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A CRITICAL DISCOURSE ANALYSIS OF RHETORICAL STRATEGIES IN
“OPEN LETTERS TO PRESIDENT OBASANJO” IN SELECTED NIGERIAN
NEWSPAPAERS
Ebuka IGWEBUIKE
Department of English Language and Literary Studies,
Federal University Ndufu-Alike, Ebonyi State, Nigeria.
ebukaigwebuike@yahoo.com
&
Ikenna KAMALU
Department of English,
University of Port Harcourt, Nigeria
cikamalu@yahoo.co.uk
Note: This is the accepted copy of this paper. The final and definitive copy has been
published in: Essays on Language, Communication and Literature in Africa By
Cambridge Scholars Publishing
To cite this article: Igwebuike, E. and Kamalu, I. 2015. “A Critical Discourse Analysis
of Rhetorical Strategies in ‘Open Letters to President Obasanjo’ in Selected Nigerian
Newspapers”. In: Essays on Language, Communication and Literature in Africa.
Cambridge: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, pp. 284 – 305
ABSTRACT
Previous studies on Nigerian print media discourse have examined cartoons, news
headlines and lead stories, editorials, newspaper reports, and adverts , the present study
however applies the principles of critical discourse analysis to the study of rhetorical
strategies in selected “Open Letters to President Olusegun Obasanjo” in Nigerian
newspapers from 2003-2007. The paper examines the socio-political ideologies that are
encoded in the rhetoric of the writers, using Fairclough’s (1995) model of CDA. The
analysis enables the reader to decode the ideological meanings behind the open letters

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and to see how language is used to respond to societal issues. The data for the study were
collected through random sampling of 18 open letters to President Obasanjo (2003-2007)
from selected five Nigerian national newspapers of The Guardian, The Vanguard, The
Sun, Daily Champion and Daily Independent, based on the theme of politics. These data,
which reflect the rhetorical intentions of the writers, were analysed both quantitatively
and qualitatively, using insights from Fairclough’s three – dimensional approach of
Critical Discourse Analysis. The paper discovers that while most of the writers use
persuasive strategies of advice and plea to appeal to President Obasanjo on the need for
him to leave office in May 2007; others deploy both direct and indirect face threat as a
strategy of coercion. These threats which are framed in idioms and proverbs are not only
used to threaten the autonomous face wants of President Obasanjo, but also reveal the
impending dangers that may befall the President should he choose to stay in office
beyond May 2007. The study concludes that studying open letters to the president from a
critical discourse perspective has not only revealed the socio-political issues (President
Obasanjo’s third term agenda, the political and economic empowerment of the masses,
and environmental degradation in the Niger Delta) in the country but also the underlying
ideology and mindset of the writers.
KEY WORDS: Ideology, Politics, Rhetorical Strategies, President Obasanjo, Open
Letters, Newspapers
1.0 INTRODUCTION
Language, an operative part of the human social process, is encoded with ideological
patterns. Thus, language users, whether in speaking or writing, linguistically encode their
beliefs, interests and biases in a wide range of media resulting in certain ideologies.
Supporting this view, Fiske (1994) says that our words are never neutral, and that they
are used to convey both overt and covert meanings. To unearth the underlying ideologies
and meanings in a text, the knowledge or understanding of the linguistic structures –
grammar, morphology, phonology and semantics of a text is not enough (Kaplan, 1990).
Meanings are identified not only from the words that convey them but also by placing the
text in its immediate social, political and historical context. Thus, Fowler (1991:70)

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suggests that the linguistic structure of the text should be studied minutely in the light of
“the social and historical situation” to bring to the fore “the consciousness, the patterns of
beliefs and values which are encoded in the language”.
The aim of the paper therefore is to apply the principles of CDA to the analysis of
open letters to President Obasanjo. An open letter is a unique type of letter that is
addressed to an individual(s) but it is intended to be read by a wide audience, either in a
newspaper or other media. The analysis will not only be based on the internal structure
and overall organization of the text but should also provide an account of the historical
and social aspects of text production, distribution and consumption. These will expose the
“taken-for-granted” of the ideological messages, socio-political issues, biasness and
asymmetries of unequal power relations that are encoded in the semiotics of the text. This
is done through the instrumentality of CDA, a theory that is based on the assumption that
all human language usage encodes ideological patterns (Dellinger, 1995; Sheyholislami
2001; McGregor, 2004).
2.0 REVIEW OF LITERATURE
Much of the works on print media discourse in Nigeria have concentrated on cartoons
(Alimi, 1986; Olufemi, 1999; Okoabah, 2000); news headlines and lead stories (Chiluwa,
2005; Ayodabo, 2007); editorials (Ogunfeyimi, 2007, Odebunmi 2007); newspaper
reports (Olowe, 1988; Oni, and Babatunde, 2007; Ayoola 2008); and adverts (Olaosun,
2006; Akhimien, 2007; Ihedigbo 2008). All these studies focused attention on the
media’s house news items with little attention to the readers’ contribution. However, the
present work which differs from the previous ones studies open letters from the news
consumers. Specifically, the study applies the principles of CDA in the analysis of
rhetorical strategies used in “open letters to president Obasanjo”. Open letters are media
discourses that harbour unsaid ideologies of the writers and are used to influence the
views of the readers (masses). An open letter is a unique type of letter that is meant for an
individual but is intended to be read by a wide audience. Though open letters are
addressed to an individual(s), they are never overtly directed to the person they are
officially written to. Instead, the open letters are intentionally publicized or widely
distributed through newspapers and other media to their readers or viewers. Thus, open

