Case Study, Stage 1: Business Environment Analysis
Before you begin this assignment, be sure you have read the “UMUC Haircuts Case Study” and be sure to take a look at the “Walmart Example.”
(
Purpose of this Assignment
This assignment gives you the opportunity to apply the concepts of the Porter Five Forces model to a specific business,
explain and support an identified
strategic direction for UMUC Haircuts, and
analyze the identified business process
that could be improved with the use of technology. This assignment specifically addresses the following course outcomes to enable you to:
analyze business strategy to recognize how technology solutions enable strategic outcomes
analyze internal and external business processes to identify i
nformation systems requirements
analyze business strategy to recognize how technology solutions enable strategic outcomes
analyze internal and external business processes to identify information systems requirements
)
Overview of Business Environment Analysis for UMUC Haircuts
UMUC Haircuts has been in business since 1995 and has seen an increase in competition from a variety of competitors, as described in the Case Study. With the news that a Hair Cuttery is likely to open only five miles away, Myra, the owner of UMUC Haircuts, is concerned and has begun analyzing her situation and what could be done to remain competitive in this changing environment. She has recognized that scheduling her employees and her customers is causing her problems, and she thinks she should focus on that first, as it is fundamental to her business. Myra also believes that there must be a technology solution that could help her run her salon, but she has no idea where to start.
You are a Systems Analyst, and Myra has asked you to help her with determining how she can improve her business. Myra has requested, specifically, that youverify and provide added support to her own analysis that has resulted in the identification of a Strategy for Competitive Advantage and a Business Process for Improvement. This will be the basis for defining business and systems requirements for an IT solution.This Strategy and IT
Solution
will help to bring UMUC Haircuts into the 21st century and taking advantage of current technology. You will analyze her business environment using Porter's Five Forces Analysis. Then, you will use the results of that analysis to explain how it supports Myra’sStrategy for Competitive Advantage, and the business process that she selected for improvement through the use of technology.
It is important to note that a business owner has many areas where improvements can be made, such as: staff, building facility, supplier agreements, advertising, etc. There are also many possible solutions that could improve the business strategy and processes. Since time and costs are involved, the owner should address basic problems first in choosing the Strategy and which processes to improve. (Consider a lemonade stand ...
Case Study, Stage 1 Business Environment Analysis Before yo.docx
1. Case Study, Stage 1: Business Environment Analysis
Before you begin this assignment, be sure you have read the
“UMUC Haircuts Case Study” and be sure to take a look at the
“Walmart Example.”
(
Purpose of this Assignment
This assignment gives you the opportunity to apply the concepts
of the Porter Five Forces model to a specific business,
explain and support an identified
strategic direction for UMUC Haircuts, and
analyze the identified business process
that could be improved with the use of technology. This
assignment specifically addresses the following course
outcomes to enable you to:
analyze business strategy to recognize how technology solutions
enable strategic outcomes
analyze internal and external business processes to identify i
nformation systems requirements
analyze business strategy to recognize how technology solutions
enable strategic outcomes
analyze internal and external business processes to identify
information systems requirements
)
Overview of Business Environment Analysis for UMUC
Haircuts
UMUC Haircuts has been in business since 1995 and has seen
an increase in competition from a variety of competitors, as
described in the Case Study. With the news that a Hair Cuttery
is likely to open only five miles away, Myra, the owner of
2. UMUC Haircuts, is concerned and has begun analyzing her
situation and what could be done to remain competitive in this
changing environment. She has recognized that scheduling her
employees and her customers is causing her problems, and she
thinks she should focus on that first, as it is fundamental to her
business. Myra also believes that there must be a technology
solution that could help her run her salon, but she has no idea
where to start.
You are a Systems Analyst, and Myra has asked you to help her
with determining how she can improve her business. Myra has
requested, specifically, that youverify and provide added
support to her own analysis that has resulted in the
identification of a Strategy for Competitive Advantage and a
Business Process for Improvement. This will be the basis for
defining business and systems requirements for an IT
solution.This Strategy and IT
Solution
will help to bring UMUC Haircuts into the 21st century and
taking advantage of current technology. You will analyze her
business environment using Porter's Five Forces Analysis.
Then, you will use the results of that analysis to explain how it
supports Myra’sStrategy for Competitive Advantage, and the
business process that she selected for improvement through the
use of technology.
It is important to note that a business owner has many areas
where improvements can be made, such as: staff, building
facility, supplier agreements, advertising, etc. There are also
3. many possible solutions that could improve the business
strategy and processes. Since time and costs are involved, the
owner should address basic problems first in choosing the
Strategy and which processes to improve. (Consider a lemonade
stand; while it would be nice to have a table to sit behind and
serve the lemonade to customers, that is not
crucial;however,having lemonade and cups are crucial to the
business.)
A second important concept for this class is that, among all the
ways that competitive advantage and processes can be
improved, the focus is on information technology solutions. In
your role as a Systems Analyst, you will be supporting Myra's
selected strategy and process for improvement, and proposing
an appropriate IT solution. This work begins with an analysis
of UMUC Haircuts using the Five Forces Model.
Five Forces Analysis:
You know that Michael Porter’s Five Forces Model is a useful
tool for analyzing a business. The Model is used to help
understand the importance of the five competitive forces and
determinea strategy to develop and maintain a competitive
advantage. The Five Forces are described and discussed in
Chapter 1 of the textbook. They are:
· Buyer Power
· Supplier power
4. · Threat of substitute products or services
· Threat of new entrants
· Rivalry among existing competitors
A further discussion and examples of the five forces are
included in the Reading for Week 1 titled “Porter’s Five
Forces.”
Strategy for Competitive Advantage:
After reviewing the strategies below, Myrathinks that the best
strategy for her to focus on is Operational Effectiveness, but she
has no documented analysis to support that position.
Strategy
Description
Cost leadership
Produce product/service at the lowest cost in the industry.
Differentiation
Offer different products, services, or product features.
Niche
Select a narrow-scope segment (market niche) and be the best in
quality, speed, or cost in that segment.
Growth
Increase market share, acquire more customers, or sell more
types of products.
Alliance
Work with business partners in partnerships, alliances, joint
ventures, or virtual companies.
5. Innovation
Introduce new products/services; put new features in existing
products/services; develop new ways to produce
products/services.
Operational effectiveness
Improve the manner in which internal business processes are
executed so that the firm performs similar activities better than
rivals.
Customer orientation
Concentrate on customer satisfaction.
Time
Treat time as a resource, then manage it and use it to the firm's
advantage.NOTE: although this is included in the textbook, it
should not be used as a strategy for the organization in the Case
Study.
Entry barriers
Create barriers to entry. By introducing innovative products or
using IT to provide exceptional service, companies can create
entry barriers to discourage new entrants.
Customer or supplier lock-in
Encourage customers or suppliers to stay with you rather than
going to competitors. Reduce customers' bargaining power by
locking them in.
Increase switching costs
Discourage customers or suppliers from going to competitors
6. for economic reasons.
