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รหัสวิชา 407 313 ภาษาอังกฤษสำหรับนักรัฐศาสตร์

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Yota Bhikkhu
Yota Bhikkhu
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MCU-FSS: Wat Raikhing Campus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 1 EN 407 313 English for Political Scientists (ภาษาอังกฤษสำาหรับนักรัฐศาสตร์) (Temporal Experimental Edition) In Partial Fulfillment of the Course of Political Science Department of Public Administration Revised on 2013 Mahachulalongkornrajavidhyalaya University Academic Service Center: Faculty of Social Science Wat Raikhing, Sampran , Nakhonpathom Thailand รหัสวิชา 407 317 ภาษาอังกฤษสำาหรับนักรัฐศาสตร์ (EN 407 313: English for Political Scientists)
MCU-FSS: Wat Raikhing Campus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 2 คำาอธิบายรายวิชา ศึกษาโครงสร้าง คำาศัพท์และสำานวนที่ใช้กัน มากในสาขาวิชารัฐศาสตร์ และการฝึกใช้คำาศัพท์ สำานวนเหล่านั้นในการเขียนการอ่านและพูดทาง รัฐศาสตร์ การตีความหมายจากบริบท ศึกษาวิธีการอ่าน ภาษาอังกฤษโดยเรียนรู้โครงสร้างและส่วนประกอบที่ เป็นลักษณะเฉพาะของภาษาอังกฤษและโครงสร้าง หน้าที่ของกลุ่มคำา เพื่อช่วยในการอ่านเชิงวิเคราะห์ การ เรียงความและอภิปรายเป็นภาษาอังกฤษในเรื่องเกี่ยวกับ รัฐศาสตร์ Course Descriptions A study of structure, lexicon and the common terms of English for political science, of practices on using the glossary and the terms in writing, reading and speaking about political science; of interpretation from the context, and to study methods of reading English through learning its structures, its specific compound and roles of its phrases helpful to analytical reading, essay writing, and discussion in English for political science วัตถุประสงค์ของรายวิชา : เมื่อนักศึกษา เรียนรายวิชานี้แล้ว นักศึกษามีสมรรถนะที่ต้องการใน ด้านต่าง ๆ ดังนี้ 1.1 วัตถุประสงค์เชิงพฤติกรรม 1.1.1 เชิงพุทธพิสัย: ผู้เรียนรู้คำาศัพท์และเข้าใจ ความหมายของคำาศัพท์เฉพาะทางรัฐศาสตร์ 1.1.2 เชิงจิตพิสัย: ผู้เรียนมีความสนใจใคร่รู้ ขยัน ตั้งใจเรียนและส่งงานที่มอบหมายอย่างสมำ่าเสมอ 1.1.3: เชิงทักษะพิสัย: ผู้เรียนสามารถเขียนและ อ่านคำาศัพท์ทางรัฐศาสตร์ได้ สามารถอธิบายโครงสร้าง และหน้าที่ของกลุ่มคำาและประโยคภาษาอังกฤษขั้นพื้น ฐานได้ สามารถอ่านข่าวและบทความภาษาอังกฤษเชิง รัฐศาสตร์ได้เข้าใจ และสามารถอภิปรายได้ Course Objectives : upon learning, students are enables on the following capability:- 1.1. Behavioral Objectives 1.1.1. Cognitive Domain: knowing the meaning and understanding the political science lexicon 1.1.2. Affective Domain: being enthusiastic to know, diligent, attentive and regularly submit assignments 1.1.3. Psychomotor Domain: being enabled to write and read the political science glossary; to explain structures and roles of basic English phrases and sentences; to read, understand and discuss news and articles of the political science English 1.2 คุณลักษณะบัณฑิตที่พึงประสงค์ 1.2.1.ความฉลาดและความสามารถในการเรียนรู้ ความจริง ได้แก่ ฉันทะและความสามารถในการเรียนรู้ด้วย ตนเองตลอดชีวิต ความสามารถในการวิเคราะห์อย่างเป็นระบบ ความสามารถในการสื่อสาร (การพูด การ เขียน ทั้งภาษาไทย ภาษาต่างประเทศ และ คอมพิวเตอร์) ความสามารถในการมองไปข้างหน้าและการ ตัดสินใจ ความสามารถในการคิดริเริ่มสร้างสรรค์ 1.2. Desirable Attributes of the Graduates 1.2.1. Ingenuity and competence to learn the truth, i.e. - contentment and competence of lifelong self- study -competence of systematic analysis - competence to communicate (speaking and writing in Thai, English and computer) - competence to foresee and decide - competence to draw initiative and creativity 1.2.2. ความฉลาดทางอารมณ์ ได้แก่ มีสติรู้ตัวรู้หน้าที่ เห็นอกเห็นใจผู้อื่น มีความพอและพอดี ขยัน อดทน อดกลั้น ซื่อสัตย์ กตัญญู เที่ยงธรรม มีความมุ่งมั่นที่จะทำาให้สำาเร็จ มีนำ้าใจ เห็นแก่ประโยชน์ส่วนรวม สุภาพ อ่อนน้อมถ่อมตน รู้จักกาลเทศะ 1.2.2. EQ (Emotional Intelligence), i.e. - self-consciousness and dutifulness - compassion - sufficiency and moderation - diligence, patience and tolerance - honesty, gratefulness, and fairness - determination for success - having goodwill and for the common good - politeness, humility and tactfulness 1.2.3 ใจกว้าง รับฟังความคิดเห็นที่แตกต่างได้ 1.2.3. open-mindedness to diverse thoughts TEACHING PLANNING
MCU-FSS: Wat Raikhing Campus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 3 Weeks Descriptions Lect-Hrs. Practicum Teaching Techniques Evaluations Lecturer 1 Course Introduction Lesson 1 Introduction to Political Science 3 0 1. Inquiries 2. Lectures 3. Individual Approach 4. Seminar Teaching Aids – power point, e-learning 1. Portfolio 2. Interpretation 3. Observation 4. Subjective Test พระมหา โยตะ ปยุตฺโต 2 Lesson 1 Introduction to Political Science 3 0 5. Inquiries 6. Lectures 7. Individual Approach 8. Seminar Teaching Aids – power point, e-learning 1. Interviews 2. Portfolio 3. Interpretation 4. Observation 5. Subjective Test พระมหา โยตะ ปยุตฺโต Introduction of English for Political Scientists
MCU-FSS: Wat Raikhing Campus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 4 ก้าวสู่ภาษาอังกฤษสำาหรับนักรัฐศาสตร์ Phramaha Yota Payutto Ph.D. (D.C.) (Doctor of Philosophy) Political Science is a social science discipline concerned with the study of the state, nation, government, and politics and policies of government. Aristotle defined it as the study of the state.[1] It deals extensively with the theory and practice of politics, and the analysis of political systems and political behavior, culture. Political scientists "see themselves engaged in revealing the relationships underlying political events and conditions, and from these revelations they attempt to construct general principles about the way the world of politics works."[2] Political science intersects with other fields; including economics, law, sociology, history, anthropology, public administration, public policy, national politics, international relations, comparative politics, psychology, political organization, and political theory. Although it was codified in the 19th century, when all the social sciences were established, political science has ancient roots; indeed, it originated almost 2,500 years ago with the works of Plato and Aristotle.[3] Political science is commonly divided into five distinct sub-disciplines which together constitute the field: • political theory • comparative politics • public administration • international relations • public law Political theory is more concerned with contributions of various classical thinkers such as Aristotle, Niccolò Machiavelli, Cicero, Plato and many others. Comparative politics is the science of comparison and teaching of different types of constitutions, political actors, legislature and associated fields, all of them from an intrastate perspective. International relations deal with the interaction between nation-states as well as intergovernmental and transnational organizations. VOCABULARIES NOUNS adversary ปรปักษ์ anthropology มนุษย์วิทยา antiquity สมัย/ยุคโบราณ behavior พฤติกรรม clan วงศ์ตระกูล comparative politics การเมืองเปรียบเทียบ discipline สาขาวิชา economics เศรษฐศาสตร์ force กองกำาลัง-กองทัพ governance ระบบการปกครอง -ธรรมาภิบาล history ประวัติศาสตร์ influence (v) อิทธิพล international relations ความสัมพันธ์ระหว่าง ประเทศ law กฎหมาย national politics การเมืองระดับประเทศ negotiation การเจรจา political organization องค์กรการเมือง political theory ทฤษฎีการเมือง principles หลักการ psychology จิตวิทยา public administration รัฐประสาสนศาสตร์ public policy นโยบายภาครัฐ social science สังคมศาสตร์ sociology สังคมวิทยา system ระบบ tribes เผ่าพันธุ์ warfare การทำาสงคราม ADJECTIVES civic เกี่ยวกับพลเรือน distinct แตกต่างชัดเจน political ทางการเมือง seminal สามารถพัฒนาได้ ADVERBS extensively ครอบคลุม VERBS attempt พยายาม codify จัดเป็นหมวดหมู่/ ประมวล constitute ประกอบด้วย /บัญญัติ/ก่อตั้ง construct สร้าง define ให้คำาจำากัดความ engage ผูกมัด establish สร้าง intersect ตัดผ่าน/พาดผ่าน originate ก่อให้เกิด reveal เปิดเผย
MCU-FSS: Wat Raikhing Campus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 5 Political science is methodologically diverse and appropriates many methods originating in social research. Approaches include • positivism, • interpretivism, • rational choice theory, • behavioralism, • structuralism, • poststructuralism, • realism, • institutionalism, and • pluralism Political science, as one of the social sciences, uses methods and techniques that relate to the kinds of inquiries sought: primary sources such as historical documents and official records, secondary sources such as scholarly journal articles, survey research, statistical analysis, case studies, experimental research and model building. OVERVIEW Political scientists study matters concerning the allocation and transfer of power in decision making, the roles and systems of governance including governments and international organizations, political behavior and public policies. They measure the success of governance and specific policies by examining many factors, including stability, justice, material wealth, and peace. Some political scientists seek to advance positive (attempt to describe how things are, as opposed to how they should be) theses by analyzing politics. Others advance normative theses, by making specific policy recommendations. Political scientists provide the frameworks from which journalists, special interest groups, politicians, and the electorate analyze issues. According to Chaturvedy, "...Political scientists may serve as advisers to specific politicians, or even run for office as politicians themselves. Political scientists can be found working in governments, in political parties or as civil servants. They may be NOUNS allocation การจัดสรร approach (v)วิธีการ associated field ส่วน / งานที่เกี่ยวข้อง behavioralism พฤติกรรมนิยม capacity ความสามารถ case study กรณีศึกษา civil servant ข้าราชการ comparison การเปรียบเทียบ constitutional แห่งรัฐธรรมนูญ contribution ความเอื้อเฟื้อ corporation / firm บริษัท election การเลือกตั้ง electorate ประชาชนผู้มีสิทธิเลือกตั้งทั้งหมด/ เขตเลือกตั้งของผู้มีสิทธิเลือกตั้ง experimental research การวิจัยเชิงทดลอง expertise ความชำานาญ factor ปัจจัย fault-line แนวเส้นที่ขยับปรับเปลี่ยนได้ตลอด เวลา framework กรอบ historical document เอกสารเชิงประวัติศาสตร์ inquiry การสอบสวน/ การตรวจสอบ institutionalism สถาบันนิยม interaction การปฏิสัมพันธ์ interpretivism คตินิยมแนวการตีความ justice ความยุติธรรม legislature สภานิติบัญญัติ/ หน่วยนิติกรของ รัฐ material wealth ความมั่งคั่งทางวัตถุ measurement การวัด measures มาตรการ model building การสร้างแบบจำาลอง modernity ความทันสมัย NGO (non-governmental organization) องค์กรอิสระ normative theses ข้อสมมติเชิงจริยศาสตร์ official records บันทึกส่วนราชการ per se (ภาษาละติน)โดยตัวของมันเอง) perspective ทรรศนะ pluralism พหุนิยม political actor นักเล่นการเมือง political movement ความเคลื่อนไหวทางการ เมือง positivism ปฏิฐานนิยม post-structuralism ภาวะหลังโครงสร้างนิยม primary sources ข้อมูลปฐมภูมิ Private enterprises วิสาหกิจเอกชน public opinion ความเห็นจากสาธรณชน rational choice theory ทฤษฏีคิดก่อนทำา realism สัจนิยม recommendation การเสนอแนะ scholarly journal article บทความวารสารทาง วิชาการ secondary sources ข้อมูลทุติภูมิ social research การวิจัยเชิงสังคม social security reform การปฏิรูปงานประกัน สังคม stability ความมีเสถียรภาพ statistical analysis การวิเคราะห์ทางสถิติ structuralism โครงสร้างนิยม Supreme Court ศาลสูง survey research การวิจัยเชิงสำารวจ terminology คำาศัพท์ think-tank ระดับมันสมอง transfer (v) การโยกย้าย value คุณค่า variety ความหลากหลาย
MCU-FSS: Wat Raikhing Campus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 6 involved with non-governmental organizations (NGOs) or political movements. In a variety of capacities, people educated and trained in political science can add value and expertise to corporations. Private enterprises such as think tanks, research institutes, polling and public relations firms often employ political scientists." In the United States, political scientists known as "Americanists look at a variety of data including constitutional development, elections, public opinion and public policy such as Social Security reform, foreign policy, US Congressional Committees, and the US Supreme Court — to name only a few issues. "As a discipline" political science, possibly like the social sciences as a whole, "lives on the fault line between the 'two cultures' in the academy, the sciences and the humanities."[4] Thus, in some American colleges where there is no separate School or College of Arts and Sciences per se, political science may be a separate department housed as part of a division or school of Humanities or Liberal Arts.[5] Whereas classical political philosophy is primarily defined by a concern for Hellenic and Enlightenment thought, political scientists are also marked by a great concern for "modernity" and the contemporary nation state, along with the study of classical thought, and as such share a greater deal of terminology with sociologists (e.g. structure and agency). ADJECTIVES classical ชั้นแนวหน้า/ ดีเด่น congressional แห่งรัฐสภา contemporary ร่วมสมัย diverse หลากหลาย intergovernmental ความร่วมมือจากรัฐบาล ประเทศต่างๆ intrastate เกี่ยวกับหรือที่มีอยู่ภายในรัฐ positive เชิงบวก primarily เบื้องต้น transnational ข้ามประเทศ/ เหนือผลประโยชน์ของประเทศ ADVERBS methodologically โดยทางวิธีการ possibly เป็นไปได้ VERBS add เพิ่ม advance เดินหน้า allocate จดสรร analyze วิเคราะห์ appropriate วางให้เหมาะสม compare เปรียบเทียบ (is) concerned เกี่ยวข้อง contribute เอื้อเฟื้อ deal จัดการ/ ดำาเนินการ define ให้คำานิยาม/ คำาจำากัดความ employ ว่าจ้าง examine ตรวจสอบ interact มีปฏิกิริยาต่อ involve เกี่ยวข้อง may serve as ทำางานในฐานะ measure ชั่ง-ตวง-วัด recommend แนะนำา run for office ลงสมัครเลือกตั้ง Modern political science Because political science is essentially a study of human behavior, in all aspects of politics, observations in controlled environments are often challenging to reproduce or duplicate, though experimental methods are increasingly common (see experimental political science). [8] Citing this difficulty, former American Political Science Association President Lawrence Lowell once said "We are limited by the impossibility of experiment. Politics is an observational, not an experimental science."[9] Because of this, political scientists have historically observed political elites, institutions, and individual or group behavior in order to identify patterns, draw generalizations, and build theories of politics. Like all social sciences, political science faces the NOUNS advent การเกิด/ การปรากฏ aspects ลักษณะ/รูปร่างหน้าตา/รูปการ/หลัก เกณฑ์/ทิศทาง complexity ความซับซ้อน designation การตั้งชื่อ/ การแต่งตั้ง/ การ กำาหนด doctorate ดุษฎีบัณฑิต/ ปริญญาเอก elite บุคคลชั้นแนวหน้า/ กลุ่มอิทธิพล environment สิ่งแวดล้อม generalization หลักการหรือกฎเกณฑ์ทั่วไป impact ผลกระทบกระเทือน impossibility ความเป็นไปได้ยาก object วัตถุ observation การสังเกต organism สิ่งมีชีวิต pattern รูปแบบ phenomena (phenomenon)ปรากฏการณ์/ ข้อ เท็จจริง/ สิ่งที่ประทับใจ/ บุคคลที่ประทับใจ pluralism พหุนิยม predecessor ผู้อยู่ในตำาแหน่งคนก่อน/ บรรพบุรุษ scholars นักวิชาการ/ ผู้เชี่ยวชาญ
MCU-FSS: Wat Raikhing Campus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 7 difficulty of observing human actors that can only be partially observed and who have the capacity for making conscious choices unlike other subjects such as non-human organisms in biology or inanimate objects as in physics. Despite the complexities, contemporary political science has progressed by adopting a variety of methods and theoretical approaches to understanding politics and methodological pluralism is a defining feature of contemporary political science. Often in contrast with national media, political science scholars seek to compile long-term data and research on the impact of political issues, producing in-depth articles breaking down the issues The advent of political science as a university discipline was marked by the creation of university departments and chairs with the title of political science arising in the late 19th century. In fact, the designation "political scientist" is typically for those with a doctorate in the field. Integrating political studies of the past into a unified discipline is ongoing, and the history of political science has provided a rich field for the growth of both normative and positive political science, with each part of the discipline sharing some historical predecessors. The American Political Science Association was founded in 1903 and the American Political Science Review was founded in 1906 in an effort to distinguish the study of politics from economics and other social phenomena. ADJECTIVES conscious มีสติ inanimate ไม่มีชีวิต normative ในแนวทางปฏิบัติ/ ด้านบรรทัดฐาน observational จากการสังเกต ongoing ดำาเนินต่อไป/ ต่อเนื่อง ADVERBS despite/ though/ although/ even though แม้ว่า essentially ซึ่งขาดไม่ได้/ อย่างจำาเป็น in contrast ในทางตรงกันข้าม increasingly มากยิ่งขึ้น partially บางส่วน typically เป็นตัวอย่าง/ เป็นแบบฉบับ VERBS adopt รับเอา challenge ท้าทาย cite อ้างอิง compile รวบรวมและเรียบเรียง control บังคับ distinguish จำาแนก duplicate ทำาสำาเนา/จำาลองแบบ face เผชิญหน้า identify ชี้ตัว/ระบุ integrate บูรณาการ/ ควบรวม progress ก้าวหน้า reproduce ผลิตใหม่อีกครั้ง unify ทำาให้เป็นหน่วยเดียวกัน/รวมกัน/ทำาให้ เป็นแบบเดียวกัน/ทำาให้สอดคล้องกัน Behavioral revolution and new institutionalism In the 1950s and the 1960s, a behavioral revolution stressing the systematic and rigorously scientific study of individual and group behavior swept the discipline. A focus on studying political behavior, rather than institutions or interpretation of legal texts, characterized early behavioral political science, including work by Robert Dahl, Philip Converse, and in the collaboration between sociologist Paul Lazarsfeld and public opinion scholar Bernard Berelson. The late 1960s and early 1970s witnessed a take off in the use of deductive, game theoretic formal modeling techniques aimed at generating a more analytical corpus of NOUNS collaboration การร่วมมือกัน colleague เพื่อนร่วมงาน corpus ร่างกาย/ศพ/ รวมเรื่องเขียนขนาดใหญ่ proponent ผู้สนับสนุน/ผู้เสนอ revolution การเปลี่ยนแปลงอย่างขนานใหญ่/ การปฏิวัติ shift การเปลี่ยนแปลง surge ลักษณะขึ้นๆลงๆแบบรุนแรง take-off การเริ่มดำาเนินการ/ เครื่องบินบินขึ้น texts ตำารา ADJECTIVES deductive เป็นการอนุมาน/ เป็นการลงความ เห็นจากหลักทั่วไปเพื่อสู่เรื่องเฉพาะ formal เป็นทางการ legal ชอบด้วยกฎหมาย/ตามกฎหมาย systematic เป็นระบบ ADVERBS legally โดยนิตินัย rigorously
MCU-FSS: Wat Raikhing Campus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 8 knowledge in the discipline. This period saw a surge of research that borrowed theory and methods from economics to study political institutions, such as the United States Congress, as well as political behavior, such as voting. William H. Riker and his colleagues and students at the University of Rochester were the main proponents of this shift. VERBS borrow ยืม characterize บอก หรือระบุคุณสมบัติหรือ ลักษณะเฉพาะ/ สร้างลักษณะพิเศษเฉพาะ stress เน้น sweep-swept-swept เก็บกวาด/ ขจัด witness เป็นพยาน Political science in the Soviet Union In the Soviet Union, political studies were carried out under the guise of some other disciplines like theory of state and law, area studies, international relations, studies of labor movement, "critique of bourgeois theories" etc. Soviet scholars were represented at the International Political Science Association (IPSA) since 1955 (since 1960 by the Soviet Association of Political and State Studies). In 1979 11th World Congress of IPSA took place in Moscow. Until the late years of the Soviet Union, political science as a field was subjected to tight control of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and was thus subjected to distrust. Anti-communists accused political scientists of being "false" scientists and of having served the old regime.[10] After the fall of the Soviet Union, two of the major institutions dealing with political science - the Institute of Contemporary Social Theories and the Institute of International Affairs - were disbanded, and most of their members were left without jobs. These institutes were victims of the first wave of anti-communist euphoria and of in many ways unfounded ideological attacks, despite many of the people working in these institutes being competent scientists with a proficient knowledge of political science, and some of them having played an important role in reforming the Communist Party.[10] Today the Russian Political Science Association unites professionals-political scientists from Russia itself. NOUNS guise หน้ากาก/ เครื่องบังหน้า bourgeois คนที่เป็นชั้นกลาง/พ่อค้า/ นักธุรกิจ/ distrust ไม่ไว้วางใจ regime ระบบการปกครอง affairs กิจการ victim เหยื่อ/ ผู้รับกรรม euphoria ความรู้สึกสบาย ADJECTIVES tight เข้มงวด false หลอกลวง major สำาคัญ ideological เกี่ยวกับมโนคติ proficient เชี่ยวชาญ ADVERBS VERBS carry out ดำาเนินการ represent เป็นตัวแทน take place เกิดขึ้นที่/ จัดงานที่ (is) subjected บังคับ accuse กล่าวหา disband ปลดประจำาการ/ ปลดออกจากงาน (lay-off) Recent developments In 2000, the Perestroika Movement in political science was introduced as a reaction against what supporters of the movement called the mathematicization of political science. Those who identified with the NOUNS reaction ปฏิกิริยา relevance ความสอดคล้องและสัมพันธ์กันและ กัน mechanism กลไก mathematicization ทำาให้เป็นระบบ คณิตศาสตร์ evolution วิวัฒนาการ features หน้าตา/โฉมหน้า/ สารคดีพิเศษ
