDING THE H.M. WIRELESS STATION
The Marconi Contract
The station was one of eleven ordered by the Admiralty in November 1914 in order to deal with
the communication problem in the South Atlantic. The other 30kw stations were located in
Seychelles; Singapore; Aden, Yemen; Hong Kong; Mauritius; Ceylon; Bathurst, New
Brunswick; Durban, South Africa; Demerara, Guyana; and Port Nolloth, South Africa. There
was a twelfth station added in 1916 on the Falkland Islands that operated at 150kw. The stations
would all use the same Marconi equipment. The St. John’s station was built by Sub-Lieutenant
Henry Morton Burrows and his assistant, Ronald C. Quick. The contract with Marconi’s
Wireless Telegraph Company Limited stated that the company would supply, construct, and
complete the station with the “utmost rapidity” to certain specifications, and to provide staff for
the station until such time that the Admiralty could relieve said staff. The workshop, stores and
offices all had to be in the same building, and arranged in a way that allowed for convenience of
operating and as little labour as possible. A separate residential building would be provided. If
requested by the Admiralty, the company would install a telephone and telegraph with direct
lines to the governor, the nearest cable company, and any other important people.
The Marconi engineer and the local authorities including the governor would make the selection
of the site. The governor was instructed to make a list of possible places for the engineer to
examine. Important factors for the site included:
 Suitability for wireless transmissions (good soil for conductibility, long range from east to
west)
 Safety from attack by boats
 Accessibility for transporting building materials
 Proximity to a town that could supply labour, where temporary accommodations for
labourers could be constructed, and where they could access drinkable water
 Space for the buildings and the towers
If all of these conditions could not be met, the first one was the most important.
The company would provide any labour that could not be obtained locally. Any labour obtained
locally would be under the instruction of the head engineer. Local authorities provided temporary
accommodation for the labourers while the Admiralty covered the cost of food and supplies. The
staff included one engineer-in-charge (Burrows), four operators, three engine drivers, one engine
fitter, and one cook/steward. The engine fitter and drivers would most likely be supplied by the
Admiralty. When the Admiralty took over operations, there would be one officer-in-charge, one
warrant telegraphist, two P.O. telegraphists, four leading telegraphists, four telegraphists, one
engine room artificer, one electrical artificer, and two stokers74
.

16
Construction
Secretary of State Lewis Vernon Harcourt wrote to Governor Davidson to let him know about
the Admiralty’s intention to build a 30kw wireless station near St. John’s and to make sure that
there were no objections from his government75
. Davidson wrote back to Harcourt that there
were none after conferring with Prime Minister Morris76
.
Harcourt requested, in a confidential memo on behalf of the Admiralty, 560 cubic yards of
broken stone or ballast and 280 cubic yards of sand77
. Burrows needed somewhere to store this
material. The Furness Withy Company agreed to store materials needed for the construction of
the station at their facility. Their rate was forty cents per month plus shipping and handling. They
could potentially store up to 2000 tons if necessary. The Colonial Secretary arranged for a police
guard for the construction materials78
.
The next step was to select a site for construction. The site had to be able to accommodate the
following conditions for construction and operation of the station79
:
 Length 1300 feet, width 300 feet.
 Firm ground for foundations for three iron masts three hundred feet high in one line
five-hundred feet apart
 Buildings situated near centre mast
 Near good roads or waterways, not in a valley
 Daily supply of fresh water (two hundred gallons)
 Site as level as possible
 No high hills nearby
 Safe from bombardment if possible but not necessary
 Temporary accommodation, food, and comforts
The position for the proposed site was five miles, six furlongs due West of Crown Hill and four
miles five furlongs West South West of St. George’s Hill80
. They would await Burrows’ arrival
from England before making the final selection of the site81
. The Admiralty approved the
selected site on February 25th
. Burrows wanted a guard for the station to keep “stray people”
away from the construction. Davidson suggested using the reservists from the HMS Calypso and
told Burrows to contact Commander MacDermott. He suggested the Calypso because it would
keep costs low and avoid taking people from the already small police force82
. This is how the
Royal Naval Reservists from the Calypso ended up as guards for the station.
As soon as all the details were worked out and the site selected, work progressed quickly. By
May 8th
, the second tower was up two hundred twenty-five feet. All concrete for floors and
machine beds were complete. The shell of building was ready for shingles. The workshop, store,
battery room, and office partitions were complete. The residence foundation was complete. It
was impossible to estimate the date for the transmission of the spark system until a necessary
plant arrived83
.

17
On May 24th
, the second tower was complete and the third was at one hundred thirty feet. The
operating building was finished, including all partitions. The floors needed tiling. The
foundations and floor-cooling house were finished, the booster and air compressor sets were
grouted, and a two-panel switchboard had been erected. The residence was ready for shingles,
the inspection complete, the progress satisfactory, and the labour relations excellent84
.
By June 8th
, all masts were complete. The aerial was being made. One engine was set, and the
cooling tanks and pipework were completed. The air compressor sets and all connections were
completed and tested. One motor generator was grouted, and the shingling of both buildings was
complete85
. By June 24th
, all aerials and earths, the operating building, and one wireless set were
complete. The main switchboard connections were in progress. The battery was assembled, the
connection and distilling of water was in progress, and the second engine bed was grouted86
. As
of June 10th
, the second half of the battery was being charged. Everything else was ready, and
they would tune the battery on July 11th
.87
Funding
Harcourt wrote to Davidson asking to make arrangements for an advance of three hundred
pounds per week to meet the construction needs. He asked to whom Burrows could apply for the
advances88
. J.A. Paddon, the Manager of the Bank of Montreal, wrote to the Colonial Secretary
to say that his bank would be happy to loan the money for the construction of the station at an
interest rate of 4.5%89
. On March 30th
, advances from BMO to the station totaled $8076.1190
. By
the beginning of April, Burrows had “far exceeded” the three hundred pounds per week he had
been allotted. He anticipated that the expenditure would decrease as they neared completion of
the station. The services that were costing the most were hauling, labour, and the erection and
equipment of temporary buildings. Bennett received written instructions from the Admiralty to
spare no expense if it meant that the station would be up and running as soon as possible91
.
The bank of Montreal had advanced $21,763.64 to the station by April 30th
.92
Admiralty was
supposed to be making regular payments to BMO but they were not keeping up on their
payments. By mid-May, they had accumulated a debt of $34,256. Bennett wrote to Michael
Cashin, the Minister of Finance and Customs, to tell him that he should arrange with BMO to set
a credit limit on the account93
. By August 31st
, the station was $65,714.63 in debt94
. Paddon
wrote to Bennett and instructed him to have the money paid to the Bank of Montreal in London
so there would be no losses on either side associated with the exchange rate95
.
On September 8th
, the debt reached $66,000.0096
. The Admiralty paid the Crown Agents for the
Colonies this amount in pounds and asked them to remit it to Bank of Montreal97
. The debts were
not fully paid because the exchange rate had not been accounted for, and with interest the debt
crept back up to $29,755.82 by August 28th
, 191698
. By April 24th
, 1917, the debt was
$45,286.4699
. The interest rate was raised from 4.5% to 5.5%100
. Lieutenant Wolley asked the
Colonial Secretary to notify the Admiralty directly of this matter. In the meantime, Paddon had