Business Process:
The final step is to identify a process for improvement that will
support the Business Strategy and result in the best building
block and most benefit. While there are lots of alternatives
Myra decided that Customer and Employee Scheduling is the
most important, but again she has no analysis that will support
that decision.
In your role as Systems Analyst, Myra wants you to provide
solid justification for the Strategy for Competitive Advantage
and the Business Process that she has selected, and help her
determine if an information technology solution can help.
Assignment: UMUC Haircuts Stage 1:Create a document that
includes:
I. Introduction
Brief introduction providing the background of the case, why
you are writing and what is to come in your paper. This should
only be 3-5 sentences.
II. Five Forces Analysis
Perform a Porter's Five Forces analysis for UMUC Haircuts,
addressing each of the five forces in two or three sentences.
For each of the five forces, your analysis should include:
· Explanation of the force and what it means to UMUC Haircuts
· Assessment of the force’s impact (Positive, Negative or
7. Neutral) on the business
· A statement as to whether it should affect Myra’s strategy for
a competitive advantage (yes or no).
You will copy the table below to your paper and use it as the
framework for this analysis.
FIVE FORCES ANALYSIS
FORCE
EXPLANATION
(Minimum 2 good sentences)
IMPACT(POSITIVE, NEGATIVE, or NEUTRAL)
AFFECT STRATEGY? (YES/NO)
BUYER POWER
SUPPLIER POWER
THREAT OF SUBSTITUTE PRODUCTS OR SERVICES
THREAT OF NEW ENTRANTS
8. RIVALRYAMONG EXISTING COMPETITORS
[Note]Do not identify solutions or things that Myra should do to
address the forces’ impact. (The idea is to identify a
measurement of the impact and if the force will affect UMUC
Haircuts’ Strategy for Competitive Advantage.)
III. Justification of Selected Strategy for Competitive
Advantage
· ExplainhowMyra’sselected strategy for competitive
advantageis justified and supported by the Five Forces Analysis.
· Relate the strategy back to each of Porter’s five forces
discussing the impact of the strategy based on your
measurement of the force (positive, negative, or neutral).
IV. Business Process
· Explain how the process Myra has identified to be improved --
Scheduling employees and Customers -- is related to and
supports the Strategy for Competitive Advantage Myra selected.
· Explain generally how a technology solution could help
9. improve the process. (Do not provide any specific solution.)
V. References
Provide at least one external resource in your paper on an area
of your choice. Note that two or more external resources are
required for maximum points. An external resource is a
resource other than those provided in the class or text book.
Incorporate a properly formatted APA citation in the text of
your document. Then, place an APA style resource on a
reference pageat the end of your document.
Formatting:Stage One Business Environment Analysis
submission.
For academic writing, the writer is expected to write in the third
person. In third person, the writer avoids the pronouns I, we,
my, and ours. The third person is used to make the writing more
objective by taking the individual, the “self,” out of the writing.
This method is very helpful for academic writing, a form in
which facts, not opinion, drive the tone of the text. Writing in
the third person allows the writer to come across as unbiased
and thus more informed.
· Write a short concise paper: 2-3 double spaced pages of
content; table entries for the Five Forces analysis should be
10. single spaced.
· Useat least one external resources with APA formatted citation
and reference
· Include a title page and a reference page.
· Compare your work to the rubric to be sure you have met
content and quality criteria.
· Submit your paper as a Word document, or a document that
can be read in Word.
· Your submission should include your last name first in the
filename: Lastname_firstname_Stage_1
The "right" and "wrong" answers have to do with whether or not
you correctly incorporated the course vocabulary and concepts
from the textbook to support your choices, and that you address
all parts of the assignment.
GRADING RUBRIC:
ISFM-300 Case Study, Stage 1 Rubric: Business Environment
AnalysisCriteria
90-100%
Far Above Standards
80-89%
11. Above Standards
70-79%
Meets Standards
60-69%
Below Standards
< 60%
Well Below Standards
Possible Points
Five Forces Analysis
41-45 Points
Analysis covers all 5 forces, explaining them and their impact
on the business in the case study (Positive, Negative or Neutral)
and whether it should affect the strategy (Yes/No); and strongly
demonstrates understanding of course vocabulary and concepts,
analysis and critical thinking.
36-40 Points
12. Analysis covers all 5 forces, explaining them and their impact
on the business in the case study (Positive, Negative or Neutral)
and whether it should affect the strategy (Yes/No); and
demonstrates understanding of course vocabulary and concepts,
analysis and critical thinking.
31-35 Points
Analysis covers all 5 forces, explaining them and their impact
on the business in the case study (Positive, Negative or Neutral)
and whether it should affect the strategy (Yes/No). Minimal use
of course concepts and vocabulary.
27-30 Points
Analysis covers 1-4 forces, and/or lacks explanations and/or
strategy; may be lacking in demonstration of understanding of
course concepts, analysis, and/or critical thinking.
0-26 Points
Analysis not included, or does not address many of the 5 forces.
45
Justification of SelectedStrategy for Competitive Advantage
18-20 Points
13. The selected Strategy for Competitive Advantage is
exceptionally well supported based on the explanation of the
results of the Five Forces Analysis of the business, and is fully
explained demonstrating a strong understanding of course
vocabulary, concepts, analysis and critical thinking.
16-17 Points
The selected Strategy for Competitive Advantage is well
supported based on the explanation of the Five Forces Analysis
of the business and is adequately explained demonstrating
understanding of course vocabulary, concepts, analysis and
critical thinking.
14-15 Points
The selected Strategy for Competitive Advantage is supported
based on the explanation of the Five Forces Analysis of the
businessand explained demonstratingsome understanding of
course vocabulary, concepts, analysis and critical thinking.
12-13 Points
The selected Strategy for Competitive Advantage is not
adequately supported based on the explanation of the Five
Forces Analysis of the business, does not come from analysis of
the Case Study, and/or is lacking in demonstration of
understanding of course vocabulary, concepts, or analysis.
14. 0-11 Points
No analysis and/or discussion of Strategy for Competitive
Advantage selected is provided or little effort is shown.
20
Process to Improve
9-10 Points
Theexplanation of how the selected business process is related
to and supports the strategy for competitive advantage and the
explanation of how technology could improve the process are
clear, complete and convincing;and demonstrate a strong
understanding of course vocabulary, concepts, analysis and
critical thinking.
8 Points
The explanation of how the selected business process is related
to and supports the strategy for competitive advantage and the
explanation of how technology could improve the process are
clear and complete; and demonstrate a good understanding of
course vocabulary, concepts, analysis and critical thinking.
7 Points
The explanation of how the selected business process is related
to and supports the strategy for competitive advantage and the
15. explanation of how technology could improve the process are
both provided; and demonstrate an understanding of course
vocabulary, concepts, analysis and critical thinking.
6 Points
The explanation of how the selected business process is related
to and supports the strategy for competitive advantage and the
explanation of how technology could improve the process may
not both be provided, or may not be clear or relevant; and may
demonstrate a lack of understanding of course vocabulary,
concepts, analysis and critical thinking.