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letters to President Obasanjo are not meant to be read by President Obasanjo (alone) but
covertly by the entire Nigerian public. Thus, President Obasanjo could be identified as
the “created” reader while individuals or groups who read newspapers always are the
“implied” reader. This supports Reah’s (1998) view that there are two types of newspaper
readers: (i) the created reader and (ii) the implied reader. An open letter is shaped by the
happenings in the society, the writers’ (authors’) ideas, and the type of audience that is
being targeted. It thus reveals the social, cultural, political and national issues /
representations in a society at any given time. This goal of influencing people depends on
effective use of language. Reah (1998) says that the writers of open letters select their
vocabularies based on their ideology and as such may omit or include things that portray
their ideology. Thus, the selection of linguistic elements in open letters may also affect
the way in which the reader is presented with the events in the world.
As a media discourse, open letters are a sort of social interactive process that goes
on between the writers and the public (the audience) through the medium of language.
Being a social media process (Scollon, 1998), open letters involve the writers and the
readers as the main actors in this practice and the readers are also the spectators of this
social interaction. During this social interaction, the readers as participants can be
influenced by what they read, and the effect of their action depends on what meaning
they make of the letters. Thus, open letters, just like other items of newspapers (such as
editorials, advertisements and news reports), do not only educate, inform but also
persuade the readers. They can be used to motivate the masses to seek social justice or
social re-orientation. This is the core concern of CDA - emancipation of the masses (Van
Dijk, 1988).
The idea of open letters being persuasive is tied to “rhetoric”. Rhetoric is
primarily defined as the art and science of deploying words for the purpose of persuasion
(Wilkin, 2003). According to Malmkjaer (2002), rhetoric originates from the theory of
how best a speaker or writer can, by application of linguistic devices, achieve persuasion.
Similarly, Burke (1954) opines that Aristotle sees rhetoric as the faculty of discovering
the persuasive means of using language to produce an effect on the audience. Rhetoric is
primarily concerned with persuasion, the ability of a speaker/writer to influence and
persuade an audience, and has been linked to three forms of appeals: ethos, pathos and

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logos (Oha, 1994). Ethos deals with the speaker’s capability to display a personal
character which makes his speech credible and trustworthy. Pathos is concerned with the
speaker’s power of stirring and arousing the emotions of the audience; and in logos lies
the power to provide truth by means of persuasive and rational argument (Beer and De
Landtsheer 2004). Thus, open letter as rhetoric employs language that does not only
inform but persuades, warns, advises the masses for a change of attitude. It uses simple,
direct and emotive language; and selects appeals with the aim of persuading and effecting
a change in behaviour of the readers. In addition, the writers of open letters have the
intent to convince the readers based on their ideological underpinnings and orientation.
They do this through the selection of some rhetorical tools that directly appeal to the
emotions of their audience (Jansinski, 2001).
3.0 A BRIEF BIOGRAPHY OF PRESIDENT OLUSEGUN OBASANJO AND
THE SOCIAL SITUATION IN NIGERIA FROM 2003 - 2007
Olusegun Obasanjo is a retired Nigerian Army general and immediate past President of
Nigeria. A Christian of Yoruba descent, Obasanjo was a career soldier before serving
twice as Nigerian head of state, once as a military ruler, between February 13, 1976 to
October 1, 1979, and again from May 29, 1999 to May 29, 2007, as elected President.
Obasanjo is noted in Nigerian history as the first leader that voluntarily handed power to
a democratically elected civilian president in 1979 and again in 2007. He was also the
first Nigerian president to achieve the feat of from “prison to president”. During his two
terms in office (1999 – 2007), he led a public campaign against corruption and
implemented economic reforms in which some top corrupt government officials were
dismissed and prosecuted. However, despite his anti-corruption stance, his critics accused
him of being selective and targeting his political opponents. Obasanjo was embroiled in
controversy regarding his "Third Term Agenda," a plan to modify and change the
constitution so he could serve a third, four-year term as President. The bill was not
ratified by the National Assembly. Consequently, President Obasanjo stepped down after
the April 2007 general election. He was succeeded as president by Umaru Yar'Adua.
The socio-political situation of Nigeria during this period (2003 - 2007) was
dominated by discourses such as “Third Term Agenda”, “Niger-Delta Issues”, “Debt

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Relief”, “Sovereign National Conference”, “corruption”, “bribery”, “looting”, “his fight
with his vice president” and election related issues (such as rigging, thuggery, etc.) These
and many more are some of the discourse issues that manifest in the open letters.
The years 2003 – 2007 on which this study concentrates are significant in the
history of Nigeria’s social and political development. Nigeria at this period witnessed two
different types of democratic governments – the re-election of President Obasanjo into
office for a second term and the election of President Musa Yar’Adua. Prior to President
Obasanjo’s first term (1999 – 2003), Nigeria has witnessed about 30 years of military
dictatorship and it was the first time since 1979, when the military handed over power to
democratically elected government. Our choice of this period (2003 – 2007) enables us to
investigate how language functions in the democratic political dispensation, that is, we
have to discover the effects this social context has on language and print media discourse.
4.0 THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVE
The theoretical framework for this study is Fairclough’s (1995) model of Critical
Discourse Analysis - a three dimensional framework that seeks to map three separate
forms of analysis unto one another. That is, it analyses language texts (spoken or written),
discourse practices (processes of text production, distribution and consumption), and
discursive events as instances of socio-political practice. Fairclough (1989: 20) defines
CDA as an interdisciplinary approach to the study of discourse that does not only see
“language as a form of social practice” but focuses on the idea that social and political
dominion is reproduced by “text and talk.” Thus, Fowler (1991:67) describes Critical
Discourse Analysis as a theory that sets out to respond to the problems of “fixed,
invisible ideology permeating language”. Fairclough (1995b:132-133) further observes
that:
CDA is the study of often opaque relationships of causality
and determination between (a) discourse practices, events
and texts, (b) wider social and cultural structures, relations
and processes, to investigate how such practices, events and
texts arise out of and are ideologically shaped by relations
of power and struggles over power, and to explore how the