18
agreed to keep the original interest rate until the Admiralty was informed, as they were the ones
responsible for the payments101
. The Admiralty decided to close their account with the Bank of
Montreal and make other arrangements for financing the station102
.
Employment
Even though the station was supposed to be “top secret”, word eventually got out that the
Admiralty was constructing a wireless station. Many people began writing to the government
seeking employment at the station. A Mr. John Mallam wrote to Bennett and asked to whom he
would submit an application for work at the station103
. A Mr. John Trapnell wrote to Bennett
looking for a position for his son Chesley as an operator104
. Bennett wrote back saying that the
government had “no privilege” with this matter and that the station would not be finished for at
least six more months, so there was nobody to apply to for positions105
.
A Mr. Victor Moore wrote to Deputy Colonial Secretary Arthur Mews and asked if there were
jobs at the station for men “very much in need” from his community106
. Mews, sounding
annoyed, wrote back to Mr. Moore to inform him that there was “no chance whatever for men
obtaining employment at Mount Pearl. The newspapers here have made a great cry about this
matter, and, in consequence, hundreds of people are disappointed.” Five hundred people from all
over Newfoundland had applied and there were only forty or fifty positions available107
.
A Mr. Philip J. Murphy applied to work at the station. Bennett wrote to Burrows about Murphy
to say that he did not know the man personally but his references were good and there was no
doubt he was competent. Murphy was the Chief operator at the Marconi station in Louisburg108
.
Murphy was politely declined as the Admiralty wanted most of the station staff to be specially
trained in England. Bennett knew Murphy personally and broke the news to him109
. Charles
Llewellyn Penryhn Neville was appointed to be in charge of the wireless station. He would leave
England in June110
. Alfred Denny Hathaway was appointed as temporary Warrant
Telegraphist111
.
The Cable Link
The Admiralty decided that the station should have a cable link to be in contact with the local
telephone station. Harcourt asked Davidson if the Newfoundland government would be willing
to undertake the telegraphic connection or whether the Admiralty should do it. He wanted to
know what other telephonic or telegraphic communications were necessary112
. Having a direct
cable link between Newfoundland Postal Telegraphs and the station was vital for communication
because it would allow telegraphs to be directly transmitted to the station.
Wolley made an arrangement with the Anglo-American Cable Company so that government
postal telegraphs to the station would be retransmitted free of charge113
. The Admiralty approved
a decision to put in a direct cable line between the Government Postal Telegraph Service and the
station so they would no longer have to go through the Anglo-American Cable Company114
. This

19
came about after David Stott, the Superintendent of Newfoundland Postal Telegraphs, got in
some trouble with Bennett for placing a telegraph message from the Wireless Station in Bermuda
in the P.O. Box of the Mount Pearl Station instead of giving it to the Anglo-American Cable
Company for immediate transmission. Bennett accused Stott of mishandling an important
message out of spite because he did not want to go through the Anglo-American Cable
Company. “At a time like this, any person or persons, who had not sufficient interest to
appreciate the importance of a prompt delivery of messages from such as source and to such a
destination, must have a very poor conception of their duties.”115
The Newfoundland government would cover the cost of the new cable installation116
. They
connected it July 11th
and tested it and found it working the next day117
. The Department of
Public Works was concerned that there would be damage to the road from digging it up burying
the cable. They had the road inspected after the cable was laid and found it to be in perfect
condition118
.
74
Publicity Department. Description and Specification of 30 K.W. Naval Wireless Station at St. John’s. Designed
and Erected by Marconi’s Wireless Telegraph Company Limited.
75
PANL, GN 2.14.4, Harcourt to Davidson, December 29th
, 1914.
76
PANL, GN 2.14.4, Davidson to Harcourt December 29th
, 1914
77
PANL, GN 2/5, Box 69 #455, Harcourt to Bennett, January 7th
, 1915
78
PANL, GN 2.14.4, Bennett to Davidson, February 9th
, 1915.
79
PANL, GN 2/5, Box 69 #455, Harcourt to Bennett, January 22nd
, 1915
80
PANL, GN 2.14.4, Davidson to Harcourt, February 22nd
, 1915.
81
PANL, GN 2.14.4, Davidson to Bennett, February 25th
, 1915
82
PANL, GN 2/5, Box 69 #455, Davidson to Morris, March 15th
, 1915
83
PANL, GN 2.14.4, Davidson to Harcourt, May 8th
, 1915.
84
PANL, GN 2.14.4, Davidson to Harcourt, May 8th
, 1915.
85
PANL, GN 2.14.4, Davidson to Harcourt, June 8th
, 1915.
86
PANL, GN 2/5, Box 69 #455, Davidson to Morris and Harcourt, June 24th
, 1915.
87
PANL, GN 2/5, Box 69 #455, Davidson to Harcourt, July 10th
, 1915.
88
PANL, GN 2.14.4, Harcourt to Davidson, February 10th
, 1915.
89
PANL, GN 2.14.4, Paddon to Bennett, February 25th
, 1915.
90
PANL, GN 2.14.4, Paddon to Bennett, March 30th
, 1915.
91
PANL, GN 2.14.4, Sub-Lieutenant Burrows to Bennett, April 2nd
, 1915.
92
PANL, GN 2.14.4, Paddon to Bennett, April 30th
, 1915.
93
PANL, GN 2/5, Box 69 #455, Bennett to Cashin, May 22nd
, 1915.
94
PANL, GN 2.14.4, A. Bonar Law to Davidson, August 31st
, 1915.
95
PANL, GN 2.14.4, Paddon to Bennett, September 6th
, 1915.
96
PANL, GN 2.14.4, Davidson to Harcourt, September 8th
, 1915.
97
PANL, GN 2.14.5, A. Bonar Law to Davidson, October 21st
, 1915.
98
PANL, GN 2.14.5, Paddon to Bennett, August 28th
, 1916.
99
PANL, GN 2.14.5, Paddon to Colonial Secretary, April 24th
, 1917.
100
PANL, GN 2.14.5, Colonial Secretary to Wolley, April 20th
, 1917.
101
PANL, GN 2.14.5, Wolley to Colonial Secretary, April 28th
, 1917.
102
PANL, GN 2.14.5, Colonial Secretary to Paddon, July 14th
, 1917.
103
PANL, GN 2.14.4, Mallam to Bennett, March 17th
, 1915.
104
PANL, GN 2.14.4, Trapnell to Bennett, April 5th
, 1915.
105
PANL, GN 2.14.4, Bennett to Trapnell, April 7th
, 1915.
106
PANL, GN 2.14.4, Moore to Mews, March 22nd
, 1915.