0-5 Points
The explanation of how the selected business process is related
to and supports the strategy for competitive advantage and the
explanation of how technology could improve the process are
not provided; or little effort is shown.
10
External Research
9-10 Points
Two or more sources other than the textbook are incorporated
and used effectively. Sources used are relevant and timely and
contribute to the analysis. References are appropriately
16. incorporated and cited using APA style.
8 Points
At least one source other than the textbook is incorporated and
used effectively. Source(s) are relevant and contribute to the
analysis. References are appropriately incorporated and cited
using APA style.
7 Points
At least one external resource used and properly incorporated
into the text. Reference is cited using APA style.
6 points
A source other than the textbook may be used, but is not
properly incorporated or used and/or is not effective or
appropriate and/or is not relevant or timely; and/or does not
follow APA style for references and citations.
0-5 Points
No external research is incorporated or reference listed is not
cited within text.
10
Report Format
14-15 Points
Report is very well organized and is easy to read. Very few or
17. no errors in sentence structure, grammar, and spelling; double-
spaced, written in third person and presented in a professional
format.
12-13 Points
Report reflects effective organization; has few errors in
sentence structure, grammar, and spelling; double-spaced,
written in third person and presented in a professional format.
10-11 Points
Report has some organization; may have some errors in
sentence structure, grammar and spelling. Report is double
spaced and written in third person.
9 Points
Report is not well organized, and/or contains several grammar
and/or spelling errors; and/or is not double-spaced and written
in third person.
0-8 Points
Report is extremely poorly written, has many grammar and/or
spelling errors, or does not convey the information.
15
TOTAL Points Possible
100
19. Living in New Zealand
Jim Borrows1, Maynard Williams1, Philip Schluter2,
Janis Paterson3, and S. Langitoto Helu4
Abstract
The Pacific Islands Families study follows a cohort of 1,398
Pacific infants born in Auckland,
New Zealand. This article examines associations between
maternal acculturation, measured by
an abbreviated version of the General Ethnicity Questionnaire,
and selected infant and maternal
health risk indicators. Findings reveal that those with strong
alignment to Pacific culture had
significantly better infant and maternal risk factor outcomes
than those with weak cultural
alignment. In terms of Berry’s classical acculturation model,
separators had the best infant and
maternal outcomes; integrators had reasonable infant and
maternal outcomes, while assimilators
and marginalisors appeared to have the poorest infant and
maternal outcomes. These findings
suggest that retaining strong cultural links for Pacific
immigrants is likely to have positive health
20. benefits.
Keywords
acculturation, infant health risk, Pacific health, culture and
health
Introduction and Background
People of Pacific ethnicities resident in New Zealand are
overrepresented in many adverse social
and health statistics. Pacific peoples generally fare worse than
the New Zealand population as a
whole in statistics relating to health, unemployment, housing,
crime, income, education, and nutri-
tion (Bathgate, Donnell, & Mitikulena, 1994; Cook, Didham, &
Khawaja, 1999). Despite the
1Faculty of Health and Environmental Sciences, AUT
University, Auckland, New Zealand
2School of Public Health and Psychosocial Studies, AUT
University, Auckland, New Zealand, and the University of
Queensland, School of Nursing and Midwifery, Australia
3School of Public Health and Psychosocial Studies, AUT
University, Auckland, New Zealand
21. 4School of Population Health, Faculty of Medical and Health
Sciences, University of Auckland, New Zealand
Corresponding Author:
Jim Borrows, C/-Professor Philip Schluter, School of Public
Health and Psychosocial Studies, AUT University,
Private Bag 92006, Auckland, New Zealand.
Email: [email protected]
700 Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology 42(5)
growth and employment opportunities in New Zealand, Pacific
people are more likely to be
living in poor circumstances with restricted access to higher
education, home ownership, and
access to functional amenities such as automobiles and
telephones. Such statistics have signifi-
cant consequences for Pacific families given that socioeconomic
disadvantage has been consistently
linked with negative health outcomes (Chen, 2004; Power,
2002).
Specifically, the raison d’etre for the Pacific Island Families
22. (PIF) Study, the health of Pacific
families, and especially their infants continues to be an issue of
major concern for New Zealanders.
The total neonatal death rate for Pacific infants at 4.7 per 1,000
live births is twice that of the rate
for New Zealanders of European ancestry but still less than the
5.0 of the indigenous Maori popu-
lation (New Zealand Health Information Service, 2006).
Similarly, Pacific infants have high
rates of hospitalization, particularly for respiratory illnesses
(Ministry of Health & Ministry of
Pacific Island Affairs, 2004), and present at hospital with
higher severity of illness than other
New Zealand children (Grant et al., 2001).
These negative infant statistics are somewhat perplexing,
especially in a country where pri-
mary health care services are available at low cost (free for pre-
schoolers) and emergency and
hospital care services, including birthing services, are provided
free of charge. Also, New Zealand
(Abel, Park, Tipene-Leach, Finau, & Lennan, 2001) and Pacific
ethnographies (Lukere & Jolly,
2002) show that neonatal and infant care practices are not
directly contradictory to accepted
23. Western infant care practices. In Pacific Island settings,
themselves changed by 200 years of
Western contact, the family is perceived as central in providing
traditional protocols for support
and advice to ensure infant well-being.
Explanation for the current Pacific child health circumstances is
likely driven by multiple
variables including the immigration process itself. Previous
research from the PIF study demon-
strated that acculturative orientation had a persistent association
with aspects of health status
and behaviour for cohort participants (e.g., Abbott & Williams,
2006; Low et al., 2005; Paterson,
Feehan, Butler, Williams, & Cowley-Malcolm, 2007), hence the
emphasis in this article on test-
ing the association between maternal acculturation and infant
and maternal health risk factors.
Culture, Health, and Acculturation
The interrelationship between culture and health, including
associated psychological processes,
has been a recurrent theme in the social science literature over
much of the last century (Helman,
2000; Sam, 2006a; Stroebe & Stroebe, 1995; U.S. Department
24. of Health and Human Services, 2001).
There is now acceptance in the medical and health professional
domains that culture should be
acknowledged as an important determinant of health status
(Corin, 1994; Snowden, 2005; Spector,
2002; U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2001)
and that concepts derived from
anthropologic and cross-cultural research may provide an
alternative framework for identifying
health issues that require resolution (Kleinman, Eisenberg, &
Good, 1978; Savage, 2000). In
particular, there is some agreement that many people from
minority cultures may not have faith
in, or necessarily benefit from, the medical interventions that
are being offered by the host soci-
ety (MacLachlan, 1997).
Also recognized is the importance of the interrelationship
between migration and health,
including seminal New Zealand/Pacific migration studies
(Stanhope & Prior, 1976), early inter-
national studies (Carballo, Divino, & Zeric, 1998; Ostbye,
Welby, Prior, Salmond, & Stokes,
1989), and more recent studies aimed at explaining the link
between migration and health (Sam,
25. 2006a). That is, the realization that the well-being of a migrant
group is determined by interlink-
ing factors that relate to the society of origin, the migration
itself, and the society of resettlement.