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opacity of these relationships between discourse and
society is itself a factor securing power.
From the above definition, it is clear that CDA focuses on the hidden relationship
between the discourse practice, events and text on the one hand and the wider socio-
cultural context on the other hand. Meaning exists in that hidden relationship because it is
all about the “unsaid said” harboured in a text. The unsaid said of any text must be seen
from the socio-cultural background that informed the construction of that text. In order to
encode these hidden ideologies and power involved in discourse, Fairclough (1989:15)
observes that “language connects with the social through being the primary domain of
ideology, and through being a site of, and a stake in the struggle for power.” Supporting
this view, Luke (1997) opines that CDA reveals the ways discourses are used everyday
for power relation, and by extension, for signification and the construction of new
knowledge. That is why Thompson (2002) asserts that Critical Discourse Analysis helps
to make clear the connections between the use of language and the exercise of power.
What obtains here is that CDA helps to legitimate the voice of the marginalized; and by
extension, to take the voice of those in power into question; and by so doing, reveal the
hidden agenda and motives that serve sectional or self interests which help to maintain
and subjugate the others.
Thus, CDA attempts to uncover some assumptions – ideological, cultural, socio-
political, etc that are hidden in the text. According to Fiske (1994), our words are not
neutral; they carry the power that reflects the interests of those who speak or write. What
obtains is that an understanding of the phonology, grammar or the morphology of a text –
written or oral – does not necessarily mean that a text has been understood. The rhetorical
intent and the worldview that the speaker/writer and the hearer/reader bring to the text are
of paramount importance. Thus, there is the need to consider the larger discourse context
(meaning) that lies beyond the grammatical structure. This may be political, context of
language and production, and even economic consideration. Furthermore, Fairclough
(1995a:9) maintains that ‘“critical’ implies showing connections … which are hidden …”
The exposure of things hidden is relevant to us in view of the fact that people are not
aware of them, and therefore are helpless to that situation.

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Thus, as an interdisciplinary approach to the study of discourse, Critical
Discourse Analysis (CDA) sees “language as a form of social practice” (Fairclough
1989:20) and focuses on the idea that social and political dominion is reproduced by “text
and talk.” The idea of dominion gives credence to power which may be ideologically
based. According to Van Dijk (1988), CDA is concerned with studying and analyzing
written texts and spoken words to reveal the discursive sources of power, dominance,
inequality and bias, and how these sources are initiated, maintained, reproduced and
transformed within specific social, economic, political and historical context. By so
doing, it illuminates ways in which the dominant forces construct texts that favour their
interest. Related to Van Dijk’s perspective is the assumption by Kress (1990:84-85)
which reinforces the view that CDA “…aims to provide accounts of the production,
internal structure and overall organization of texts …to provide a critical dimension in its
theoretical and descriptive accounts of texts … [with] the larger political aim of putting
the forms of texts, the processes of production of reading together with structure of power
which has given rise to them ….”
According to Sheyholislami (2001), one key principle of CDA is that the way we
write, what we say, is not arbitrary – it is purposeful whether or not the choices are
conscious or unconscious. Thus, Batsone (1995:198-199) contends:
Critical Discourse Analysts seek to reveal how texts are
constructed so that particular (and potentially indoctrinating)
perspectives can be expressed delicately and covertly; because
they are covert, they are elusive of direct challenge, facilitating
what Kress (1988:57) calls the “retreat into mystification and
impersonality.”
The above view is central to our understanding of the aims of CDA. According to
McGregor (2004), one major aim of CDA is to analyse discourses to find hidden
meanings. Thus, what obtains is that Critical Discourse Analysis aims to systematically
explore opaque relationships between discursive practices, texts and events, and wider
social and cultural structures, relations and processes. Through this way, it explores how
these non-transparent situations are factored in securing power and hegemony, since it
draws attention to power imbalances, social inequities, non-democratic practices, and
other injustices in the hope of spurring people to corrective actions (Fairclough, 1993).

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Wodak (2001:11) reinforces this view when she asserts that “CDA takes an interest in the
ways in which linguistic forms are used in various expressions and manipulations of
power.”
Fairclough (1989) opines that the objective of CDA is to uncover the ideological
assumptions that are hidden in the words of our text in order to resist and overcome
various forms of power or to gain an appreciation that “we are exercising ‘power over’ on
beknownst to us.”
The form and structure of sentences can suppress information that exists in a text
because of the attitude of the dominant group in the discursive construction. CDA
therefore aims at demystifying the text. Thus, by unmasking such practices, CDA
scholars aim to support the victims of such oppression and encourage them to resist and
transform their lives. This idea of unmasking anchors on how the text can bring out a
different perspective and deeper understanding of whose interest is being served.
Thompson (2002) maintains that CDA helps to clear the connection between the
use and the exercise of power. This is because the words of those in power are taken as
self-evident truth, and the words of those who are not in power are dismissed as
irrelevant, inappropriate and without substance (Van Dijk 1988). Thus, our words are
politicized, even if we are aware or not aware of it.
Fairclough (2000) observes that there are three central tenets of CDA. To him,
discourse is shaped and constrained by: (a) Social Structure (b) Culture and (c)
Discourse. Social Structure includes: age, class, status, ethnic identity and gender.
Culture could be considered as the generally accepted norms of behaviour in the society.
Discourse refers to the words we use. Thus, the goal of CDA is to determine the
relationship between these three central tenets. Our discourses reflect the societal norms
and beliefs, i.e. we say things in conformity with the way they should normally be said in
our society, and there are certain things we do not say because the society has constrained
us not to say them. Likewise, our identity in the social structure is shown in the way we
think, act and speak. Text is produced by socially-situated speakers.
5.0 METHODOLOGY