20
107
PANL, GN 2.14.4, Mews to Moore, March 26th
, 1915.
108
PANL, GN 2.14.4, Bennett to Burrows, April 24th
, 1915.
109
PANL, GN 2.14.4, Burrows to Bennett, April 29th
1915.
110
PANL, GN 2.14.4, Charles Walker to Undersecretary of State, May 13th
, 1915.
111
PANL, GN 2.14.4, Walker to Undersecretary of State, September 3rd
, 1915.
112
PANL, GN 2.14.4, Harcourt to Davidson, February 10th
, 1915.
113
PANL, GN 2.14.5, Wolley to Bennett, November 8th
, 1915.
114
PANL, GN 2.14.5, Bennett to Superintendent David Stott, January 8th
, 1916.
115
PANL, GN 2.14.5, Bennett to Stott, October 27th
, 1915.
116
PANL, GN 2.14.5, Bennett to Stott, January 8th
, 1916.
117
PANL, GN 2.14.5, Wolley to Bennett, July 18th
, 1916.
118
PANL, GN 2.14.5, Patrick Murphy to Bennett, July 17th
, 1916.

21
PART 3 - THE STATION YEARS: 1915-1925
The Technical Aspects of the Building
The station was the cutting edge of technology for its time119
. The generators produced between
220 and 440 volts. The current was increased steadily so as to avoid blowing out the power to the
station. There were crystal receivers and value detectors120
. Two hundred tons of coal was
required per year to run the station’s smaller engines while the main engine used oil. In 1919,
the men were installing the biggest power accumulator plant in Newfoundland121
. There was an
emergency battery plant that could operate the station at full power for a considerable period of
time, a 30kw Marconi synchronous spark transmitter and a Navy type Poulsen Arc continuous
wave transmitter122
.
The station would operate on a wavelength of 1300-2000 metres at full power, or 600-1300
metres on reduced power. There was a main aerial and a subsidiary aerial to allow for this
operation. The guaranteed range of the station had to be 1000 nautical miles in all directions.
Each tower would consist of the elevated horizontal extensions (shafts), a pair of down-leads,
and a connecting lead between the down leads and the leading-in insulator123
. The towers used
two to three miles of wiring124
. They were 1000 feet apart but the cables that tethered them to the
ground made the required area 5000 feet. They would have been difficult to knock down except
by “scientific methods” such as a dynamic demolition by a professional engineer that would have
to be ordered by the Admiralty125
.
The “receiving room” was completely lined with lead126
. The spark room contained controllers
for variables such as condensation and inductance. There was an iron railing around the
instruments and danger signs, after a staff member was killed in the spark room in 1918127
. The
equipment was spread out as much as possible so that in the event that something needed to be
repaired, they could get to it quickly without having to move other stuff out of the way128
.
Wartime
On September 16th
, 1915, the wireless station was fully operational and the Colonial Government
was invited to avail of the station in case of emergencies where communication was restricted129
.
Wolley requested that the station be granted the same status by the Newfoundland government
that His Majesty’s Ships had. The Admiralty treated it in the same manner as a ship and they
expected the Newfoundland to do the same130
. The Governor in Council declared that the station
would be placed in the same category as His Majesty’s Naval Ships131
. The station would be
guarded by Royal Naval Reservists from the HMS Calypso. The road to the station was cut off
so that civilians could not accidentally wander onto station property132
.
During the First World War, the Germans adopted an unrestricted warfare policy where all
Allied or neutral ships were sunk on sight. Bob Carew, a Mount Pearl resident with a special