All three sets of factors need to be considered if one seeks to
reduce or merely to understand the
level of health disorder in any immigrant group. Despite the
recognition of the importance of
Borrows et al. 701
culture and migration in determining health status and the
explanatory acculturation/health hypoth-
eses that this has generated (Carballo et al., 1998; Sam, 2006a),
there have been few empirical
attempts to link health with both migration and culture in
relation to other demographic, social,
and psychological factors operating in given communities in
New Zealand or international stud-
ies (Snowden, 2005). However, it is now clear that migration at
an individual level is a significant
life event for individuals impacting on subsequent health
behaviour and outcomes.
26. Closely related to culture and migration is the concept of
acculturation—that is, “culture change
that is initiated by the conjunction of two or more autonomous
culture systems” (Social Science
Research Council, 1954, as cited in Berry, Poortinga, Segall, &
Dasen, 2002, p. 350). The social
psychology literature is replete with alternative models of the
acculturative process, most of which
are multidimensional, involving numerous topics and factors
(Stanley, 2003). These multidimen-
sional topics range from those at the personal level, such as
personality qualities and psychological
adjustment (Ward & Leon, 2004), language retention and
community socialization, and external
acculturation drivers such as migration experience, micro- and
macro-societal policies, and
regional setting (Persky & Birman, 2005). Outside of these
models, but still incorporating multi-
dimensionality, are the two most common models of
acculturation theory: unidirectional and
bidirectional models of acculturation. Berry restated Redfield
and colleagues’ hypothesis that
acculturative adaptations lead to culture changes in either or
both of the migrating and host soci-
27. ety groups. He went on further to note that it is not inevitable
that intergroup contact proceeds
uniformly through sequential to ultimate assimilation as there
are many other ways of going
about it or indeed is potentially bidirectional and reciprocal
(Berry, 2006). Such insights gener-
ated by this bidirectional model challenges the ethnic melting-
pot assumptions and promotes
exploration and resolution of political sensitivities among
ethnicities (Flannery, Reise, & Jiajuan,
2001). These observations by Berry, Sam, and others, which
hint at multiple individual and group
acculturation strategies, have been complemented more recently
by Boski, who calls for the
development of a theoretical model of integration, a key
concept in the psychology of accultura-
tion, in which five meanings for this concept identified in the
existing literature are positioned as
in-depth directed layers of the bicultural psyche (Boski, 2008).
That is, the subtleties in the accul-
turation process at the group and individual level deserve
further and more detailed examination.
There are many studies that have examined acculturation
strategies in nondominant groups.
28. In most studies, preference for integration is expressed over
other acculturation strategies, although
notable exceptions with Turks both in Germany and in Canada,
and in Hispanic immigrant women
in the United States, have been cited (Ataca & Berry, 2002;
Berry, 2006; Jones, Bond, Gardner, &
Hernandez, 2002).
All these recent contributions that counter the assimilation and
melting-pot models could
be seen as underpinning Pacific community perspectives on
cultural maintenance within
New Zealand society. In New Zealand, there is widespread
official government dogma and minor-
ity community perception that cultural maintenance is important
to health outcomes and that
culturally specific information for minority groups on which to
base optimal policy and services
is necessary. The untested assumption is that such an approach
will lead to improved health and
social outcomes for Pacific peoples. An alternative “popular
hypothesis” in New Zealand would
more likely support international perspectives and studies cited
above that would expect more
positive health outcomes for those effectively embedded in
29. mainstream culture than for those
embedded in Pacific culture or those marginalized from both
cultures. This dominant cultural
and official “cultural maintenance” viewpoint is politically
persuasive in New Zealand and as a
result became the focus of refutation or support in terms of our
working hypothesis outlined as
the second aim for this study presented below.
Based on all these considerations, we applied Berry’s
acculturation model to the relationships
between acculturation and health, in this case operationalised as
poor outcomes for maternal and
702 Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology 42(5)
infant health risk factors. Thus, in the context of understanding
the process and outcomes of
acculturation strategies adopted by Pacific families, this study
had two principal aims: namely,
to (a) investigate the association between mother and infant
health variables that might act as
infant risk indicators and adaptation to living in New Zealand
30. and (b) test the New Zealand view
that strong cultural alignment to the original Pacific culture is
associated with significantly better
outcomes in terms of maternal and infant health risk factors and
that weak cultural alignment is
associated with significantly poorer outcomes in terms of
maternal and infant health risk factors.
For reasons outlined in the Method section, an abbreviated
version of the General Ethnicity Ques-
tionnaire (GEQ; Tsai, Ying, & Lee, 2000) acculturation
measurement instrument was employed.
As a result, a secondary aim was to establish the validity and
reliability of the modified instrument.
Migration and Pacific People in Contemporary New Zealand
Society
To give a context to this study, it is necessary to describe the
place played in New Zealand’s
migration history by people of the Pacific Islands (as distinct
from indigenous Maori descent)
and their place in contemporary society. Polynesian settlement
of the Pacific was completed
around 1200-1300 AD when Te Ika o Maui (the mythical fish of
Maui), the North Island of
New Zealand, was the last Pacific archipelago to be discovered
31. and settled by the ancient Poly-
nesians (Prickett, 2001). These Polynesian ancestors became the
New Zealand indigenous Maori.
Major European settlement, and subsequent colonization,
commenced from the late 18th cen-
tury. Polynesian post-Maori contacts in the 18th and 19th
centuries were limited, and at the 1945
New Zealand Census of Population and Dwellings, only about
2,000 people were recorded as
being of Pacific origin.
A second great wave of Polynesian migration took place in the
relatively short period between
the 1950s and 1980s, when Pacific peoples arrived from the
islands of Samoa, Tonga, Cook Islands,
Niue, Fiji, and the Tokelaus. This modern Polynesian migration
was based principally on oppor-
tunity provided by largely economic imperatives in New
Zealand (Macpherson, Spoonley, & Anae,
2001) or economic sustainability of small island groups such as
the Tokelaus (Prior, Welby,
Ostbye, Salmond, & Stokes, 1987; Salmond, Joseph, Prior,
Stanley, & Wessen, 1985), supplemented
more recently by matters relating to renewing or continuing
links of kinship and family.
32. Currently, Pacific peoples are a very significant and growing
proportion of New Zealand’s
population. More than 6% (231,801 people) in New Zealand
were of Pacific ethnicity at the time
of the 2001 Census (Statistics New Zealand—Te Tari Tatau,
2002a), and Pacific people are pro-
jected to make up more than 8% of the population by 2021
(Statistics New Zealand—Te Tari
Tatau, 2005). The biggest concentration of Pacific people is in
Auckland, New Zealand’s largest
metropolitan area. Sixty percent of people of Pacific ethnicity
were born in New Zealand; of
those born overseas, 40% had arrived in New Zealand by 1981
and 30% between 1981 and 1990
(Statistics New Zealand—Te Tari Tatau, 2002a). This latest
migration of Pacific people influ-
ences the nature of both New Zealand and the home island
societies. For example, in the islands,
it is significant in terms of reducing the overall population and
in providing economic support to
home communities by way of individual and family remittances
to relatives. Table 1 illustrates
the large proportion of Pacific people residing in New Zealand
in relation to their respective home
33. island populations.