MCU-FSS: Wat Raikhing Campus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 9 movement argued for a plurality of methodologies and approaches in political science and for more relevance of the discipline to those outside of it.[11] Evolutionary psychology theories argue that humans have evolved a highly developed set of psychological mechanisms for dealing with politics. However, these mechanisms evolved for dealing with the small group politics that characterized the ancestral environment and not the much larger political structures in today's world. This is argued to explain many important features and systematic cognitive biases of current politics. [12] cognitive bias การขาดสติในการตัดสินใจ/ ความเบี่ยงเบนทางสติปัญญา conference การประชุมวิขาการ scholarship ทุนการศึกษา ADJECTIVES psychological เชิงจิตวิทยา evolutionary เชิงวิวัฒนาการ ancestral ที่ตกทอด/เกี่ยวกับบรรพบุรุษ current เป็นปัจจุบัน domestic ภายในประเทศ particular โดยเฉพาะ thematic หัวข้อ/ หัวเรื่องในการอภิปราย หรือ การประชุใหรือการทำางาน ADVERBS broadly โดยกว้างๆ VERBS introduce แนะนำา argue ถกเถียง/ แย้ง evolve วิวัฒนาการ organize จัดการองค์กร emphasize เน้น address ดำาเนินการเพื่อจัดการประเด็นปัญหา Most Political Scientists work broadly in one or more of the following five areas: • Comparative politics, including area studies • International relations • Political philosophy and theories • Public administration • Public law Some political science departments also classify methodology as well as scholarship on the domestic politics of a particular country as distinct sub fields. In the United States, American politics is often treated as a separate subfield. In contrast to this traditional classification, some academic departments organize scholarship into thematic categories, including political philosophy, political behavior (including public opinion, collective action, and identity), and political institutions (including legislatures and international organizations). Political science conferences and journals often emphasize scholarship in more specific categories. The American Political Science Association, for example, has 42 organized sections that address various methods and topics of political inquiry.[13] History of Political Science Political science as a separate field is a relatively late arrival in terms of social sciences. However, the term "political science" was not always distinguished from political philosophy, and the modern discipline has a clear set of antecedents including also moral philosophy, political economy, political theology, history, and other fields concerned
MCU-FSS: Wat Raikhing Campus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 10 with normative determinations of what ought to be and with deducing the characteristics and functions of the ideal state. Ancient The antecedents of Western politics can be traced back to the Socratic political philosophers, Plato (427–347 BC), Xenophon (c. 430–354 BC), and Aristotle ("The Father of Political Science") (384–322 BC). These authors, in such works asThe Republic and Laws by Plato, and The Politics and Nicomachean Ethics by Aristotle, analyzed political systems philosophically, going beyond earlier Greek poetic and historical reflections which can be found in the works of epic poets like Homer and Hesiod, historians like Herodotus and Thucydides, and dramatists such as Sophocles, Aristophanes, and Euripides. During the height of the Roman Empire, famous historians such as Polybius, Livy and Plutarch documented the rise of the Roman Republic, and the organization and histories of other nations, while statesmen like Julius Caesar, Cicero and others provided us with examples of the politics of the republic and Rome's empire and wars. The study of politics during this age was oriented toward understanding history, understanding methods of governing, and describing the operation of governments. Nearly a thousand years elapsed, from the foundation of the city of Rome in 753 BC to the fall of the Roman Empire or the beginning of the Middle Ages. In the interim, there is a manifest translation of Hellenic culture into the Roman sphere. The Greek gods become Romans and Greek philosophy in one way or another turns into Roman law e.g. Stoicism. The Stoic was committed to preserving proper hierarchical roles and duties in the state so that the state as a whole would remain stable. Among the best known Roman Stoics were philosopher Seneca and the emperor Marcus Aurelius. Seneca, a wealthy Roman patrician, is often criticized by some modern commentators for failing to adequately live by his own precepts. The Meditations of Marcus Aurelius, on the other hand, can be best thought of as the philosophical reflections of an emperor divided between his philosophical aspirations and the duty he felt to defend the Roman Empire from its external enemies through his various military campaigns. According to Polybius, Roman institutions were the backbone of the empire but Roman law is the medulla.[14] Medieval Europe With the fall of the Western Roman Empire, there arose a more diffuse arena for political studies. The rise of monotheism and, particularly for the Western tradition, Christianity, brought to light a new space for politics and political action. Works such as Augustine of Hippo's The City of God synthesized current philosophies and political traditions with those of Christianity, redefining the borders between what was religious and what was political. During the Middle Ages, the study of politics was widespread in the churches and courts. Most of the political questions surrounding the relationship between church and state were clarified and contested in this period. The Arabs lost sight of Aristotle's political science but continued to study Plato's Republic which became the basic text of Judeo-Islamic political philosophy as in the works of Alfarabi and Averroes; this did not happen in the Christian world, where Aristotle's
MCU-FSS: Wat Raikhing Campus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 11 Politics was translated in the 13th century and became the basic text as in the works of Saint Thomas Aquinas.[15] Renaissance During the Italian Renaissance, Niccolò Machiavelli established the emphasis of modern political science on direct empirical observation of political institutions and actors. Machiavelli was also a realist, arguing that even evil means should be considered if they help to create and preserve a desired regime. Machiavelli therefore also argues against the use of idealistic models in politics, and has been described as the father of the "politics model" of political science.[16] Later, the expansion of the scientific paradigm during the Enlightenment further pushed the study of politics beyond normative determinations. Enlightenment The works of the French philosophers Voltaire, Rousseau, Diderot to name a few are paragon for political analysis, social science, social and political critic. Their influence leading to the French revolution has been enormous in the development of modern democracy throughout the world. Like Machiavelli, Thomas Hobbes, well known for his theory of the social contract, believed that a strong central power, such as a monarchy, was necessary to rule the innate selfishness of the individual but neither of them believed in thedivine right of kings. John Locke, on the other hand, who gave us Two Treatises of Government and who did not believe in the divine right of kings either, sided with Aquinas and stood against both Machiavelli and Hobbes by accepting Aristotle's dictum that man seeks to be happy in a state of social harmony as a social animal. Unlike Aquinas' preponderant view on the salvation of the soul from original sin, Locke believed man comes into this world with a mind that is basically a tabula rasa. According to Locke, an absolute ruler as proposed by Hobbes is unnecessary, for natural law is based on reason and equality, seeking peace and survival for man. The new Western philosophical foundations that emerged from the pursuit of reason during the Enlightenment era helped pave the way for policies that emphasized a need for a separation of church and state. Principles similar to those that dominated the material sciences could be applied to society as a whole, originating the social sciences. Politics could be studied in a laboratory as it were, the social milieu. In 1787, Alexander Hamilton wrote: "...The science of politics like most other sciences has received great improvement." (The Federalist Papers Number 9 and 51). Both the marquis d'Argenson and the abbé de Saint- Pierre described politics as a science; d'Argenson was a philosopher and de Saint-Pierre an allied reformer of the enlightenment.[17] Other important figures in American politics who participated in the Enlightenment were Benjamin Franklin and Thomas Jefferson. 19th Century
MCU-FSS: Wat Raikhing Campus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 12 The Darwinian models of evolution and natural selection exerted considerable influence in the late 19th century. Society seemed to be evolving every upward, a belief that was shattered by World War I. "History is past politics and politics present history" was the motto of the first generation of American political scientists, 1882-1900. The motto had been coined by the Oxford professor Edward Augustus Freeman, and was enshrined on the wall of the seminar room at Johns Hopkins University where the first large-scale training of America and political scientists began.[18] The founding professors of the field included Herbert Baxter Adams at Johns Hopkins, John Burgessand William Dunning at Columbia, Woodrow Wilson at Princeton, and Albert Bushnell Hart at Harvard. Their graduate seminars had a thick historical cast, which typically reflected their experience in German University seminars. However, succeeding generations of scholars progressively cut back on the history and deliberate fashion. The second generation wanted to model itself on the physical sciences.[19] In the Progressive Era in the United States (1890s-1920s), political science became not only a prestigious university curriculum but also an applied science that was welcomed as a way to apply expertise to the problems of governance. Among the most prominent applied political scientists were Woodrow Wilson,[20] Charles A. Beard, and Charles E. Merriam. Many cities and states set up research bureau to apply the latest results.[21] The Thai Government Ministries English Thai Since Office of the Prime Minister สำานักนายกรัฐมนตรี 1932 Ministry of Defense กระทรวงกลาโหม 1887 Ministry of Finance กระทรวงการคลัง 1873 Ministry of Foreign Affairs กระทรวงการต่างประเทศ 1875 Ministry of Tourism and Sports กระทรวงการท่องเที่ยวและกีฬา 2002 Ministry of Social Development and Human Security กระทรวงการพัฒนาสังคมและความมั่นคง ของมนุษย์ 2002 Ministry of Agriculture and Cooperatives กระทรวงเกษตรและสหกรณ์ 1892 Ministry of Transport กระทรวงคมนาคม 1912 Ministry of Natural Resources and Environment กระทรวงทรัพยากรธรรมชาติและสิ่ง แวดล้อม 2002 Ministry of Information and Communication Technology กระทรวงเทคโนโลยีสารสนเทศและการ สื่อสาร 2002 Ministry of Energy กระทรวงพลังงาน 2002 Ministry of Commerce กระทรวงพาณิชย์ 1892 Ministry of Interior กระทรวงมหาดไทย 1892 Ministry of Justice กระทรวงยุติธรรม 1891 Ministry of Labor กระทรวงแรงงาน 1993 Ministry of Culture กระทรวงวัฒนธรรม 2002 Ministry of Science and Technology กระทรวงวิทยาศาสตร์และเทคโนโลยี 1979
MCU-FSS: Wat Raikhing Campus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 13 Ministry of Education กระทรวงศึกษาธิการ 1892 Ministry of Public Health กระทรวงสาธารณสุข 1942 Ministry of Industry กระทรวงอุตสาหกรรม 1942 References 1. Oxford Dictionary of Politics: political science 2. Political Science. The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill (1999-02-22). Retrieved on 7/19/2013-. 3. Britannica Concise Encyclopedia: political science 4. Stoner, J. R. (22 February 2008). "Political Science and Political Education". Paper presented at the annual meeting of the APSA Teaching and Learning Conference (APSA), San José Marriott, San José,
MCU-FSS: Wat Raikhing Campus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 14 California. Retrieved 7/19/2013 "... although one might allege the same for social science as a whole, political scientists receive funding from and play an active role in both the National Science Foundation and the National Endowment for the Humanities [in the United States]." <http://www.allacademic.com/meta/p245585_index.html>. 5. See, e.g., the department of Political Science at Marist College, part of a Division of Humanities before that division became the School of Liberal Arts (c. 2000). 6. Politics is the term used to refer to this field by Brandeis University; Cornell College; University of California, Santa Cruz; Hendrix College; Lake Forest College; Monash University; Mount Holyoke College; New York University;Occidental College; Princeton University; Ursinus College; and Washington and Lee University. Government is the term used for this field by Bowdoin College; Colby College; Cornell University; Dartmouth College; Georgetown University; Harvard University; Smith College; Wesleyan University; the College of William and Mary; the University of Sydney; the University of Texas at Austin; the University of Ulster; the University of Essex; Victoria University of Wellington, which has both a "School of Government" and a separate "Political Science and International Relations Programme"; and the London School of Economics and Political Science. Politics and government is the term used by the University of Puget Sound. Government and politics is used by the University of Maryland, College Park. 7. Vernardakis, George (1998). Graduate education in government. University Press of America. p. 77. "...existing practices at Harvard University, the University of California at Berkeley, and the University of Michigan." 8. Druckman, James; Green, Donald; Kuklinski, James et al., eds. (2011). Cambridge Handbook of Experimental Political Science. New York: Cambridge University Press. 9. Lowell, A. Lawrence. 1910. "The Physiology of Politics." American Political Science Review 4: 1-15. 10. Political Science in Russia: Institutionalization of the Discipline and Development of the Professional Community 11. Chronicle of Higher Education 2001 12. Michael Bang Petersen. "The evolutionary psychology of mass politics". In Roberts, S. C. (2011). Applied Evolutionary Psychology. Oxford University Press. 13. APSA Organized Sections | APSA 14. Aabriel Abraham (2002). Ventures in political science. Lynne Rienner Publishers. p. 29. "Polybius attributes the remarkable growth and power of Rome to its political institutions." 15. Muhsin, Mahdi (2001). Alfarabi and the foundation of Islamic political philosophy. p. 35. 16.Lane, Ruth (1996). Political science in theory and practice: the 'politics' model. M. E. Sharpe. p. 89. 17.Gay, Peter (1996). The enlightenment 2. W. W. Norton & Co. p. 448. "The men of the Enlightenment sensed that they could realize their social ideals only by political means." 18. Herbert Baxter Adams (1883). The Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science. p. 12. 19. Seymour Martin Lipsett, ed., Politics and the Social Sciences (1969) pp 1-3 20. Glenn Hastedt, "Woodrow Wilson and Literature on Political Science," White House Studies (2011) 10#4 pp 451-458 21. Richard K. Fleischman and R. Penny Marquette, "Chapters in Ohio Progressivism: The Cincinnati and Dayton Bureaus of Municipal Research and Accounting Reform," Ohio History (1988) 98#1 pp 133- 144. online GLOSSARIES ภาคคำาศัพท์อธิบายที่แทรกอยู่ในหนังสือ GENRAL POLITICAL SCIENCE GLOSSARY
MCU-FSS: Wat Raikhing Campus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 15 Cognitive Biases: A cognitive bias is a pattern of deviation in judgment, whereby inferences of other people and situations may be drawn in an illogical fashion.[1] Individuals create their own “subjective social reality” from their perception of the input.[2] An individual’s construction of social reality, not the objective input, may dictate their behavior in the social world.[3] Thus, cognitive biases may sometimes lead to perceptual distortion, inaccurate judgment, illogical interpretation, or what is broadly called irrationality.[4][5][6] Some cognitive biases are presumably adaptive. Cognitive biases may lead to more effective actions in a given context.[7] Furthermore, cognitive biases enable faster decisions when timeliness is more valuable than accuracy, as illustrated in heuristics.[8] Other cognitive biases are a “by-product” of human processing limitations,[9] resulting from a lack of appropriate mental mechanisms (bounded rationality), or simply from a limited capacity for information processing.[10] A continually evolving list of cognitive biases has been identified over the last six decades of research on human judgment and decision-making in cognitive science, social psychology, and behavioral economics. Cognitive biases are important to study because “systematic errors” highlight the “psychological processes that underlie perception and judgement” (Tversky & Kahneman,1999, p. 582). Moreover, Kahneman and Tversky (1996) argue cognitive biases have efficient practical implications for areas including clinical judgment.[11] Common 6 Cognitive Biases 1. The Fundamental attribution error (FAE), also known as the correspondence bias (Baumeister & Bushman, 2010) is the tendency for people to over-emphasize personality-based explanations for behaviours observed in others. At the same time, individuals under-emphasizie the role and power of situational influences on the same behaviour. Jones and Harris’ (1967)[12] classic study illustrates the FAE. Despite being made aware that the target’s speech direction (pro-Castro/anti-Castro) was assigned to the writer, participants ignored the situational pressures and attributed pro-Castro attitudes to the writer when the speech represented such attitudes. 2. The Confirmation bias is the tendency to search for or interpret information in a way that confirms one's preconceptions. In addition, individuals may discredit information that does not support their views.[13] The confirmation bias is related to the concept of cognitive dissonance. Whereby, individuals may reduce inconsistency by searching for information which re-confirms their views (Jermias, 2001, p. 146).[14] 3. Self-serving bias is the tendency to claim more responsibility for successes than failures. It may also manifest itself as a tendency for people to evaluate ambiguous information in a way beneficial to their interests. 4. Belief bias is when one's evaluation of the logical strength of an argument is biased by their belief in the truth or falsity of the conclusion. 5. Framing by using a too-narrow approach and description of the situation or issue. 6. Hindsight bias, sometimes called the "I-knew-it-all-along" effect, is the inclination to see past events as being predictable. A 2012 Psychological Bulletin article suggests that at least 8 seemingly unrelated biases can be produced by the same information-theoretic generative mechanism.[15] It is shown that noisy deviations in the memory-based information processes that convert objective evidence (observations) into subjective estimates (decisions) can produce regressive conservatism, the conservatism (Bayesian), illusory correlations, better-than- average effect and worse-than-average effect, subadditivity effect, exaggerated expectation, overconfidence, and the hard–easy effect. Notes 1. Haselton, M. G., Nettle, D., & Andrews, P. W. (2005). The evolution of cognitive bias. In D. M. Buss (Ed.), The Handbook of Evolutionary Psychology: Hoboken, NJ, US: John Wiley & Sons Inc. pp. 724–746. 2.Bless, H., Fiedler, K., & Strack, F. (2004). Social cognition: How individuals construct social reality. Hove and New York: Psychology Press. p. 2. 3. Bless, H., Fiedler, K., & Strack, F. (2004). Social cognition: How individuals construct social reality. Hove and New York: Psychology Press. 4. Kahneman, D.; Tversky, A. (1972). "Subjective probability: A judgment of representativeness". Cognitive Psychology 3 (3): 430– 454. doi:10.1016/0010-0285(72)90016-3. 5.Baron, J. (2007). Thinking and deciding (4th ed.). New York, NY: Cambridge University Press. 6. Ariely, D. (2008). Predictably irrational: The hidden forces that shape our decisions. New York, NY: HarperCollins. 7.For instance: Gigerenzer, G. & Goldstein, D. G. (1996). "Reasoning the fast and frugal way: Models of bounded rationality.". Psychological Review 103: 650–669. 8.Tversky, A., & Kahneman, D. (1974). "Judgement under uncertainty: Heuristics and biases.". Sciences 185: 1124–1131. 9. Haselton, M. G., Nettle, D., & Andrews, P. W. (2005). The evolution of cognitive bias. In D. M. Buss (Ed.), The Handbook of Evolutionary Psychology: Hoboken, NJ, US: John Wiley & Sons Inc. pp. 724–746. 10. Bless, H., Fiedler, K., & Strack, F. (2004). Social cognition: How individuals construct social reality. Hove and New York: Psychology Press. 11.Kahneman, D., & Tversky, A. (1996). "On the reality of cognitive illusions". Psychological Review 103 (3): 582–591. 12. Jones, E. E., & Harris, V. A (1967). "The attribution of attitudes". Journal of Experimental Social Psychology 3: 1–24. 13. Mahoney, M. J. (1977). "Publication prejudices: An experimental study of confirmatory bias in the peer review system". Cognitive Therapy and Research, 1 (2): 161–175.
