Girl Trafficking The Hidden Grief in Himalayas

GIRL TRAFFICKING
THE HIDDEN GRIEF IN HIMALAYAS
RENU RAJBHANDARI, M.D., M.P.H.
BINAYAK RAJBHANDARI, M.Sc., Ph.D.
WOMEN'S REHABILITATION CENTRE
GAURIGHAl P.O. BOX: 4857
KATHMANDU, NEPAL.
TEL: 475815, FAX: 471104
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GIRL TRAFFICKlNQ:i~~f,_,;;, ' ::,. ' ' : <,"'
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THE HIDDEN GRIEF IN HIMALAYAS'_.:;~lf~
RENU RAJBHANDARI
BlNAYAK RAJBHANDARI
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Publisher
Writers
Editor
Copyright ©
Typesetting
Photographs
1st Edition
Printed at
Cover Photo
'V/C>REC
Gaurighat P.O. Box: 4857,
Kathmandu, Nepal.
Tel: 475815, Fax: 471104
www.worecnepal.org
Renu Rajbhandari
Binayak Rajbhandari
Claire Berger
Publisher
Ms. Beena Pokharel
Ms. Seema Acharya
Ms. Manito Pant
Research & Publication Div.
WOREC, Kathmandu<
1,000 copies, 1997
NAVEEN PRESS
Dugambahil, New Road
Tel: 223359, 220427
Sunset at Sikharbeshi, Nuwakot where
trafficking of girls has been very high.
1
the viclimj
iching,

CONTENTS
l . INTRODUCTION
2. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND 3
- 3, THE PRESENT STATUS 6
3.1 General Information 7
3.2 Socio-economic background 15
4. CASE STUDIES 21
5, THE FACTORS RESPONSIBLE FOR TRAFFICKING 34
5.1 Ethno-cultural Factors 34
5.2 Socio-economic Factors 37
5.3 Lack of political commitments 40
5.4 Operation of brothels in India 44
5.5 Open lndo-Nepal border 45
6. REHABILITATION OF VICTIMS OF TRAFFICKING 46
~
7, INDIGENOUS NGOs WORKING
AGAINST GIRL TRAFFICKING 51
8. CONCLUSION AND SUGGESTIONS 54
9. CHRONOLOGY OF WORECS
ACTIVITIES AGAINST GIRLS TRAFFICKING 57
REFERENCES 59

ACRONYMS
AIDS =
ABC/Nepal =
CBO
CDC
csw
CWIN
GO
HIV
HMG/N
IC
IEC
INGO
MANK
NGO
SSSPNMS
WOREC
Acquired Immune Deficiency
Syndrome
Agro-Forestry Basic Health and
Cooperatives, Nepal
Community Based Organisation
Creative Development Center
Commercial Sex Worker
Child Workers Concern Group, Nepal
Governmental Organization
Human lmmuno-deficiency Virus
His Majesty's Government of Nepal
Indian Currency
Information, Education &
Communication
International Non-Governmental
Organization
Mahila Atmanirvarata Kendra
Non-Governmental Organization
Sri Satya Sodhak Pidit Nepali Mahila
Sangh
Women's Rehabilitation Centre
INTRODUCTION
Trafficking of girls into prostitution in Indian brothels has
emerged as a major social, cultural, economic and human
right's problem in Nepal. Not long ago information about
this problem came to the knowledge of common people,
particularly because Nepali girls, after becoming victims of
HIV/AIDS are returning back to their native villages from the
brothels in India. In light of this, some development
agencies and NGO/INGOs operating in Nepal have been
trying to explore the status of girl traffic king in order to work
out efficient strategies for resolving the problem in this
Himalayan country. There is very few authentic research,
documented reports or articles published on girl trafficking
in Nepal. This literature also varies both in quality and
information. The government of Nepal has been
neglecting this issue both in its policy and priority. In fact,
the government has not published any information
relevant to this issue.
Girl trafficking in Nepal should be viewed not only in
its social context but also from ethno-cultural, educational,
economic and gender perspectives. Perhaps it should be
considered most from a gender perspective, because the
terminology "girl's trafficking" itself speaks about the serious
violation of women's and girls' rights, sexual exploitation as
well as gender-based discrimination.
Women's Rehabilitation Centre (WOREC) is one of the
leading social organizations working against girl trafficking
in Nepal. It has also worked in red light areas in Mumbai,
II

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
fresh, natural beauty. Customers begans to pay more for
the Nepali girls, which encouraged the brothel owners to
have more Nepali girlswith them. It became an easy way
of earning money for both traffickers and brothel owners
{ghorwolles).
Conversely, the rural areas, which were still lacking
developmental infrastructures, were plagued with
worsening conditions during the Rona regime. The
illiterate, socially unaware people were suffering a hand to
mouth existance. No education and no employment
ruled over the resource-poor rural people. Because of this
situation, naive rural girls were easily impressed by the fine
clothes and golden ornaments of Nepali girls, who
occasionally returned to visit their villages from Indian cities
a
A typical house in rural Nepal: a shelter for eight members
of the family. This exhibits the lower margin of ruined
household economy facilitating girl trafficking.
GIRL TRAFFICKING
like Mumbai, Calcutta, New DelhL or Pune. These
innocents were also impressed by the traffickers (gallawals)
who were cunning enough to deceive them with false
assurances and promises of marriage, etc . The traffickers
and brothel owners operating from Nepal were able to
convince both the girls and their parents that they would
find attractive jobs with handsome incomes for the girls in
India. The traffickers argued that only then would the girls
be able to revitalise their ruined household economy and
live as nicely as girls in the cities. This was how the parents
or guardians were duped by 11
gallawals11
to send their
daughters to India unaware of the sort of business the girls
would be involved in.
Girls who were sold to the brothels initially struggled
against involvement in prostitution. They were tortured,
brutally beaten, and/or raped in the brothels. They were
compelled to accept the profession for fear of being
maimed or killed.
These are the facts whic h are hidden deep in the
souls of girls trafficked into sexual slavery in Indian brothels.
These are the griefs of innocent girls. These griefs have
been persistently ignored by the government, social
organisations and fighters for human right's both in Nepal
and Republic of India.
•

THE PRESENT STATUS
Very few research studies have been done to assess
the present situation of girl trafficking in Nepal. Some
studies done by WOREC and other organizations suggest
that the situation of girl trafficking in Nepal is worsening
daily. However, these reports vary in their information.
Nevertheless, these variations do not permit one to
question the reliability of information with the reasons, ways
and means of trafficking, sexual harassment, and
exploitation of girls in Indian brothels. In our experience,
trafficking of girls should be examined in light of the ethno-
cultural traditions and socio-economic backgrounds
prevailing in geographical locations where a considerably
high number of girls/women have been traded. In spite of
wide variations in the literature available on girl trafficking
they should be seen as valuable since they provide the
basis for information about the cultural, religious, socio-
economic, legal, political, and human rights for girls who
are trafficked from Nepal.
In 1993 and 1994, WOREC conducted a situation
analysis of the Nepali girls trafficked into prostitution in
different brothels in Mumbai. These studies were
conducted to gather information about the ethnic
backgrounds, healths, and living conditions in brothels, as
well as the perceptions of Nepali commercial sex workers
at Mumbai (Rajbhandari, 1993; WOREC, 1995). Pauline
O'Dea presented an oveNiew of the situation and gave a
quick review of literature on gender exploitation and
•
GIRL TRAFFICKING
violence. (O'Dea, 1993). ABC/Nepal compiled and
published a book entitled II
Red Light Traffic: The Trade in
Nepali Girls" whic h has been an important document
sensitizing the issue and promoting advocacy against girl
trafficking (ABC/N, 1993). CWIN (1 992, 1991), Pradhan
(l 992) and Cox (1992) have conducted studies on girl
trafficking, sexual abuse, and export of child labour,
prostitution among the Bodi community. This literature
provides basic information about the trafficking of girls/
minor girls, cultural traditions, and the socio-economic
background of the sex slavery trade in this part of globe -
the Himalayas, decorated with the terraced mountains
and ancient temples.
3. 1. General Information:
An elaborate chain of operations has been set up by
the flesh traders linking Nepal, Bangladesh, and Myanmar
from India to the Arab world. This chain links organisers in
remote villages, gallawals or brokers, border policemen,
and owners or managers of brothels in India to their transit
homes.
Various sources have reported that there might
be as many as 100,000 to 250,000 Nepali women
involved in the commercial sex business in' Indian
brothels (Thapa, 1993: NPC/HMG, 1992; Shrestha, 1991).
This figure has been found to be exaggerated
(Rajbhandari,1993).
According to the Samyukta Satya Sodhak Pidit Nepali
Mahila Sangh (SSSPNMS), an organisation of Nepali
prostitutes in Mumbai, there were around 20,000 Nepali
•