22
interest in First World War naval history, claims that the station would have been in range of
German U-Boats and therefore may have intercepted signals from them. These signals could be
heard from up to seven hundred seventy miles away133
. There were a few alleged attacks on the
station. Legend has it that one night; the reservist on duty caught a couple of Germans attempting
to penetrate the station disguised as heaps of snow. However, it cannot be confirmed whether or
not this legend is true.
On August 27th
, 1918, an attempt was made by “persons unknown” to damage the station and to
shoot the Leading Telegrapher. The Inspector General of the Constabulary had the job of
rounding up “suspicious persons” in Newfoundland and having them deported. Around the time
of the attack, a “prominent person” informed the Inspector that they had heard someone speaking
German. The man in question was Joseph Schnitzer, who apparently resembled one of the
attackers. Schnitzer was born in Jerusalem of German descent. He received U.S. citizenship in
1915 by claiming to be a British subject on the basis that his family had British protection in
Jerusalem. Schnitzer allegedly made false business claims that were contradicted by his nephew.
The Inspector didn’t believe Schnitzer when he explained how he spent his free time. He made it
clear to Schnitzer that he was “undesirable” and that it would be better if he left Newfoundland.
Two of the station operators positively identified Schnitzer, who later left Newfoundland to
avoid incurring further conflict, and returned to the United States134
.
In January 1918, the Naval Authorities took over the running of the station from the Marconi
Company135
. Later that year, the Commander-in-Chief decided that the naval guard could be
withdrawn from the station. With the war ending, there was no further risk of attack136
.
After the War
Even after the war was over, the station was still put to good use receiving distress calls. There
was constantly an operator on duty, and they maintained continuous conversations with people
on the other side of the Atlantic. The operators were the first to hear any news from Europe.
There was a dual-receiving system in place so that if one operator was talking to the Admiralty,
emergency messages could still get through. The station was the first to pick up a signal from the
British airship R-34. It kept in touch with the Renoun, the Prince of Wales’ ship, when it was
crossing the Atlantic and it maintained daily contact with the Horsea station in England137
. In
1919, the Bell Island Wireless Station was forced to close because it was difficult to get food and
supplies to it in the winter. The government asked the Admiralty if the Mount Pearl station
would take over its duty of communicating with sealing vessels. Any ships south of Cape Freels
would communicate with the Mount Pearl Station. The sealing season was slated to begin around
March 10th
.138
The Admiralty approved the request on March 9th
.139
After the war, the station no longer needed to be kept secret. A group of reporters were invited to
the station for a tour. Lieutenant Commander Cyril Fenn showed them around. Fenn was trained
by His Majesty’s Trainingship Briton and was the Senior Officer of the Station with all

23
employees of the station under his command140
. The reporters were made to feel “welcome in
every sense of the word.”141
One of the reporters was Joey Smallwood. The reporters made
several observations about the station, one being the irony of it being a “wireless” station when
there were so many wires used to tether the towers to the ground. They were also amazed by the
height of the towers and the “continuous, buzzing, sobbing sound” that they emitted142
.
Inside the station, the reporters marvelled at the size of the engines. The motors were apparently
so loud that you had to yell to be heard143
. Mechanics worked on the motors to keep them
running and apparently the inside of the engine room looked like the boiler room of a large ship.
One of the reporters described the visit as “as interesting as one could be desired by even the
most fastidious and hardest to please.”144
Of the twenty-two men working at the station, eleven were wireless operators. Some were
stokers, mechanics, and watchmen. Life was so busy that the men did not have time to get bored.
They played sports in their spare time145
. The sleeping quarters were laid out in the fashion of a
ship, probably to make the men more comfortable146
. One of the station men allegedly said that
the walking distance between St. John’s and the station was “five miles out and twenty-five
miles in.”147
The station was something that locals passed by but never gave much consideration
to148
.
In 1921, the residential building underwent a renovation in order to extend the living quarters. As
part of the extension, a sick bay was added to the building. The work was done under the
direction of William Churchill, Superintendent of Public Buildings149
. The HMS Briton paid for
the costs, which were estimated at around £3,200150
. The Admiralty requested suspension of
work on the station in November 1921 as the future of the station was under consideration151
. By
this point the work had all been finished except for the plumbing, which had already been put off
until the following year, since all the money for the expansion had already been spent. According
to Governor Harris, the expansion made a “considerable improvement to the comfort of the
station.”152
The Sale of the Station
Michael Cashin asked the Admiralty in 1919 if they intended to continue using the station now
that the war was over, and the Admiralty replied that they had no interest in relinquishing control
of the station at that time153
. The same year, the acting Prime Minister of Newfoundland, Sir
William F. Lloyd, warned that he had heard of a scheme that involved the Admiralty asking the
governments of the Dominions to take over the wireless stations in their territories154
. The
Canadian government offered to take over the Mount Pearl station. The Newfoundland
government had “greatest objection to any such arrangement.”155
In 1922, the Admiralty decided that they did not want to keep paying for the upkeep of the
station, especially when they didn’t know if they were ever going to use it again. The station was
only necessary during wartime and the Admiralty knew that if it was going to be used in another