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The data (which are eighteen open letters to President Obasanjo) used for this work are
sourced from the following selected Nigerian national newspapers: The Vanguard, The
Sun, The Guardian, The Champion and The Daily Independent. The selection covered the
period of five years: 2003 – 2007 and is done through a purposive random sampling
based on the theme of politics. That is, open letters that concern political issues are
selected for this study. Thus, six open letters are selected from The Guardian, five from
The Vanguard, three from The Sun, two from The Champion and two The Daily
Independent newspapers hence; we have a total of eighteen open letters. The data are
analysed both quantitatively and qualitatively using Fairclough’s (1995) model of CDA
which anchors on three dimensions of analysing discourse - the social conditions of
production and interpretation, the process of production and interpretation, and the
product of the first two stages, text.
The social conditions of production and interpretation include the factors in the
society that lead to the production of a text and how these factors affect interpretation.
The process of production and interpretation involves how the text has been produced
and this affects interpretation. In Text, the focus is to ascertain ways in which it
discursively positions readers via what Janks and Ivanic (1992) refer to as preferred
reading.
Corresponding to these three levels or dimensions, Fairclough (1989:26)
prescribes three stages of CDA which are: “description, interpretation and explanation.”
Description is the stage which is concerned with the formal properties of the text.
Interpretation is concerned with the relationship between text and interaction – with
seeing the text as a process of production, and as a resource in the process of
interpretation. Explanation is concerned with the relationship between interaction and
social context – with the social determination of the processes of production and
interpretation, and their social effects. This study will therefore focus on how print media
discourse explores social and institutional processes and how these social processes
influence rhetorical strategies.
In addition, the data are interpreted in Relative Frequency Percentage (RFP) and
the Overall Relative Frequency Percentage (ORFP). The RFP of a lexical device shows

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the percentage of all the occurrences of lexical devices represented by all the occurrences
of the particular lexical device in the texts.
This is indicated with the formula:
Total No. of Occurrences of Rhetorical Devices X 1OO
Sub-total No. of Occurrences of the Rhetorical Devices 1
6.0 ANALYSIS AND FINDINGS OF THE RHETORICAL STRATEGIES
In analysing the rhetorical strategies, our focus is to examine the degree of appeal which
the letters generate. Thus, every rhetorical discourse carries with it an appeal which may
be persuasive or coercive. In doing so, we examine rhetorical strategies under two broad
headings: (i) the strategy of persuasion and (ii) the strategy of coercion.
6.1 The Strategy of Persuasion
Persuasion is an attempt to compel the other person to accept your point of view.
Persuasive strategy therefore implies an attempt to persuade a person or a group to accept
a point of view. This agrees with the Aristotelian perspective of rhetorical discourse as
the act of discovering all the available means of persuasion in a given discourse.
The persuasive strategies used in the texts provide us with insights into the nature
of appeal in dealing with the situation in the texts. One unique technique that the writers
adopt as an instrument of appeal is the prayer strategy as demonstrated in the text below:
May God grant you the wisdom to see that your best
interest would be served only by that unflinching adherence
to principles and that inflexible respect for the Constitution
upon which your global reputation as a leading statesman
has been built! (The Guardian, December 21, 2005, p. 54)
Since the rhetoric of political public speaking selects from religion, it becomes logical to
see the impact of the appeal based on religion. From the point of view of Christianity,
God will only compel the President to do the right thing which indirectly is anchored on
the need to respect the constitution. This is the only way for him to enjoy global

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respectability and reputation as a leading Nigerian statesman. The word “wisdom” as
used in the text presupposes that the President seems to be acting foolishly by trying to
disregard the constitution. Most religions believe that God is the supreme giver of
wisdom hence the writer prays God to endow a seeming foolish President with wisdom
so that he would not tarnish his “global reputation.” Also, in the two texts below, the
writers appeal and pray:
And may the Good Lord bless you as you heed this humble
advice in Jesus name, Amen. (The Guardian, May 8, 2006,
p. 65)
No weapon fashioned against you shall prosper. However,
you must remain steadfast in pleasing God and his children
in all your deeds. (Vanguard, March 8, 2007, p. 27)
The benediction “May the Good Lord bless you” is conditional – it is dependent on the
condition that the President heeds “this humble advice.” The text subtly conceals the
ideology that God will punish the President if he rejects the writer’s “humble advice”.
This shows how religious discourse interacts with the political and is used to conceal
ideology. The text portrays the writer’s society as a religious one in which God is
constantly invited into human affairs.
“No weapon fashioned against you shall prosper” is a prayer format to help the
President not to be distracted by satanic forces who do not wish Nigeria well. The people
being referred to here are the President’s ‘acolytes’ (his kitchen cabinet) who are also
members of the President’s party, party men and women and other praise-singers. They
are the ones trying to distract the President from pleasing God and his children. The
clause “pleasing God and his children” means that the President shall not be distracted, if
he listens to the voice of reason and remains steadfast in doing those things that please
the masses because the voice of the people is the voice of God. The “however” clause
also indicates that the President will remain shielded from the weapons of his enemies so
long as he pleases God and his children.
Having made their appeal known through the strategy of prayer, the writers
conclude by violently yoking religion to politics in such a way that make their actions to
appear as an act of patriotism. The text below to supports this observation:

