The document discusses the historical roots of conflict in Northern Ireland between nationalists who desire Irish reunification and unionists who want to remain part of the United Kingdom. It outlines how nationalists faced discrimination for decades under Protestant rule. While the 1998 Good Friday Agreement aimed to foster power-sharing and inclusion, tensions remain over symbols of cultural identity and the official status of the Irish language. Reconciliation will require greater integration of nationalist symbols and achieving true equality between the national identities.
1. Paul Breen, INTO University of East Anglia
1Paul Breen INTOUniversity of East Anglia, London
2. 2
The IRA – Irish
RepublicanArmy. A
left wing paramilitary
organisation that
fought for Irish unity.
ORANGEORDER – A
Protestant
organisation that
sees the act of
‘parading’ as
essential to its
cultural identity.
Burning streets and riots in Belfast –
Sadly Belfast has been synonymous
with sectarian rioting since the 1920s
which reached a peak in the 70s and 90s
during the era of ‘TheTroubles.’
3. Unionist
distrust &
insecurity
Nationalist
desire for Irish
reunification
Refusal to accept
nationalist identity &
treat aspirations as
legitimate.
Union with Britain
not an attractive
option for
nationalists
3Paul Breen INTOUniversity of East Anglia, London
4. Roots of conflict
British colonisation of Ireland
Plantations of 17th century
Demographic impact of this
Protestant state & decades
of discrimination
4Paul Breen INTOUniversity of East Anglia, London
5. 5
From the 1920s up until the 1960s
Northern Ireland was a state
where the majority Protestant
community exercised virtually
100% control of all institutions
whilst the Catholics played little
active part in society.
The police were Protestant.The
law makers were Protestant.The
Parliament was overwhelmingly
Protestant. Catholics only had
one Act passed in the whole
existence of the Northern Ireland
Parliament –TheWild Birds Act of
1930 (Tom Paulin, 1993).
6. 6
MURALS were a way of
expressing political
identity in republican
and loyalist areas of
Northern Ireland,
especially in urban parts
such as Belfast and
Derry, which the
loyalists called
Londonderry.
Is this young soldier trapped in the middle of two
implacable enemies or is he part of an occupying army
or is he protecting British rule in N. Ireland?
7. 1998 Good Friday Agreement – signed after two
years of ‘peace’ negotiations
Based on principles of inclusion, power-sharing
& self-determination for the people of Northern
Ireland (Todd, 2010; Nagle, 2012)
Strengthens British sovereignty but leaves way
open for united Ireland in the future
Has this shaped a repositioning of nationalism?
7Paul Breen INTOUniversity of East Anglia, London
8. Languages – English, Irish & Ulster Scots
Official language of the State is still very
much unionist; downplaying Irishness
Not so much the languages spoken as how
language itself is constructed to give
legitimacy to ideologies
8Paul Breen INTOUniversity of East Anglia, London
9. ‘Love’ of the nation – a term colonised by
both sides (Ahmed, 2004)
Nationalism’s investment of ‘love’ in the long-
term goal of a united Ireland
Impact of this & the creation of a cycle which
is like an affair that can never quite end
9Paul Breen INTOUniversity of East Anglia, London
10. Clash of identities expressed in symbols –
flags, emblems, cultural activities, and even
sporting affiliations (Hassan, 2002)
Unionism’s fear of relinquishing dominance
Possibility of a ‘third space’ being created?
(Rapp & Rhomberg, 2012)
Equilibrium needed, rather than neutrality
10Paul Breen INTOUniversity of East Anglia, London
11. Deeper integration of nationalist symbols into
the identity of the State
Nationalist demands for justice and equality
presently outweigh demand for reunification
Unionists need to concentrate on macro-
situation not the micro-situation
Reconciliation can only come about in the
context of true equality of identities
11Paul Breen INTOUniversity of East Anglia, London