24
war, it would need to be updated to keep up with advances in technology. They decided it was
unnecessary to keep it under their jurisdiction during peacetime. They asked the Newfoundland
government whether they would take over the station and update it, and the Admiralty would
take back control of the station in the event of another war. If the government of Newfoundland
refused, the Admiralty would need to find a suitable alternative station in Canada before they
made the final decision to abandon the Newfoundland station. They still needed a station on the
North American side of the Atlantic in case of emergency or another war and needed to be able
to communicate with their station in Bermuda. There was a proposal in place for a station at
Geiser’s Hill, Nova Scotia. This station could take over the duties of the Mount Pearl station156
.
There was also the question of the Marconi equipment at the station, which had been supplied
under the agreement that it would be used for military purposes only, not for commercial
purposes. Therefore, if whoever acquired the property wanted to use the equipment for
commercial purposes, they would have to make a new agreement with the Marconi Company.
The most affordable course of action would be to turn the station over to the Newfoundland
government and let them deal with any remaining patents on the Marconi equipment157
. It was
determined that, once they concluded with certainty if the Geiser’s Hill station could operate at
the required level in the event of a war, the Admiralty would either transfer control of the Mount
Pearl station to the Newfoundland government or, failing that, close the station altogether158
. The
Newfoundland government refused the offer because it gave them unwanted responsibilities and
the Admiralty would still have the power to take the station back at any time.
The Admiralty reduced the staff at the station to care and maintenance parties at the end of May
1922159
. The use of the station for naval purposes was no longer necessary. There would still be
royalties incurred by the Newfoundland government associated with the Marconi equipment, but
Winston Churchill advised Governor Harris to speak to the British government before admitting
liability for the royalties160
. In the meantime, the Canadian government assured the Admiralty
that the Geiser’s Hill Station would be suitable for war and emergency purposes and they
proceeded with dismantling the St. John’s station161
.
Some of the wireless equipment at the station was sent back to England, and some put up for
sale. The buildings and the rest of the property would be sold locally. The engines, main battery,
booster and other similar materials would be sold “as they stand” and the buyer would be
responsible for dismantling and transporting them. The same deal would apply to the towers. The
winches at the bottom of each tower were considered part of the tower and were not to be sold
separately until after the sale of the towers. The buildings were also to be sold as they stood, and
if they were going to be relocated, it was the purchaser’s responsibility to do this. The buildings
would not be handed over until all equipment was sold and claimed. The sale was deferred to the
end of the winter to prevent deterring potential buyers who were personally responsible for the
transport of items. The Admiralty felt that their Chief Officer Telegraphist, Petty, was not up to
the task of selling the equipment and they requested someone from local or Canadian authorities,
or an agent with commercial experience, to handle the sales. This agent would be paid out-of-

25
pocket and receive commission. The Admiralty paid $407 for the land, but they never got a deed
from the Newfoundland government, so they asked the government to dispose of the property for
them162
.
The government engineer, T.A. Hall, reviewed the floorplans for the two buildings and
determined that they could be modified and used for a public institution, and that the grounds
were suitable for farmland. Hall pointed out that the building would be suitable for a wireless
phone connection with places such as Canada and New York163
. The Colonial Secretary agreed
to look into this idea. Hall was appointed to supervise the dismantling of the station, and
Commander R.A. Howley, a resident of St. John’s, was suggested to do the actual work of
disposing of the station and he accepted164
. The Governor of British Guinea purchased one
Gardner K.M. six cylinder engine (generator not included) from the St. John’s station. Howley
was directed to pack up the engine and ship it off, and he would be reimbursed165
.
The Auctioneer Company Fearn and Barnes caught wind of the sale of the station and wrote to
the governor asking for his consideration of their company as auctioneers166
. However, in May,
the People’s Auctioneers were hired to sell off the station property, the equipment, and all the
goods inside such as furniture, silver, cutlery, books, clothing, medical supplies, and tools. There
was an ad in the Daily News on May 21st
, 1925, for the auction. It read, “Freehold land, 40 acres.
Buildings, equipment and stores are all to be sold.” The auction was to be held over two days;
May 27th
at 10:30 a.m. and May 29th
at 11:00 a.m. 167
The auction was heavily publicized in the
Daily News, indicating that the auctioneers wanted everything gone quickly. However, it would
be a year before the building and the land were finally sold to the Parson’s family, who owned a
farm near the station.
119
MacCallum 8
120
“Mount Pearl Worth Visit.” (Newspaper clipping, The Daily News, St. John’s. H.M. Wireless Station Newspaper
Clippings Folder, Box I, Admiralty House Communications Museum, Mount Pearl. 1919.)
121
Item 001-002-003. “Mt. Pearl Wireless Station.” (Newspaper clipping, The Evening Telegram, St. John’s. Folder
001-002 Wireless Station Correspondence, Box H, Admiralty House Communications Museum, Mount Pearl.
September 15, 1919.)
122
Vincent 899.
123
Description and Specification of 30 K.W. Naval Wireless Station at St. John’s.
124
“Mount Pearl Worth Visit.”
125
“Mt. Pearl Wireless Station.”
126
MacCallum 3.
127
128
Smallwood, Joseph R. “The Mount Pearl Wireless Station.” (Newspaper clipping, The Telegram, St. John’s.
H.M. Wireless Station Newspaper Clippings Folder, Box I, Admiralty House Communications Museum, Mount
Pearl. December 1919.)
129
PANL, GN 2.14.5, Wolley to Davidson, September 16th
1915.
130
PANL, GN 2.14.5, Wolley to Bennett, November 2nd
, 1915.
131
PANL, GN 2.14.5, Wolley to Bennett, November 8th
, 1915.
132
Smallwood, “The Mount Pearl Wireless Station.”