THE PRESENT STATUS
women involved in commercial sex business at
Mumbai in 1993 (personal communication, 1993). Out of
that number, around 15,000 were Hindu and 5,000
were Muslim. The religion of the Hindu Nepali
girls/women was converted to Muslim after contact with
Muslim pimps and brothel owners. One of the main
reasons for this was that they were married to or in love
with Muslim clients.
Most of the Nepali girls are associated with
Gharwalies. Depending upon the capacity of the
"Gharwali", the number of girls/women per brothel ranges
from l0-20 to 150-200. On an average there are 90-100
Community based workshop organized by WOREC to make
the people aware of the problems related to girl trafficking.
II
GIRL TRAFFICKING
women per brothel at Mumbai. Almost all of these girls/
women are illiterate. They were never admitted to school
because of their gender, and they had to look after the
cattle and younger children, collect wood and grasses,
and work in the kitchen and crop field (Rajbhandari, 1993).
In Nepali society, girls are discriminated against from the
moment of birth. This is reflected in the difference
between nutrition being given to mothers delivering a
male or female baby. The mother giving birth to a female
baby is discriminated against and humiliated. The girl child
is not sent to school but rather compelled to assist or work
with her mother. This fact was supported by the results of
a survey conducted by WOREC at Shikharbeshi voe of
Nuwakot district (Rajbhandari, 1994), and c ase studies
conducted among girls who returned from Indian brothels.
It was found that the girls from large families with poor
economic status were trafficked at the age of 13 to 16
years.
It was quite interesting to learn the educational and
marital status of girls trafficked into prostitution. In the
course of study we conducted in-depth interviews with 500
Nepali CSWs and focus group discussions with social
workers, NGO leaders, brothel-owners and leaders of
SSSPNMS at Mumbai. The in-depth interviews and focus
group discussions about the situation and composition of
Nepali CSWs at Mumbai revealed similar results.
Out of the total number of girls/women working in the
brothels at Mumbai, around 20% are married, 75% are
unmarried, and 5% are minor girls, Le .below 15 years
( table l).
•

THE PRESENT STATUS
S.N.
l.
2.
3.
4.
5.
Table 1. Status of Nepali girls trafficked into
sex trade at Mumbai
Status
Index
Educational status
literate (%) 0
illiterate (%) 100
Marital Status:
married(%) 20
unmarried(%) 75
girl child (%) 5
Health & hygienic condition poor
Food & nutritional status poor
Living conditions poor
Source: Rajbhandari {1993)
It was also supported by Sanu (16 years) under
WOREC's rehabilitation program. She was sold by her
brother and sister at the age of 13 years. Sanu, after being
trafficked, was forceably involved in the flesh trade at Pilla
house of G.T.Road at Mumbai. Sanu explained with tears
in her eyes that when she was thrown in the brothel the
"gharwali" tortured her in different ways. Along with her,
she added, there were several other Nepali girls who were
younger and who were also similarly tortured. In 1993 she
ran away by escaping through the window and reached
Nepal with the help of Indian and Nepali police men. The
security in Indian brothels is very tight, however, and it is
highly unlikely that a girl could free herself through a
window. Sanu told us that she did so but it is our
m
.,,
GIRL TRAFFICKING
perception that the brothel owner might have managed
for her to return to Nepal because she had contracted
HIV. There is other evidence that brothel owners have sent
HIV positive girls back to Nepal. Some of these girls return
to their native villages and get married. These HIV positive
girls have been spreading the virus in the communities.
Other girls approach Indian police for help, and are
handed over to Nepal police by Indian police. The Nepal
police have been cooperating with the victims of
trafficking to reach rehabilitation centres in Nepal. The role
played by both the Indian and Nepal police in returning
the HIV positive CSWs to the rehabilitation centres in Nepal
should be appreciated.
Responding to our queries regarding the lowest age
group of child CSWs, Sanu said that there were several girls
below age ten who were compelled to become
prostitutes. What is much more pathetic under the shadow
of a brothel is that the minor girls can not disclose that they
are below age fifteen. This stems from the fear that they
will be tortured by gharwalies if they let their actual age,
name, and home address known to any one.
Many unmarried girls reported that their parents,
uncles, aunts or brothers sold them into brothels. The
married women, who comprise around 20% of the total
number of prostitutes, have left their families in their native
villages. These women reported that they were sold by
their husbands or went with brothel owners who were
relatives or villagers.
Most of the senior prostitutes and Gharwalies at
Mumbai migrated or were trafficked from the districts of
Ill

THE PRESENT STATUS
Nuwakot Sindhupalchowk or Makwanpur. (Rajbha
nd
ari,
1993). Rita, (28 years) of Sindhupalchowk district, told that
she was sold by her own cousin working in a carpet
factory. When she was sold in a brothel at Kamathipu~a,
Mumbai the gharwali tortured her by burning her with
cigarettes. She claimed that the gharwali was a woman
who was just like her elder sister in a native village of
Sindhupalchowk district. As she wiped tears from her eyes
she continued her story saying that she could not believe
that the gharwali sister would mistreat her so badly. She
was expecting help from her, Rita added. After a few
days there she understood that she was one of the biggest
brothel owners in Mumbai and that she too was once
trafficked into this profession, Rita concluded her story,
sighed and moved to the sink to wash her face.
The living condition of Nepali girls in brothels is horrific.
Sanitation and hygiene are very poor. The girls are
cheated and exploited not only by local health workers
but also by policemen and pimps. Most of the women are
suffering from venereal diseases and maltreated by local
health workers. Sanu reported that they were given one
injection (probably penicillin) per month, and the charge
for that was added in their debt account.
There are no common kitchens or mess systems in the
brothels. The girls use to get food from small hotels. Those
hotels usually supply old food, so the CSWs are cheated
both in quality and price. Maya, who returned back from
a brothel, told that the brothel owner provided them food
for one meal only. It was supplied by a hotel, and
charged to the girls' debt account. Replying to queries
regarding the "khaja" (light refreshment during day time)
m
GIRL TRAFFICKING
and second meal (in the evening), Maya said that the girls
have to please their clients in order to get tips to buy
snacks and the second meal. Thus it depends upon the
client's mood and mercy. If the girls can not get tips they
will go hungry. The nutritional status of Nepali girls/women
in the brothels in India is far below the normal. Around 40%
of the girls who returned from Mumbai after a police raid
in 1996, were found to have tuberculosis. The brothel
owners do not bother about the nutrition of the girls. In a
house more attention is paid to the nutrition of pets. The
situation of girlsin Indian brothels is much worse compared
to that of pet animals. Perhaps it is the lowest point of
sexual slavery common in all brothels in the Republic of
India .
_It is widely acc epted in Nepal that most of the girls
trafficked into prostitution in India are from Nuwakot,
Sindhupalchowk and Makwanpur districts. However the
scenario has been changing for the last few years. The
senior or ex-prostitutes from those areas have already
converted into brothel owners (gharwalies) and most of
the girls trafficked in the last five years are from such
districts as Nawalparasi, Rupandehi, Kapilbastu, Jhapa,
Morang, Sunsari, Sindhuli, Udayapur, and Chitwan.
Moreover, not only illiterate but literate and educated girls
have also been trafficked. It should be interpreted in light
of worsening situations in rural household economies, lack
of employment opportunities and heavy out-migration
from mountaineous areas. We found that the girls in the
brothels can not give their proper home address because
of the fear of torture. They do, however, when they are
assured that this will be kept secret. The women from
Ill

THE PRESENT STATUS
Sikharbeshi and Ghyangphedi voes of Nuwakot are
trafficking areas in the district
Nuwakot have even agreed to tape messages to their
mothers, relatives, and friends in their native villages.
WOREC has started this practice to make the awareness
campaign more effective at Nuwakot. These audio
cassettes can be listened at the WOREC office. These
cassettes are full of the grief Nepali girls under the umbrella
of the sex trade in the metropolitan city of Mumbai must
endure.
We would like to emphasize that the gap in database
evidence is sufficient to demonstrate that a substantial
number of girls/women, including minor girls, have been
trafficked and tricked out across the country into the hell
of sex slavery.
m
GIRL TRAFFICKING
There are numerous recorded evidences regarding
girls who have been brutally introduced to the flesh trade,
who have been tortured unhumanly, and who have been
raped and beaten until they submit to the will of
gharwalies. This is a brutal violation of basic human rights
but it is hidden from the human rights organisations both in
Nepal and India.
3.2. Socio-economic Background:
Who are the persons involved in trafficking in Nepal ?
Is there any international network or gang operating this
anti-social activity ? What are the socio-economic and
cultural factors enforcing girl trafficking into sex slavery ?
These are the questions that require correct answers for
designing and implementing appropriate intervention
strategies. Guided by this concept WOREC has attempted
to gather relevant information.
About 5,000- 7,000 young Nepali girls are said to
be trafficked into the sex trade in India every year. Dixit
(1993) and Rajbhandari (1994) have pointed out that
the numbers of girls being trafficked may be on the
decline because of awareness and income generation
activities conducted by various organizations. But the
impact of such activities may not be clearly observable
yet. Pradhan (1992) has reported that the majority of girls
involved in the sex trade in Calcutta's Sonagachhi red
light area are Nepali girls. According to Gillada (1992)
90% of the total population of prostitutes in Mumbai are
migrants from Nepal, Bangladesh, and other towns of
India. He agrees that about 25% of all prostitutes have
m