MCU-FSS: Wat Raikhing Campus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 16 14. Jermias, J. (2001). "Cognitive dissonance and resistance to change: The influence of commitment confirmation and feedback on judgement usefulness of accounting systems". Accounting, Organizations and Society 26: 141–160. 15. Martin Hilbert (2012) "Toward a synthesis of cognitive biases: How noisy information processing can bias human decision making". Psychological Bulletin, 138(2), 211–237; free access to the study here: martinhilbert.net/HilbertPsychBull.pdf Comparative politics Comparative politics is a field and a method used in political science, characterized by an empirical approach based on the comparative method. In other words comparative politics is the study of the domestic politics, political institutions, and conflicts of countries. It often involves comparisons among countries and through time within single countries, emphasizing key patterns of similarity and difference. Arend Lijphart argues that comparative politics does not have a substantive focus in itself, but rather a methodological one: it focuses on "the how but does not specify the what of the analysis."[1] In other words, comparative politics is not defined by the object of its study, but rather by the method it applies to study political phenomena. Peter Mair and Richard Rose advance a slightly different definition, arguing that comparative politics is defined by a combination of a substantive focus on the study of countries' political systems and a method of identifying and explaining similarities and differences between these countries using common concepts.[2][3] Rose states that, on his definition: "The focus is explicitly or implicitly upon more than one country, thus following familiar political science usage in excluding within-nation comparison. Methodologically, comparison is distinguished by its use of concepts that are applicable in more than one country."[3] When applied to specific fields of study, comparative politics may be referred to by other names, such as for example comparative government (the comparative study of forms of government) or comparative foreign policy (comparing the foreign policies of different States in order to establish general empirical connections between the characteristics of the State and the characteristics of its foreign policy). Sometimes, especially in the United States, the term "comparative politics" is used to refer to "the politics of foreign countries." This usage of the term, however, is often considered incorrect.[4][5] "Comparative political science" as a general term for an area of study, as opposed to a methodology of study, can be seen as redundant. The political only shows as political when either an overt or tacit comparison is being made. A study of a single political entity, whether a society, subculture or period, would show the political as simple brute reality without comparison with another society, subculture, or period. The highest award in the discipline of Comparative Politics is the Karl Deutsch award, awarded by the International Political Science Association. So far, it has been given to Juan Linz (2003), Charles Tilly (2006), Giovanni Sartori (2009: Parties and party systems), and Alfred Stephan (2012: Arguing Comparative Politics). Notes 1. Lijphart, Arend (1971). "Comparative politics and the comparative method". American Political Science Review 65 (3): 682– 693. doi:10.2307/1955513. JSTOR 1955513. 2. Mair, Peter (1996). "Comparative politics: An introduction to comparative.overview". In Goodin, Robert E.; Klingemann, Hans-Dieter. A New Handbook of Political Science. Oxford: Oxford University Press. pp. 309–335. 3. Rose, Richard; MacKenzie, W. J. M. (1991). "Comparing forms of comparative analysis". Political Studies 39 (3): 446– 462. doi:10.1111/j.1467-9248.1991.tb01622.x. 4. Hopkin, J. [2002 (1995)] "Comparative Methods", in Marsh, D. and G. Stoker (ed.) Theory and Methods in Political Science, Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 249-250 5. van Biezen, Ingrid; Caramani, Daniele (2006). "(Non)comparative politics in Britain". Politics 26 (1): 29–37. doi:10.1111/j.1467- 9256.2006.00248.x. International Relations (IR) International Relations (IR) is the study of relationships among countries, the roles of sovereign states, inter-governmental organizations (IGO), international non-governmental organizations(INGO), non- governmental organizations (NGO), and multinational corporations (MNC). International relations is an academic and a public policy field, and so can be positive and normative, because it analyzes and formulates the foreign policy of a given State. As political activity, international relations dates from the time of the Greek historian Thucydides (ca. 460–395 BC), and, in the early 20th century, became a discrete academic field (No. 5901 in the 4-digit UNESCO Nomenclature) within political science. However, International Relations is an interdisciplinary field of study (Columbia Encyclopedia (1993). Besides political science, the field of International Relations draws intellectual materials from the fields technology and engineering, economics, history, and international law, philosophy, geography, and social work, sociology, anthropology, and criminology, psychology and gender studies, cultural studies and culturology .The scope of International Relations comprehends globalization, state sovereignty, and international security, ecological sustainability, nuclear proliferation, and nationalism, economic development and global finance, terrorism and organized crime, security, foreign, and human rights. The nation state is a state that self-identifies as deriving its political legitimacy from serving as a sovereign entity for a nation as a sovereign territorial unit.[1] The state is a political and geopolitical entity; the nation is a cultural and/or ethnic entity. The term "nation state" implies that the two geographically coincide.
MCU-FSS: Wat Raikhing Campus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 17 Nation state formation took place at different times in different parts of the world, but has become the dominant form of state organization. The concept and actuality of the nation state can be compared and contrasted with that of the multinational state, city state,[2][3][4] empire, confederation, and other state forms with which it may overlap. The key distinction from the other forms is the identification of a people with a polity. Notes 1. Such a definition is a working one: "All attempts to develop terminological consensus around nation resulted in failure", concludesTishkov, Valery (2000). "Forget the 'nation': post-nationalist understanding of nationalism". Ethnic and Racial Studies 23 (4): 625–650 [p. 627]. Connor, Walker (1978). "A Nation is a Nation, is a State, is an Ethnic Group, is a...". Ethnic and Racial Studies 1: 377–400. Discusses the impresion surrounding the characters of nation, state, nation state, andnationalism Connor, who gave the term ethnonationalism wide currency, discusses the tendency to confuse nation and state, and to treat all states as nation states. Sheila L. Crouche, Globalization and belongingdiscusses "The Definitional Dilemma" pp85ff. 2. Peter Radan (2002). The break-up of Yugoslavia and international law. Psychology Press. p. 14. Retrieved 25 November 2010. 3. Alfred Michael Boll (2007). Multiple nationality and international law. Martinus Nijhoff Publishers. p. 67. Retrieved 25 November 2010. 4.Daniel Judah Elazar (1998). Covenant and civil society: the constitutional matrix of modern democracy. Transaction Publishers. p. 129. ISBN 978-1-56000-311-3. Retrieved 25 November 2010. Perestroika Movement The Perestroika Movement is a loose-knit intellectual tendency in academic political science which seeks to expand methodological pluralism in order to make the discipline more accessible and relevant to laypeople and non-specialist academics. Established in 2000, the movement was organized in response to the perceived hegemony of quantitative and mathematical methodology in the field. Such dominance breeds academic isolation and poor scholarship, the movement's leaders contend. The Perestroika Movement began in 2000 with an anonymous e-mail message sent by one “Mr. Perestroika” to the editors of the American Political Science Review calling for "a dismantling of the Orwellian system [2] that we have in APSA."[1] The message went to seventeen recipients who quickly forwarded it to others, and within weeks the Perestroika Movement became a force calling for change in the American political science community (Monroe 2005). Notes Monroe, Kristen Renwick, (ed. 2005). Perestroika!: The Raucous Rebellion in Political Science (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2005). 1. E-mail from Mr. Perestroika, October 17, 2000. 2. "Orwellian" is an adjective describing the situation, idea, or societal condition that George Orwell identified as being destructive to the welfare of a free and open society. It connotes an attitude and a policy of control by propaganda, surveillance, misinformation, denial of truth, and manipulation of the past, including the "unperson" — a person whose past existence is expunged from the public record and memory, practiced by modern repressive governments. Often, this includes the circumstances depicted in his novels, particularly Nineteen Eighty-Four.[1] Nineteen Eighty-Four uses themes from life in the Soviet Union and wartime life in Great Britain as sources for many of its motifs.[2] Orwell's ideas about personal freedom and state authority developed when he was a British colonial administrator in Burma. He was fascinated by the effect of colonialism on the individual, requiring acceptance of the idea that the colonialist exists only for the good of the colonised.[citation needed] There has also been a great deal of discourse on the possibility that Orwell galvanized his ideas of oppression during his experience, and his subsequent writings in the English press, in Spain. Orwell was a member of the Workers' Party of Marxist Unification (POUM) militia and suffered suppression and escaped arrest by the Comintern (Communist International/ The Third International (1919- 1943) faction working within the Republican Government. Following his escape he made a strong case for defending the Spanish revolution from the Communists there, and the misinformation in the press at home. During this period he formed strong ideas about the reportage of events, and their context in his own ideas of imperialism and democracy. This often brought him into conflict with literary peers such as W.H. Auden and Stephen Spender.[3] The adjective Orwellian refers to these behaviors of The Party, especially when the Party is the State: • Invasion of personal privacy, either directly physically or indirectly by surveillance. • State control of its citizens' daily life, as in a "Big Brother" society. • Official encouragement of policies contributing to the socio-economic disintegration of the family. • The adoration of state leaders and their Party.
MCU-FSS: Wat Raikhing Campus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 18 • The encouragement of "doublethink", whereby the population must learn to embrace inconsistent concepts without dissent, e.g. giving up liberty for freedom. Similar terms used are "doublespeak", and "newspeak". • The revision of history in the favour of the State's interpretation of it. • A (generally) dystopian future. • The use of euphemism to describe an agency, program or other concept, especially when the name denotes the opposite of what is actually occurring. E.g. a department that wages war is called the "Ministry of Peace" or "Ministry of Defence". Notes 1. The Oxford Companion to English Literature, Sixth Edition. University of Oxford Press: 2000. p. 726. 2. Tzouliadis, Tim (2008). The Forsaken. New York: Penguin Press. pp. 48–49. 3."I am not one of your fashionable pansies like Auden and Spender", 'Orwell in Spain' is the current compilation of Orwell's writings on Spain. http://www.amazon.co.uk/Orwell-Spain-Penguin-Modern-Classics/dp/0141185163 Pluralism Pluralist conception of power The list of possibilities is virtually endless: legal authority, money, prestige, skill, knowledge, charisma, legitimacy, free time, and experience. Pluralists also stress the differences between potential and actual power as it stands. Actual power means the ability to compel someone to do something and is the view of power as a causation. Dahl describes power as a "realistic relationship, such as A's capacity for acting in such a manner as to control B's responses" [A preface to Democratic Theory]. Potential power refers to the possibility of turning resources into actual power. Cash, one of many resources, is only a stack of bills until it is put to work. Malcolm X, for example, was certainly not a rich person. But by using resources such as his forceful personality, organizational skills, and especially the legitimacy of his cause, he had a greater impact on American politics than most wealthy people. A particular resource like money cannot automatically be equated with power because the resource can be used skillfully or clumsily, fully or partially, or not at all. The pluralist approach to the study of power, states that nothing categorical about power can be assumed in any community. The question then is not who runs a community, but if any group in fact does. To determine this, pluralists study specific outcomes. The reason for this is that they believe human behavior is governed in large part by inertia. That said, actual involvement in overt activity is a more valid marker of leadership than simply a reputation. Pluralists also believe that there is no one particular issue or point in time at which any group must assert itself to stay true to its own expressed values, but rather that there are a variety of issues and points at which this is possible. There are also costs involved in taking action at all—not only losing, but expenditure of time and effort. While a structuralist may argue that power distributions have a rather permanent nature, this rationale says that power may in fact be tied to issues, which vary widely in duration. Also, instead of focusing on actors within a system, the emphasis is on the leadership roles itself. By studying these, it can be determined to what extent there is a power structure present in a society. Three of the major tenets of the pluralist school are (1) resources and hence potential power are widely scattered throughout society; (2) at least some resources are available to nearly everyone; and (3) at any time the amount of potential power exceeds the amount of actual power. Finally, and perhaps most important, no one is all-powerful unless proven so through empirical observation. An individual or group that is influential in one realm may be weak in another. Large military contractors certainly throw their weight around on defense matters, but how much sway do they have on agricultural or health policies? A measure of power, therefore, is its scope, or the range of areas where it is successfully applied as observed by a researcher. Pluralists believe that with few exceptions power holders usually have a relatively limited scope of influence. Pluralism does leave room for an elitist situation- Should a group A continuously exert power over multiple groups. For a pluralist to accept this notion, it must be empirically observed and not assumed so by definition. For all these reasons power cannot be taken for granted. One has to observe it empirically in order to know who really governs. The best way to do this, pluralists believe, is to examine a wide range of specific decisions, noting who took which side and who ultimately won and lost. Only by keeping score on a variety of controversies can one begin to identify actual power holders. Pluralism was associated with behavioralism[2] A contradiction to pluralist power is often cited from the origin of one's power. Although certain groups may share power, people within those groups set agendas, decide issues, and take on leadership roles through their own qualities. Some theorists argue that these qualities cannot be transferred, thus creating a system where elitism still exists. What this theory fails to take into account is the prospect of overcoming these qualities by garnering support from other groups. By aggregating power with other organizations, interest groups can over- power these non-transferable qualities. In this sense, political pluralism still applies to these aspects.