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May the good lord deliver us!
God bless you. God bless Nigeria, our father-land. (The
Sun, December, 29, 2006, p. 11)
Another dimension to the application of the strategy of prayer is the deployment
of religious (Biblical) allusions. This technique is persuasive in the sense that it alludes to
events and personalities in the Bible to support a point of view. In the text below, for
instance, the writer observes:
As a man of honour, give to Caesar what is Caesar’s and
unto God what belongs to God. (Vanguard, March 8, 2007,
p. 27)
The allusion to the biblical text is an appeal to the moral conscience of the President to
give peace a chance. The image of Caesar contradicts that of God, hence, the former
identifies with material power and might while the latter stands for holiness and
righteousness. By evoking the Caesar–God metaphor, the writer presents the President
with two manichean alternatives that could eight make or mar him as a statesman. Also,
in text below the writer observes thus:
I started getting worried during the last debate and
discussions on constitutional amendment because we saw
the hand of Esau and heard the voice of Jacob. (The Sun,
December, 29, 2006 p. 11)
This biblical allusion is used to reveal the writer’s uneasiness and inner tension in the
whole drama of third term because of President Obasanjo’s doublespeak and secret
manouevre, and the manipulations in the PDP hierarchy to prosecute President
Obasanjo’s self-serving agenda. The ideology of the text shows that the writer, who is on
the side of the masses, is uncomfortable with the President’s surreptitious moves,
doublespeak and insincerity. Biblical allusion could be seen in the two texts below, thus:
One needs to commend your David’s courage and
Solomon’s wisdom that enabled you to achieve the
spectacular feat of paying off the disgraceful national debts.
(Vanguard, March 8, 2007, p. 27)

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Baba read between lines, and internalize the scriptures as
given in proverbs 1 vs 10, i.e My son if sinners entice you
(in any form, third term agenda inclusive) do not consent.
(The Sun, September 11, 2005, p. 43)
While in the first text the writer commends the President by equating his courage and
wisdom with those of the biblical David and Solomon, the second writer adopts the
preachment/pulpit rhetorical style that is both cautionary and damnable. The texts,
especially those from the Bible, are attempts by the writers to desecularize political
debates and discourses at the national level. Again, the texts reveal the interlocking
relationship between political and religious discourses and the ideological orientation of
the writers.
Another strategy of persuasion that is of interest to the discussion is the
recall/reminder strategy. In this strategy, the president is taken back in time, of certain
happenstances in the country with the view to enable him reconsider his present actions,
and guide his future decisions too. The texts below support this view:
Mr. President, please let me remind you that (without any
iota of rudeness), you need to leave the state when the
ovation is highest. (Vanguard, March 8, 2007, p. 27)
Please, recall that you built credibility for yourself when in
1979 you voluntarily vacated office to pave way for the
return to civilian democracy and first executive president.
(Vanguard, March 8, 2007, p. 27)
Mr. President, please remember the popular saying that as
the hut usually outlives the builder, so office will always
exist long after the exit of the holder. (Vanguard, March 8,
2007, p. 27)
It might be necessary to poignantly take you through a
memory refreshing trip to where you have emerged from,
where you have traversed in life. Where you are now and
how you got there. (The Sun, September 11, 2005, p. 43)
Through the recall/reminder strategy, the events of the past are “flash forwarded” to the
present. Most of these events are aspects of the vicissitudes of life that characterized the
person of the President. The writer gives the impression that the President may have

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forgotten some of these events hence the need to remind him. The events are brought to
the present to serve as reminders to the President and to enable him to take informed
decisions that may make or mar his credibility (as the first military president that
voluntarily handed power over to a civilian). Thus, he should not manipulate either the
constitution (for a third term) or the election process to perpetrate himself in office
beyond May 2007.
Another rhetorical strategy that is favoured in the open letters to President
Obasanjo is the use of rhetorical questions. Rhetorical questions are questions that require
no answers but are used to persuade the reader/listener to think or act along a certain line.
The unanswered questions tax the reader/listener to figure out what the answer could be.
It is also used to arrest the attention of the reader/listener. Interestingly, the writers of the
open letters to President Obasanjo posit some rhetorical questions based on certain
presuppositions or assumptions shared between them and the audience. These can be
found in the texts below:
Is the allegation that you used your position to unfairly
acquire vast expanse of land at both Ota and Itele, where
Mobile policemen are stationed to harass people, true?
(Daily Independent, July 6, 2006, p. 31)
Has the Obasanjo government been relatively successful in
taking care of national business since 1999? (Daily
Independent, June 7, 2003, p. 28)
But this much I would like to know from you: is leadership
and governance about self, accumulation of material wealth
for self and one’s descendants, even the unborn? (Daily
Independent, July 6, 2006, p. 31)
Thus, the rhetorical questions are constructed in such a way that the shared knowledge
the writers have with the audience are made explicit. President Obasanjo’s land at Ota
was secretly acquired through the defunct “Operation Feed the Nation” scheme. The one
at Itele was acquired while he was the civilian president of the country. The view here is
that President Obasanjo has the predilection for wealth accumulation even while serving
as head of state. Through the rhetorical questions, the writers imply that what President
Obasanjo has done was wrong and immoral because he was a sitting president. The