Since the migration wave of the late 20th century, Pacific
people have actively participated in
the New Zealand economy and society. In economic terms,
Pacific people have relatively high
labour force participation rates, particularly in the
manufacturing sector. This sector has declined
since the mid-1980s as a proportion of total employment but has
been offset with Pacific people
employment participation in the growing consumer service
industries (such as hotels, restaurants,
and retail) and the employment of younger people in more
skilled technical and professional
Borrows et al. 703
occupations (Statistics New Zealand—Te Tari Tatau, 2002b).
However, people of Pacific eth-
nicities remain underrepresented in managerial and professional
occupations yet overrepresented
in trades and elementary occupations. Overall current labour
force participation rates for people
34. of Pacific ethnicities are at 62.9%, lower than the national rate
of 68.5%, and unemployment
rates are at 6.9%, higher than the national rate of 3.7%
(Department of Labour—Te Tari Mahi,
2007). Maori rates for 2007 in labour force participation and
unemployment are 67.6% and 7.6%,
respectively. In terms of demography, Pacific people living in
New Zealand have a relatively
young age structure and a high fertility rate. While people of
Pacific ethnicities currently have a
lower life expectancy than the total population, it is higher than
that for the indigenous Maori
population (Cook et al., 1999). The Pacific population is
proportionately more likely than the
national population to be in the lower income bands, even after
age standardization. Employment
and income aside, the degree to which people of Pacific
ethnicity participate in New Zealand
society, and are hence not marginalized in ethnic group terms,
is illustrated in Figure 1, with the
number of births resulting from interethnic marriage between
three of the major four ethnic
groups in New Zealand. Interethnic marriage between the
Pacific and Asian ethnic groups is not
as common.
35. Geographically, Pacific peoples are principally resident in
major urban areas. Eighty-one per-
cent of peoples of Pacific ethnicities reside in the major urban
areas, including the Auckland
Region (66.0%), Wellington (12.4%), Christchurch (3.6%), and
Hamilton (1.9%). No other
New Zealand city, town, or district had more than 4,000
residents of Pacific ethnicity (Statistics
New Zealand—Te Tari Tatau, 2006a). Choice of residential
locations was driven by migration
history and economic imperatives mainly to low socioeconomic
status neighbourhoods that have
persisted along with maintenance of kinship and family ties
often irrespective of changes in
standard of living. There was no formal overt or covert official
state or local determination for
spatial distribution or segregation—unlike that experienced in
some migration histories elsewhere
(Musterd, Breebaart, & Ostendorf, 1998). Consequently, the
New Zealand location of Pacific
families remains concentrated in relatively deprived mixed-
ethnicity urban areas, with the major
concentrations in the sprawling central, western, and southern
suburbs of greater metropolitan
36. Auckland and in Wellington. At the 2006 New Zealand Census,
14% of the Auckland region’s
population was of Pacific descent, compared with European
(55%), Asian (18%), and Maori (11%).
In terms of the PIF study at recruitment, all participants in the
study were resident in the catch-
ment area for Middlemore Hospital, the principal birthing
hospital for the Counties Manukau
District Health Board (CMDHB). This catchment area is located
predominantly in Manukau City,
South Auckland. In 2005, just under half the CMDHB
population was made up of European and
other ethnicities (48%), with significant minorities being
Pacific (20%), Maori (17%), and Asian
(15%). More than a third (36%) of all Pacific people in New
Zealand live in CMDHB (2008).
Table 1. Pacific People in New Zealand (New Zealand 2001
Census) and Pacific Islands of Origin
(South Pacific Commission 2001 Estimate)
New Zealand Island of Origin PIF Cohort
Pacific Population Population Population
37. N % N N %
Samoan 115,017 48.6 170,900 647 52.9
Tongan 40,716 17.2 99,400 287 23.5
Cook Island Maori 52,569 22.2 19,300 229 18.7
Niuea n 20,148 8.5 5,400 59 4.8
704 Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology 42(5)
The CMDHB area comprises a highly diversified community in
a country (New Zealand) that
by international standards ranks as a moderate to highly
diversified society, ranking equivalent to
the United States, ahead of Australia, and behind only Canada
and Israel. The authors of a recent
international study on immigrant youth claim that the “diversity
index” portrays the degree of
cultural pluralism present in society and reflects the potential
for interethnic and interlinguistic
contacts that people experience in a given society (Berry et al.,
2006). Pacific peoples live in a
positively oriented multicultural society with ample exposure to
other cultures, including the
38. majority culture, both in work and play, with a significant
degree of intermarriage with people of
European and indigenous Maori ancestry (Figure 1). Compared
with some migrant communities
elsewhere and some rural indigenous communities in New
Zealand (Maori) and Australia
(Australian Aborigines), people of Pacific ethnicities who
arrived in New Zealand as late
20th-century migrants have had relatively high involvement in
the New Zealand labour force,
have located in multi-ethnic urban (if poorer) areas, and have
significant social, sporting, and
cultural links with the wider New Zealand society. They provide
another cultural dimension
alongside indigenous urban Maori, Pakeha (New Zealanders of
European ancestry), and people
of Asian ethnicities in a rapidly evolving but largely empathetic
society that has a moderately
positive attitude toward the principles of multiculturalism and
integration as preferred accultura-
tion strategies (Sang & Ward, 2006).
Method
Participants
39. Data were gathered as part of the PIF study, a longitudinal
investigation of a cohort of 1,398
infants (22 pairs of twins) born at Middlemore Hospital,
CMDHB, South Auckland, New Zealand
during the year 2000. Middlemore Hospital was chosen as the
recruitment site as it has the largest
Figure 1. Pacific Children’s Live Births 2003: Distribution by
Ethnicity (Data From Statistics
New Zealand—Te Tari Tatau, 2004)
Borrows et al. 705
number of Pacific births in New Zealand and is representative
of the major Pacific ethnic groups
(Samoan, Cook Island Maori, and Tongan). It was estimated that
a cohort of 1,000 would provide
sufficient statistical power to detect moderate to large
differences after stratification for major
Pacific ethnic groups and other key variables. Eligibility
criteria included having at least one parent
who self-identified as being of Pacific ethnicity and a New
Zealand permanent resident. Thus,
40. non-Pacific mothers (including indigenous Maori) were eligible
for the study in cases where the
infant’s father was of Pacific descent. Detailed information
about the cohort and procedures is
described elsewhere (Paterson et al., 2006; Paterson et al.,
2008). All procedures and interview
protocols for the PIF study were granted ethical approval from
the National Ethics Committee.