MCU-FSS: Wat Raikhing Campus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 19 Elite pluralism There were some objections to this model of pluralism, especially by critics who argued that groups need a high level of resources and the support of patrons to contend for influence. This observation formed the basis for elite pluralism. This modified pluralism accounts for elements of elite theory and was advanced by scholars such as E.E. Schattschneider, who wrote that "The flaw in the pluralist heaven is that the heavenly chorus sings with a strong upper-class accent."[3] Neo-pluralism While Pluralism as a political theory of the state and policy formation gained its most traction during the 1950s and 1960s in America, some scholars argued that the theory was too simplistic (see Connolly (1969) The Challenge to Pluralist Theory) - leading to the formulation of neo-pluralism. Views differed about the division of power in democratic society. Although neo-pluralism sees multiple pressure groups competing over political influence, the political agenda is biased towards corporate power. Neo-pluralism no longer sees the state as an umpire mediating and adjudicating between the demands of different interest groups, but as a relatively autonomous actor (with different departments) that forges and looks after its own (sectional) interests. Constitutional rules, which in pluralism are embedded in a supportive political culture, should be seen in the context of a diverse, and not necessarily supportive, political culture and a system of radically uneven economic sources. This diverse culture exists because of an uneven distribution of socioeconomic power. This creates possibilities for some groups - while limiting others - in their political options. In the international realm, order is distorted by powerful multinational interests and dominant states, while in classical pluralism emphasis is put on stability by a framework of pluralist rules and free market society. There are two significant theoretical critiques on pluralism: Corporatism and Neo-Marxism. Notes: 1. Held, David. (2006). Models of Democracy. 3rd Edition (20 Jun 2006): Polity Press. 2. Pluralism. http://www.socialstudieshelp.com/APGOV_pluralism.htm: retrieved 18/7/2013 3. Schattschneider, E.E. (1960). The Semi-Sovereign People. New York: Holt. Rinehart and Winston, p. 35. Politics Politics (from Greek: politikos, meaning "of, for, or relating to citizens"), it is the practice and theory of influencing other people on a civic or individual level. More narrowly, it refers to achieving and exercising positions of governance — organized control over a human community, particularly a state. A variety of methods is employed in politics, which include promoting its own political views among people, negotiation with other political subjects, making laws, and exercising force, including warfare against adversaries. Politics is exercised on a wide range of social levels, from clans and tribes of traditional societies, through modern local governments, companies and institutions up to sovereign states, to international level. Political philosophy Political philosophy is the study of such topics as politics, liberty, justice, property, rights, law, and the enforcement of a legal code by authority: what they are, why (or even if) they are needed, what, if anything, makes a government legitimate, what rights and freedoms it should protect and why, what form it should take and why, what the law is, and what duties citizens owe to a legitimate government, if any, and when it may be legitimately overthrown, if ever. In a vernacular sense, the term "political philosophy" often refers to a general view, or specific ethic, political belief or attitude, about politics that does not necessarily belong to the technical discipline of philosophy. In short, political philosophy is the activity, as with all philosophy, whereby the conceptual apparatus behind such concepts as aforementioned are analyzed, in their history, intent, evolution and the like.[(Hampton, 1997) Hampton, Jean (1997). Political Philosophies and Political Ideologies. WestviewPress. p. xiii(13) in Patriotic Elaborations: Essays in Practical Philosophy, Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2009. Political system Political system is a framework which defines acceptable political methods within a given society. History of political thought can be traced back to early antiquity, with seminal works such as Plato's Republic, Aristotle's Politics and opus of Confucius. Public administration Public administration is concerned with the implementation of government policy, and is an academic discipline that studies this implementation and prepares civil servants for working in the public service.[1] As a "field of inquiry with a diverse scope" its "fundamental goal... is to advance management and policies so that government can function."[2] Some of the various definitions which have been offered for the term are: "the management of public programs";[3] the "translation of politics into the reality that citizens see every day";[4] and
MCU-FSS: Wat Raikhing Campus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 20 "the study of government decision making, the analysis of the policies themselves, the various inputs that have produced them, and the inputs necessary to produce alternative policies."[5] Public administration is "centrally concerned with the organization of government policies and programs as well as the behavior of officials (usually non-elected) formally responsible for their conduct"[6] Many unelected public servants can be considered to be public administrators, including heads of city, county, regional, state and federal departments such as municipal budget directors, human resources (H.R.) administrators, city managers, census managers, state mental health directors, and cabinet secretaries.[4] Public administrators are public working in public departments and agencies, at all levels of government.[4] In the US, civil servants and academics such as Woodrow Wilson promoted American civil service reform in the 1880s, moving public administration into academia.[7] However, "until the mid-20th century and the dissemination of the German sociologist Max Weber's theory of bureaucracy" there was not "much interest in a theory of public administration."[8] The field is multidisciplinary in character; one of the various proposals for public administration's sub-fields sets out six pillars, including human resources, organizational theory, policy analysis and statistics, budgeting, and ethics.[9] Notes: 1. Random House Unabridged Dictionary 2. Handbook of Public Administration. Eds Jack Rabin, W. Bartley Hildreth, and Gerard J. Miller. 1989: Marcel Dekker, NY. p. iii 3. Robert and Janet Denhardt. Public Administration: An Action Orientation. 6th Ed. 2009: Thomson Wadsworth, Belmont CA. 4. Kettl, Donald and James Fessler. (2009). The Politics of the Administrative Process. Washington D.C.: CQ Press. 5. Jerome B. McKinney and Lawrence C. Howard.(1998). Public Administration: Balancing Power and Accountability. 2nd Ed. 1998: Praeger Publishing, Westport, CT. p. 62 6. UN Economic and Social Council. Committee of Experts on Public Administration. Definition of basic concepts and terminologies in governance and public administration. 2006 7. Wilson, Woodrow. (June, 1887). The Study of Administration, Political Science Quarterly 2. 8. Public administration. (2010) In Encyclopaedia Britannica. Retrieved August 18, 2010, from Encyclopaedia Britannica Online. 9. Shafritz, J.M., A.C. Hyde.( 2007. Classics of Public Administration. Wadsworth: Boston. Public law Public law (lat. ius publicum) is that part of law which governs relationships between individuals and the government, and those relationships between individuals which are of direct concern to the society (Martin, 2003). Public law comprisesconstitutional law, administrative law, tax law and criminal law,[Martin, 2003] as well as all procedural law. In public law, mandatory rules (not optional) prevail. Laws concerning relationships between individuals belong to private law. The relationships public law governs are asymmetric and unequal – government bodies (central or local) can make decisions about the rights of individuals. However, as a consequence of the rule of law doctrine, authorities may only act within the law (secundum et intra legem). The government must obey the law. For example, a citizen unhappy with a decision of an administrative authority can ask a court for judicial review. Rights, too, can be divided into private rights and public rights. A paragon of a public right is the right to welfare benefits – only a natural person can claim such payments, and they are awarded through an administrative decision out of the government budget. The distinction between public law and private law dates back to Roman law. It has been picked up in the countries of civil law tradition at the beginning of the 19th century, but since then spread to common law countries, too. The borderline between public law and private law is not always clear in particular cases, giving rise to attempts of theoretical understanding of its basis. Notes Elizabeth A. Martin (2003). Oxford Dictionary of Law (7th ed. ed.). Oxford: Oxford University Press Polity A polity is a state or one of its subordinate civil authorities, such as a province, prefecture, county, municipality, city, or district.[1] It is generally understood to mean a geographic area with a corresponding government. Thomas Hobbes considered bodies politic in this sense in Leviathan.[2] In previous centuries, body politic was also understood to mean "the physical person of the sovereign:" emperor, king or dictator in monarchies and despotisms, and the electorate in republics. In present times, it may also refer to representation of a group, such as ones drawn along the ethnic or the gender lines. Cabinets in liberal democracies are chosen to represent the body politics. Notes: 1. Black's Law Dictionary, 4th ed., West Publishing Co., (1968), and Uricich v. Kolesar, 54 Ohio App. 309, 7 N.E. 2d 413. 2. Thomas Hobbes, Leviathan, (1651); http://www.earlymoderntexts.com/pdf/hobblev2.pdf; accessed 28 November 2008.
MCU-FSS: Wat Raikhing Campus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 21 POLITICAL SCIENCE LEADING PHILOSOPHERS Aristotle (Ancient Greek: Ἀριστοτέλης [aristotélɛːs], Aristotélēs) (384 BC –322 BC) [1] Aristotle was a Greek philosopher and polymath, a student of Plato and teacher of Alexander the Great. His writings cover many subjects including physics, metaphysics, poetry, theater, music, logic, and rhetoric. He also wrote linguistics, politics, government, ethics, biology, and zoology. Together with Plato and Socrates , Plato's teacher, Aristotle is one of the most important founding figures in Western philosophy. Aristotle's writings were the first to create a comprehensive system of Western philosophy, encompassing ethics, logic, science, politics, aesthetics, and metaphysics. Marcus Tullius Cicero (/ˈsɪsɨroʊ/; Classical Latin: [markʊs tul.ljʊs ˈkɪkɛroː]; 3 January 106 BC – 7 December 43 BC; sometimes anglicized as Tully[1] ) Marcus Tullius Cicero was a Roman philosopher, statesman, lawyer, orator, political theorist, consul and constitutionalist. He came from a wealthy municipal family of the equestrian order, and is widely considered one of Rome's greatest orators and prose stylists.[2][3] His influence on the Latin language was so immense that the subsequent history of prose in not only Latin but European languages up to the 19th century was said to be either a reaction against or a return to his style.[4] According to Michael Grant, "the influence of Cicero upon the history of European literature and ideas greatly exceeds that of any other prose writer in any language".[5] Cicero introduced the Romans to the chief schools of Greek philosophy and created a Latin philosophical vocabulary (with neologisms such as humanitas, qualitas, quantitas, andessentia)[6] distinguishing himself as a linguist, translator, and philosopher. Petrarch's rediscovery of Cicero's letters is often credited for initiating the 14th-century Renaissance. [7] According to Polish historian Tadeusz Zieliński, "Renaissance was above all things a revival of Cicero, and only after him and through him of the rest of Classical antiquity."[8] The peak of Cicero's authority and prestige came during the eighteenth-century Enlightenment,[9] and his impact on leading Enlightenment thinkers such as John Locke, David Hume, and Montesquieu was substantial.[10] His works rank among the most influential in European culture, and today still constitute one of the most important bodies of primary material for the writing and revision of Roman history, especially the last days of the Roman Republic.[11] Though he was an accomplished orator and successful lawyer, Cicero believed his political career was his most important achievement. It was during his consulship that the Second Catilinarian Conspiracy attempted the government overthrow through an attack on the city from outside forces, and Cicero suppressed the revolt by executing five conspirators without due process. During the chaotic latter half of the 1st century BC marked by civil wars and the dictatorship of Gaius Julius Caesar, Cicero championed a return to the traditional republican government. Following Julius Caesar's death Cicero became an enemy of Mark Antony in the ensuing power struggle, attacking him in a series of speeches. He was proscribed as an enemy of the state by the Second Triumvirate and subsequently murdered in 43 BC. Notes 1. H. Jones, Master Tully: Cicero in Tudor England (Nieuwkoop: De Graaf, 1998). 2. Rawson, Elizabeth. (1975). Cicero: A Portrait (Allen Lane, Penguin Books Ltd., 1975). Revised edition: Bristol Classical Press, 1983. American edition of revised edition: Cornell University Press, 1983. p.303 3. Haskell, H.J. (1964) This was Cicero . Alfred A. Knopf. p.300–301 4. Merriam-Webster's Encyclopedia of Literature, "Ciceronian period" (1995) p. 244 5. Cicero,(ed. 1971) Selected Works. Penguin Books Ltd, Great Britain . pp.24 6. Conte, Gian. Bagio (1987).: "Latin Literature: a history" trans. Joseph B. Solodow. Baltimore, MA and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994 p.199 7. Wooton, David. (1996). Modern political thought : readings from Machiavelli to Nietzsche. Hackett Pub. Co, Indianapolis, Ind. p.1 8. Tadeusz Zieliński.(1908, 1912). Cicero Im Wandel Der Jahrhunderte. German Ed. Nabu Press. 9. Wood, Neal (1991). Cicero's Social and Political Thought. University of California Press. 10. Nicgorski, Walter. (2011). "Cicero and the Natural Law". Natural Law, Natural Rights, and American Constitutionalism. Online at http://www.nlnrac.org/classical/cicero 11. Miriam Griffin; John Boardman, Jasper Griffin, Oswyn Murray (15 January 2001). The Oxford Illustrated History of the Roman World. Oxford University Press. pp. 76–. Niccolò di Bernardo dei Machiavelli (Italian: [nikkoˈlɔ makjaˈvɛlli]; 3 May 1469 – 21 June 1527) Niccolò di Bernardo dei Machiavelli was an Italian historian, politician, diplomat, philosopher, humanist and writer based in Florence during the Renaissance. He was for many years an official in the Florentine Republic, with responsibilities in diplomatic and military affairs. He was a founder of modern political science, and more specifically political ethics. He also wrote comedies, carnival songs, and poetry. His personal correspondence is renowned in the Italian language. He was Secretary to the Second Chancery of the Republic of Florence from 1498 to 1512, when the Medici were out of power. He wrote
MCU-FSS: Wat Raikhing Campus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 22 his masterpiece, The Prince, after the Medici had recovered power and he no longer held a position of responsibility in Florence. His moral and ethical beliefs led to the creation of the word Machiavellianism which has since been used to describe one of the three dark triad personalities in psychology. The Dark Triad is a group of three personality traits: narcissism, Machiavellianism and psychopathy, all of which are interpersonally aversive.[1][2][3] The Dark Triad refers to three theoretically distinct but empirically overlapping personality constructs.[4][5] The term reflects the perception that these three diagnostic categories have at least some common underlying factors:[6][7] • The narcissistic personality (in the clinical sense) is characterized by a grandiose self-view, a sense of entitlement, lack of empathy, and egotism. Some theories, such as those of Heinz Kohut, associate it with the protection of a radically weak, shamed, or damaged self.[8] • The Machiavellian personality is characterized by manipulation and exploitation of others, with a cynical (pessimistic, skeptical, disbelieving) disregard for morality and a focus on self- interest and deception.[9] • The psychopathic personality is characterized by impulsive thrill-seeking and in its "primary" form by selfishness, callousness or indifferent, lack of personal affect, superficial charm, and remorselessness. He asserted that social benefits of stability and security could be achieved in the face of moral corruption. Aside from that, Machiavelli believed that public and private morality had to be understood as two different things in order to rule well. As a result, a ruler must be concerned not only with reputation, but also must be positively willing to act immorally at the right times. As a political scientist, Machiavelli emphasized the occasional need for the methodical exercise of brute force or deceit. Notes 1. Robert M. Regoli; John D. Hewitt; Matt DeLisi (20 April 2011). Delinquency in Society: The Essentials. Jones & Bartlett Learning. p. 99. 2. W. Keith Campbell; Joshua D. Miller (7 July 2011). The Handbook of Narcissism and Narcissistic Personality Disorder: Theoretical Approaches, Empirical Findings, and Treatments. John Wiley & Sons. p. 154. 3. Mark R. Leary; Rick H. Hoyle (5 June 2009). Handbook of individual differences in social behavior. Guilford Press. p. 100. 4.Tomas Chamorro-Premuzic; Sophie von Stumm; Adrian Furnham (23 February 2011). The Wiley-Blackwell Handbook of Individual Differences. John Wiley & Sons. p. 527. 5. Paulhus, D. L., Williams, K. M. (2002). "The Dark Triad of personality: narcissism, Machiavellianism, and psychopathy". Journal of Research in Personality 36 (6): 556–563. 6. Leonard M. Horowitz; Stephen Strack, Ph.D. (14 October 2010). Handbook of Interpersonal Psychology: Theory, Research, Assessment and Therapeutic Interventions. John Wiley & Sons. pp. 252–255. Retrieved 15 February 2012. Plato (/ˈpleɪtoʊ/;[2] Greek: Πλάτων, Plátōn, "broad";[3] 428/427 BC[a] – 348/347 BC) Plato was a philosopher in Classical Greece. He was also a mathematician, student of Socrates, writer of philosophical dialogues, and founder of the Academy in Athens, the first institution of higher learning in the Western world. Along with his mentor, Socrates, and his student, Aristotle, Plato helped to lay the foundations of Western philosophy and science.[4] In the words of A. N. Whitehead: The safest general characterization of the European philosophical tradition is that it consists of a series of footnotes to Plato. I do not mean the systematic scheme of thought which scholars have doubtfully extracted from his writings. I allude to the wealth of general ideas scattered through them.[5] Plato's sophistication as a writer is evident in his Socratic dialogues; thirty-six dialogues and thirteen letters have been ascribed to him. Plato's writings have been published in several fashions; this has led to several conventions regarding the naming and referencing of Plato's texts.[6] Plato's dialogues have been used to teach a range of subjects, including philosophy,logic, ethics, rhetoric, religion and mathematics. Plato is one of the most important founding figures in Western philosophy. Notes 1.St-Andrews.ac.uk, St. Andrews University 2.Jones, Daniel; Roach, Peter, James Hartman and Jane Setter, eds.Cambridge English Pronouncing Dictionary. 17th edition. Cambridge UP, 2006. 3. Diogenes Laertius 3.4; p. 21, David Sedley, Plato's Cratylus, Cambridge University Press 2003; Seneca, Epistulae, VI, 58, 30: illi nomen latitudo pectoris fecerat. 4. "Plato". Encyclopaedia Britannica. 2002. 5. Process and Reality p. 39 6. Irwin, T. H., "The Platonic Corpus" in Fine, G. (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Plato (Oxford University Press, 2011), pp. 63–64 and 68– 70. POLITICAL SCIENCE PHILOSOPHIES AND THEORIES