16. 16
writers insinuate that President Obasanjo, as a leader, ought to lead and live by good
example. The rhetorical questions serve as a means of interrogating the President’s
actions in the court of public opinion.
Rhetorical questions are also used to reinforce and give prominence to some
crucial issues and actions in the country. The issues are such that their proper handling
will save the declining destiny of Nigeria. Let us look at the texts for further insight:
As scandalized Nigerians watched their so-called Number
One and Number Two citizens dancing so abominably
naked in the streets despite their lavished robes, we all
wondered: what manner of rulers are these that have
absolutely no sense of shame?! (The Guardian, April 22,
2007, p. 45)
If you were such a leadership model, how come you have
not become a school of thought from which Nigerians
could choose your successor in 2007? (Vanguard, January
27, 2006, p. 30)
The scandalous open confrontation between the President and his vice left much to be
desired. Obviously, through rhetorical questions, the writer foregrounds their leadership
orientation and indirectly makes us believe that the leadership in Nigeria – represented by
President Obasanjo has no leadership model. The squabble between the President and his
deputy is seen as a distraction from more pressing issues of state such as health,
joblessness, power supply, crime and human rights violation.
Nigerians are living and dying in squalor in their thousands
- jobless leading to frustration and family breakup; lack of
access to good health facilities (non-existent in
government-owned health institution, too expensive in
private ones); hapless “common man” on the street daily
harassed by security operatives, etc oh lord, the list is
endless. Power supply? (Daily Independent, July 6, 2006,
p. 31)
Other rhetorical questions used in the letters to persuade include:
…Why are they being swept under the carpet?” (Daily
Champion, March 2, 2005, p. 11)

17. 17
Where will this lead this country? When will Nigeria grow?
(The Guardian, April 22, 2007, p. 45)
Where are the displaced persons? Where are they settled
now? (The Guardian, November 24, 2006, p. 36)
Why would you allow anything that could challenge your
assiduous effort and credentials of the present and the past
to be rubbished? (The Sun, September 11, 2005, P. 43)
Why on earth would you want to let god feel as if you do
not realize that he (The Lord) has been mindful of, and
extremely gracious to you? (The Sun, September 11, 2005,
P. 43)
These rhetorical questions apart from being used for persuasion carry with them
some unanswered truths that are supposed to constitute a “disturbance” to the vaulting
ambition of President Obasanjo. The rhetorical import of the questions cannot be under-
estimated because neither the immediate audience nor the wider audience is expected to
answer them, save their conscience. The “wh” questions are actually intended to prick the
conscience of President Obasanjo as well as stir public outrage and condemnation against
his third-term bid and the misplacement of government priority agenda.
Another strategy of persuasion that is relevant in this study is the plea strategy. It
is indicated by the “please” maker in texts. Plea therefore imbues the writer’s argument
with an element of appeal that carries with it a serious condition of urgency.
Please sir, come to our rescue. The Guardian, November 24, 2006, p. 36)
Your Excellency, please act and save the Nigerian nation.
(The Sun, December 29, 2006, p. 11)
Please restore the police details of Dr Chris Ngige. (The
Sun, July 23, 2004, p. 7)
In conclusion, the strategies of persuasion not only target the religious
sensibilities of the people, they also select an appeal that carries with it an element of

18. 18
urgency, through reminder strategy, rhetorical questions and allusions to biblical
elements and personalities. There was entropy in the political system at the time and this
was evident in the language of the texts considered in this study. The socio-economic and
psychological issues that underlie the rhetorical strategies used in the open letters are
poverty, frustration, poor health facilities, insecurity, family break up, and power supply.
6.2 The Strategy of Coercion
Coercion is an attempt to compel the other person to accept your point of view through
intimidation or the strategy of threat. Sometimes, it is referred to as coercive strategy
because it threatens the autonomous face wants of a person. According to Oha (1994:
180-181):
the use of coercive illocutionary acts such as warning,
threatening and ordering/commanding which mainly
threaten the autonomy face wants of the addressee is a
function of power.
Coercion involves making a person, a group of persons to comply or do
something under duress. This entails that the option given is at the bidding of the other
party who maintains an unequal tenor relationship that subscribes to power and social
status in the discourse-setting. This is in line with Graham’s (1979) view that coercion
brings about involuntary compliance, and this excludes choice. Coercive strategy could
be: (i) direct face threat or (ii) indirect face threat.
Direct face threat is an overt language activity that threatens the autonomy face of
the audience. In the context of politeness therefore, ‘Face’ entails a person’s feeling of
self–image which can be damaged or sustained through interaction with people (Thomas,
1995). In our peculiar situation, it can come in the form of advice. In the text below, the
writer uses direct face threat to compel President Obasanjo to discard his secret third term
agenda that has brought pain and disappointment to the masses:
Will you listen to God – the First and Final Word or will
you listen to the scoundrels who have unfettered access to
Aso Rock and your personal ears. Choose you this day who
you will serve... (Daily Independent, July 6, 2006, p.31)