PIF Study Instrument
A wide range of demographic, social, psychological, and health
information was gathered in
relation to the newborn infant and his or her parents at 6 weeks
postpartum using individual inter-
views of mothers conducted in their homes. Items elicited
details relating to household structure,
education and employment, ethnic and cultural identification,
length of residency in New Zealand,
language use and fluency, child health and development, infant
nutrition, infant sleeping, use of
health services (such as family planning and pregnancy),
childcare arrangements, parent child-
hood experiences, parental health and mental health, partner
relationships, family finances, housing,
transport, and church and leisure activities. In all, information
41. on 941 variables of interest was
gathered in the home interview, which lasted approximately 1.5
hours.
Acculturation Measure
Despite the importance of acculturation and its relevance for
policy makers in plural societies,
assessment of this concept remains problematic and no widely
accepted measurement methods
are available (Arends-Toth & van de Vijver, 2006). The
acculturation measure chosen for the
PIF study was an adaptation of the GEQ (Tsai et al., 2000). This
scale included elements consis-
tent with the current status of theory on the psychological
responses to acculturation (Arends-Toth &
van de Vijver, 2006; Berry, 2006; Cabassa, 2003). Moreover,
the GEQ embodies elements of
individual perceptions of characteristics of the island societies
of origin and the New Zealand
receiving society, it measured adoption and maintenance
strategies from a bidimensional perspec-
tive, and it has been widely applied internationally. Although
questioned more recently (Kang, 2006),
a bidimensional scale was chosen because:
42. Linear assimilation models continue to dominate public health
research despite the avail-
ability of more complex acculturation theories that propose
multidimensional frameworks,
reciprocal interactions between the individual and the
environment, and other accultura-
tive processes and . . . the rare use of multidimensional
acculturation measures and models
has inhibited a more comprehensive understanding of the
association between specific
components of acculturation and particular health outcomes.
(Abraído-Lanza, Armbrister,
Flórez, & Aguirre, 2006, p. 1)
With a demanding and lengthy study questionnaire, scales had
to be abbreviated and adapted
so that we would not lose participants in future measurement
waves. To suit the specific purposes
of the PIF study, the scale of Tsai et al. (2000) was further
abbreviated and adapted, thereby
developing the New Zealand (NZACCULT) and Pacific
(PIACCULT) versions of the GEQ
(Appendix). The original 38-item GEQ scale was reduced to 11
items on a pragmatic minimalist
basis but included key items reflecting five of the six specific
43. cultural dimensions identified by
706 Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology 42(5)
Tsai et al. (2000) and reflected the two fundamental issues of
interest: (a) maintaining one’s heritage,
culture, and identity and (b) relative preference for having
contact with, and participating in,
the larger society (Berry, 2006). Also important in selecting
items was a concentration on items
that were likely to apply to the complete respondent population
(Van Nieuwenhuizen, Schene,
Koeter, & Huxley, 2001). Included were questions relating to
the specific cultural dimensions
of language, social affiliation, activities, exposure in daily
living, and food. The sixth dimension,
pride in culture, was excluded as it was considered that this
aspect was better accommodated
by other questions in the measure that reflected and
accommodated some aspects of this dimension.
Some specific items were excluded because they bore little
relevance to Pacific life in New Zealand,
for example listening to radio in a Pacific language, as such
44. services were not widely available
at that time. We thus excluded items that seemed from
knowledge of mainstream New Zealand
culture and New Zealand Pacific culture as having less
relevance (face validity) than for the
American/Chinese population for which the GEQ scale was
originally designed.
The scale was further adapted to include a small number of
items considered of particular
cultural relevance in New Zealand. Two questions relating to
social affiliation but not included
as such in the original GEQ scale were exploring issues relating
to contact with Pacific family
and relatives and attendance at church, both of which were
considered important in a Pacific con-
text in New Zealand society. Similarly, inclusion of sport as a
particular recreation was included
because of the perceived importance of Pacific youth
involvement in New Zealand sport and its
importance in the context of the wider New Zealand society.
The PIF study research group believed that measurement of
acculturation as used in cross-
cultural psychology, but distinct from qualitative
45. anthropologically and socially oriented cul tural
descriptions, was an important and relevant concept in the
context of the longitudinal study on
which we were embarking. This was an additional consideration
in adapting an existing validated
measure that included relevant domains and against which we
had an existing reference stan-
dard to compare. Because of project constraints, it was not
possible to pilot the measure we
developed against the longer version of the GEQ—hence the
inclusion in this article of the
retrospective reliability and validity comparisons. The measure
was developed to make it
appropriate and relevant to Pacific peoples and New Zealand
society as a whole and so as to
provide reasonable approximations of the acculturation process
for this population. Clear face
validity for this combined scale was revealed by both the pre-
study participant focus groups and
the advice received from the study’s Pacific Advisory Board—
this advice being integral to all
substantive decisions on study content. Subsequent results from
other PIF research (Abbott &
Williams, 2006; Low et al., 2005; Paterson et al., 2007)
demonstrated that the acculturation
46. variable measured from these scales was a persistently strong
associate for a range of health and
social indicators.
Assessment of Acculturation
This was undertaken using the classical adaptation and
acculturation strategies model des-
cribed by Berry (1980, 2003, 2006). The model describes four
distinct dimensions, with two
parts to each dimension depending on whether the acculturation
strategy is freely adopted by
the individual or minority group or imposed by the dominant
culture. The strategies are as
follows: (a) Separation (minority group or individual choice) or
segregation (dominant society
preference or force), (b) integration (minority group or
individual choice) or multiculturalism/
pluralism (dominant society preference or force), (c)
assimilation (minority group or indi-
vidual choice) or melting pot/pressure cooker (dominant society
preference or force), and
(d) marginalization/deculturation (minority group or individual
choice) or exclusion/ethnocide
(dominant society preference or force).
47. Borrows et al. 707
Selection of Maternal and Infant Risk Factors
To assess the association of acculturation and maternal and
infant risk factors likely to result in
poor infant health outcomes, a variety of relevant maternal and
infant variables that may provide
insights into such links were extracted from the extensive PIF
variable dictionary. The risk fac-
tors chosen and included for analyses were (a) maternal factors
considered to place the baby at
higher risk—namely, unplanned pregnancy, single mother
without partner, mother perpetrator of
severe interpartner violence, and mother clinically depressed
(Edinburgh Post-natal Depression
Score > 12), and (b) direct infant health risk factors likely to
result in poor long-term outcomes—
namely, small for gestational age, exposed to maternal smoking
in utero, exposed to alcohol in
utero, attended/admitted to hospital, not immunized at 6 weeks,
and not exclusively breastfed.