26
133
Bob Carew to Kylie Goodyear. (Correspondence. Possibility that H.M. Wireless Station Intercepted… Folder,
Box I, Admiralty House Communications Museum, Mount Pearl. June 20th
, 2009.)
134
PANL, GN 2.14 Box 2 File 1, Inspector General of the Constabulary to Colonial Secretary, September 9th
, 1918.
135
136
PANL, GN 1/3/A Box 102 #1466, MacDermott to Harris, December 26th
, 1918.
137
138
PANL, GN 1/3/A Box 109 #135, Mews to Cyril Fenn, December 12th
, 1919.
139
PANL, GN 1/3/A Box 109 #135, Fenn to Harris, March 9th
, 1920.
140
141
142
143
Ibid.
144
145
146
147
148
149
PANL, GN 1/3/A Box 118, #500, Colonial Secretary to Harris, October 5th
, 1921.
150
PANL, GN 1/3/A Box 118, #500, Winston Churchill to Harris, June 18th
, 1921.
151
PANL, GN 1/3/A Box 118, #500, Churchill to Harris, November 4th
, 1921.
152
PANL, GN 1/3/A Box 118, #500, Harris to Churchill, November 7th
, 1921.
153
PANL, GN 1/3/A Box 129 #170, Colonial Secretary to Harris, March 9th
1922.
154
PANL, GN 1/3/A Box 103, #68, Secretary of State Milner to Harris, January 24th
, 1919.
155
PANL, GN 1/3/A Box 103, #68, Harris to Milner, February 24th
, 1919.
156
“Future of Naval W/T Station at St. John’s Newfoundland.” Memo to Government of Newfoundland and
Government of Canada. (H.M. Wireless Correspondences and Letters Folder, Box I, Admiralty House
Communications Museum, Mount Pearl. Circa 1922.)
157
PANL, GN 1/3/A Box 129 #170, Walker to Churchill, April 10th
1922.
158
PANL, GN 1/3/A Box 129 #170, Colonial Secretary to Allardyce, June 18th
, 1924.
159
PANL, GN 1/3/A Box 129 #170, Pakenham to Allardyce, April 27th
, 1922.
160
PANL, GN 1/3/A Box 129 #170, Churchill to Harris, July 10th
1922.
161
PANL, GN 1/3/A Box 129 #170, Colonial Secretary to Harris, March 9th
1922.
162
PANL, GN 1/3/A Box 129 #170, Pakenham to Allardyce, October 30th
, 1924.
163
PANL, GN 1/3/A Box 129 #170, Allardyce to Bennett, December 8th
, 1924.
164
PANL, GN 1/3/A Box 129 #170, Bennett to Allardyce, December 10th
, 1924.
165
PANL, GN 1/3/A Box 129 #170, Governor’s Private Secretary to Howley, May 9th
, 1925.
166
PANL, GN 1/3/A Box 129 #170, Fearn and Barnes to Allardyce, February 16th
, 1925.
167
“The Peoples Auctioneers.” (Newspaper clippings, The Daily News, St. John’s. H.M. Wireless Station General
History Articles Folder, Box I, Admiralty House Communications Museum, Mount Pearl. May 1925.)

27
PART 4 – H.M. WIRELESS STATION 1925-1955
4A - Farming in Newfoundland
The Rise and Fall of Farming
Until the late 18th
century, most food consumed in St. John’s was processed and shipped from
Europe and the West Indies168
. When people first began settling in Newfoundland in the 16th
century, they required a sustainable food source independent of England shipping169
. For this to
happen, people needed land to raise animals and crops. They petitioned Sir Humphrey Gilbert for
land titles but he denied them.
Regardless of his denial, people continued to farm even though grants were not officially given
until two hundred years later. They would fence the land they were cultivating in order to claim
it as theirs170
. In 1729, the British government appointed naval governors in Newfoundland,
some of whom allowed land grants as long as they didn’t interfere with the fishery. In the late
18th
and early 19th
century, more people began to settle permanently in St. Newfoundland.
Farming in St. John’s became more common when the first commercial farms were started near
St. John’s in order to feed its inhabitants171
.
By British law, citizens were discouraged from farming in Newfoundland, but people did it
anyway. Those who were in favour of colonization in Newfoundland were usually in favour of
farming, while those who opposed colonization usually opposed farming172
. In the second half of
the 18th
century, the Colonial government started to grant lands to certain residents for farming.
People obtained farmlands from crown grants, property leases, or squatting173
. Farm settlers
usually began by working in St. John’s to raise the money to start a farm. They would then buy
land, erect a house and barn, and begin clearing and cultivating the land174
. Those who could not
afford a government grant leased property from farm owners. This often resulted in a
complicated system where leasers would sublet without permission from the original
landowner175
.
By the 1800’s, farming had found a place in Newfoundland. In 1804, Governor Gower
commissioned a survey of all land owned by individuals in Newfoundland. Between 1800-1840,
almost four hundred farms were established around St. John’s, mostly by poor Irish immigrants,
although some English and Scots also participated176
. Naval officers were granted land near St.
John’s as a reward for their services. James Pearl is an example of this. Garrison officers were
given land grants, as well as anyone who had lost land due to government activities. Officers
who were granted land were not allowed to sell or lease it. Some residents petitioned the
government to stop giving land grants except to officers because they were blocking public
pathways177
. Some people were still farming land with no formal permission but most had
obtained land grants.

28
The wars in the early 19th
century interrupted food supply channels and the naval presence in St.
John’s waters created competition with fishermen for the food supply. These factors caused
people to turn more and more to farming. Members of the middle class created even more
demand for food because they did not fish, farm, or otherwise produce their own food. In 1813,
the new governor, Keats, issued a proclamation encouraging residents to take up land and start
farming. There were also efforts to build roads for better access to farmland. The biggest
expansion of farming in St. John’s occurred in the early 19th
century. The reasons for this
included178
:
 The migratory fishery turned into a resident fishery.
 More and more families settled in Newfoundland.
 There was a rapid emergence of a wider range of services that relied on different agricultural
products.
 The wars interrupted the usual food supply channels.
After 1813, farming policies depended on who was governor as some supported it while others
did not179
. Governor Cochrane paid a great deal of attention to farming. He constructed roads in
and around St. John’s. He also began recording information on land grants and keeping these
files in Newfoundland instead of passing them on to the Colonial office in London. Dr. William
Carson also advocated for farming in Newfoundland. He made an enemy of Governor
Duckworth by signing a petition to the King complaining about conditions in St. John’s with
respect to farming. After that, he had a difficult time trying to procure his own land. By the time
of his death in 1842, he had one hundred thirty-four acres and his farm had become “one of the
most valuable farms in the vicinity of St. John’s” after receiving a grant from Governor Hamilton
in 1818180
.
The 1840’s were a good time for farmers because the government under Governor Harvey was
supportive of agriculture. Roads from nearby farming communities to St. John’s were improved
and farm property quadrupled in value. The Agricultural Society began in 1841 and the annual
Agricultural Fair began in the late 1840’s. Some people felt that the “prejudice” against farming
in Newfoundland was beginning to fade away181
. Governor LeMarchant came to Newfoundland
in the 1840’s with the idea that it was completely unsuitable for farming, but he soon realized its
potential and declared that “certain am I that…no man in this country ever need be in want.” 182
LeMarchant encouraged grain farming in Newfoundland and had several thousand bushels of
corn imported for planting. He also wanted to improve cattle farming, so he brought in two cows
and a bull. In addition to this, he encouraged weaving in Newfoundland and proposed to bring in
sheep and two people to teach the trade. Some politicians disapproved of LeMarchant’s devotion
to farming and after LeMarchant left his position, the Newfoundland government encouraged
farming only when there was a fishery crisis and never allocated much funding for it183
.
In 1881, construction began on the railway, and everyone thought that this would open up new
opportunities for agriculture. New agricultural policies were written around railway construction.