MCU-FSS: Wat Raikhing Campus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 23 Behavioralism Behavioralism (or behaviouralism in Britain: พฤติก รรมนิย ม ) is an approach in political science, which emerged in the 1930s in the United States. It represents a sharp break from previous political science. This is because it emphasized an objective, quantified approach to explain and predict political behavior.[1][2] It is associated with the rise of the behavioral sciences, modeled after the natural sciences.[3] This means that behavioralism claims it can explain political behavior from an unbiased, neutral point of view. Behavioralism seeks to examine the behavior, actions, and acts of individuals – rather than the characteristics of institutions such as legislatures, executives, and judiciaries – and groups in different social settings and explain this behavior as it relates to the political system.[4] David Easton was the first to differentiate behavioralism from behaviorism in the 1950s.[5] In the early 1940s, behaviorism itself was referred to as a behavioral science and later referred to as behaviorism. However, Easton sought to differentiate between the two disciplines:[6] Behavioralism was not a clearly defined movement for those who were thought to be behavioralists. It was more clearly definable by those who were opposed to it, because they were describing it in terms of the things within the newer trends that they found objectionable. So some would define behavioralism as an attempt to apply the methods of natural sciences to human behavior. Others would define it as an excessive emphasis upon quantification. Others as individualistic reductionism. From the inside, the practitioners were of different minds as what it was that constituted behavioralism. [...] And few of us were in agreement.[7] With this in mind, behavioralism resisted a single definition. Dwight Waldo emphasized that behavioralism itself is unclear, calling it "complicated" and "obscure."[8] Easton agreed, stating, "every man puts his own emphasis and thereby becomes his own behavioralist" and attempts to completely define behavioralism are fruitless.[9] From the beginning, behavioralism was a political, not a scientific concept. Moreover, since behavioralism is not a research tradition, but a political movement, definitions of behavioralism follow what behavioralists wanted.[6 Therefore, most introductions to the subject emphasize value-free research. This is evidenced by Easton’s eight “intellectual foundation stones” of behavioralism:[10][11] 1. Regularities – The generalization and explanation of regularities. 2. Commitment to Verification – The ability to verify ones generalizations. 3. Techniques – An experimental attitude toward techniques. 4. Quantification – Express results as numbers where possible or meaningful. 5. Values – Keeping ethical assessment and empirical explanations distinct. 6. Systemization – Considering the importance of theory in research. 7. Pure Science – Deferring to pure science rather than applied science. 8. Integration – Integrating social sciences and value. Subsequently, much of the behavioralist approach has been challenged by the emergence of postpositivism in political (particularly international relations) theory. Notes 1. Guy, James John (2000-08-01). People, Politics and Government: A Canadian Perspective. Pearson Education Canada. .p. 58 2. Petro, Nicolai (1995). The Rebirth of Russian Democracy: An Interpretation of Political Culture. Harvard University Press. P. 6 3. Guy, James John (2000-08-01). People, Politics and Government: A Canadian Perspective. Pearson Education Canada. .p 58 4. Walton, Hanes (1985). Invisible Politics. SUNY Press., pp 1–2 5. Easton, David (1953). The Political System. An Inquiry into the State of Political Science. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. p 151 6. Berndtson. "Behavioralism: Origins of the Concept". Archived from the original on 14 May 2009. Retrieved 2009-04-20. 7. David Easton in Baer, Michael A. (1991). Jewell, Malcom E. and Lee Sigelman (eds), ed. Political Science in America: Oral Histories of a Discipline. Lexington: The University Press of Kentucky.p 207 8. Waldo, Dwight (1975). "Political Science: Tradition, Discipline, Profession, Science, Enterprise". In Greenstein, Fred; Polsby, Nelson. Handbook of Political Science. Reading, Mass: Addison-Wesley., p 58 9. Easton, David (1962). "Introduction: The Current Meaning of "Behavioralism". In Charlesworth, James. Political Science. Philadelphia: American Academy of Political and Social Science, p 9 10. "Introduction to Political Science. Exam 2 Study guide". Retrieved 2008-01-18. 11. Riemer, Neal (1997). The New World of Politics: An Introduction to Political Science. Rowman & Littlefield, p. 50 Enlightenment thought POLITICAL THOUGHT Like the French Revolution, the Enlightenment has long been hailed as the foundation of modern Western political and intellectual culture.[1] It has been frequently linked to the French Revolution of 1789. However, as Roger Chartier points out, it was perhaps the Revolution that "invented the Enlightenment by attempting to root its legitimacy in a corpus of texts and founding authors reconciled and united ... by their preparation of a rupture with the old world".[2] In other words, the revolutionaries elevated to heroic status those philosophers, such as Voltaire and Rousseau, who could be used to justify their radical break with the Ancien Régime. In any case,
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รหัสวิชา 407 313 ภาษาอังกฤษสำหรับนักรัฐศาสตร์

  • 1. MCU-FSS: Wat Raikhing Campus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 1 EN 407 313 English for Political Scientists (ภาษาอังกฤษสำาหรับนักรัฐศาสตร์) (Temporal Experimental Edition) In Partial Fulfillment of the Course of Political Science Department of Public Administration Revised on 2013 Mahachulalongkornrajavidhyalaya University Academic Service Center: Faculty of Social Science Wat Raikhing, Sampran , Nakhonpathom Thailand รหัสวิชา 407 317 ภาษาอังกฤษสำาหรับนักรัฐศาสตร์ (EN 407 313: English for Political Scientists)
  • 2. MCU-FSS: Wat Raikhing Campus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 2 คำาอธิบายรายวิชา ศึกษาโครงสร้าง คำาศัพท์และสำานวนที่ใช้กัน มากในสาขาวิชารัฐศาสตร์ และการฝึกใช้คำาศัพท์ สำานวนเหล่านั้นในการเขียนการอ่านและพูดทาง รัฐศาสตร์ การตีความหมายจากบริบท ศึกษาวิธีการอ่าน ภาษาอังกฤษโดยเรียนรู้โครงสร้างและส่วนประกอบที่ เป็นลักษณะเฉพาะของภาษาอังกฤษและโครงสร้าง หน้าที่ของกลุ่มคำา เพื่อช่วยในการอ่านเชิงวิเคราะห์ การ เรียงความและอภิปรายเป็นภาษาอังกฤษในเรื่องเกี่ยวกับ รัฐศาสตร์ Course Descriptions A study of structure, lexicon and the common terms of English for political science, of practices on using the glossary and the terms in writing, reading and speaking about political science; of interpretation from the context, and to study methods of reading English through learning its structures, its specific compound and roles of its phrases helpful to analytical reading, essay writing, and discussion in English for political science วัตถุประสงค์ของรายวิชา : เมื่อนักศึกษา เรียนรายวิชานี้แล้ว นักศึกษามีสมรรถนะที่ต้องการใน ด้านต่าง ๆ ดังนี้ 1.1 วัตถุประสงค์เชิงพฤติกรรม 1.1.1 เชิงพุทธพิสัย: ผู้เรียนรู้คำาศัพท์และเข้าใจ ความหมายของคำาศัพท์เฉพาะทางรัฐศาสตร์ 1.1.2 เชิงจิตพิสัย: ผู้เรียนมีความสนใจใคร่รู้ ขยัน ตั้งใจเรียนและส่งงานที่มอบหมายอย่างสมำ่าเสมอ 1.1.3: เชิงทักษะพิสัย: ผู้เรียนสามารถเขียนและ อ่านคำาศัพท์ทางรัฐศาสตร์ได้ สามารถอธิบายโครงสร้าง และหน้าที่ของกลุ่มคำาและประโยคภาษาอังกฤษขั้นพื้น ฐานได้ สามารถอ่านข่าวและบทความภาษาอังกฤษเชิง รัฐศาสตร์ได้เข้าใจ และสามารถอภิปรายได้ Course Objectives : upon learning, students are enables on the following capability:- 1.1. Behavioral Objectives 1.1.1. Cognitive Domain: knowing the meaning and understanding the political science lexicon 1.1.2. Affective Domain: being enthusiastic to know, diligent, attentive and regularly submit assignments 1.1.3. Psychomotor Domain: being enabled to write and read the political science glossary; to explain structures and roles of basic English phrases and sentences; to read, understand and discuss news and articles of the political science English 1.2 คุณลักษณะบัณฑิตที่พึงประสงค์ 1.2.1.ความฉลาดและความสามารถในการเรียนรู้ ความจริง ได้แก่ ฉันทะและความสามารถในการเรียนรู้ด้วย ตนเองตลอดชีวิต ความสามารถในการวิเคราะห์อย่างเป็นระบบ ความสามารถในการสื่อสาร (การพูด การ เขียน ทั้งภาษาไทย ภาษาต่างประเทศ และ คอมพิวเตอร์) ความสามารถในการมองไปข้างหน้าและการ ตัดสินใจ ความสามารถในการคิดริเริ่มสร้างสรรค์ 1.2. Desirable Attributes of the Graduates 1.2.1. Ingenuity and competence to learn the truth, i.e. - contentment and competence of lifelong self- study -competence of systematic analysis - competence to communicate (speaking and writing in Thai, English and computer) - competence to foresee and decide - competence to draw initiative and creativity 1.2.2. ความฉลาดทางอารมณ์ ได้แก่ มีสติรู้ตัวรู้หน้าที่ เห็นอกเห็นใจผู้อื่น มีความพอและพอดี ขยัน อดทน อดกลั้น ซื่อสัตย์ กตัญญู เที่ยงธรรม มีความมุ่งมั่นที่จะทำาให้สำาเร็จ มีนำ้าใจ เห็นแก่ประโยชน์ส่วนรวม สุภาพ อ่อนน้อมถ่อมตน รู้จักกาลเทศะ 1.2.2. EQ (Emotional Intelligence), i.e. - self-consciousness and dutifulness - compassion - sufficiency and moderation - diligence, patience and tolerance - honesty, gratefulness, and fairness - determination for success - having goodwill and for the common good - politeness, humility and tactfulness 1.2.3 ใจกว้าง รับฟังความคิดเห็นที่แตกต่างได้ 1.2.3. open-mindedness to diverse thoughts TEACHING PLANNING
  • 3. MCU-FSS: Wat Raikhing Campus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 3 Weeks Descriptions Lect-Hrs. Practicum Teaching Techniques Evaluations Lecturer 1 Course Introduction Lesson 1 Introduction to Political Science 3 0 1. Inquiries 2. Lectures 3. Individual Approach 4. Seminar Teaching Aids – power point, e-learning 1. Portfolio 2. Interpretation 3. Observation 4. Subjective Test พระมหา โยตะ ปยุตฺโต 2 Lesson 1 Introduction to Political Science 3 0 5. Inquiries 6. Lectures 7. Individual Approach 8. Seminar Teaching Aids – power point, e-learning 1. Interviews 2. Portfolio 3. Interpretation 4. Observation 5. Subjective Test พระมหา โยตะ ปยุตฺโต Introduction of English for Political Scientists
  • 4. MCU-FSS: Wat Raikhing Campus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 4 ก้าวสู่ภาษาอังกฤษสำาหรับนักรัฐศาสตร์ Phramaha Yota Payutto Ph.D. (D.C.) (Doctor of Philosophy) Political Science is a social science discipline concerned with the study of the state, nation, government, and politics and policies of government. Aristotle defined it as the study of the state.[1] It deals extensively with the theory and practice of politics, and the analysis of political systems and political behavior, culture. Political scientists "see themselves engaged in revealing the relationships underlying political events and conditions, and from these revelations they attempt to construct general principles about the way the world of politics works."[2] Political science intersects with other fields; including economics, law, sociology, history, anthropology, public administration, public policy, national politics, international relations, comparative politics, psychology, political organization, and political theory. Although it was codified in the 19th century, when all the social sciences were established, political science has ancient roots; indeed, it originated almost 2,500 years ago with the works of Plato and Aristotle.[3] Political science is commonly divided into five distinct sub-disciplines which together constitute the field: • political theory • comparative politics • public administration • international relations • public law Political theory is more concerned with contributions of various classical thinkers such as Aristotle, Niccolò Machiavelli, Cicero, Plato and many others. Comparative politics is the science of comparison and teaching of different types of constitutions, political actors, legislature and associated fields, all of them from an intrastate perspective. International relations deal with the interaction between nation-states as well as intergovernmental and transnational organizations. VOCABULARIES NOUNS adversary ปรปักษ์ anthropology มนุษย์วิทยา antiquity สมัย/ยุคโบราณ behavior พฤติกรรม clan วงศ์ตระกูล comparative politics การเมืองเปรียบเทียบ discipline สาขาวิชา economics เศรษฐศาสตร์ force กองกำาลัง-กองทัพ governance ระบบการปกครอง -ธรรมาภิบาล history ประวัติศาสตร์ influence (v) อิทธิพล international relations ความสัมพันธ์ระหว่าง ประเทศ law กฎหมาย national politics การเมืองระดับประเทศ negotiation การเจรจา political organization องค์กรการเมือง political theory ทฤษฎีการเมือง principles หลักการ psychology จิตวิทยา public administration รัฐประสาสนศาสตร์ public policy นโยบายภาครัฐ social science สังคมศาสตร์ sociology สังคมวิทยา system ระบบ tribes เผ่าพันธุ์ warfare การทำาสงคราม ADJECTIVES civic เกี่ยวกับพลเรือน distinct แตกต่างชัดเจน political ทางการเมือง seminal สามารถพัฒนาได้ ADVERBS extensively ครอบคลุม VERBS attempt พยายาม codify จัดเป็นหมวดหมู่/ ประมวล constitute ประกอบด้วย /บัญญัติ/ก่อตั้ง construct สร้าง define ให้คำาจำากัดความ engage ผูกมัด establish สร้าง intersect ตัดผ่าน/พาดผ่าน originate ก่อให้เกิด reveal เปิดเผย
  • 5. MCU-FSS: Wat Raikhing Campus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 5 Political science is methodologically diverse and appropriates many methods originating in social research. Approaches include • positivism, • interpretivism, • rational choice theory, • behavioralism, • structuralism, • poststructuralism, • realism, • institutionalism, and • pluralism Political science, as one of the social sciences, uses methods and techniques that relate to the kinds of inquiries sought: primary sources such as historical documents and official records, secondary sources such as scholarly journal articles, survey research, statistical analysis, case studies, experimental research and model building. OVERVIEW Political scientists study matters concerning the allocation and transfer of power in decision making, the roles and systems of governance including governments and international organizations, political behavior and public policies. They measure the success of governance and specific policies by examining many factors, including stability, justice, material wealth, and peace. Some political scientists seek to advance positive (attempt to describe how things are, as opposed to how they should be) theses by analyzing politics. Others advance normative theses, by making specific policy recommendations. Political scientists provide the frameworks from which journalists, special interest groups, politicians, and the electorate analyze issues. According to Chaturvedy, "...Political scientists may serve as advisers to specific politicians, or even run for office as politicians themselves. Political scientists can be found working in governments, in political parties or as civil servants. They may be NOUNS allocation การจัดสรร approach (v)วิธีการ associated field ส่วน / งานที่เกี่ยวข้อง behavioralism พฤติกรรมนิยม capacity ความสามารถ case study กรณีศึกษา civil servant ข้าราชการ comparison การเปรียบเทียบ constitutional แห่งรัฐธรรมนูญ contribution ความเอื้อเฟื้อ corporation / firm บริษัท election การเลือกตั้ง electorate ประชาชนผู้มีสิทธิเลือกตั้งทั้งหมด/ เขตเลือกตั้งของผู้มีสิทธิเลือกตั้ง experimental research การวิจัยเชิงทดลอง expertise ความชำานาญ factor ปัจจัย fault-line แนวเส้นที่ขยับปรับเปลี่ยนได้ตลอด เวลา framework กรอบ historical document เอกสารเชิงประวัติศาสตร์ inquiry การสอบสวน/ การตรวจสอบ institutionalism สถาบันนิยม interaction การปฏิสัมพันธ์ interpretivism คตินิยมแนวการตีความ justice ความยุติธรรม legislature สภานิติบัญญัติ/ หน่วยนิติกรของ รัฐ material wealth ความมั่งคั่งทางวัตถุ measurement การวัด measures มาตรการ model building การสร้างแบบจำาลอง modernity ความทันสมัย NGO (non-governmental organization) องค์กรอิสระ normative theses ข้อสมมติเชิงจริยศาสตร์ official records บันทึกส่วนราชการ per se (ภาษาละติน)โดยตัวของมันเอง) perspective ทรรศนะ pluralism พหุนิยม political actor นักเล่นการเมือง political movement ความเคลื่อนไหวทางการ เมือง positivism ปฏิฐานนิยม post-structuralism ภาวะหลังโครงสร้างนิยม primary sources ข้อมูลปฐมภูมิ Private enterprises วิสาหกิจเอกชน public opinion ความเห็นจากสาธรณชน rational choice theory ทฤษฏีคิดก่อนทำา realism สัจนิยม recommendation การเสนอแนะ scholarly journal article บทความวารสารทาง วิชาการ secondary sources ข้อมูลทุติภูมิ social research การวิจัยเชิงสังคม social security reform การปฏิรูปงานประกัน สังคม stability ความมีเสถียรภาพ statistical analysis การวิเคราะห์ทางสถิติ structuralism โครงสร้างนิยม Supreme Court ศาลสูง survey research การวิจัยเชิงสำารวจ terminology คำาศัพท์ think-tank ระดับมันสมอง transfer (v) การโยกย้าย value คุณค่า variety ความหลากหลาย
  • 6. MCU-FSS: Wat Raikhing Campus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 6 involved with non-governmental organizations (NGOs) or political movements. In a variety of capacities, people educated and trained in political science can add value and expertise to corporations. Private enterprises such as think tanks, research institutes, polling and public relations firms often employ political scientists." In the United States, political scientists known as "Americanists look at a variety of data including constitutional development, elections, public opinion and public policy such as Social Security reform, foreign policy, US Congressional Committees, and the US Supreme Court — to name only a few issues. "As a discipline" political science, possibly like the social sciences as a whole, "lives on the fault line between the 'two cultures' in the academy, the sciences and the humanities."[4] Thus, in some American colleges where there is no separate School or College of Arts and Sciences per se, political science may be a separate department housed as part of a division or school of Humanities or Liberal Arts.[5] Whereas classical political philosophy is primarily defined by a concern for Hellenic and Enlightenment thought, political scientists are also marked by a great concern for "modernity" and the contemporary nation state, along with the study of classical thought, and as such share a greater deal of terminology with sociologists (e.g. structure and agency). ADJECTIVES classical ชั้นแนวหน้า/ ดีเด่น congressional แห่งรัฐสภา contemporary ร่วมสมัย diverse หลากหลาย intergovernmental ความร่วมมือจากรัฐบาล ประเทศต่างๆ intrastate เกี่ยวกับหรือที่มีอยู่ภายในรัฐ positive เชิงบวก primarily เบื้องต้น transnational ข้ามประเทศ/ เหนือผลประโยชน์ของประเทศ ADVERBS methodologically โดยทางวิธีการ possibly เป็นไปได้ VERBS add เพิ่ม advance เดินหน้า allocate จดสรร analyze วิเคราะห์ appropriate วางให้เหมาะสม compare เปรียบเทียบ (is) concerned เกี่ยวข้อง contribute เอื้อเฟื้อ deal จัดการ/ ดำาเนินการ define ให้คำานิยาม/ คำาจำากัดความ employ ว่าจ้าง examine ตรวจสอบ interact มีปฏิกิริยาต่อ involve เกี่ยวข้อง may serve as ทำางานในฐานะ measure ชั่ง-ตวง-วัด recommend แนะนำา run for office ลงสมัครเลือกตั้ง Modern political science Because political science is essentially a study of human behavior, in all aspects of politics, observations in controlled environments are often challenging to reproduce or duplicate, though experimental methods are increasingly common (see experimental political science). [8] Citing this difficulty, former American Political Science Association President Lawrence Lowell once said "We are limited by the impossibility of experiment. Politics is an observational, not an experimental science."[9] Because of this, political scientists have historically observed political elites, institutions, and individual or group behavior in order to identify patterns, draw generalizations, and build theories of politics. Like all social sciences, political science faces the NOUNS advent การเกิด/ การปรากฏ aspects ลักษณะ/รูปร่างหน้าตา/รูปการ/หลัก เกณฑ์/ทิศทาง complexity ความซับซ้อน designation การตั้งชื่อ/ การแต่งตั้ง/ การ กำาหนด doctorate ดุษฎีบัณฑิต/ ปริญญาเอก elite บุคคลชั้นแนวหน้า/ กลุ่มอิทธิพล environment สิ่งแวดล้อม generalization หลักการหรือกฎเกณฑ์ทั่วไป impact ผลกระทบกระเทือน impossibility ความเป็นไปได้ยาก object วัตถุ observation การสังเกต organism สิ่งมีชีวิต pattern รูปแบบ phenomena (phenomenon)ปรากฏการณ์/ ข้อ เท็จจริง/ สิ่งที่ประทับใจ/ บุคคลที่ประทับใจ pluralism พหุนิยม predecessor ผู้อยู่ในตำาแหน่งคนก่อน/ บรรพบุรุษ scholars นักวิชาการ/ ผู้เชี่ยวชาญ
  • 7. MCU-FSS: Wat Raikhing Campus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 7 difficulty of observing human actors that can only be partially observed and who have the capacity for making conscious choices unlike other subjects such as non-human organisms in biology or inanimate objects as in physics. Despite the complexities, contemporary political science has progressed by adopting a variety of methods and theoretical approaches to understanding politics and methodological pluralism is a defining feature of contemporary political science. Often in contrast with national media, political science scholars seek to compile long-term data and research on the impact of political issues, producing in-depth articles breaking down the issues The advent of political science as a university discipline was marked by the creation of university departments and chairs with the title of political science arising in the late 19th century. In fact, the designation "political scientist" is typically for those with a doctorate in the field. Integrating political studies of the past into a unified discipline is ongoing, and the history of political science has provided a rich field for the growth of both normative and positive political science, with each part of the discipline sharing some historical predecessors. The American Political Science Association was founded in 1903 and the American Political Science Review was founded in 1906 in an effort to distinguish the study of politics from economics and other social phenomena. ADJECTIVES conscious มีสติ inanimate ไม่มีชีวิต normative ในแนวทางปฏิบัติ/ ด้านบรรทัดฐาน observational จากการสังเกต ongoing ดำาเนินต่อไป/ ต่อเนื่อง ADVERBS despite/ though/ although/ even though แม้ว่า essentially ซึ่งขาดไม่ได้/ อย่างจำาเป็น in contrast ในทางตรงกันข้าม increasingly มากยิ่งขึ้น partially บางส่วน typically เป็นตัวอย่าง/ เป็นแบบฉบับ VERBS adopt รับเอา challenge ท้าทาย cite อ้างอิง compile รวบรวมและเรียบเรียง control บังคับ distinguish จำาแนก duplicate ทำาสำาเนา/จำาลองแบบ face เผชิญหน้า identify ชี้ตัว/ระบุ integrate บูรณาการ/ ควบรวม progress ก้าวหน้า reproduce ผลิตใหม่อีกครั้ง unify ทำาให้เป็นหน่วยเดียวกัน/รวมกัน/ทำาให้ เป็นแบบเดียวกัน/ทำาให้สอดคล้องกัน Behavioral revolution and new institutionalism In the 1950s and the 1960s, a behavioral revolution stressing the systematic and rigorously scientific study of individual and group behavior swept the discipline. A focus on studying political behavior, rather than institutions or interpretation of legal texts, characterized early behavioral political science, including work by Robert Dahl, Philip Converse, and in the collaboration between sociologist Paul Lazarsfeld and public opinion scholar Bernard Berelson. The late 1960s and early 1970s witnessed a take off in the use of deductive, game theoretic formal modeling techniques aimed at generating a more analytical corpus of NOUNS collaboration การร่วมมือกัน colleague เพื่อนร่วมงาน corpus ร่างกาย/ศพ/ รวมเรื่องเขียนขนาดใหญ่ proponent ผู้สนับสนุน/ผู้เสนอ revolution การเปลี่ยนแปลงอย่างขนานใหญ่/ การปฏิวัติ shift การเปลี่ยนแปลง surge ลักษณะขึ้นๆลงๆแบบรุนแรง take-off การเริ่มดำาเนินการ/ เครื่องบินบินขึ้น texts ตำารา ADJECTIVES deductive เป็นการอนุมาน/ เป็นการลงความ เห็นจากหลักทั่วไปเพื่อสู่เรื่องเฉพาะ formal เป็นทางการ legal ชอบด้วยกฎหมาย/ตามกฎหมาย systematic เป็นระบบ ADVERBS legally โดยนิตินัย rigorously
  • 8. MCU-FSS: Wat Raikhing Campus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 8 knowledge in the discipline. This period saw a surge of research that borrowed theory and methods from economics to study political institutions, such as the United States Congress, as well as political behavior, such as voting. William H. Riker and his colleagues and students at the University of Rochester were the main proponents of this shift. VERBS borrow ยืม characterize บอก หรือระบุคุณสมบัติหรือ ลักษณะเฉพาะ/ สร้างลักษณะพิเศษเฉพาะ stress เน้น sweep-swept-swept เก็บกวาด/ ขจัด witness เป็นพยาน Political science in the Soviet Union In the Soviet Union, political studies were carried out under the guise of some other disciplines like theory of state and law, area studies, international relations, studies of labor movement, "critique of bourgeois theories" etc. Soviet scholars were represented at the International Political Science Association (IPSA) since 1955 (since 1960 by the Soviet Association of Political and State Studies). In 1979 11th World Congress of IPSA took place in Moscow. Until the late years of the Soviet Union, political science as a field was subjected to tight control of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and was thus subjected to distrust. Anti-communists accused political scientists of being "false" scientists and of having served the old regime.[10] After the fall of the Soviet Union, two of the major institutions dealing with political science - the Institute of Contemporary Social Theories and the Institute of International Affairs - were disbanded, and most of their members were left without jobs. These institutes were victims of the first wave of anti-communist euphoria and of in many ways unfounded ideological attacks, despite many of the people working in these institutes being competent scientists with a proficient knowledge of political science, and some of them having played an important role in reforming the Communist Party.[10] Today the Russian Political Science Association unites professionals-political scientists from Russia itself. NOUNS guise หน้ากาก/ เครื่องบังหน้า bourgeois คนที่เป็นชั้นกลาง/พ่อค้า/ นักธุรกิจ/ distrust ไม่ไว้วางใจ regime ระบบการปกครอง affairs กิจการ victim เหยื่อ/ ผู้รับกรรม euphoria ความรู้สึกสบาย ADJECTIVES tight เข้มงวด false หลอกลวง major สำาคัญ ideological เกี่ยวกับมโนคติ proficient เชี่ยวชาญ ADVERBS VERBS carry out ดำาเนินการ represent เป็นตัวแทน take place เกิดขึ้นที่/ จัดงานที่ (is) subjected บังคับ accuse กล่าวหา disband ปลดประจำาการ/ ปลดออกจากงาน (lay-off) Recent developments In 2000, the Perestroika Movement in political science was introduced as a reaction against what supporters of the movement called the mathematicization of political science. Those who identified with the NOUNS reaction ปฏิกิริยา relevance ความสอดคล้องและสัมพันธ์กันและ กัน mechanism กลไก mathematicization ทำาให้เป็นระบบ คณิตศาสตร์ evolution วิวัฒนาการ features หน้าตา/โฉมหน้า/ สารคดีพิเศษ