All factors were chosen taking into account known maternal and
48. infant risk factors for avoidable
morbidity and mortality (Ministry of Health & Ministry of
Pacific Island Affairs, 2004). Some
of the identified risk factors were included because they were
widely considered very important
by stakeholders in terms of Pacific health in New Zealand (e.g.,
single parents without partner
and maternal depression). The factor relating to maternal
perpetration rather than victimization
of severe intimate partner violence was included because an
earlier article from the study had
identified cultural alignment as significantly associated with
maternal perpetration of violence
but not victimization. Some infant health and health-related
variables were excluded, as they were
highly correlated with other variables (e.g., mother currently
smokes as compared to exposed to
maternal smoking in utero). Others were excluded because there
were too few cases. For exam-
ple, the APGAR score at birth was excluded because only 28
cases in the cohort met a clinically
significant low score (< 8 at 5 minutes post-birth), although it
has a demonstrated relationship
with longer term health outcomes, educational achievement, and
social stability (Oreopoulos,
49. Stabile, & Walld, 2007; Weinberger et al., 2000).
Statistical Analysis
Each of the respondents was individually scored on both the
NZACCULT and PIACCULT scales
and allocated to one of the categorical model classes dependent
on whether their individual score
fell above or below the median of the full group: namely, Low
New Zealand—High Pacific
(Separator), High New Zealand—High Pacific (Integrator), High
New Zealand—Low Pacific
(Assimilator), and Low New Zealand—Low Pacific
(Marginalisor). Subsequent analysis was
carried out in terms of this categorization.
To investigate, (a) aims and (b) all risk factors were
simultaneously associated with the 4-
leveled acculturation variable (taking separators as the
reference category) using a binomial
generalized estimating equation (GEE) model. Because the risk
factors are without natural order
and have different binary distributions, an unstructured
covariance matrix was adopted for the
GEE model. Two separate GEE models were run: (a) an
unadjusted model that consists of main
50. effects corresponding to the acculturation variable and risk
factors, and their interactions, and
(b) an adjusted model that consists of main effects
corresponding to the acculturation variable
and the risk factors, and their interactions, together with
selected sociodemographic variables:
mother’s age, ethnicity, highest educational qualification, and
household income. Estimated
marginal odds ratio (OR) means associated with the four-
levelled acculturation variable overall
risk factors were calculated and reported to provide a global
measure of the effect of acculturation.
The robust Huber-White sandwich estimator of variance was
used to calculate standard errors
and confidence intervals. GEE statistical analyses were
performed using Stata/IC 10.0 for Win-
dows (Stata Corp, College Station, TX, USA), and a
significance level of α = 0.05 was used to
determine statistical significance for all tests.
708 Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology 42(5)
The NZACCULT and the PIACCULT were tested for reliability
51. (internal consistency) using
Cronbach’s α. Following Tsai et al. (2000), we analyzed aspects
of validity in two ways: First,
we measured the correlations between average cultural
orientation (as measured by the scales)
and a recognized standard index of acculturation (length of
residence in New Zealand); second,
the mean scores on each of the modified scale items were
calculated for participants who migrated
to New Zealand—less than 2 years ago, between 3 and 5 years,
between 6 and 10 years, more than
10 years, and in addition those who were born in New Zealand.
In line with Tsai et al. (2000), we predicted that if the
PIACCULT was a valid measure of
cultural orientation, then Pacific people who migrated recently
to New Zealand would report
(a) speaking a Pacific language more, (b) understanding a
Pacific language better, (c) being more
exposed to Pacific culture, (d) being more affiliated to Pacific
peoples, and (e) participating more
in Pacific activities than longer term migrants, who in turn
would report higher Pacific orienta-
tion than those born in New Zealand. Conversely, if the
NZACCULT measure was a valid
52. measure of orientation to New Zealand culture, New Zealand–
born Pacific people and those who
had been resident in New Zealand for a longer period would
report (a) speaking English more,
(b) understanding English better, (c) being more exposed to
New Zealand culture, (d) being more
affiliated to non-Pacific peoples, and (e) participating more in
New Zealand activities. Connected
line plots of mean scores of the 11 acculturation questions for
NZACCULT and PIACCULT
scales by years resident in New Zealand, together with a
superimposed lowess curve (a nonpara-
metric estimator of the mean function), were used to graphically
demonstrate this relationship.
Analysis of variance was used to statistically test these
suppositions, along with post hoc tests
including Tukey’s honestly significant difference multiple
comparison test and Welch’s robust
test of equality of means.
Results
In total, 1,708 mothers were identified, 1,657 invited to
participate, 1,590 (96%) consented to a
home visit, and of these, 1,477 (93%) were eligible for the PIF
study. Of those eligible, 1,376
53. (93%) mothers giving birth to 1,398 infants (22 pairs of twins)
of which 680 (49%) were female
participated at the 6-week interview. As non-Pacific mothers
were eligible if the child’s father
was Pacific, some 107 non-Pacific mothers and 1,269 Pacific
mothers participated at the 6-week
interview. Island-specific ethnic distributions in the cohort were
approximately representative of
the ethnic distribution and economic and social characteristics
of the main ethnic Pacific popu-
lation in New Zealand (Table 1). However, they do not reflect
the proportions of populations
from the islands of origin largely because Cook Island Maori,
Niueans, and Tokelauans, unlike
Samoans and Tongans, qualify automatically for New Zealand
citizenship.
Cultural Orientation
In total, 445 (35%) of the sample was categorized as separators,
231 (18%) as integrators, 342
(27%) as assimilators, and 242 (19%) as marginalisors. The
group was subdivided on a median
split-half, and the means, medians, and dispersions of the
PIACCULT and NZACCULT scales
(N = 1,258) were PIACCULT: M = 43.7, SD = 7.32; Median =
54. 45.0; Interquartile range = 11; and
NZACCULT: M = 34.2, SD = 7.78; Median = 35.0; Interquartile
range = 12. Ethnic group dif-
ferences within the overall group in relation to cultural
alignment are outlined in Table 2.
All investigated risk factors were simultaneously associated
with the acculturation variable
using a binomial GEE model. Table 3 includes the percentage of
poor outcomes for each risk
factor and the unadjusted (OR) and associated 95% confidence
intervals (95% CI) for the
acculturation classifications derived from this model. Perusal of
Table 3 reveals considerable
heterogeneity in the estimated ORs between acculturation
classifications over the considered
Borrows et al. 709
risk factors. For example, compared to separators, the ORs
associated with infant exposure to
alcohol during pregnancy was 2.58 for integrators, 14.62 for
assimilators, and 6.98 for marginal-
55. isors. For infants born small for their gestational age, the
estimated ORs were 0.88 for integrators,
1.47 for assimilators, and 1.68 for marginalisors. In this GEE
model, the main effect variables
corresponding to acculturation and the risk factors were
significant (both p < .001), as was their
interaction (p < .001).
To provide a global measure of the effect of acculturation over
the 10 investigated risk fac-
tors, the estimated marginal OR means associated with the four-
levelled acculturation variable
was calculated and reported in Table 4. In the unadjusted
analysis, integrators, assimilators, and
marginalisors had significantly higher estimated marginal OR
means than separators (all p < .001).
Furthermore, assimilators and marginalisors had significantly
higher estimated marginal OR means
than integrators (p = .004 and .007, respectively), but no
significant difference was observed
between assimilator and marginalisor participants (p = .86).