THE PRESENT STATUS
abducted from their native villages/towns either
forcibly or lured with promises of jobs in the cities or fake
marriage.
Nepali women involved in commercial sex busine~s
at Mumbai represent various ethnic groups prevalent in
Nepal. About 65% to 70% of the total number of t~e
commercial sex workers represent Tibeto- Mongoloid
ethnic groups such as Tamang Gurung Magar, and
Sherpa while women representing Aryan ethnic groups
such as Brahman and Chhetri comprise about l0-15%.
Miscellaneous ethnic groups such as Danuwar,
Choudhary, Darai, Kami,, and Damai, etc. comprise
about 20-25% of the total population of Nepali CSWs in
the brothels at Mumbai (table 2). These are the figures
obtained in the survey in 1993 and the ethnic
composition might now have been slightly changed. It
should, however, be pointed out that the ethnic
composition of Nepali CSWs at Mumbai reflects the lower
socio-economic status of these ethnic groups in rural areas
of Nepal. The ethnic groups residing in higher altitude and
remote areas of Nepal, e.g. Sherpa Tamang Gurung,
and Magar are compelled to send their girls to
different cities of India for employment opportunities.
Moreover, illiteracy and social unconsciousness as well as
cultural acceptance of multiple marriage and multi-
partner sexual behaviour among some of these ethnic
groups has unknowingly contributed to the socio-cultural
background in which out-migration or trafficking of girls has
taken place.
m
GIRL TRAFFICKING
Table 2. Ethnic composition of Nepali women involved in
commercial sex business at Mumbai, India
S.N. Ethnic Group
Number % of total
of girls number
1.... Tibeto-Mongoloids:
Tamang, Gurung,
Magar 13,000 - 14,000 65 - 70%
2. Aryan:
Brahman, Chhetri 2,000 - 3000 10 - 15%
3. Miscellaneous:
Danuwar, Tharu,
Durai, Kami, Damai 4,000 - 5,000 20 - 25%
Source: Ra;bhandari {1993)
It was found that 40-50% of the girls working in brothels
were abducted and auctioned by village men or relatives.
These anti-social elements, popularly known as "gallawals",
convince the rural girls that they will provide better jobs in
the town or arrange fake marriages with them. Instead,
they take them to Mumbai or other c ities of India and sell
them for up to IC Rs. 25,000-30,000. Depending on the
amount invested by a brothel owner, a girl has to serve in
her brothel without any money for more than 5-6 years.
Besides "gallawal", other persons responsible for the forced
migration of girls into prostitution are parents, "gharwalies",
or CSWs affiliated with brothelsin India who visit their native
villages during "Dashain" or other festivals. Nepali CSWs are
allowed to vislt their native villages only after the brothel
owner finds that they have served for the money invested
•

THE PRESENT STATUS
to procure them. Some CSWs serve in the brothel
throughout their active years but are not able to generate
any income. In their old age they return Nepal without any
money. Some of them contract HIV. Phulmaya, a girl
trafficked into prostitution who returned from Mumbai, told
that she was never allowed to visit the outside world during
the 5 years of her horrible life inside the brothel.
There are various reasons and factors/persons
responsible for the trafficking of girls. The figures in Table-3
show the reasons and factors for the forced migration of
girls into prostitution in Mumbai.
S.N.
1.
2.
Table 3. Reasons of trafficking of girls into
prostitution at Mumbai
Reasons/persons Number %of total
responsible for of girls number girls
trafficking influenced in brothels
Reasons for migration:
A. Poverty & unemployment 10000 - 11000 50 - 55
8. Abducted by gallawals 7000- 8000 35 - 40
C. Attraction towards
better life 1000- 3000·· 1,i 5 - 15
Persons responsible:
A. Relatives / village men* 7000- 8000 35- 40
8. Parents (in search of Job) 5000- 6000
H::':
25- 30
C. Prostitutes at brothel* 2000- 3000 10 - 15
D. Ran away (for job)
"'
)000 ~03000 '''. 5 ~ 15
" y 1,,. ;!ii·
* Abduction / fake marriage / auction.
Source: Rajbhandari (1993)
•
,
GIRL TRAFFICKING
The major reasons of trafficking include poverty and
unemployment (50-55%) and abduction & auction (35-
40%). The factors/ persons influencing trafficking of girls
from rural areas of Nepal include relatives/village men
(gallawals) which comprise about 40%, parents - up - to -
30% and gharwalies up to 15%. Five to fifteen percent of
the girls involved in sex trade at Mumbai out-migrated in
search of jobs by their own will and were tricked out by
traffickers into prostitution. Interviews with the girls who
returned from the brothels at Mumbai have confirmed the
reliability of these survey results.
The in-depth interviews with the girls, who recently
returned from Mumbai, have revealed that a bove 60%
were trafficked into prostitution from the carpet factories
operating in the areas settled by Tibetan refugees at
Kathmandu. Another transit point where trafficking of girls
has been common from is the carpet factories of the
Bouddha-Chabahil area.
Cross sectional analysis of trafficked/migrant girls
involved in sex trade has revealed that illiteracy, lower
economic status, and lack of employment opportunities in
the rural areas of Nepal have been the major factors for
trafficking/ migration. Anti-social elements such as the
gallawa/s, prostitutes/brothel owners, and national or
international traffickers have been manipulating these
situations in their favour.
The pathetic situation of an active human resource,
namely women, so needed in our society, being exploited
by gallawals and consciously or unconsciously lost by their
parents is, in fact, the most acute socio-economic
•

THE PRESENT STATUS
problem. This deadly serious issue of human rights
violations against women and girls continues even after
trafficking. Ms. Kanchhi Lama, General Secretary of the
Samyukta Satya Sodhak Pidif Nepali Mahi/a Sangh,
related, with tears in her eyes, that she was trafficked into
prostitution because of her attraction to the clothes and
ornaments of the girls who went from Mumbai to her
village in Sindhupalchowk. She explained that she had
worked hard in the house and farm, collecting wood for
fuel wearing only old, torn out clothes. Compounding that
was the fact that she was illiterate. She cried painfully that
letters pressed in a coin can be rubbed out but that the
stamped title of prostitute can never be erased from their
souls. She added that they are living by selling the name
of their parents, brothers, and sisters, and above all that of
the motherland. Even then, she continued, they have to
face harassment, humiliation, discrimination, and
exploitation. Ms.Lama has now been running her own
brothel at Mumbai. Her expressions, in fact, represent the
hidden grief Himalayan girls living the life of hell-creature
must bear.
•
CASE STUDIES
The names given in this chapter are not the real but
the events are. The case studies presented in this book are
selected in order to make the reader familiar with the real
picture of trafficking of girls from different backgrounds by
various kinds of traffickers employing various tricks.
Case Study No. 1
Name of Victim : Ms. Maya Tamang
Age
Resident of
: 16 years
: Nuwakot
Maya was one of the girls who was rescued by Indian
police from a brothel at Kamathipura, Mumbai. She was
brought to Kathmandu with the help of social workers. She
was admitted to WOREC's rehabilitation program as a
frightened, non-cooperative, and violent girl. For almost a
week she was very reserved and did not talk with anyone.
The counselor cum nurse of the centre persistently tried her
best to change Maya's behaviour, and was finally
successful in gathering information about her trafficking.
This information is as follows:
Maya went to Mumbai voluntarily with a man who
was familiar to her. She did not however, know what sort
of work she was to be involved in.
Answering an inquiry about why she prefered to go to
Mumbai she told that her father had died when she was
ID