29
In 1889, a division of government was established to oversee farming activities. Newspapers
began getting behind farming; publishing ads for farming products and articles favourable to
agriculture.
In the early 20th
century, the government’s policy on farming continued to change based on who
was in charge184
. In 1907, Robert Bond’s government established a stock farm. In 1909, Morris’s
government shut it down. Sometime in the next decade, another stock farm was set up. Samuel
Ruby wrote in a 1915 issue of the Newfoundland Quarterly that farming in Newfoundland was
especially essential during wartime because that is how the nation would be fed. Ruby felt that it
was unwise to pay for food imports from other countries when most of the food people needed
could be produced in Newfoundland. It was Ruby’s opinion that the government needed to assist
farmers185
.
During the Depression, the government encouraged farming as a means of subsistence. The
Commission of Government, established in 1934, encouraged farming as an alternative to fishing
and a method of economic diversification. They established a Demonstration Farm and
Agricultural School in Mount Pearl. There was also a land settlement scheme. The Commission
established farming communities that were meant to provide work for people who were
unemployed and teach them to farm. These would be communal farms and everyone would share
profits equally. Some of the Commissioners opposed the scheme; they considered the promotion
of the fishery to be more important. The idea worked better in theory than in practice and the
overall project was a disappointment. When the Second World War started, many people
abandoned these communities to work on the military bases. There were eleven communities and
three hundred forty families involved in the scheme in total. None of the communities were
successful186
.
Farming began to die out after the Second World War. During 1944 and 1945, the government
bought several farms and converted them into housing developments. This was the first major
expansion of St. John’s beyond Empire Avenue. Some farmers continued on until the late
1950’s, but slowly farmlands were taken over by government or commercial establishments187
.
Living off the Land
Sir Richard Whitbourne wrote in 1622 that all kinds of food grew wild in Newfoundland,
including raspberries, strawberries, cherries, small pears, and herbs. He also listed vegetables
that were not native to Newfoundland but did well there188
. Still, Newfoundland was less than
ideal for farming. Soils were thin and acidic, and the climate was not quite up to standard. The
soil had to be treated with fertilizer before it was fit to use for farming. Crops that did well in
Europe such as wheat and barley were impossible to grow in St. John’s, at least not enough to
make a profit189
. Instead, settlers grew potatoes, cabbage, and turnip. Farms also produced milk,
butter, beef, pork, mutton, lamb, eggs, and poultry. Hay and straw were grown for horses and

30
cows190
. The produce changed little over time. Farmers used mainly hand-operated tools such as
the artifacts we have.
Before the First World War, the outskirts of St. John’s were mostly farmlands. Farm settlements
in St. John’s and in outport communities followed similar patterns – members of the same
family, the same denomination, or people who had come from the same part of the United
Kingdom started farms near each other191
. The farming community in St. John’s was unusual
within the North American context because St. John’s was virtually the only market for the
produce. Full-time farming was mostly confined to within a few miles of St. John’s. Outside of
that, farming was supplemented by fishing192
. Farming in St. John’s was driven by a need to
produce surplus for sale. A system of transportation developed both as a result of and to facilitate
this need. Produce was brought to St. John’s via footpaths and roads. The method of transport
was horse-drawn wagons, carts, and sleighs. In the beginning of the 19th
century, roads were
expanded and improved in response to overwhelming need. Some of this was done by the
farmers themselves193
. Governor Cochrane launched a program to improve roads and construct
new ones using revenue from grants and leases.
In St. John’s, there was no formal marketplace for farm produce although there were several
proposals to start one. People sold door to door, set up in the street, or traded with their
neighbours. Most casual farmers had regular customers194
. Farmers typically had twenty to 100
regulars195
. People from the outer communities typically traveled to St. John’s once a week to
sell their produce. Farmers would park up and down the streets to display their produce. These
farmers did not have regular customers because of the irregularity of their availability, and prices
were often negotiated by haggling. This was also a social event; farmers would travel to town
together, sell their products, pick up provisions for the farm, and then visit the taverns together
with the extra cash before heading home196
.
Farmers also maintained more formal relationships with local grocers. The grocers supplied the
farmers with non-local goods in exchange for their produce197
. Often this worked in a barter
system, although some items had set prices. For example, four barrels of potatoes were worth
one barrel of flour. There were also customers such as butchers, butter factories, and
fishermen/sailors who consistently paid cash for produce198
. Captains and crewmen from fishing
vessels were also important clients. They would buy winter supplies for themselves and their
families199
. Public institutes such as the hospital, the asylum, the jail, and the garrison would
purchase produce. These sales were well documented and were often contracted on a regular
basis. It is likely that only large-scale farmers were able to hold contracts with public
institutions200
.
Life on the Farm
The majority of farms were relatively small and family owned. Families managed to reap a
meagre living from their farms resulting in most of labour being kept within the family and the