19. 19
Listening to God means that President Obasanjo will have a safe landing because God’s
word that he should not kick-start a futile third term is real. On the contrary, if he listens
to scoundrels – those who benefit from every war situation without minding the moral
implication of the actions – he may crash. By threatening President Obasanjo to make his
choice now, the writer demands that he is a master of his own destiny and any wrong
decision may destroy him.
One other way in which the writers directly threaten the autonomous face of the
President is through the strategy of itemization. By taking the President down the biblical
truth, the writer also threatens the autonomy face wants of the president:
Remember King Nebuchadnezzar, Remember Pharaoh,
remember Abacha. Only God is the one that can say what
tomorrow will bring and God hates “I” and “I” mentality,
either in words, actions or indeed inaction. (The Sun,
September 11, 2005, p. 43)
By reminding President Obasanjo of King Nebuchadnezzar, Pharaoh, and the Nigerian
maximum ruler, Abacha, the writer evokes both historical and biblical knowledge frames
to stress that what happened to these rulers will happen to President Obasanjo unless he
quits office. This is so because the calamity that befell them will befall President
Obasanjo if he fails to leave when the ovation is loudest (Vanguard, March 8, 2007,
p.27). The implication of this is that their selfish ambition is hated by God. Itemization
strategy is also seen in the text below:
On the other hand, think of those who glued themselves to
power – the last Shah of Iran, Ferdinand Marcos of the
Philipines, Mobutu Sesse Seko of Zaire (now Democratic
Republic of Congo), Samuel Doe of Liberia, and of course
Sanni Abacha of Nigeria, to name but a few. (Daily
Independent, July 6, 2006, p. 31)
Here again, historical knowledge frame is evoked by the writer to remind the audience of
the sad end of dictatorship. The knowledge frame reminds the audience that none of these
leaders had it easy because of their selfish desire to perpetuate themselves in power
against the wishes of their people. By itemizing or listing these leaders, the writer

20. 20
reminds the audience that President Obasanjo could be the next leader to join the league
of infamous dictators and tyrants, unless he abandons his dictatorial tendencies.
In another point of view, indirect coercive strategy is used to threaten the
autonomous face of President Obasanjo. Let us consider the text below and see how it is
strategically deployed for effect.
May 2007, not be your final waterloo. In Jesus name, amen.
(Daily Independent, July 6, 2006, p. 31)
In other words, by agreeing to leave office in May 2007 is already a problem for
President Obasanjo because he stirred the hornet’s nest through the controversial third
term agenda. In other words, he has burnt his belt for attempting to perpetuate his stay in
office. His final waterloo comes if he stays beyond May 27, 2007 because the battle will
be fought beyond the wit through the physical mobilization of the masses against an
“unwanted guest” in Aso Rock. Thus, the mass mobilization against President Obasanjo,
should he renege on his promise to step down by May 2007, will be similar to the
mobilization of Allied Forces that saw to the eventual defeat of Napoleon Bonaparte in
the battle of Waterloo.
Indirect coercion is also used in the text below and it selects from the Bible to
establish and authenticate its moral voice, thus:
…my son, if sinners entice you (in any form, third term
agenda inclusive) do not consent. This is my prayer. I wish
you well. (The Sun, September 11, 2005, p. 43)
Thus, sin brings its own consequences in the life of a sinner. In other words, it is only
sinners that can go against the established standards of behaviour. The consequences are
there. This is an indirect threat because the third term bid of the president is a sin and it
must be met with equal and instant recompense.
Wise sayings are used to indirectly threaten the autonomous face of the president.
These wise sayings exist in (i) proverbs and (ii) idioms. They are used for rhetorical
effect because the issue at stake exists in the context of situation that the president is
familiar with. Therefore the use of these wise sayings reinforces the meaning that exists
in the message. According to Mieder (1985:2), proverb is “a short expression of wit

21. 21
containing the wisdom of the past generations in condensed form, often in rhythmic
language, easy to remember and pleasing to hear.”
Thus proverbs are short, popular and wise sayings in a speech community.
Although they are expressions that are used not only for embellishment, meaning-
extension, and to give vigour, colour, glamour and freshness to the work, their main
purpose here is the user’s rhetorical intentions and ideological standpoints which anchor
on indirect threat. Let us glean from the text below for further insight:
We have a saying in my place – that a person has the
chance either to pound inside the mortar or on the ground.
For me, I will certainly want you to pound inside the
mortar. (Daily Champion, March 2, 2005, p. 11)
Two people exist in this wise saying (indirect reference to rational and irrational persons
that exist in the body of the man called President Obasanjo): one is in the know, well
aware of the consequences of his actions; the other person is naïve due to his vaulting
ambition, and does not fully understand the realities of his action. The symbols of mortar
and ground provide the options. The choice is provided for President Obasanjo to pound
the mortar – a wise way of bowing out honorably or pound the ground - be ill-advised by
choosing to stay, and that means more troubles for him than he could imagine. This
opinion is further reinforced in the sense that Nigeria will surely outlive him because the
marines come and go but the marine corps is there forever hence the writer of the text
below advises President Obasanjo thus:
Mr. President, please remember the popular saying that as
the hut usually outlives the builder, so office will always
exist long after the exit of the holder. (Vanguard, March 8,
2007, p. 27)
Specifically, by using the popular idiom of a hut and an office outliving the builder and
holder respectively, and linking them with the causal conjunction “so”, President
Obasanjo is indirectly threatened that no matter how long he lingers in government
house, he will someday leave Aso Rock and Aso Rock will exist even many years after
his exit. This shows that the Aso Rock office is like the barracks in which soldiers come
and go while the barracks itself remains unmoved.