CASE STUDIES
very young and that her mother had remarried. At that
time she was 6 years old. As far as she knew, the
relationship between her father and mother was
distructive. Her father used to drink
II
Chhang
11
or
II
Raksi
11
oocally made beverage or alcohol) and beat her mother ·
every night. Maya was compelled to watch these
activities while hiding in a corner of the dark and humid
house. Born into this environment she had to grow up too
soon. But the situation bothered no one. No one was
concerned about her education. She was never admitted
to the school in her village.
This innocent child had to grow up amidst the
psychological torture happening in the family. She spent
her first 13 golden years as if in a vacuum. One day she
decided to go to the town to earn money and help her
mother cope with the household expenses and problems:
Because she had interpreted her mother's poverty as the
cause of the torture and negligence. Maya met a man
who seemed sympathetic to her plight. He seemed to
love her. She proposed that they should go far away and
find a job, and together they ran away from the village.
The man took her to Mumbai, left her in a house, and
vanished like a ghost. She came to know later that she
was in a brothel and that had been sold to the owner. The
seller was none other than her lover.
Conclusion
This case represents one of the methods and routes
for trafficking of girls that is most prevalent in Nepal. The
poverty and lack of employment opportunities in rural
areas and the girl's own will to leave are used by the
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GIRL TRAFFICKING
trafficker posing as a lover. Another reinforcing factor for
the girls in trafficking prone areas like Nuwakot is that they
are motivated by desire for the dresses and prosperity of
the prostitutes who sometimes visit their villages. The rural
girls perceive that they can make a good income by
migrating out of their native village into Indian cities like
Mumbai.
Case Study No. 2
Name of Victim : Ms. Laxmi Choudhary
Age
Resident of
: 17 years
: Udayapur
Laxmi was born into a poor family of Choudhary.
There were six children in her family. She lost her mother
when she was very young. She was raised without a
mother in a difficult situation. When she was 11 years old
a policeman approached her father to marry Laxmi. Her
father could not deny his proposal and gave her to the
policeman who belonged to an elite Chhetri family.
The policeman took her to his house. She then came
to know that he had a first wife in the house. Laxmi was
humiliated and discriminated against in the family. She did
not bother about these things and proved herself to be a
hard worker, honest, and a well-mannered house-wife.
She worked 18 hours everyday waking up at 4.00 AM and
going to bed at 10.00 PM. She went into the jungle to
collect fuel woods, worked the crop land, and did all the
work inside the house. Her husband and his first wife did
not love her. They were not happy with her. Her husband
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CASE STUDIES
used to drink alcohol and beat her almost every night.
There was only the mother-in-law who supported her. Her
life became even harder when her mother-in-law died.
Another misery added in her life was that she became
pregnant. She gave birth to a son. After the delivery no
one took care of her. She never asked for food or clothes,
and was only allowed leftover food, if any. She had to
work like an animal.
One day she and her child both fell sick. Her child
was crying from hunger, and Laxmi was helpless. She had
neither breast milk nor any money to buy medicine and
milk for the sick and hungry baby. The situation compelled
her to think of ways to escape. She wanted to go to her
father's house, but he had passed away. She then
decided to go to her sister's house and she ran from her
house to the bus station. As the bus was ready to move
her husband came following her. He began to beat her
mercilessly and snatched the baby from her arms. The
other travellers watched it all as if it was a street drama
and no one took it as a matter of their own. Since he was
a policeman nobody could show enough courage to ask
about the reason for the dispute. She cried and begged
him to give her the baby and leave them alone. But he
would not listen to her. He took the baby, leaving her
alone in the bus station. She cried there for hours and
finally went to her sister's house. She began to live with her
sister's family.
Her sister was kind to her, loved her and understood
her problem, but after a few months began to say that
Laxml should marry someone else. Her sister even
Identified the man she wanted her to marry La ·
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GIRL TRAFFICKING
against the marriage. She was convinced that it would
again put her in torture. She wanted to live alone and
show people that women can live alone too. Her sister did
not agree, and instead, prepared everything for the
marriage. Laxmi decided that she should run away to
save herself from being tortured and humiliated again.
She ran away from her sister's house before the marriage
could take place. With the help of some local boys
working in a carpet factory, she came to Kathmandu and
got a job in one of the carpet factories.
After working there for several months her peers
began trying to convince the workers that they should start
a business bringing things from India and selling them in
Kathmandu for profit. Laxmi was convinced and she
agreed to be involved in such a business. The group of 7
persons (2 boys and 5 girls) went to Sunauli bazar in India
to buy things and bring them back to Kathmandu. The
boys in their group were very active, but Laxmi took it as
natural, guided by the conviction that boys are more
active than girls. After reaching Bhairawa bazar in Nepal
the boys bought large bags and gave them to the girls.
The girls were asked to put the things bought in India in
those bags. After reaching Sunauli one boy said that
things were not cheaper there and proposed to go to
Gorakhpur, India. Two of the girls supported his proposal.
Laxmi did not say anything. The boys went to the counter
and bought tickets for Gorakhpur. Laxmi realized after the
bus had started that the tickets were not for Gorakhpur but
for New Delhi. Laxmi cried in the bus but she was helpless.
No one listened to her. The girls were taken to New Delhi.
They cried and refused to go with the boys but there was
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CASE STUDIES
neither any one to listen their problem nor enough
courage and strength on their part to make themselves
independent. The boys took them from New Delhi to
Mumbai. After reaching Mumbai the three new girls were
separated and sold to different brothels. In that group 2
boys and 2 girls were the traffickers.
After being sold to the brothel taxmi was violent,
refusing to drink, eat, or do anything. She cried day and
night, but there was no one to help her. Rather, she was
tortured to give up before clients of the brothel. When
different types of torture did not yield the expected result,
senior Nepali prostitutes started a sort of "counseing". They
explained that once they were in the brothel the doors in
their country were closed for them, They started to show
love and sympathy towards her. They added that once
the doors in Nepal were closed for them, they can only be
opened with the power of money. That is why the only
thing they should do in the brothels was to provide service
to as many clients as possible. Laxmi was convinced that
she would only be able to return Nepal and win respect in
her native village with the power of money. She
surrendered to the owner of brothel. Laxmi was then
involved in the commercial sex trade. It was her luck that
after three months of adopting this profession she was
rescued by the police and returned to Nepal with the help
of social workers.
Laxmi is undergoing rehabilitation at WOREC. Her
desire is to become literate, skillful, and join the Nepal
police department devoting her life to the anti-trafficking
mission in Nepal. She plans to make her son an educated
civil servant.
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GIRL TRAFFICKING
Conclusion
This case represents the negative impact of forced
marriages for girls and psycho-social discrimination
prevalent in Nepali families as well as the adverse impact
of out-migration/running away of frustrated girls from their
native villages. The traffickers make use of the frustration
of the girls on a social level and easily trick them into
prostitution in Indian brothels.
Case study No. 3
Name of victim : Ms. Ram Maya B.K.
Age
Resident of
: 15 years
: Muglin, Chitwan
"I don't want to go home. I'll stay here. I have to learn
to read and write as well as some skill for earning my
livelihood. Only after that will I go to see my parents".
These are the words of Ram Maya, a victim of trafficking,
who after being rescued by police at Mumbai was
returned to Nepal.
Ram Maya is from a lower ethnic community of
Biswakarma (Blacksmith) family. Her family is very poor.
She was, therefore, not admitted to any school. She used
to help her parents in household chores. She was
humiliated in the society because she belonged to the so-
called untouchable caste. Her father worked in an "aran"
(traditional blacksmith workshop) and prepared va rious
traditional iron utensils and instruments. He later fell sic k