31
luxury of hired farmhands restricted to larger farmed. Farm houses varied based on the wealth of
the farmer, the style of home that was popular at the time they were built, and sometimes the
location201
. Some homes were “double houses”. Those were often occupied by a father and a son
or by two brothers202
. Most non-commercial farms had no indoor plumbing until the 1940’s203
.
Water came from wells or brooks. Often there were water shortages in the summer until the city
started pumping water out to the farmlands. Kitchen stoves and fireplaces were the only source
of heat while kerosene lamps provided light for early morning work. Several farms had cellars
under the main houses or the barns.
Working hours were long on the farm. Farmers would have to get up at 5:30 or 6:00 in the
morning to milk the cows as the milk had to be brought to the dairy by 8:00204
. Men generally
did the heavy work around the farm as well as any work that took them away from the farm.
Women looked after household duties such as cooking and laundry, and helped with the farm
work. They were responsible for the day-to-day operation of the farm205
. There were usually a lot
of people on the farm – wives, husbands, children, grandparents, hired help – and women were
responsible for cooking three meals per day, making tea, and washing and ironing everyone’s
clothing. Children helped out on the farm when they were not in school or doing homework.
They did work like weeding, pulling up vegetables, cleared rocks out of the garden, and
sometimes cutting wood. Some helped with milking cows, cleaning milk bottles, and feeding
animals206
.
Farming families often faced the problem that when the children grew up, there was no space left
in the community for them to start their own farms. Some parents divided up their land and gave
it to their children. Others gave their land to one child and the rest had to go seek other
employment. Some of these children moved to the United States. Most never returned, although
some came back to buy their own land207
.
During the Second World War, men frequently left the farm to work on the military bases or go
war with Canada. Many farms did quite well during the war as the cost of produce went up. After
the First World War started, most homes no longer had maids or farmhands. The war opened up
better, higher-paying job opportunities208
.
The Parsons Family
The Parsons family started farming on Old Placentia Road in the late 19th
century. Old Placentia
Road was one of the furthest farming areas from St. John’s. Heber Parsons inherited the farm
from the Knight family. It was called Bellvue. He and his son Hector continued to purchase
property and by the 1920’s they owned land from Heavy Tree Road to the current Westminster
housing development. They bought the station property in 1926 as an extension of their farm and
converted the barracks into a home while using five of the rooms as apartments. Hector Parsons
and his wife moved into the home and the family resided there until 1973, although most of their
farmland was purchased by the St. John’s Housing Corporation in 1955209
.

32
The members of the Parsons family were good friends of the men who worked at the station. Life
at the station could be somewhat dull at times, and the Parsons family provided entertainment
and company for the station men. In 1918, the Vice Admiral of the Royal Navy wrote to the
governor of Newfoundland asking him to pass on his gratitude to the Parsons family for their
company. They provided the men at the station with appropriate “amusement and society” and
“undoubtedly contributed towards their happiness” during their time at the station210
. The
governor passed on this message to Heber Parsons in a letter. Mr. Parsons wrote back to
acknowledge the letter and conveyed his pleasure at having had the opportunity to entertain the
young men and at having his kindness noticed211
.
The station made an unusual farmhouse; in fact, it was described as “the strangest farmhouse of
all”. The property had eighteen or twenty rooms. There was a sitting room, a dining room, an
office, two kitchens, two bathrooms, and a couple of bedrooms. Some of the rooms were
converted into apartments. The Parsons house, unlike most other farm houses, had electricity, a
coal furnace, and running water. Hector Parsons converted the old transmitter building for use as
a barn. It was located about fifty feet behind the house and originally was about the same size as
the house. A new piece was put onto the roof. Cows were kept downstairs and upstairs was a
loft. The loft could store one hundred fifty tons of hay, or six thousand bushels, at a time212
.

33
Part 4B – Radio in Newfoundland
Newfoundland’s Radio Beginnings – VONF, VOGY, and VOCM
The first person to successfully send a two-way wireless transatlantic voice transmission was
James J. Collins of Newfoundland. His message was broadcast from Signal Hill on July 23rd
,
1920. The signal was received by the SS Victorian, 1250 miles away from St. John’s. Several
months later, Collins set up a radio studio in the Canadian Marconi premises in St. John’s. In
early 1921, he began testing programs. His beginnings were modest as only six people in St.
John’s had radio receivers at that time. In the fall of 1921, radio enthusiasts in St. John’s formed
the St. John’s Radio Club. It was headed by Ernest Ash, and Collins was a member. He officially
aired his first broadcast on his radio station, VOS, in 1922. Collins also supervised the
construction of the Wesleyan United Church’s radio station, now known as VOWR. And, he
aired the first remote radio broadcast when Jack Tobin relayed a commentary of a local hockey
game to him by telephone. This became a regular feature on VOS213
.
Commercial stations were popular in North America during the 1930’s214
. During this time,
people imagined public broadcasting as having a public audience whereas commercial
broadcasters generally worked to create a consumer audience215
. The changes in Newfoundland
society, politics, and culture were reflected in Newfoundland radio during the 1930’s and
1940’s216
. Frank Wood formed the Newfoundland Broadcasting Company in 1932. It operated
out of the Crosbie Hotel and had the call letters VOGY. The Dominion Broadcasting Company
was also formed in 1932 as a subsidiary of the Avalon Telephone Company. That station was
VONF. It operated out of the Avalon Telephone Company building. Although VONF was a
privately owned station that existed to earn a profit, it also helped the public service. W.F.
Galgay was the first manager of VONF. He remained with the station as general manager of the
Broadcasting Corporation of Newfoundland until the CBC takeover in 1949. The first VONF
broadcast was November 17th
, 1932. They aired the first Gerald S. Doyle Bulletin that day. In
1934, both stations moved into the Newfoundland Hotel217
.
Despite Newfoundland’s financial troubles during the Great Depression, radio broadcasting
became increasingly popular further adding to popular culture. American broadcasting, which
contained comedy, music, and drama, influenced Newfoundlanders by shaping their expectations
of radio programming218
. The Commission of Government was established in Newfoundland in
1934 in order to prepare Newfoundland for a return to responsible government. VONF
broadcasted a variety of Commission of Government broadcasts, but Commissioners’ desire for
broadcasting to be an educational tool, dissatisfaction among listeners, and other problems with
Newfoundland radio prompted state intervention of the radio. A proposal was brought forth to
establish a privately owned but state-regulated monopoly broadcaster to the Commission that
would provide educational and entertainment programming and take over the government’s

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