  • 9. MCU-FSS: Wat Raikhing Campus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 9 movement argued for a plurality of methodologies and approaches in political science and for more relevance of the discipline to those outside of it.[11] Evolutionary psychology theories argue that humans have evolved a highly developed set of psychological mechanisms for dealing with politics. However, these mechanisms evolved for dealing with the small group politics that characterized the ancestral environment and not the much larger political structures in today's world. This is argued to explain many important features and systematic cognitive biases of current politics. [12] cognitive bias การขาดสติในการตัดสินใจ/ ความเบี่ยงเบนทางสติปัญญา conference การประชุมวิขาการ scholarship ทุนการศึกษา ADJECTIVES psychological เชิงจิตวิทยา evolutionary เชิงวิวัฒนาการ ancestral ที่ตกทอด/เกี่ยวกับบรรพบุรุษ current เป็นปัจจุบัน domestic ภายในประเทศ particular โดยเฉพาะ thematic หัวข้อ/ หัวเรื่องในการอภิปราย หรือ การประชุใหรือการทำางาน ADVERBS broadly โดยกว้างๆ VERBS introduce แนะนำา argue ถกเถียง/ แย้ง evolve วิวัฒนาการ organize จัดการองค์กร emphasize เน้น address ดำาเนินการเพื่อจัดการประเด็นปัญหา Most Political Scientists work broadly in one or more of the following five areas: • Comparative politics, including area studies • International relations • Political philosophy and theories • Public administration • Public law Some political science departments also classify methodology as well as scholarship on the domestic politics of a particular country as distinct sub fields. In the United States, American politics is often treated as a separate subfield. In contrast to this traditional classification, some academic departments organize scholarship into thematic categories, including political philosophy, political behavior (including public opinion, collective action, and identity), and political institutions (including legislatures and international organizations). Political science conferences and journals often emphasize scholarship in more specific categories. The American Political Science Association, for example, has 42 organized sections that address various methods and topics of political inquiry.[13] History of Political Science Political science as a separate field is a relatively late arrival in terms of social sciences. However, the term "political science" was not always distinguished from political philosophy, and the modern discipline has a clear set of antecedents including also moral philosophy, political economy, political theology, history, and other fields concerned
  • 10. MCU-FSS: Wat Raikhing Campus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 10 with normative determinations of what ought to be and with deducing the characteristics and functions of the ideal state. Ancient The antecedents of Western politics can be traced back to the Socratic political philosophers, Plato (427–347 BC), Xenophon (c. 430–354 BC), and Aristotle ("The Father of Political Science") (384–322 BC). These authors, in such works asThe Republic and Laws by Plato, and The Politics and Nicomachean Ethics by Aristotle, analyzed political systems philosophically, going beyond earlier Greek poetic and historical reflections which can be found in the works of epic poets like Homer and Hesiod, historians like Herodotus and Thucydides, and dramatists such as Sophocles, Aristophanes, and Euripides. During the height of the Roman Empire, famous historians such as Polybius, Livy and Plutarch documented the rise of the Roman Republic, and the organization and histories of other nations, while statesmen like Julius Caesar, Cicero and others provided us with examples of the politics of the republic and Rome's empire and wars. The study of politics during this age was oriented toward understanding history, understanding methods of governing, and describing the operation of governments. Nearly a thousand years elapsed, from the foundation of the city of Rome in 753 BC to the fall of the Roman Empire or the beginning of the Middle Ages. In the interim, there is a manifest translation of Hellenic culture into the Roman sphere. The Greek gods become Romans and Greek philosophy in one way or another turns into Roman law e.g. Stoicism. The Stoic was committed to preserving proper hierarchical roles and duties in the state so that the state as a whole would remain stable. Among the best known Roman Stoics were philosopher Seneca and the emperor Marcus Aurelius. Seneca, a wealthy Roman patrician, is often criticized by some modern commentators for failing to adequately live by his own precepts. The Meditations of Marcus Aurelius, on the other hand, can be best thought of as the philosophical reflections of an emperor divided between his philosophical aspirations and the duty he felt to defend the Roman Empire from its external enemies through his various military campaigns. According to Polybius, Roman institutions were the backbone of the empire but Roman law is the medulla.[14] Medieval Europe With the fall of the Western Roman Empire, there arose a more diffuse arena for political studies. The rise of monotheism and, particularly for the Western tradition, Christianity, brought to light a new space for politics and political action. Works such as Augustine of Hippo's The City of God synthesized current philosophies and political traditions with those of Christianity, redefining the borders between what was religious and what was political. During the Middle Ages, the study of politics was widespread in the churches and courts. Most of the political questions surrounding the relationship between church and state were clarified and contested in this period. The Arabs lost sight of Aristotle's political science but continued to study Plato's Republic which became the basic text of Judeo-Islamic political philosophy as in the works of Alfarabi and Averroes; this did not happen in the Christian world, where Aristotle's
  • 11. MCU-FSS: Wat Raikhing Campus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 11 Politics was translated in the 13th century and became the basic text as in the works of Saint Thomas Aquinas.[15] Renaissance During the Italian Renaissance, Niccolò Machiavelli established the emphasis of modern political science on direct empirical observation of political institutions and actors. Machiavelli was also a realist, arguing that even evil means should be considered if they help to create and preserve a desired regime. Machiavelli therefore also argues against the use of idealistic models in politics, and has been described as the father of the "politics model" of political science.[16] Later, the expansion of the scientific paradigm during the Enlightenment further pushed the study of politics beyond normative determinations. Enlightenment The works of the French philosophers Voltaire, Rousseau, Diderot to name a few are paragon for political analysis, social science, social and political critic. Their influence leading to the French revolution has been enormous in the development of modern democracy throughout the world. Like Machiavelli, Thomas Hobbes, well known for his theory of the social contract, believed that a strong central power, such as a monarchy, was necessary to rule the innate selfishness of the individual but neither of them believed in thedivine right of kings. John Locke, on the other hand, who gave us Two Treatises of Government and who did not believe in the divine right of kings either, sided with Aquinas and stood against both Machiavelli and Hobbes by accepting Aristotle's dictum that man seeks to be happy in a state of social harmony as a social animal. Unlike Aquinas' preponderant view on the salvation of the soul from original sin, Locke believed man comes into this world with a mind that is basically a tabula rasa. According to Locke, an absolute ruler as proposed by Hobbes is unnecessary, for natural law is based on reason and equality, seeking peace and survival for man. The new Western philosophical foundations that emerged from the pursuit of reason during the Enlightenment era helped pave the way for policies that emphasized a need for a separation of church and state. Principles similar to those that dominated the material sciences could be applied to society as a whole, originating the social sciences. Politics could be studied in a laboratory as it were, the social milieu. In 1787, Alexander Hamilton wrote: "...The science of politics like most other sciences has received great improvement." (The Federalist Papers Number 9 and 51). Both the marquis d'Argenson and the abbé de Saint- Pierre described politics as a science; d'Argenson was a philosopher and de Saint-Pierre an allied reformer of the enlightenment.[17] Other important figures in American politics who participated in the Enlightenment were Benjamin Franklin and Thomas Jefferson. 19th Century
  • 12. MCU-FSS: Wat Raikhing Campus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 12 The Darwinian models of evolution and natural selection exerted considerable influence in the late 19th century. Society seemed to be evolving every upward, a belief that was shattered by World War I. "History is past politics and politics present history" was the motto of the first generation of American political scientists, 1882-1900. The motto had been coined by the Oxford professor Edward Augustus Freeman, and was enshrined on the wall of the seminar room at Johns Hopkins University where the first large-scale training of America and political scientists began.[18] The founding professors of the field included Herbert Baxter Adams at Johns Hopkins, John Burgessand William Dunning at Columbia, Woodrow Wilson at Princeton, and Albert Bushnell Hart at Harvard. Their graduate seminars had a thick historical cast, which typically reflected their experience in German University seminars. However, succeeding generations of scholars progressively cut back on the history and deliberate fashion. The second generation wanted to model itself on the physical sciences.[19] In the Progressive Era in the United States (1890s-1920s), political science became not only a prestigious university curriculum but also an applied science that was welcomed as a way to apply expertise to the problems of governance. Among the most prominent applied political scientists were Woodrow Wilson,[20] Charles A. Beard, and Charles E. Merriam. Many cities and states set up research bureau to apply the latest results.[21] The Thai Government Ministries English Thai Since Office of the Prime Minister สำานักนายกรัฐมนตรี 1932 Ministry of Defense กระทรวงกลาโหม 1887 Ministry of Finance กระทรวงการคลัง 1873 Ministry of Foreign Affairs กระทรวงการต่างประเทศ 1875 Ministry of Tourism and Sports กระทรวงการท่องเที่ยวและกีฬา 2002 Ministry of Social Development and Human Security กระทรวงการพัฒนาสังคมและความมั่นคง ของมนุษย์ 2002 Ministry of Agriculture and Cooperatives กระทรวงเกษตรและสหกรณ์ 1892 Ministry of Transport กระทรวงคมนาคม 1912 Ministry of Natural Resources and Environment กระทรวงทรัพยากรธรรมชาติและสิ่ง แวดล้อม 2002 Ministry of Information and Communication Technology กระทรวงเทคโนโลยีสารสนเทศและการ สื่อสาร 2002 Ministry of Energy กระทรวงพลังงาน 2002 Ministry of Commerce กระทรวงพาณิชย์ 1892 Ministry of Interior กระทรวงมหาดไทย 1892 Ministry of Justice กระทรวงยุติธรรม 1891 Ministry of Labor กระทรวงแรงงาน 1993 Ministry of Culture กระทรวงวัฒนธรรม 2002 Ministry of Science and Technology กระทรวงวิทยาศาสตร์และเทคโนโลยี 1979
  • 13. MCU-FSS: Wat Raikhing Campus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 13 Ministry of Education กระทรวงศึกษาธิการ 1892 Ministry of Public Health กระทรวงสาธารณสุข 1942 Ministry of Industry กระทรวงอุตสาหกรรม 1942 References 1. Oxford Dictionary of Politics: political science 2. Political Science. The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill (1999-02-22). Retrieved on 7/19/2013-. 3. Britannica Concise Encyclopedia: political science 4. Stoner, J. R. (22 February 2008). "Political Science and Political Education". Paper presented at the annual meeting of the APSA Teaching and Learning Conference (APSA), San José Marriott, San José,
  • 14. MCU-FSS: Wat Raikhing Campus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 14 California. Retrieved 7/19/2013 "... although one might allege the same for social science as a whole, political scientists receive funding from and play an active role in both the National Science Foundation and the National Endowment for the Humanities [in the United States]." <http://www.allacademic.com/meta/p245585_index.html>. 5. See, e.g., the department of Political Science at Marist College, part of a Division of Humanities before that division became the School of Liberal Arts (c. 2000). 6. Politics is the term used to refer to this field by Brandeis University; Cornell College; University of California, Santa Cruz; Hendrix College; Lake Forest College; Monash University; Mount Holyoke College; New York University;Occidental College; Princeton University; Ursinus College; and Washington and Lee University. Government is the term used for this field by Bowdoin College; Colby College; Cornell University; Dartmouth College; Georgetown University; Harvard University; Smith College; Wesleyan University; the College of William and Mary; the University of Sydney; the University of Texas at Austin; the University of Ulster; the University of Essex; Victoria University of Wellington, which has both a "School of Government" and a separate "Political Science and International Relations Programme"; and the London School of Economics and Political Science. Politics and government is the term used by the University of Puget Sound. Government and politics is used by the University of Maryland, College Park. 7. Vernardakis, George (1998). Graduate education in government. University Press of America. p. 77. "...existing practices at Harvard University, the University of California at Berkeley, and the University of Michigan." 8. Druckman, James; Green, Donald; Kuklinski, James et al., eds. (2011). Cambridge Handbook of Experimental Political Science. New York: Cambridge University Press. 9. Lowell, A. Lawrence. 1910. "The Physiology of Politics." American Political Science Review 4: 1-15. 10. Political Science in Russia: Institutionalization of the Discipline and Development of the Professional Community 11. Chronicle of Higher Education 2001 12. Michael Bang Petersen. "The evolutionary psychology of mass politics". In Roberts, S. C. (2011). Applied Evolutionary Psychology. Oxford University Press. 13. APSA Organized Sections | APSA 14. Aabriel Abraham (2002). Ventures in political science. Lynne Rienner Publishers. p. 29. "Polybius attributes the remarkable growth and power of Rome to its political institutions." 15. Muhsin, Mahdi (2001). Alfarabi and the foundation of Islamic political philosophy. p. 35. 16.Lane, Ruth (1996). Political science in theory and practice: the 'politics' model. M. E. Sharpe. p. 89. 17.Gay, Peter (1996). The enlightenment 2. W. W. Norton & Co. p. 448. "The men of the Enlightenment sensed that they could realize their social ideals only by political means." 18. Herbert Baxter Adams (1883). The Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science. p. 12. 19. Seymour Martin Lipsett, ed., Politics and the Social Sciences (1969) pp 1-3 20. Glenn Hastedt, "Woodrow Wilson and Literature on Political Science," White House Studies (2011) 10#4 pp 451-458 21. Richard K. Fleischman and R. Penny Marquette, "Chapters in Ohio Progressivism: The Cincinnati and Dayton Bureaus of Municipal Research and Accounting Reform," Ohio History (1988) 98#1 pp 133- 144. online GLOSSARIES ภาคคำาศัพท์อธิบายที่แทรกอยู่ในหนังสือ GENRAL POLITICAL SCIENCE GLOSSARY
  • 15. MCU-FSS: Wat Raikhing Campus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 15 Cognitive Biases: A cognitive bias is a pattern of deviation in judgment, whereby inferences of other people and situations may be drawn in an illogical fashion.[1] Individuals create their own “subjective social reality” from their perception of the input.[2] An individual’s construction of social reality, not the objective input, may dictate their behavior in the social world.[3] Thus, cognitive biases may sometimes lead to perceptual distortion, inaccurate judgment, illogical interpretation, or what is broadly called irrationality.[4][5][6] Some cognitive biases are presumably adaptive. Cognitive biases may lead to more effective actions in a given context.[7] Furthermore, cognitive biases enable faster decisions when timeliness is more valuable than accuracy, as illustrated in heuristics.[8] Other cognitive biases are a “by-product” of human processing limitations,[9] resulting from a lack of appropriate mental mechanisms (bounded rationality), or simply from a limited capacity for information processing.[10] A continually evolving list of cognitive biases has been identified over the last six decades of research on human judgment and decision-making in cognitive science, social psychology, and behavioral economics. Cognitive biases are important to study because “systematic errors” highlight the “psychological processes that underlie perception and judgement” (Tversky & Kahneman,1999, p. 582). Moreover, Kahneman and Tversky (1996) argue cognitive biases have efficient practical implications for areas including clinical judgment.[11] Common 6 Cognitive Biases 1. The Fundamental attribution error (FAE), also known as the correspondence bias (Baumeister & Bushman, 2010) is the tendency for people to over-emphasize personality-based explanations for behaviours observed in others. At the same time, individuals under-emphasizie the role and power of situational influences on the same behaviour. Jones and Harris’ (1967)[12] classic study illustrates the FAE. Despite being made aware that the target’s speech direction (pro-Castro/anti-Castro) was assigned to the writer, participants ignored the situational pressures and attributed pro-Castro attitudes to the writer when the speech represented such attitudes. 2. The Confirmation bias is the tendency to search for or interpret information in a way that confirms one's preconceptions. In addition, individuals may discredit information that does not support their views.[13] The confirmation bias is related to the concept of cognitive dissonance. Whereby, individuals may reduce inconsistency by searching for information which re-confirms their views (Jermias, 2001, p. 146).[14] 3. Self-serving bias is the tendency to claim more responsibility for successes than failures. It may also manifest itself as a tendency for people to evaluate ambiguous information in a way beneficial to their interests. 4. Belief bias is when one's evaluation of the logical strength of an argument is biased by their belief in the truth or falsity of the conclusion. 5. Framing by using a too-narrow approach and description of the situation or issue. 6. Hindsight bias, sometimes called the "I-knew-it-all-along" effect, is the inclination to see past events as being predictable. A 2012 Psychological Bulletin article suggests that at least 8 seemingly unrelated biases can be produced by the same information-theoretic generative mechanism.[15] It is shown that noisy deviations in the memory-based information processes that convert objective evidence (observations) into subjective estimates (decisions) can produce regressive conservatism, the conservatism (Bayesian), illusory correlations, better-than- average effect and worse-than-average effect, subadditivity effect, exaggerated expectation, overconfidence, and the hard–easy effect. Notes 1. Haselton, M. G., Nettle, D., & Andrews, P. W. (2005). The evolution of cognitive bias. In D. M. Buss (Ed.), The Handbook of Evolutionary Psychology: Hoboken, NJ, US: John Wiley & Sons Inc. pp. 724–746. 2.Bless, H., Fiedler, K., & Strack, F. (2004). Social cognition: How individuals construct social reality. Hove and New York: Psychology Press. p. 2. 3. Bless, H., Fiedler, K., & Strack, F. (2004). Social cognition: How individuals construct social reality. Hove and New York: Psychology Press. 4. Kahneman, D.; Tversky, A. (1972). "Subjective probability: A judgment of representativeness". Cognitive Psychology 3 (3): 430– 454. doi:10.1016/0010-0285(72)90016-3. 5.Baron, J. (2007). Thinking and deciding (4th ed.). New York, NY: Cambridge University Press. 6. Ariely, D. (2008). Predictably irrational: The hidden forces that shape our decisions. New York, NY: HarperCollins. 7.For instance: Gigerenzer, G. & Goldstein, D. G. (1996). "Reasoning the fast and frugal way: Models of bounded rationality.". Psychological Review 103: 650–669. 8.Tversky, A., & Kahneman, D. (1974). "Judgement under uncertainty: Heuristics and biases.". Sciences 185: 1124–1131. 9. Haselton, M. G., Nettle, D., & Andrews, P. W. (2005). The evolution of cognitive bias. In D. M. Buss (Ed.), The Handbook of Evolutionary Psychology: Hoboken, NJ, US: John Wiley & Sons Inc. pp. 724–746. 10. Bless, H., Fiedler, K., & Strack, F. (2004). Social cognition: How individuals construct social reality. Hove and New York: Psychology Press. 11.Kahneman, D., & Tversky, A. (1996). "On the reality of cognitive illusions". Psychological Review 103 (3): 582–591. 12. Jones, E. E., & Harris, V. A (1967). "The attribution of attitudes". Journal of Experimental Social Psychology 3: 1–24. 13. Mahoney, M. J. (1977). "Publication prejudices: An experimental study of confirmatory bias in the peer review system". Cognitive Therapy and Research, 1 (2): 161–175.