CASE snJDIES
and could no longer work. They had a small hut in Muglin,
a newly settled bazar in a junction at the Kathmandu -
Chitwan and Pokhara-Chitwan highway. Because of
heavy trafficking in the highways Muglin began to grow
quickly. The small huts became cement houses, hotels,
lodges, and private buildings, but the hut of Ram Maya's
parents remained the same. Their lives became harder. It
was difficult for the Biswakarma family to survive. Ram
Maya started to work in a hotel as an utensil cleaner. The
small roadside hotel used to sell " Raksi" (locally mode
beverage out of cereals). The hotel was a sort of local bar
where different people used to come to have drinks and
after drinking used to talk rubbish. Baseless disputes and
nonsense quarrels were common each night. For thirteen
years it was Ram Maya's habit to listen and watch all that.
It never bothered her. Her only ambition at that time was
to dress up better, watch movies and enjoy life as others
seemed to do.
Ram Maya's ambition was not fulfilled after spending
six months in the hotel as a cleaner. She was, during that
time, attracted towards a young man who frequently
visited the hotel and used to chat and joke with her. One
day the owner gave·Ram Maya some money to buy
vegetables for the hotel. She was taken in confidence by
the young man to whom she was attracted and they
promised to meet in Narayangadh, a town in Chitwan
district. Ram Maya ran away by bus to Narayangadh
where they met in the bus station. The young man took
her to watch a movie. She was delighted. The next day
the young man proposed that they go to another city,
where they could watch many movies in a day. He told
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GIRLTRAFFICKING
that they would travel by train and enjoy life in a real
sense. Ram Maya agreed. They went to Gorakhpur, India.
The young man explained her that if someone asked
about their relationship she had to answer that they were
brother and sister. She did so. As promised by the young
man they travelled by train and reached Mumbai. He
took her to Pilla house at Mumbai, introduced her to a
Nepali woman, and left her there promising to come back
very soon. He never appeared in the house again.
The Nepali woman was very kind to Ram Maya, but
her kindness continued only for three days, During those
three days, Ram Maya was surprised to notice the heavy
flow of people coming in the closed house during the
evening and night time. She compared it with the hotel
at Muglin, where she used to work as a cleaner. After the
third day Ram Maya was raped by an unknown man. She
cried and desperately wanted to run away but it was all
in vain. Other girls who were victims of trafficking and
serving in that brothel came to express words of sympathy
to her. Another girl of the Biswakarmafamily told her that
in Nepal they are humiliated as untouchables- people do
not permit them to collect water from a common tap;
people will not touch them and they are treated like dogs.
She told Ram Maya not to cry but to change her family
name and start earning money by adopting the
profession. After a few years she could return to Nepal
with a lot of money and new family name of an elite caste.
Then she would be respected in society and be able to live
a happy life. Ram Maya was convinced. She changed
her name and family name and adopted prostitution as
her profession. When she was returned to Nepal as a result
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CASE STUDIES
of a police raid she had not even a single Rupee. That
was one of the reasons she was not willing to go to her
house after arriving in Kathmandu.
Conclusion
Thiscase represents trafficking of girls of lower and so-
called untouchable castes. The lower socio-economic
condition, ethno-cultural tradition-based humiliation and
discrimination prevalent in Nepali society, and ambition of
the teenage girls of these ethnic groups to dress-up better,
watch cinema, travel by train, and enjoy life as others do
has been the background which the traffickers make use
of and trick girls for trafficking into prostitution or selling in
Indian brothels. In addition, her conviction that she should
not be discriminated against in society because of her
ethnicity and gender, is an important reason for her
reluctancy to return home right now. She has decided to
learn to read and write as well as mastering some skills at
WOREC which will provide her with social prestige as well
as the means of earning a decent living.
Case Study No. 4
Name of victim : Ms. Kanchhi Maya Tamang
Age
Resident of
: 16 years
: Lalitpur
Kanchhi Maya is from a rural Tamang family of
average income. She has 5 brothers and sisters. Kanchhi
was very interested in study from the beginning. But her
father was strict and of the opinion that women are meant
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GIRL TRAFFICKING
to look after household affairs and therefore daughters do
not need to go to school. He never deviated from his
convictions and although, Kanchhi cried and begged her
mother to be admitted to go to school, the common
phenomenon in our society is that a woman's voice is not
headed. Kanchhi then requested her mother to get
approval from the father that she allowed to stay with her
aunt in Chapagaon. Her notion was that after going to
her aunt's house she will be far from her father and she
would request her aunt to admit her in a school. Her father
gave approval for the move and Kanchhi went to
Chapagaon to be with her aunt. Her aunt worked in a
carpet factory, where Kanchhi also began working. After
a few months she met a young man who was very
attractive to her and she soon fell in love with him.
Although Kanchhi was suppressed by the parents in the
house, she began to feel some sort of freedom after going
out of the house and falling in love with the young man.
Kanchhi decided to get married to the young man and
one day ran away with him. The young man took her to
Mumbai and sold her to a brothel.
Kanchhi Maya was tortured in the brothel to adopt
prostitution. She resisted and refused for three months.
One night when she was sleeping 5 men entered the
room, fastened her feet and hands, and each of them
raped her one after another. She was thus forced to
accept the profession.
She has now returned to Nepal with the help of social
workers. She does not want to return to that profession
again. Her desire is to study in order to stand on her own
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CASE STUDIES
feet and spend her life in a respectful profession. She does
not want to visit her parents right now. She is afraid that
she will not be accepted by the family in this situation. She
is one of the participants of the rehabilitation program of
WOREC.
Conclusion
This case study has revealed two conclusions: first,
suppression and discrimination against girls in a family can
be a reason for the formation of out-migration, and
secondly, false love or fake marriage are the kind of tricks
a broker for trafficking of those girls into prostitution might
play.
Case Study No. 5:
Name of victim : Ms. Phulmaya Magar
Age
Resident of
: 20 years
: Makwanpur
Phulmaya is from an ethnic community of Magar
residing in a village of Makwanpur district. The economic
status of her family is average. She has 6 brothers and 5
sisters. Phulmaya liked to dress .up, eat well, and be
fashionable. She was influenced by the girls returning from
India after working in the circus or somewhere else. She
was attracted to the beautiful clothes, ornaments, and
make up of those girls.
Her step-sister is running a brothel at Kamathipura,
Mumbai. Once she came to Nepal and took Phulmaya
•
GIRL TRAFFICKING
with her. The step-sister told Phulmaya's parents that she
would help look after her children in Mumbai. Phulmaya's
parents agreed to send Phulmaya with her step-sister. Thus
Phulmaya was taken to Mumbai by her step-sister, a
brothel-owner. For two years Phulmaya was not involved
in prostitution but afterwards she was convinced to adopt
prostitution. She was never tortured in the brothel because
the brothel is owned by her step-sister.
After being rescued by Indian police she returned to
Nepal with the help of social workers. She is now with her
family.
Conclusion
This case study has revealed that the ex-prostitutes or
brothel owners are involved in the trafficking of girls from
their native villages. In such cases the parents are also
responsible because the traffickers take the girls with the
approval of parents.
The above case studies show various reasons and
reinforcing factors of the trafficking of girls into prostitution
and that trafficking of girls is common among so-called
non-elite and untouchable ethnic communities. The
various factors responsible for the trafficking of girls are
dealt with in more detail in the preceding chapter.
m

FACTORS RESPONSIBLE
FOR TRAFFICKING
OF GIRLS
5.1. Ethno-cultural Factors:
Nepali society is composed of diverse ethnic groups
with varying cultural traditions. The so-called elite ethnic
groups of Aryan race like Brahmin and Chhetri have
occupied the predominant position in politics, national
economy, administration, and ownership of land resources.
These groups own most of the fertile lands with irrigation
facilities. Brahmins have been occupying the leading role
in shaping, interpreting, and executing religious- cultural
norms and taboos based on Hindu mythology. It is our
perception that in the course of time Hinduism has been
modified by Brahmins into a religion of exploitation and
discrimination among ethnic groups. For instance, some
ethnic groups such as Kami Damai Sarki, etc., who are
Hindu by birth, are not permitted to enter into the temples
of Hindu gods and goddesses. These ethnic communities
have a negligible share in the ownership of land resources.
They have no position in national politics and economy.
Moreover, these so-called lower or untouchable ethnic
groups have been so humiliated and discriminated against
in the society that they can not protest against such socio-
cultural and religious discrimination. It is in this socio-
cultural, political, and economic background that the girls
and women of the so-called lower ethnic groups have
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GIRL TRAFFICKING
been sexually exploited, abused and trafficked into
prostitution. However, it should not be misinterpreted that
girls from so-called elite ethnic groups are not sexua lly
exploited and trafficked. Girls from these ethnic groups
are also trafficked into prostitution but their numbers are far
less (Rajbhandari, 1993).
The ethnic groups of the Tibeto-Mongoloid race suc h
as Tamang Magar, and Sherpa, etc. hold a secondary
position in the national economy and ownership of la nd
resources. As usual, these ethnic communities reside in the
high hills and mostly own marginal lands with lower fertility
and without irrigation facilities. Trafficking of girls from
these ethnic groups has been very high. The girls of these
ethnic groups have been sexually exploited and abused
for a long time. Multiple marriages and multi-partner
heterosexual behaviour has been soc ially accepted in
these communities. Our obseNations and interactions with
the members of the concerned communities have
revealed that such behaviour prevails more in western
Nepal than eastern. It should be interpreted basically in
terms of their lower levels of social consciousness and
education. Members of these ethnic groups are more
socially conscious and better educated in the eastern part
of the country.
In some of these ethnic groups, e.g. Tamang
communities, trafficking of girls into prostitution in India has
received social acceptance. In Tamang communities of
the Sindhupalchowk d istrict, for instance, the brothel
owners or senior prostitutes, who return from India, a re
even honoured with the title of ''Maharani" {Queen). The
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FACTORS RESPONSIBLE FOR...
''Maharani" in turn gives or sends gifts to all households of
the community. This has now become a tradition in
Tamang ethnicity and it plays a catalytic role in
motivating teenage girls to go to Mumbai, Calcutta, and
other cities of India with the brothel owner or senior
prostitutes who may be their relatives or neighbours. The
innocent girls, however, do not know what sort of job or
service they will have to be involved in once there. When
traced in depth, the root cause of the social acceptance
of trafficking of girls into prostitution among Tamang
ethnicity one finds it to be lower level of educational and
social consciousness as well as the ignorance prevailing in
these ethnic communities in the Nuwakot and
Sindhupalchowk districts. Surveys conducted by WOREC
in the north-eastern ·part of Nuwakot have revealed that
almost all of the members of the Tamang communities are
illiterate or semi-literate (these who can write only their own
name or signature). The Tamang girls trafficked into
prostitution in Mumbai were never sent to school. There
are primary schools in the Tamang villages but these are
always closed. In response to our queries as to why there
are no students in the schools, the local people argued
that they can not send their children to school because
they have to collect fuel woods, fetch water, or look after
cattle and goats. Mr. Khadga Man Singh Tamang (age
75 ), a local leader, expressed his view that girl trafficking
has historically been a part of the culture of Tamang
people in that part of the country. He served in the
palace of the Rana's (Chandra Shumsher) and visited.
London during that period. He stressed that only
compulsory education of Tamang children, mass
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GIRL TRAFFICKING
animation of adults with skill development awareness, and
income generation activities would have some sense in
bringing about a change in the situation. Lack of any of
these components would prevent fruition of the goal. The
government1
s policies and programs have neither been
formulated nor implemented to address the problem of
the Tamang people and girl trafficking. People residing in
this part of the country have so far been neglected, he
declared in a workshop organized by WOREC.
Thus ethno-cultural traditions have been one of the
major factors facilitating girl trafficking in this Himalayan
kingdom. It is obvious that non-formal education including
adult literacy, mass animation integrated with income
generation options, and compulsory education for the
children of under-priviledged ethnicity would be the only
effective way of bringing about substantial change in the
ethno-cultural behaviours essential for the prevention of girl
trafficking.
5.2. Socio-economic Factors:
As mentioned above such ethnic communities as
Tamang, Magar, Kami and Damai, etc. own small
portions of marginal lands with lower fertility and in most
cases without irrigation facilities. The parcels of land
owned by each household are not sufficient even for
solving hand to mouth survival. There is a drastic shortage
of optional employment opportunities in rural areas. The
survey conducted by WOREC in Sikharbeshi and
Ghyangphedi VDCs of Nuwakot has revealed that 75% of
girls trafficked into prostitution belong to households with
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lower economic status, i.e. below sustenance level. In
other words, they belong to households which own land
and some cattle but not in sufficient amounts to solve
even hand to mouth existence. These households have to
borrow money each year. Rajbhandari et al, (l 995)
has reported that the average amount of loans taken by
the resource poor households in project areas (5 VDCs)
in Nuwakot during the last three years was NRs. 4054.00. It
is unlikely that the low amounts might be the cause of
trafficking or migration of youth. The authors
(ibid) therefore suggest that the social pressure exerted
by the money lenders has been compelling the
resource poor household heads to agree to traffick
their daughters into Indian cities. This phenomenon has
created a vicious cycle, worsening the economic base of
each Tamang household to the lowest level and
compelling the household heads to agree to traffic their
girl children.
The majority of the households of so-called lower or
non-elite ethnic communities, e.g. Tamang, Magar, Kami
Damai and Danuwar, etc. do borrow money each year
at a very high rate of interest from the local landlords or
Mukhiya (master of village). There is evidence that they
were even cheated by the lenders while preparing legal
documents by the increased amounts. This method of the
elite money lenders of cheating the innocent and illiterate
members of non-elite ethnic communities has ruined their
household economy by keeping them perpetually poor.
Conversely, the government has not launched any
programs for the poor people and rural areas. There is lack
of developmental infra-structures like road, drinking water
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GIRL TRAFFICKING
Most of the rural areas in the hills are joined by
such "roads" that can not be easily identified.
and sanitation, health and education, etc. These situations
have caused socio-economic dispciir among the non-elite
or lower ethnicity, compelling them to send their daughters
into prostitution or motivating girls to go to India to earn
money.
m