22. 22
The use of the idiom “handwriting on the wall” in the text below is an indirect
threat to the autonomy face of the president. It bespeaks the impending danger ahead that
may befall the president should he choose to stay. Thus, the text below reinforces this
viewpoint:
Read the handwritings on the wall, President Obasanjo,
Nigeria is dying in your hands. (The Guardian, April 22,
2007, p. 45)
The evocation of the handwriting on the wall image-schema is an indication that the odds
are against the President. A proof of the fact that Nigeria is dying in his hands can be
inferred from the lack of stable electricity supply, good health and infrastructural
facilities. Thus, failing to quit office at the constitutionally permitted time may elicit a
mass action against him. The handwriting on the wall is a metonymic representation of
anxiety in the land which could result in violent actions against the obstinate President.
Finally, indirect face threat could sometimes be used for advice. Let us consider
the text below:
The action of today is the history of the future. Please do
not act in a way that can make you lose all you have
laboured to garner in good work. An undefeated champion
in retirement receives better accolade than he who lost his
championship before retiring. (Vanguard, March 8, 2007,
p. 27)
The writer indirectly threatens President Obasanjo on the consequences of his actions. He
maintains that President Obasanjo will be judged by the legacy of his actions while in
power and will be held accountable for them. By advising him to leave office honorably,
it becomes logical for the president to leave through this way since it is the only
appropriate exit strategy for him to save his face. This opinion is further strengthened in
the text below, thus:
Your Excellency let me conclude by reminding you of the
Yoruba saying that: “Eni ti awon orisa bafe parun ni won n
kobo ya ni were” which translates as, “the one whom the
gods want to destroy, they first make mad.” (The Guardian,
May 8, 2006, p. 65)

23. 23
From all indications, the indirect face threat is not only used to coerce President Obasanjo
to discard his third term bid, it is also used to advice, as well as to establish and
authenticate its moral voice.
In conclusion, the strategies of persuasion and coercion adopt various instruments
of appeal that select from the political reality of the time. The socio-economic and
psychological issues that emanate from these strategies are poverty, frustration, poor
health facilities, insecurity, family break up, and power supply.
An Overview/Summary of the Rhetorical Features
In our discussion here, an attempt is made to examine briefly the frequency of occurrence
of some of the rhetorical features as indicated in Table below. The purpose is specifically
to provide reasons for those occurrences.
Rhetorical
Features
Frequencies in the newspapers Total
Freque
ncy
Percent
age
(%)
The
Guardi
an
The
Vangua
rd
The
Sun
Daily
Champi
on
Daily
Indepen
dent
Deployment
of Rhetorical
Questions
10 8 11 5 17 51 36.43%
Deployment
of Advice and
Plea
8 2 7 5 11 33 23.57%
Deployment
of Biblical
Allusion and
Prayer
4 6 5 2 5 22 15.71%
Recall/Remin
der Strategy
2 5 10 1 4 22 15.71%
Wise Sayings
(Idioms &
Proverbs)
2 7 2 0 1 12 8.57%

24. 24
TOTAL 26 28 35 13 38 140 100%
Rhetorical Features Table
A cursory look at the table above shows that rhetorical questions are deployed more than
other rhetorical strategies. They feature 51 times in the texts. The purpose is to strike at
the conscience of the created reader (which President Obasanjo represents) as well as the
implied readers (the masses) so as to achieve persuasion. What obtains is that, in an
attempt to persuade through rhetorical questions, crucial issues and actions in the country
are not only made explicit, but are also reinforced and given prominence.
Deployment of advice and plea is another feature of occurrence in the open
letters. It occurs 33 times in the texts. This rhetorical feature attempts to advise and
plead, thus, indirectly threatening the autonomy face wants of the created reader.
Through the features of reminder and plea, an attempt is made to let President Obasanjo
take a look back into history so that their plea can have an effect on him.
“Biblical allusion and prayer” are also rhetorical features whose frequency is of
significance to our study. It features 22 times in the texts. The purpose is to remind
President Obasanjo of his doublespeak and secret manoeuvres. Thus, prayer is added to
enable him have access to God’s wisdom (that is, for him to make a detour from
destroying himself).
The “reminder strategy” as a rhetorical feature also occurs 22 times as shown in
the table. This rhetorical feature is aimed at beaming a searchlight on the past by
connecting it (the past) with the present so as to avoid making mistakes that can cast
Nigeria into the abyss of despair and sorrow. What the reminder strategy aims to achieve
is to bring the ugly past of Nigeria into focus and make the readers see reasons why
President Obasanjo must not stay beyond his mandate.
The features of wise sayings (which are realized in idioms and proverbs) find
significant expression in the text. They feature 12 times. In an attempt to let the president
see reasons for his actions, wise sayings are used to indirectly dissuade him from taking
any wrong step because of the impending danger that might follow. It is the lowest for
obvious reasons. In Nigeria, when an elder is being talked to, there exists an unequal
tenor relationship. Such exists in the way an elder is being approached in delicate matters

25. 25
that may affect his ego. Thus, reducing the frequency of wise sayings in texts is one way
of giving him that respect. (Consider the way and manner one uses wise sayings when
one’s age mate does something wrong).
7.0 CONCLUSION
Some of the writers use persuasive strategies of advice and plea to appeal to President
Obasanjo on the urgent need for him to leave office in May 2007; others deploy both
direct and indirect face threat as a strategy of coercion. These threats which are framed in
idioms and proverbs are not only used to threaten the autonomous face wants of President
Obasanjo but also reveal the impending dangers that may befall the President should he
choose to stay in office beyond May 2007. Also, references to the Bible are used as a
strategy of (indirect) coercion to remind President Obasanjo of his moral responsibilities
as a leader.
Since there is a link that connects the political, social and psychological needs of
the people, the rhetorical choices therefore are an attempt to persuade the masses through
a sensitization process (of the open letters to the president) that challenges the evils of
marginalization, inequality and unfairness that exist in the current political order. It has
also shown that the open letters to the President are not only pugnacious (because they
carry threats) and critical, they are also masses-oriented. In conclusion, this study has
established a link between linguistic choices and political ideology. It also reveals that
social and political factors underlie the specific way in which language is used.
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