  • 16. MCU-FSS: Wat Raikhing Campus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 16 14. Jermias, J. (2001). "Cognitive dissonance and resistance to change: The influence of commitment confirmation and feedback on judgement usefulness of accounting systems". Accounting, Organizations and Society 26: 141–160. 15. Martin Hilbert (2012) "Toward a synthesis of cognitive biases: How noisy information processing can bias human decision making". Psychological Bulletin, 138(2), 211–237; free access to the study here: martinhilbert.net/HilbertPsychBull.pdf Comparative politics Comparative politics is a field and a method used in political science, characterized by an empirical approach based on the comparative method. In other words comparative politics is the study of the domestic politics, political institutions, and conflicts of countries. It often involves comparisons among countries and through time within single countries, emphasizing key patterns of similarity and difference. Arend Lijphart argues that comparative politics does not have a substantive focus in itself, but rather a methodological one: it focuses on "the how but does not specify the what of the analysis."[1] In other words, comparative politics is not defined by the object of its study, but rather by the method it applies to study political phenomena. Peter Mair and Richard Rose advance a slightly different definition, arguing that comparative politics is defined by a combination of a substantive focus on the study of countries' political systems and a method of identifying and explaining similarities and differences between these countries using common concepts.[2][3] Rose states that, on his definition: "The focus is explicitly or implicitly upon more than one country, thus following familiar political science usage in excluding within-nation comparison. Methodologically, comparison is distinguished by its use of concepts that are applicable in more than one country."[3] When applied to specific fields of study, comparative politics may be referred to by other names, such as for example comparative government (the comparative study of forms of government) or comparative foreign policy (comparing the foreign policies of different States in order to establish general empirical connections between the characteristics of the State and the characteristics of its foreign policy). Sometimes, especially in the United States, the term "comparative politics" is used to refer to "the politics of foreign countries." This usage of the term, however, is often considered incorrect.[4][5] "Comparative political science" as a general term for an area of study, as opposed to a methodology of study, can be seen as redundant. The political only shows as political when either an overt or tacit comparison is being made. A study of a single political entity, whether a society, subculture or period, would show the political as simple brute reality without comparison with another society, subculture, or period. The highest award in the discipline of Comparative Politics is the Karl Deutsch award, awarded by the International Political Science Association. So far, it has been given to Juan Linz (2003), Charles Tilly (2006), Giovanni Sartori (2009: Parties and party systems), and Alfred Stephan (2012: Arguing Comparative Politics). Notes 1. Lijphart, Arend (1971). "Comparative politics and the comparative method". American Political Science Review 65 (3): 682– 693. doi:10.2307/1955513. JSTOR 1955513. 2. Mair, Peter (1996). "Comparative politics: An introduction to comparative.overview". In Goodin, Robert E.; Klingemann, Hans-Dieter. A New Handbook of Political Science. Oxford: Oxford University Press. pp. 309–335. 3. Rose, Richard; MacKenzie, W. J. M. (1991). "Comparing forms of comparative analysis". Political Studies 39 (3): 446– 462. doi:10.1111/j.1467-9248.1991.tb01622.x. 4. Hopkin, J. [2002 (1995)] "Comparative Methods", in Marsh, D. and G. Stoker (ed.) Theory and Methods in Political Science, Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 249-250 5. van Biezen, Ingrid; Caramani, Daniele (2006). "(Non)comparative politics in Britain". Politics 26 (1): 29–37. doi:10.1111/j.1467- 9256.2006.00248.x. International Relations (IR) International Relations (IR) is the study of relationships among countries, the roles of sovereign states, inter-governmental organizations (IGO), international non-governmental organizations(INGO), non- governmental organizations (NGO), and multinational corporations (MNC). International relations is an academic and a public policy field, and so can be positive and normative, because it analyzes and formulates the foreign policy of a given State. As political activity, international relations dates from the time of the Greek historian Thucydides (ca. 460–395 BC), and, in the early 20th century, became a discrete academic field (No. 5901 in the 4-digit UNESCO Nomenclature) within political science. However, International Relations is an interdisciplinary field of study (Columbia Encyclopedia (1993). Besides political science, the field of International Relations draws intellectual materials from the fields technology and engineering, economics, history, and international law, philosophy, geography, and social work, sociology, anthropology, and criminology, psychology and gender studies, cultural studies and culturology .The scope of International Relations comprehends globalization, state sovereignty, and international security, ecological sustainability, nuclear proliferation, and nationalism, economic development and global finance, terrorism and organized crime, security, foreign, and human rights. The nation state is a state that self-identifies as deriving its political legitimacy from serving as a sovereign entity for a nation as a sovereign territorial unit.[1] The state is a political and geopolitical entity; the nation is a cultural and/or ethnic entity. The term "nation state" implies that the two geographically coincide.
  • 17. MCU-FSS: Wat Raikhing Campus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 17 Nation state formation took place at different times in different parts of the world, but has become the dominant form of state organization. The concept and actuality of the nation state can be compared and contrasted with that of the multinational state, city state,[2][3][4] empire, confederation, and other state forms with which it may overlap. The key distinction from the other forms is the identification of a people with a polity. Notes 1. Such a definition is a working one: "All attempts to develop terminological consensus around nation resulted in failure", concludesTishkov, Valery (2000). "Forget the 'nation': post-nationalist understanding of nationalism". Ethnic and Racial Studies 23 (4): 625–650 [p. 627]. Connor, Walker (1978). "A Nation is a Nation, is a State, is an Ethnic Group, is a...". Ethnic and Racial Studies 1: 377–400. Discusses the impresion surrounding the characters of nation, state, nation state, andnationalism Connor, who gave the term ethnonationalism wide currency, discusses the tendency to confuse nation and state, and to treat all states as nation states. Sheila L. Crouche, Globalization and belongingdiscusses "The Definitional Dilemma" pp85ff. 2. Peter Radan (2002). The break-up of Yugoslavia and international law. Psychology Press. p. 14. Retrieved 25 November 2010. 3. Alfred Michael Boll (2007). Multiple nationality and international law. Martinus Nijhoff Publishers. p. 67. Retrieved 25 November 2010. 4.Daniel Judah Elazar (1998). Covenant and civil society: the constitutional matrix of modern democracy. Transaction Publishers. p. 129. ISBN 978-1-56000-311-3. Retrieved 25 November 2010. Perestroika Movement The Perestroika Movement is a loose-knit intellectual tendency in academic political science which seeks to expand methodological pluralism in order to make the discipline more accessible and relevant to laypeople and non-specialist academics. Established in 2000, the movement was organized in response to the perceived hegemony of quantitative and mathematical methodology in the field. Such dominance breeds academic isolation and poor scholarship, the movement's leaders contend. The Perestroika Movement began in 2000 with an anonymous e-mail message sent by one “Mr. Perestroika” to the editors of the American Political Science Review calling for "a dismantling of the Orwellian system [2] that we have in APSA."[1] The message went to seventeen recipients who quickly forwarded it to others, and within weeks the Perestroika Movement became a force calling for change in the American political science community (Monroe 2005). Notes Monroe, Kristen Renwick, (ed. 2005). Perestroika!: The Raucous Rebellion in Political Science (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2005). 1. E-mail from Mr. Perestroika, October 17, 2000. 2. "Orwellian" is an adjective describing the situation, idea, or societal condition that George Orwell identified as being destructive to the welfare of a free and open society. It connotes an attitude and a policy of control by propaganda, surveillance, misinformation, denial of truth, and manipulation of the past, including the "unperson" — a person whose past existence is expunged from the public record and memory, practiced by modern repressive governments. Often, this includes the circumstances depicted in his novels, particularly Nineteen Eighty-Four.[1] Nineteen Eighty-Four uses themes from life in the Soviet Union and wartime life in Great Britain as sources for many of its motifs.[2] Orwell's ideas about personal freedom and state authority developed when he was a British colonial administrator in Burma. He was fascinated by the effect of colonialism on the individual, requiring acceptance of the idea that the colonialist exists only for the good of the colonised.[citation needed] There has also been a great deal of discourse on the possibility that Orwell galvanized his ideas of oppression during his experience, and his subsequent writings in the English press, in Spain. Orwell was a member of the Workers' Party of Marxist Unification (POUM) militia and suffered suppression and escaped arrest by the Comintern (Communist International/ The Third International (1919- 1943) faction working within the Republican Government. Following his escape he made a strong case for defending the Spanish revolution from the Communists there, and the misinformation in the press at home. During this period he formed strong ideas about the reportage of events, and their context in his own ideas of imperialism and democracy. This often brought him into conflict with literary peers such as W.H. Auden and Stephen Spender.[3] The adjective Orwellian refers to these behaviors of The Party, especially when the Party is the State: • Invasion of personal privacy, either directly physically or indirectly by surveillance. • State control of its citizens' daily life, as in a "Big Brother" society. • Official encouragement of policies contributing to the socio-economic disintegration of the family. • The adoration of state leaders and their Party.
  • 18. MCU-FSS: Wat Raikhing Campus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 18 • The encouragement of "doublethink", whereby the population must learn to embrace inconsistent concepts without dissent, e.g. giving up liberty for freedom. Similar terms used are "doublespeak", and "newspeak". • The revision of history in the favour of the State's interpretation of it. • A (generally) dystopian future. • The use of euphemism to describe an agency, program or other concept, especially when the name denotes the opposite of what is actually occurring. E.g. a department that wages war is called the "Ministry of Peace" or "Ministry of Defence". Notes 1. The Oxford Companion to English Literature, Sixth Edition. University of Oxford Press: 2000. p. 726. 2. Tzouliadis, Tim (2008). The Forsaken. New York: Penguin Press. pp. 48–49. 3."I am not one of your fashionable pansies like Auden and Spender", 'Orwell in Spain' is the current compilation of Orwell's writings on Spain. http://www.amazon.co.uk/Orwell-Spain-Penguin-Modern-Classics/dp/0141185163 Pluralism Pluralist conception of power The list of possibilities is virtually endless: legal authority, money, prestige, skill, knowledge, charisma, legitimacy, free time, and experience. Pluralists also stress the differences between potential and actual power as it stands. Actual power means the ability to compel someone to do something and is the view of power as a causation. Dahl describes power as a "realistic relationship, such as A's capacity for acting in such a manner as to control B's responses" [A preface to Democratic Theory]. Potential power refers to the possibility of turning resources into actual power. Cash, one of many resources, is only a stack of bills until it is put to work. Malcolm X, for example, was certainly not a rich person. But by using resources such as his forceful personality, organizational skills, and especially the legitimacy of his cause, he had a greater impact on American politics than most wealthy people. A particular resource like money cannot automatically be equated with power because the resource can be used skillfully or clumsily, fully or partially, or not at all. The pluralist approach to the study of power, states that nothing categorical about power can be assumed in any community. The question then is not who runs a community, but if any group in fact does. To determine this, pluralists study specific outcomes. The reason for this is that they believe human behavior is governed in large part by inertia. That said, actual involvement in overt activity is a more valid marker of leadership than simply a reputation. Pluralists also believe that there is no one particular issue or point in time at which any group must assert itself to stay true to its own expressed values, but rather that there are a variety of issues and points at which this is possible. There are also costs involved in taking action at all—not only losing, but expenditure of time and effort. While a structuralist may argue that power distributions have a rather permanent nature, this rationale says that power may in fact be tied to issues, which vary widely in duration. Also, instead of focusing on actors within a system, the emphasis is on the leadership roles itself. By studying these, it can be determined to what extent there is a power structure present in a society. Three of the major tenets of the pluralist school are (1) resources and hence potential power are widely scattered throughout society; (2) at least some resources are available to nearly everyone; and (3) at any time the amount of potential power exceeds the amount of actual power. Finally, and perhaps most important, no one is all-powerful unless proven so through empirical observation. An individual or group that is influential in one realm may be weak in another. Large military contractors certainly throw their weight around on defense matters, but how much sway do they have on agricultural or health policies? A measure of power, therefore, is its scope, or the range of areas where it is successfully applied as observed by a researcher. Pluralists believe that with few exceptions power holders usually have a relatively limited scope of influence. Pluralism does leave room for an elitist situation- Should a group A continuously exert power over multiple groups. For a pluralist to accept this notion, it must be empirically observed and not assumed so by definition. For all these reasons power cannot be taken for granted. One has to observe it empirically in order to know who really governs. The best way to do this, pluralists believe, is to examine a wide range of specific decisions, noting who took which side and who ultimately won and lost. Only by keeping score on a variety of controversies can one begin to identify actual power holders. Pluralism was associated with behavioralism[2] A contradiction to pluralist power is often cited from the origin of one's power. Although certain groups may share power, people within those groups set agendas, decide issues, and take on leadership roles through their own qualities. Some theorists argue that these qualities cannot be transferred, thus creating a system where elitism still exists. What this theory fails to take into account is the prospect of overcoming these qualities by garnering support from other groups. By aggregating power with other organizations, interest groups can over- power these non-transferable qualities. In this sense, political pluralism still applies to these aspects.