It should be pointed out that girls are humiliated and
discriminated against in the family. The female members
of a household use to work for 14 - 16 hours a day· They
work inside the house, go to jungle for collecting wood
and fodder and work in the field. They have, however, to
face humiliation and discrimination against both in the
family and society. This is another cause that either
compels the girls to go outside of the village to earn
money or to run away with a man (pseudo-lover) with a
hope of having better life.
The female members of a household have to go for selling
the product of their farms. It nearly takes a whole day.
In Tamang commumfies, the "Ghewa" (funeral
ceremony) has been a very expensive tradition. During
Ghewa, which continues for 13 days, the household
organizing it as a compulsory social event must provide
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GIRL TRAFFICKING
food and "Chhang " (beverage made up of finger millet)
to all members of the community. Thus Ghewa is another
socio-economic phenomenon that has consistently
eroded the economic base of poor Tamang household s.
Most of the Tamang households have to borrow money
to accomplish such a socio-economic function. The
youths (boys and girls) of each household have therefore
been forced to migrate or trafficked into India to work as
laborers, Darbans, Coolies or prostitutes leaving only the
very young and old members of the household to look
after the low productive land cattle, a nd home . This
socio-economic pattern of life has ruined the economy of
these households. In such c ircumstances, teenage girls
under pressure from household drugery are easily
attracted by the proposals of gallawals to provide better
jobs in India . These have been the circumstances in which
the girls are easily tricked and trafficked into prostitution.
From other hilly areas of the country, girls from lower
economic strata households are brought, with or without
consent of the parents/guardians, to work in carpet
factories. In some carpet factories, though not all, th~y are
motivated and convinced by gallawals to go to India for
a better job and higher income. In some cases, the
gallawals even accomplish fake marriages with the girls.
The girls who come in contact with such gallwals run away
from the factories, ultimately leading them to the brothels
in India. They come to understand the real objective of
the gallawals only after realizing that they were trafficked
into prostitution. Our c ommunication with girls enslaved
into prostitution at Mumbai and some who returned from
Mumbai has revealed such findings.
-

The socio-economic conditions of non-elite ethnic
groups with lower economic status, which facilitates girl
trafficking, vary from place to place and case to case.
However, some common approaches in tricking-out
tactics of the gallawals have been mentioned earlier as
case studies.
5.3. Lack of Political Commitments:
Trafficking of girls can not be prevented completely
through advocacy, awareness- raising campaigns, and
optional income generation activities if commitments from
the political parties and leaders as well as the government
remains so persistently lacking. There is evidence that
some of the political leaders have played the role of
protector to the gallwals put into police custody for their
involvement in the business of trafficking innocent girls. The
political leaders are afraid that by speaking against
trafficking they will lose voters. It is our perception that if
the leaders are playing the role of protector to the
traffickers or ignoring the issue of trafficking in order to
keep a high number of voters on their side they are
committing a crime. After the establishment of
de~ocracy the situation in rural areas is also changing
~wing_to the activities of NGOs, and the majority of people
is against trafficking of girls. In this light, commitments from
the political parties, political leaders, and the government
are being sought.
. National & local political leaders who become
act1v~ly involved in advocacy against trafficking of girls
and in favour of proper execution of legal as well as
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GIRLTRAFFICKING
administrative procedures to punish the traffickers will
become more popular and gain support and voters. In
forth-coming years, the issue of girl trafficking will be one
of the criteria to judge the political commitments of the
leaders. The corruption and faulty economic policies of
the government have been facilitating girl trafficking . The
political parties, leaders and government authoritiesshould
be aware of these fact and demonstrate sound political
commitments.
So far there is a lack of policies and programs
regarding prevention of trafficking and rehabilitation of
victims of trafficking. Such policies and programs are
lacking not only in the government's national planning
documents but also in the manifesto of all political parties.
Under these conditions one can not expect commitments
from a political leader or government authority. Because
the issue is not clear to the government and parties, it is
more accurate to say that the issue of trafficking of girls
has been neglected by both the government and political
parties. If someone would like to blame the government
and the political parties on this, she/he will find the fault
lying in the fact that the so-called elite ethnic groups have
predominantly leading positions in the government and all
major political parties in Nepal.
Policies and programs against trafficking of girls must
come from legal, human rights, socio-economic, and
gender perspectives. Commitments of the political parties,
leaders and government must not be limited to popular
speech, but rather come clearly stated as the
government's policy and program and political parties'
manifesto. It is highly desirable that suc h policies and
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programs address the aspects of prevention, advocacy
against trafficking, legal provisions for punishment to the
traffickers/ gallawals, and rehabilitation of victims of
trafficking.
5.4. Operation of Brothels in India:
Numerous brothels are operating in various cities of
I
India, which makes it a large market for prostitution. A
considerable number of prostitutes, particularly minor girls,
are reported to be sent to Pakistan and various Arabian
countries from India.
It is estimated that between 5,000 to 7,000 girls are
trafficked each year from Nepal into prostitution in India.
Gillada (1992) has reported that 90% of the total population
of prostitutes in Mumbai are girls trafficked from Nepal,
Bangladesh, and other towns of India. He has pointed out
that about 25% of all prostitutes have been abducted from
their native villages either forcibly or lured with false promises
of jobs in the cities or marriage. Prostitution is not against
the law in India per se, although the trafficking of women
and the prostitution of minor girls is against the law (Asia
Week, 1996). That is why brothel owners hide the minor girls
only providing their "service" to "trusted clients11
• As a result,
the young girls may be confined for years. By the time they
are given the chance to go outside, they have usually lost
the self confidence or desire to leave the brothels.
Some of the victims of trafficking, under the
rehabilitation program of WOREC, suggested that if the
brothels are closed in India girl trafficking from Nepal will
be automatically stopped. This suggestion provides the
Ill
..
GIRL TRAFFICKING
basis to correlate that the operation of brothels in India is
one of the main factors of girl trafficking from Nepal.
5.5. Open lndo-Nepal Border:
The open border of Nepal with India has been a
major factor facilitating girl trafficking from Nepal. At
present, free and frequent movement of both Nepali and
Indian citizens as well as numerous marriage ceremonies
have been taking place along the l ,740 mile long border
between Nepal and India, emphasising that Nepal and
India have very old friendship and religious-cultural
similarities. However, the open lndo-Nepal border has
caused a lot of social, economic, and security problems.
Various criminal gangs make use of the openness of the
border ; those in the border area of Nepal commit c rimes
in adjacent Indian villages while the Indian criminal gangs
commit crimes in adjacent Nepali villages. There are very
few cases where such gangs were caught by a joint
venture of Indian and Nepali police.
It is widely accepted that the open Inda-Nepal border
facilitates trafficking of Nepali girls and poses a serious
socio-cultural problem and human right's violation.
In all workshops/ seminars conducted by WOREC and
other organizations on the issue of girl trafficking, the open
lndo-Nepal border has had been categorised as a major
factor contributing to the trafficking of girls into prostitution
in India. In each workshop / seminar/ conference
suggestions were made to implement some sort of
regulation at the border. So far the governments of Nepal
and India have not taken it seriously.
II

REHABILITATION
OF VICTIMS OF
TRAFFICKING
Rehabilitation of victims of trafficking is equally
important to the reasons for girl trafficking. Prostitution isan
illegal profession in Nepal. In general, prostitution and
prostitutes are taken as a social evil in Nepali society. The
victims of trafficking,who return from India after being
indulged in commercial sex trade, are humiliated in
society. This is one of the reasons that most of the girls
trafficked into prostitution in India do not wish to return
home. However, there are girls who are returned to Nepal
with the efforts of various organizations and individuals. For
instance, in May 1996 Indian police rescued girls from
various brothels at Mumbai, India. Those girls were kept in
the remand home where the situation was terrible. Nepali
girls from the remand homes were brought into
Kathmandu with the effort of Nepali NGOs and the
Maharastra Govt. of India. These girls urgently needed
rehabilitation. They also urgently needed shelter, food,
and clothing as well as social security. The HMG/N neither
has such facilities nor any policy or program on this subject.
There are some NGOs who have been working on
rehabilitation of the victims of trafficking. These NGOs took
the responsibility of rehabilitating the girls.
The mission of any rehabilitation program should be to
convert the participants into agents for social change.
•
GIRL TRAFFICKING
Once they undergo rehabilitation at a stationary centre,
they should return to their communities to work in
conjunction with local NGOs/ CBOs/ women groups/
clubs. We at WOREC have experienced that this is the
appropriate model of community based rehabilitation for
the victims of trafficking in Nepal.
There is the lack of a clear concept about the
rehabilitation of victims of trafficking among the various
population groups in Nepal. There are some NGOs who
advocate for a residential rehabilitation. Rehabilitation
should not be understood only as a form of providing
shelter to the victims of trafficking. There is no clarity
among social workers regarding the elements of
rehabilitation, the ultimate goal, and the duration and long
term impact of rehabilitation . WOREC has been
advocating and implementing community-based
rehabilitation for the last five years. We are now strongly
convinced that if rehabilitation is to be meaningful it must
be community based. We should take on rehabilitation as
an activity for creating developmental infrastructure, i.e.
trained human resources, needed in the rural communities.
The basic elements of a rehabilitation program should be:
* basic support
* animation and empowerment
* medical support and counselling
* exposure and training.
The basic support should consist of housing, food, and
clothing for a given period of time. WOREC provides such
support for six months at its rehabilitation centre.
El

t-.. .·
REHABILITATION OF VICTIMS...
Animation/empowerment is the most important and
essential element of rehabilitation. The victims of trafficking
should be animated to understand their internal latent
potential to do work for the uplifting of the society. They
should be empowered to realise their potential in practice.
Non-formal education as well as education on legal,
women's rights, and health issues are the essential
components of thiselement. In the absence of animation
and empowerment, components with high sounding
statements about rehabilitation are merely dogma.
Medical support and counseling are other important
aspects of rehabilitation. Experience has shown that most
victims of trafficking have several sexually transmitted
diseases as well as health and nutrition-related problems.
Some of them are also HIV positive. Our experience has
shown that almost all victims of trafficking into prostitution
loose their self-esteem. They think that they are ruined and
can not lead a life style with any social prestige. Various
NGOs and the media have exploited and humiliated them
by asking degrading questions. The victims have lost trust
in others, and as a result of this psychological phenomena
they have become violent. Because of this, they require
tender and humanitarian assistance. Only proper
counseling can contribute to empower them. Animation
and empowerment through proper counseling and
education are the means that may revive their self-
esteem, motivate them to trust in their latent potential,
towards others as well as creating unity with friends and
people In general. They should be delt with very carefully
and In a friendly manner. They should never feel in the
course of rehabilitation that they survive or maintain their
•
•
GIRL TRAFFICKING
expenditures through the mercy of someone or some
organization. The scope of our approach and effort
should be to bring forth their inner strength towards making
them able to judge what is wrong and what is right, whom
to trust and whom not to, as well as what their rights are
and what responsibilities they have to fulfill in their
communities.
Exposure to various aspects of social and gender
based discrimination, various means, routes, and impact of
trafficking, as well as the impact of community based
rehabilitation is very important for the victims of traffic king.
Various IEC materials and visit to rehabilitation centresand
programs will be useful tools for exposing the victims of
trafficking and girls at-risk to trafficking to understand the
real situation. It helps them analyse their past and organise
themselves internally to choose their place in the society.
At this stage it is essential that they be provided with
certain skill training for income generation or earning their
livelihood. They should undergo this skill training and
income generation activities at the rehabilitation centre
itself. If should, however, be noted that the profession for
the victims of trafficking should be so choosen as to
provide them social security, prestige as well as to revive
their self-esteem. By selling their skillfully made products,
they will be assured of their capability to sustain themselves
in their own communities.
Habitual patterns of the victims of trafficking include
wearing make up, dressing well and watching movies
frequently. This life style is not common for the girls in rural
areas of_Ne~al. The life style the victims of trafficking are
used to 1s quite costly. They are afraid that the traditional
•

REHABILITATION OF VICTIMS...
skills training, such as sewing and knitting, will not provide
them with social security, prestige,or the required income
to support their lives. Keeping these facts in mind, optional
professions and skill development programs need to be
planned for these girls. Technical training on various
aspects, eg. Community Health Workers Training, Junior
Technical Assistants Training, and NFE Facilitators training,
might be some of the areas which will provide them with
the social prestige and economic security. These
professions in turn would enable them to be involved in the
endeavour of community development through various
NGOs/ GOs/ INGOs.
We have experienced that the time period required
for the victims of trafficking to undergo community based
rehabilitation takes six months to one year or more
depending on the level of education, consciousness, and
commitment to social change. There will be variations in
the approach, elements, and duration of rehabilitation for
the victims depending on their socio-economic, cultural,
and educational levels (Rajbhandari & Adhikari, 1993).
Skillfully knitted sweater produced by the victims of trafficking at WOREC
El
,..
INDIGENOUS NGOs
WORKING AGAINST
GIRL TRAFFICKING
Several NGOs in Nepal have taken girl trafficking as a
principal area, concentrating their efforts on advocacy.
However, very few NGOs have been consistently working
and advocating against trafficking of girls and
rehabilitation of the victims. Some of these NGOs are
mentioned below. If some NGOs are not included in this
narration it does not mean that their programs and
activities are not effective .
1. A.B.C./Nepal:
A.B.C./Nepal is an action oriented NGO. A.B.C./
Nepal on the one hand together with local participation,
uses an integrated community development approach to
bring about socio-economic upliftment of the target group
at the grass-root level . On the other hand it works to
sensitize the govt. and the public on pressing social issues
such as the trafficking of girls for prostitution and the
1
fatal
disease AIDS.
A.B.C./Nepal is one of the leading national NGOs
working against trafficking, focusing mainly on advocacy.
It has also conducted one national seminar on girl
trafficking and has been involved in awareness raising
activities in different districts of the country. Recently
A.B.C,/Nepal began activities in rehabilitation.
m

INDIGENOUS NGOs...
2. C.D.C.:
C.D.C. conducts anti-trafficking campaigns from time
to time and is involved in different community
development programs at Nuwakot and Bara.
3. CWIN:
CWIN isan NGO actively involved against exploitation
of child labour focusing mainly on the rights of children
and rehabilitation of children at risk. CWIN has conducted
different surveys in trafficking of girl child and are
advocating against the trafficking of minor girls. CWIN has
also been involved in rehabilitation of minor girls who have
been victims of trafficking.
4. Maiti Nepal:
Maiti Nepal is an NGO that has been carrying out
advocacy programs against girl trafficking at different
levels and districts of the country. It also operates a
rehabilitation centre.
5. MANK:
MANK is a community based NGO actively working
against trafficking. It is based in the Sindhupalchowk
district. All of its staff and workers are from the local
communities. They are also conducting advocacy
programs against the trafficking of women.
6. WOREC:
WOREC is one of the leading NGOs actively involved
against girl trafficking. WOREC has conducted several
study/suNeys both in the country and in India to discover
the routes and causes of girl trafficking. WOREC strongly
advocates raising the issues of gender based
•
f
'
GIRL TRAFFICKING
discrimination, socio-economic disparity and women's
empowerment. It has been operating an integrated anti-
trafficking program in the north-eastern part of Nuwakot
district where girl trafficking has been considerably high.
WOREC has conducted a series of workshops and
mass meetings at the grass roots level focusing on girl
trafficking. It has mobilized local women volunteer groups
to make the community people aware and raise
consciousness against trafficking.
In 1994 WOREC conducted a study on the impact of
its intervention program on trafficking at Nuwakot. The
study revealed that different programs, viz. a nimation/
literacy, advocacy and income generation, etc . should
be integrated because trafficking is a multi-dimensional
problem and only an integrated program addressing all of
the aspects will be effective.
WOREC has been conducting a rehabilitation
program for victims and girls at-risk to trafficking as well as
women with HIV/AIDS for the last five years. Its
rehabilitation centre is located at Gaurighat, Kathmandu.
WOREC believes in community based rehabilitation of the
victims of trafficking. There are several WOREC programs
at Udayapur and Nuwakot in which the girls, after
rehabilitation, are sent to work in close association with
local women's groups.
WOREC has produced a Video film and flip chart
against girl trafficking. It has also publishing journal
"Affliction of Female" against trafficking of girls. These
materials are useful for sensitizing the issue and making the
community people aware against trafficking .
ID