  • 19. MCU-FSS: Wat Raikhing Campus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 19 Elite pluralism There were some objections to this model of pluralism, especially by critics who argued that groups need a high level of resources and the support of patrons to contend for influence. This observation formed the basis for elite pluralism. This modified pluralism accounts for elements of elite theory and was advanced by scholars such as E.E. Schattschneider, who wrote that "The flaw in the pluralist heaven is that the heavenly chorus sings with a strong upper-class accent."[3] Neo-pluralism While Pluralism as a political theory of the state and policy formation gained its most traction during the 1950s and 1960s in America, some scholars argued that the theory was too simplistic (see Connolly (1969) The Challenge to Pluralist Theory) - leading to the formulation of neo-pluralism. Views differed about the division of power in democratic society. Although neo-pluralism sees multiple pressure groups competing over political influence, the political agenda is biased towards corporate power. Neo-pluralism no longer sees the state as an umpire mediating and adjudicating between the demands of different interest groups, but as a relatively autonomous actor (with different departments) that forges and looks after its own (sectional) interests. Constitutional rules, which in pluralism are embedded in a supportive political culture, should be seen in the context of a diverse, and not necessarily supportive, political culture and a system of radically uneven economic sources. This diverse culture exists because of an uneven distribution of socioeconomic power. This creates possibilities for some groups - while limiting others - in their political options. In the international realm, order is distorted by powerful multinational interests and dominant states, while in classical pluralism emphasis is put on stability by a framework of pluralist rules and free market society. There are two significant theoretical critiques on pluralism: Corporatism and Neo-Marxism. Notes: 1. Held, David. (2006). Models of Democracy. 3rd Edition (20 Jun 2006): Polity Press. 2. Pluralism. http://www.socialstudieshelp.com/APGOV_pluralism.htm: retrieved 18/7/2013 3. Schattschneider, E.E. (1960). The Semi-Sovereign People. New York: Holt. Rinehart and Winston, p. 35. Politics Politics (from Greek: politikos, meaning "of, for, or relating to citizens"), it is the practice and theory of influencing other people on a civic or individual level. More narrowly, it refers to achieving and exercising positions of governance — organized control over a human community, particularly a state. A variety of methods is employed in politics, which include promoting its own political views among people, negotiation with other political subjects, making laws, and exercising force, including warfare against adversaries. Politics is exercised on a wide range of social levels, from clans and tribes of traditional societies, through modern local governments, companies and institutions up to sovereign states, to international level. Political philosophy Political philosophy is the study of such topics as politics, liberty, justice, property, rights, law, and the enforcement of a legal code by authority: what they are, why (or even if) they are needed, what, if anything, makes a government legitimate, what rights and freedoms it should protect and why, what form it should take and why, what the law is, and what duties citizens owe to a legitimate government, if any, and when it may be legitimately overthrown, if ever. In a vernacular sense, the term "political philosophy" often refers to a general view, or specific ethic, political belief or attitude, about politics that does not necessarily belong to the technical discipline of philosophy. In short, political philosophy is the activity, as with all philosophy, whereby the conceptual apparatus behind such concepts as aforementioned are analyzed, in their history, intent, evolution and the like.[(Hampton, 1997) Hampton, Jean (1997). Political Philosophies and Political Ideologies. WestviewPress. p. xiii(13) in Patriotic Elaborations: Essays in Practical Philosophy, Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2009. Political system Political system is a framework which defines acceptable political methods within a given society. History of political thought can be traced back to early antiquity, with seminal works such as Plato's Republic, Aristotle's Politics and opus of Confucius. Public administration Public administration is concerned with the implementation of government policy, and is an academic discipline that studies this implementation and prepares civil servants for working in the public service.[1] As a "field of inquiry with a diverse scope" its "fundamental goal... is to advance management and policies so that government can function."[2] Some of the various definitions which have been offered for the term are: "the management of public programs";[3] the "translation of politics into the reality that citizens see every day";[4] and
  • 20. MCU-FSS: Wat Raikhing Campus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 20 "the study of government decision making, the analysis of the policies themselves, the various inputs that have produced them, and the inputs necessary to produce alternative policies."[5] Public administration is "centrally concerned with the organization of government policies and programs as well as the behavior of officials (usually non-elected) formally responsible for their conduct"[6] Many unelected public servants can be considered to be public administrators, including heads of city, county, regional, state and federal departments such as municipal budget directors, human resources (H.R.) administrators, city managers, census managers, state mental health directors, and cabinet secretaries.[4] Public administrators are public working in public departments and agencies, at all levels of government.[4] In the US, civil servants and academics such as Woodrow Wilson promoted American civil service reform in the 1880s, moving public administration into academia.[7] However, "until the mid-20th century and the dissemination of the German sociologist Max Weber's theory of bureaucracy" there was not "much interest in a theory of public administration."[8] The field is multidisciplinary in character; one of the various proposals for public administration's sub-fields sets out six pillars, including human resources, organizational theory, policy analysis and statistics, budgeting, and ethics.[9] Notes: 1. Random House Unabridged Dictionary 2. Handbook of Public Administration. Eds Jack Rabin, W. Bartley Hildreth, and Gerard J. Miller. 1989: Marcel Dekker, NY. p. iii 3. Robert and Janet Denhardt. Public Administration: An Action Orientation. 6th Ed. 2009: Thomson Wadsworth, Belmont CA. 4. Kettl, Donald and James Fessler. (2009). The Politics of the Administrative Process. Washington D.C.: CQ Press. 5. Jerome B. McKinney and Lawrence C. Howard.(1998). Public Administration: Balancing Power and Accountability. 2nd Ed. 1998: Praeger Publishing, Westport, CT. p. 62 6. UN Economic and Social Council. Committee of Experts on Public Administration. Definition of basic concepts and terminologies in governance and public administration. 2006 7. Wilson, Woodrow. (June, 1887). The Study of Administration, Political Science Quarterly 2. 8. Public administration. (2010) In Encyclopaedia Britannica. Retrieved August 18, 2010, from Encyclopaedia Britannica Online. 9. Shafritz, J.M., A.C. Hyde.( 2007. Classics of Public Administration. Wadsworth: Boston. Public law Public law (lat. ius publicum) is that part of law which governs relationships between individuals and the government, and those relationships between individuals which are of direct concern to the society (Martin, 2003). Public law comprisesconstitutional law, administrative law, tax law and criminal law,[Martin, 2003] as well as all procedural law. In public law, mandatory rules (not optional) prevail. Laws concerning relationships between individuals belong to private law. The relationships public law governs are asymmetric and unequal – government bodies (central or local) can make decisions about the rights of individuals. However, as a consequence of the rule of law doctrine, authorities may only act within the law (secundum et intra legem). The government must obey the law. For example, a citizen unhappy with a decision of an administrative authority can ask a court for judicial review. Rights, too, can be divided into private rights and public rights. A paragon of a public right is the right to welfare benefits – only a natural person can claim such payments, and they are awarded through an administrative decision out of the government budget. The distinction between public law and private law dates back to Roman law. It has been picked up in the countries of civil law tradition at the beginning of the 19th century, but since then spread to common law countries, too. The borderline between public law and private law is not always clear in particular cases, giving rise to attempts of theoretical understanding of its basis. Notes Elizabeth A. Martin (2003). Oxford Dictionary of Law (7th ed. ed.). Oxford: Oxford University Press Polity A polity is a state or one of its subordinate civil authorities, such as a province, prefecture, county, municipality, city, or district.[1] It is generally understood to mean a geographic area with a corresponding government. Thomas Hobbes considered bodies politic in this sense in Leviathan.[2] In previous centuries, body politic was also understood to mean "the physical person of the sovereign:" emperor, king or dictator in monarchies and despotisms, and the electorate in republics. In present times, it may also refer to representation of a group, such as ones drawn along the ethnic or the gender lines. Cabinets in liberal democracies are chosen to represent the body politics. Notes: 1. Black's Law Dictionary, 4th ed., West Publishing Co., (1968), and Uricich v. Kolesar, 54 Ohio App. 309, 7 N.E. 2d 413. 2. Thomas Hobbes, Leviathan, (1651); http://www.earlymoderntexts.com/pdf/hobblev2.pdf; accessed 28 November 2008.
  • 21. MCU-FSS: Wat Raikhing Campus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 21 POLITICAL SCIENCE LEADING PHILOSOPHERS Aristotle (Ancient Greek: Ἀριστοτέλης [aristotélɛːs], Aristotélēs) (384 BC –322 BC) [1] Aristotle was a Greek philosopher and polymath, a student of Plato and teacher of Alexander the Great. His writings cover many subjects including physics, metaphysics, poetry, theater, music, logic, and rhetoric. He also wrote linguistics, politics, government, ethics, biology, and zoology. Together with Plato and Socrates , Plato's teacher, Aristotle is one of the most important founding figures in Western philosophy. Aristotle's writings were the first to create a comprehensive system of Western philosophy, encompassing ethics, logic, science, politics, aesthetics, and metaphysics. Marcus Tullius Cicero (/ˈsɪsɨroʊ/; Classical Latin: [markʊs tul.ljʊs ˈkɪkɛroː]; 3 January 106 BC – 7 December 43 BC; sometimes anglicized as Tully[1] ) Marcus Tullius Cicero was a Roman philosopher, statesman, lawyer, orator, political theorist, consul and constitutionalist. He came from a wealthy municipal family of the equestrian order, and is widely considered one of Rome's greatest orators and prose stylists.[2][3] His influence on the Latin language was so immense that the subsequent history of prose in not only Latin but European languages up to the 19th century was said to be either a reaction against or a return to his style.[4] According to Michael Grant, "the influence of Cicero upon the history of European literature and ideas greatly exceeds that of any other prose writer in any language".[5] Cicero introduced the Romans to the chief schools of Greek philosophy and created a Latin philosophical vocabulary (with neologisms such as humanitas, qualitas, quantitas, andessentia)[6] distinguishing himself as a linguist, translator, and philosopher. Petrarch's rediscovery of Cicero's letters is often credited for initiating the 14th-century Renaissance. [7] According to Polish historian Tadeusz Zieliński, "Renaissance was above all things a revival of Cicero, and only after him and through him of the rest of Classical antiquity."[8] The peak of Cicero's authority and prestige came during the eighteenth-century Enlightenment,[9] and his impact on leading Enlightenment thinkers such as John Locke, David Hume, and Montesquieu was substantial.[10] His works rank among the most influential in European culture, and today still constitute one of the most important bodies of primary material for the writing and revision of Roman history, especially the last days of the Roman Republic.[11] Though he was an accomplished orator and successful lawyer, Cicero believed his political career was his most important achievement. It was during his consulship that the Second Catilinarian Conspiracy attempted the government overthrow through an attack on the city from outside forces, and Cicero suppressed the revolt by executing five conspirators without due process. During the chaotic latter half of the 1st century BC marked by civil wars and the dictatorship of Gaius Julius Caesar, Cicero championed a return to the traditional republican government. Following Julius Caesar's death Cicero became an enemy of Mark Antony in the ensuing power struggle, attacking him in a series of speeches. He was proscribed as an enemy of the state by the Second Triumvirate and subsequently murdered in 43 BC. Notes 1. H. Jones, Master Tully: Cicero in Tudor England (Nieuwkoop: De Graaf, 1998). 2. Rawson, Elizabeth. (1975). Cicero: A Portrait (Allen Lane, Penguin Books Ltd., 1975). Revised edition: Bristol Classical Press, 1983. American edition of revised edition: Cornell University Press, 1983. p.303 3. Haskell, H.J. (1964) This was Cicero . Alfred A. Knopf. p.300–301 4. Merriam-Webster's Encyclopedia of Literature, "Ciceronian period" (1995) p. 244 5. Cicero,(ed. 1971) Selected Works. Penguin Books Ltd, Great Britain . pp.24 6. Conte, Gian. Bagio (1987).: "Latin Literature: a history" trans. Joseph B. Solodow. Baltimore, MA and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994 p.199 7. Wooton, David. (1996). Modern political thought : readings from Machiavelli to Nietzsche. Hackett Pub. Co, Indianapolis, Ind. p.1 8. Tadeusz Zieliński.(1908, 1912). Cicero Im Wandel Der Jahrhunderte. German Ed. Nabu Press. 9. Wood, Neal (1991). Cicero's Social and Political Thought. University of California Press. 10. Nicgorski, Walter. (2011). "Cicero and the Natural Law". Natural Law, Natural Rights, and American Constitutionalism. Online at http://www.nlnrac.org/classical/cicero 11. Miriam Griffin; John Boardman, Jasper Griffin, Oswyn Murray (15 January 2001). The Oxford Illustrated History of the Roman World. Oxford University Press. pp. 76–. Niccolò di Bernardo dei Machiavelli (Italian: [nikkoˈlɔ makjaˈvɛlli]; 3 May 1469 – 21 June 1527) Niccolò di Bernardo dei Machiavelli was an Italian historian, politician, diplomat, philosopher, humanist and writer based in Florence during the Renaissance. He was for many years an official in the Florentine Republic, with responsibilities in diplomatic and military affairs. He was a founder of modern political science, and more specifically political ethics. He also wrote comedies, carnival songs, and poetry. His personal correspondence is renowned in the Italian language. He was Secretary to the Second Chancery of the Republic of Florence from 1498 to 1512, when the Medici were out of power. He wrote
  • 22. MCU-FSS: Wat Raikhing Campus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 22 his masterpiece, The Prince, after the Medici had recovered power and he no longer held a position of responsibility in Florence. His moral and ethical beliefs led to the creation of the word Machiavellianism which has since been used to describe one of the three dark triad personalities in psychology. The Dark Triad is a group of three personality traits: narcissism, Machiavellianism and psychopathy, all of which are interpersonally aversive.[1][2][3] The Dark Triad refers to three theoretically distinct but empirically overlapping personality constructs.[4][5] The term reflects the perception that these three diagnostic categories have at least some common underlying factors:[6][7] • The narcissistic personality (in the clinical sense) is characterized by a grandiose self-view, a sense of entitlement, lack of empathy, and egotism. Some theories, such as those of Heinz Kohut, associate it with the protection of a radically weak, shamed, or damaged self.[8] • The Machiavellian personality is characterized by manipulation and exploitation of others, with a cynical (pessimistic, skeptical, disbelieving) disregard for morality and a focus on self- interest and deception.[9] • The psychopathic personality is characterized by impulsive thrill-seeking and in its "primary" form by selfishness, callousness or indifferent, lack of personal affect, superficial charm, and remorselessness. He asserted that social benefits of stability and security could be achieved in the face of moral corruption. Aside from that, Machiavelli believed that public and private morality had to be understood as two different things in order to rule well. As a result, a ruler must be concerned not only with reputation, but also must be positively willing to act immorally at the right times. As a political scientist, Machiavelli emphasized the occasional need for the methodical exercise of brute force or deceit. Notes 1. Robert M. Regoli; John D. Hewitt; Matt DeLisi (20 April 2011). Delinquency in Society: The Essentials. Jones & Bartlett Learning. p. 99. 2. W. Keith Campbell; Joshua D. Miller (7 July 2011). The Handbook of Narcissism and Narcissistic Personality Disorder: Theoretical Approaches, Empirical Findings, and Treatments. John Wiley & Sons. p. 154. 3. Mark R. Leary; Rick H. Hoyle (5 June 2009). Handbook of individual differences in social behavior. Guilford Press. p. 100. 4.Tomas Chamorro-Premuzic; Sophie von Stumm; Adrian Furnham (23 February 2011). The Wiley-Blackwell Handbook of Individual Differences. John Wiley & Sons. p. 527. 5. Paulhus, D. L., Williams, K. M. (2002). "The Dark Triad of personality: narcissism, Machiavellianism, and psychopathy". Journal of Research in Personality 36 (6): 556–563. 6. Leonard M. Horowitz; Stephen Strack, Ph.D. (14 October 2010). Handbook of Interpersonal Psychology: Theory, Research, Assessment and Therapeutic Interventions. John Wiley & Sons. pp. 252–255. Retrieved 15 February 2012. Plato (/ˈpleɪtoʊ/;[2] Greek: Πλάτων, Plátōn, "broad";[3] 428/427 BC[a] – 348/347 BC) Plato was a philosopher in Classical Greece. He was also a mathematician, student of Socrates, writer of philosophical dialogues, and founder of the Academy in Athens, the first institution of higher learning in the Western world. Along with his mentor, Socrates, and his student, Aristotle, Plato helped to lay the foundations of Western philosophy and science.[4] In the words of A. N. Whitehead: The safest general characterization of the European philosophical tradition is that it consists of a series of footnotes to Plato. I do not mean the systematic scheme of thought which scholars have doubtfully extracted from his writings. I allude to the wealth of general ideas scattered through them.[5] Plato's sophistication as a writer is evident in his Socratic dialogues; thirty-six dialogues and thirteen letters have been ascribed to him. Plato's writings have been published in several fashions; this has led to several conventions regarding the naming and referencing of Plato's texts.[6] Plato's dialogues have been used to teach a range of subjects, including philosophy,logic, ethics, rhetoric, religion and mathematics. Plato is one of the most important founding figures in Western philosophy. Notes 1.St-Andrews.ac.uk, St. Andrews University 2.Jones, Daniel; Roach, Peter, James Hartman and Jane Setter, eds.Cambridge English Pronouncing Dictionary. 17th edition. Cambridge UP, 2006. 3. Diogenes Laertius 3.4; p. 21, David Sedley, Plato's Cratylus, Cambridge University Press 2003; Seneca, Epistulae, VI, 58, 30: illi nomen latitudo pectoris fecerat. 4. "Plato". Encyclopaedia Britannica. 2002. 5. Process and Reality p. 39 6. Irwin, T. H., "The Platonic Corpus" in Fine, G. (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Plato (Oxford University Press, 2011), pp. 63–64 and 68– 70. POLITICAL SCIENCE PHILOSOPHIES AND THEORIES
  • 23. MCU-FSS: Wat Raikhing Campus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 23 Behavioralism Behavioralism (or behaviouralism in Britain: พฤติก รรมนิย ม ) is an approach in political science, which emerged in the 1930s in the United States. It represents a sharp break from previous political science. This is because it emphasized an objective, quantified approach to explain and predict political behavior.[1][2] It is associated with the rise of the behavioral sciences, modeled after the natural sciences.[3] This means that behavioralism claims it can explain political behavior from an unbiased, neutral point of view. Behavioralism seeks to examine the behavior, actions, and acts of individuals – rather than the characteristics of institutions such as legislatures, executives, and judiciaries – and groups in different social settings and explain this behavior as it relates to the political system.[4] David Easton was the first to differentiate behavioralism from behaviorism in the 1950s.[5] In the early 1940s, behaviorism itself was referred to as a behavioral science and later referred to as behaviorism. However, Easton sought to differentiate between the two disciplines:[6] Behavioralism was not a clearly defined movement for those who were thought to be behavioralists. It was more clearly definable by those who were opposed to it, because they were describing it in terms of the things within the newer trends that they found objectionable. So some would define behavioralism as an attempt to apply the methods of natural sciences to human behavior. Others would define it as an excessive emphasis upon quantification. Others as individualistic reductionism. From the inside, the practitioners were of different minds as what it was that constituted behavioralism. [...] And few of us were in agreement.[7] With this in mind, behavioralism resisted a single definition. Dwight Waldo emphasized that behavioralism itself is unclear, calling it "complicated" and "obscure."[8] Easton agreed, stating, "every man puts his own emphasis and thereby becomes his own behavioralist" and attempts to completely define behavioralism are fruitless.[9] From the beginning, behavioralism was a political, not a scientific concept. Moreover, since behavioralism is not a research tradition, but a political movement, definitions of behavioralism follow what behavioralists wanted.[6 Therefore, most introductions to the subject emphasize value-free research. This is evidenced by Easton’s eight “intellectual foundation stones” of behavioralism:[10][11] 1. Regularities – The generalization and explanation of regularities. 2. Commitment to Verification – The ability to verify ones generalizations. 3. Techniques – An experimental attitude toward techniques. 4. Quantification – Express results as numbers where possible or meaningful. 5. Values – Keeping ethical assessment and empirical explanations distinct. 6. Systemization – Considering the importance of theory in research. 7. Pure Science – Deferring to pure science rather than applied science. 8. Integration – Integrating social sciences and value. Subsequently, much of the behavioralist approach has been challenged by the emergence of postpositivism in political (particularly international relations) theory. Notes 1. Guy, James John (2000-08-01). People, Politics and Government: A Canadian Perspective. Pearson Education Canada. .p. 58 2. Petro, Nicolai (1995). The Rebirth of Russian Democracy: An Interpretation of Political Culture. Harvard University Press. P. 6 3. Guy, James John (2000-08-01). People, Politics and Government: A Canadian Perspective. Pearson Education Canada. .p 58 4. Walton, Hanes (1985). Invisible Politics. SUNY Press., pp 1–2 5. Easton, David (1953). The Political System. An Inquiry into the State of Political Science. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. p 151 6. Berndtson. "Behavioralism: Origins of the Concept". Archived from the original on 14 May 2009. Retrieved 2009-04-20. 7. David Easton in Baer, Michael A. (1991). Jewell, Malcom E. and Lee Sigelman (eds), ed. Political Science in America: Oral Histories of a Discipline. Lexington: The University Press of Kentucky.p 207 8. Waldo, Dwight (1975). "Political Science: Tradition, Discipline, Profession, Science, Enterprise". In Greenstein, Fred; Polsby, Nelson. Handbook of Political Science. Reading, Mass: Addison-Wesley., p 58 9. Easton, David (1962). "Introduction: The Current Meaning of "Behavioralism". In Charlesworth, James. Political Science. Philadelphia: American Academy of Political and Social Science, p 9 10. "Introduction to Political Science. Exam 2 Study guide". Retrieved 2008-01-18. 11. Riemer, Neal (1997). The New World of Politics: An Introduction to Political Science. Rowman & Littlefield, p. 50 Enlightenment thought POLITICAL THOUGHT Like the French Revolution, the Enlightenment has long been hailed as the foundation of modern Western political and intellectual culture.[1] It has been frequently linked to the French Revolution of 1789. However, as Roger Chartier points out, it was perhaps the Revolution that "invented the Enlightenment by attempting to root its legitimacy in a corpus of texts and founding authors reconciled and united ... by their preparation of a rupture with the old world".[2] In other words, the revolutionaries elevated to heroic status those philosophers, such as Voltaire and Rousseau, who could be used to justify their radical break with the Ancien Régime. In any case,