1 CONCLUSION AND
I SUGGESTIONS
, Based on secondary information and our direct
experiences the following conclusions and suggestions are
made, in hope that they will be useful for various
organizations towards preventing trafficking of girls as well
as rehabilitation of the victims. The suggestions would also
be useful for the policy makers:
• Girl trafficking is a multi-dimensional problem,
therefore the approach and attempts for preventing
it should be multi-sectoral, integrated and
coordinated. Prevention of girl trafficking should be
conducted not only by a few NGOs at national level,
but also as an international movement for women's
rights.
• Open lndo-Nepal border trafficking of Nepali girls has
been taking place regularly and has emerged as a
serious socio-cultural problem and human right's issue.
It has therefore been suggested to the government
that there must be some sort of regulation concerning
the open lndo- Nepal border until or unless it is closed.
• Political commitments of the political parties, leaders,
and government should not be limited to popular
speech, but rather be clearly stated as the
government's policy and program and political
parties' manifesto. It is highly desirable that such
•
•

GIRL TRAFFICKING
policies and programs would address the aspects of
prevention of trafficking, advocacy against
trafficking, legal provision for punishment to the
traffickers/gallawals, and rehabilitation of victims of
trafficking.
• The basic elements of a rehabilitation program should
be:
• basic support (shelter, food,clothes)
• animation and empowerment
• medical support and counseling
• exposure and training.
• The mission of the rehabilitation program should be to
convert the participants into agents for soc ial
change. Once they undergo rehabilitation at a
stationary centre they should be sent to their
communities to work in association with local NGOs/
CBOs/women groups/clubs.
• National as well as international networks against
trafficking need to coordinate strategic planning as
well as intervention efforts. Intervention programs
against trafficking of girls should be conducted in the
form of national and regional campaigns.
• Trafficking is a serious violation of human rights. We
suggest that girl trafficking be included in the priority
programs of national human rights groups.
• Because discrimination has been one of the socio-
cultural factors responsible for trafficking/migration of
girls, the community based organizations need to be
Bl

CONCLUSIONS AND SUGGESTIONS
encouraged and strengthened to conduct advocacy
against trafficking as a campaign based at local
levels. These organizations also need to be
strengthened to conduct advocacy against gender
based discrimination prevailing in their communities.
Field Workers of WOREC are committed to conduct advocacy
against gender based discrimination and trafficking
in their communities.
• The Indian and Nepali police, particularly those
deputed at the border, need to be made aware of
the severity of the problem of trafficking as well as
provided with appropriate training to control
trafficking through the border.
•
CHRONOLOGY OF·
WOREC'S ACTIVITIES
AGAINST
GIRL TRAFFICKING
WOREC has been actively involved against girl
trafficking since 1991 . Its mission against trafficking of girls
includes preventive, research/study, and rehabilitation
activities. The awareness advocacy, animation/non-
formal education and skill development and income
generation programs through community based women
groups have been the major regular activities. A
chronology of WOREC's activities against girl trafficking is
presented below.
YEAR ACTIVITIES
1991
1991
1991
1991
Workshop on "Multi-dimensional aspects of
AIDSand Trafficking". 11-12 November,
lchok, Sindhupalchowk.
Workshop on "Girl trafficking: a
Challenge". 3- 13 December,
Sindhupalchowk, Nuwakot.
Survey study on girl trafficking in
Ghyangphedi and Sikharbeshi VDCs
of Nuwakot.
Publication of materials of the workshop
11
Girl trafficking: a Challenge" (in Nepali).
Iii

CHRONOLOGY OF...
1992 to date Rehabilitation program for destitute women
(HIV positive, victims of trafficking and girls
at - risk or en-route to trafficking).
Kathmandu.
1992
1992
1993
1994
1994
1994
Production of audio cassette "Kahali" (opera
against AIDS and trafficking) - in Nepali.
Workshop on "Girl Trafficking: a Social
Challenge". 2-3 July. Rajabas, Udayapur.
Survey study on status of Nepali girls
trafficked into prostitution at Mumbai, India.
Workshop on "Girl Trafficking, STDs and
AIDS". 11-12 September. Gaighat
Udayapur.
Workshop on "Girl Trafficking, STDs and AIDS".
14-15 September. Sikharbeshi, Nuwakot.
Production and dissemination of flip chart
"Girl Trafficking: a Social Challenge". This
flip chart is intended for facilitating
community based awareness/advocacy
against trafficking of giris.
1995 Workshop on " Socio-economic and legal
aspects of Girl Trafficking". 27 -28 March.
Sikharbeshi, Nuwakot.
1993 & 1995 Impact assessment of intervention programs
against Girl Trafficking at Nuwakot.
1995 Production of Video film against trafficking
of girls "Bedana Ra Mukti".
•
REFERENCES
ABC/NEPAL.1993. Red light traffic: the trade in Nepali girls.
Kathmandu.
Cox Thomas.1992.The Bodi: Prostitution as a social norm
among untouchable caste of West Nepal.
Kathmandu.
CWIN.1992. Trafficking of girls: a social plague in Mahankal
village. In "Voice of Chil Workers", No .1 5/16,
Kathmandu.
Dixit, Shanta. 1991 . Socio-economic dimensionsof HIV/AIDS
in Nepal. from "Proceeding of the Workshop on socio-
economic dimensions of AIDS" organised by WOREC,
28-29 August, Kathmandu.
Gillada, I.S. 1992.Prostitution in India : causes, extent
prevention and rehabilitation from "Social Problems
and Welfare in India". Ed. Jogan Shankar. Ashish
Publ. House, New Delhi.
NPC/HMG & UNICEF. 1992. "Children and Women in
Nepal: a Situation Analysis".
O1
Dea Pauline. 1993. "Gender Exploitation and Violence:
the Market in Women, Girls and Sex in Nepa l".
Published by CWIN, Kathmandu.
Pradhan, Gauri.1992.The road to Bombay. "Voice of Child
Workers", no. 15/16, CWIN, Kathmandu.
Rajbhandari, Binayak, Gautam Kamal, Rout Nava Raj and
Gautam Babu Ram. 1995. 11
lmpact Analysis of
Community Based Programmes of WOREC'. Women's
Rehabilitation Centre, Kathmandu.
m

REFERENCES
Rajbhandari, B.P. 1995. WOREC Annual Report 1993/94,
Women's Rehabilitation Centre, Kathmandu, 47 p .
Rajbhandari B.P. 1996. WOREC Annual Report 1994/95.
Women's Rehabilitation Centre, Kathmandu. 40 p.
Rajbhandari Renu & Adhikari Kamala.1993. Rehabilitation
of victims of HIV/AIDS. In "AIDS Education". Published
by WOREC, Kathmandu.
Rajbhandari, Renu.1994. Impact of Intervention Program
on Girl Trafficking: Evidence from Nuwakot. In
"Abstracts of the First National Conference on STD/
AIDS", Organized by WOREC, NCSAC and SWC,
Nepal, December 18-19, Kathmandu.
Shrestha S. 1991. Overview of prostitution in Nepal.
"Promotion of Community Awareness of the
Prevention of Prostitution". United Nations, New York.
End
and -= ---=-=-=-- - ~liF
Trafficking
--·--- ~~
ECPAT Belgium was established in 1994. It coordinates 30 ~~GOs,
Human Right and Child Rights Solidarity groups. All of thern nave
joined together to fight against all forms of sexual exploito·,ion of I
children for commercial purposes.
BROEDERLIJK DELEN (1961) is one of the agencies involved with t CPAT-
Belgium. It supports grassroot initiatives in Africa, Asia and Latin
America. Much emphasis is also put on development education and
BROEDERUJK DELEN, Lenten Action Belgium
ECPAT • Belgium
Huidevettersstraat 165
l(XX) Brussels. BELGIUM

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