When the GEE analysis was repeated with the addition of
selected sociodemographic vari-
ables, including mother’s age, ethnicity, highest educational
56. qualification, and household income,
there remained considerable heterogeneity in the estimated
adjusted OR between acculturation
classifications over the considered risk factors but some
dampening in their effect sizes com-
pared to the unadjusted ORs. This dampening can be seen in
Table 4, which also includes the
estimated marginal adjusted OR means associated with the four-
levelled acculturation variable.
Again, integrators, assimilators, and marginalisors had
significantly higher estimated marginal
adjusted OR means than separators (all p < .001). However,
assimilators and marginalisors had
estimated marginal adjusted OR means that were no longer
significantly higher than integrators
(p = .06 and .23, respectively). As before, there was no
significant difference in estimated mar-
ginal adjusted OR means between assimilators and marginalisor
participants (p = .50). In the
adjusted GEE analysis, there was a significance difference in
estimated risk factor ORs between
ethnic groups (p < .001), with Tongan mothers having an OR of
1.32 (95% CI: 1.15, 1.51), Cook
Island Maori mothers having an OR of 1.50 (95% CI: 1.29,
1.74), Niuean mothers having an OR
57. of 1.65 (95% CI: 1.32, 2.05), and other Pacific mothers having
an OR of 1.93 (95% CI: 1.48, 2.51)
compared to their Samoan counterparts. However, there was no
significant interaction between
the acculturation classifications and mother’s ethnicity (p =
.40), suggesting that the effect of
acculturation and ethnicity are independent important factors.
Reliability and Validity of the Acculturation Instruments
Cronbach’s α of 0.81 and 0.83 were obtained for the
NZACCULT and the PIACCULT scales,
respectively—values that are acceptable. The length of
residence in New Zealand was significantly
Table 2. Acculturation Classifications by Ethnicity
Acculturation Classifications
Separators Integrators Assimilators Marginalisors
Ethnicity N % N % N % N %
Samoan 304 47.4 151 23.5 125 19.5 62 9.7
Tongan 115 40.8 48 17.0 61 21.6 58 20.6
Cook Island 15 6.6 17 7.4 103 45.0 94 41.0
58. Niuean 4 6.8 10 16.9 26 44.1 19 32.2
Other 5 10.9 5 10.9 27 58.7 9 19.6
All 443 35.2 231 18.4 342 27.2 242 19.2
710
T
a
b
le
3
.
Pe
rc
en
ta
ge
o
109. Borrows et al. 711
correlated with average scores on the NZACCULT (r = 0.58)
and the PIACCULT (r = –0.45),
both p < .001. That is, the more oriented participants were to
New Zealand culture and the less
oriented they were to Pacific culture was correlated with the
number of years that they had
resided in New Zealand. However, PIACCULT and NZACCULT
scales are not strongly corre-
lated (r = –0.33). Analysis of variance by group supported the
predictions noted previously with
regard to the validity of the NZACCULT and PIACCULT
scales. It revealed significant differ-
ences among the five New Zealand residency groups for 9 of the
11 items on both the NZACCULT
and PIACCULT scales (Table 5). Generally, increasing mean
item values on the NZACCULT
scale were observed with increasing length of New Zealand
residency for migrants, with respon-
dents born in New Zealand exhibiting the highest item scores
(Figure 2a). A converse pattern
(Figure 2b) was observed for the PIACCULT scale. Church
attendance on the NZ scale and
Pacific sports participation on the Pacific scale failed to
110. discriminate significantly between the
five NZ residency groups. Larger effect sizes were observed for
speaking and understanding
language and being brought up and being familiar with the
relevant language and customs than
friendship and external social activities.
Discussion
The PIF study was designed to research issues of identified
relevance to the New Zealand Pacific
community. Community consultation undertaken to establish
relevant dimensions for the proto-
cols and advice received from our Pacific Advisory Board
reinforced the perspective that
maintenance of original Pacific culture was a relevant and
positive dimension to good health
outcomes in community perceptions.
The Association Between Mother and Infant Health Variables
The first aim of the study was to investigate the association
between mother and infant health
variables that might act as infant risk indicators and adaptation
to living in New Zealand. The
classical acculturation conceptual model (Berry, 1980) was
applied to achieve this aim. On the
111. basis of accumulated evidence in the literature, it would be
expected that those categorized as
integrators (high NZ, high PI) would have good or very good
health outcomes, separators (high
PI, low NZ) would have good or reasonable outcomes,
assimilators (low PI, high NZ) would
have reasonable outcomes, and marginalisors (low PI, low NZ)
would have poor outcomes.
Table 4. Estimated Marginal OR Means Associated With the
Four-Levelled Acculturation Variable
Over All 10 Risk Factors From Two Separate Binomial
Generalized Estimating Equation (GEE)
Regression Models
Separators Integrators Assimilators Marginalisors
GEE model ORa OR 95% CI OR 95% CI OR 95% CI
(i) Unadjusted 1.00 1.56 1.25, 1.94 2.39 1.98, 2.88 2.33 1.91,
2.83
(ii) Adjusted 1.00 1.53 1.23, 1.91 2.03 1.66, 2.48 1.84 1.50,
2.26
OR = Odds Ratio; CI = Confidence Interval.
112. (i) An unadjusted model that consists of main effects
corresponding to the acculturation variable and risk factors and
their interactions.
(ii) An adjusted model that consists of main effects
corresponding to the acculturation variable and the risk factors
and their interactions, together with selected sociodemographic
variables: mother’s age, ethnicity, highest educational
qualification, and household income.
a. Reference category.
712 Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology 42(5)
Brought up NZ way
Familiar with NZ customs
Understanding of English
Have non-Pasifika friends
Friends speak English
Participate in NZ sports
113. Speak English
Have non-Pasifika contacts
Eat non-Pasifika food
See western-trained doctors
Non-Pasifika church attendees
1
2
3
4
5
M
e
a
n
115. A
Table 5. Analysis of Variance Results Comparing Five New
Zealand Residency Groups (0 to 2 Years, 3
to 5 Years, 6 to 10 Years, > 10 Years and New Zealand Born)
on Item Scores of the PIACCULT
and NZACCULT Scales
Item F p Partial Eta-Squared
PIACCULT Scale
I was brought up the Pasifika way 69.8 < 0.001 0.181
I am familiar with Pasifika practices and customs 45.3 < 0.001
0.126
I can understand a Pasifika language well 61.8 < 0.001 0.164
I have several Pasifika friends 3.7 0.005 0.012
Most of my friends speak a Pasifika language 33.3 < 0.001
0.096
I participate in Pasifika sports and recreation 1.1 0.370 0.003
I speak a Pasifika language 120.2 < 0.001 0.276
I have contact with Pasifika families and relatives 8.1 < 0.001
0.025
I eat Pasifika food 17.6 < 0.001 0.053
I visit a traditional Pasifika healer . . . 13.2 < 0.001 0.040
I go to a church mostly attended by Pasifika people 27.1 <
116. 0.001 0.079
NZACCULT Scale
I was brought up the NZ way 135.1 < 0.001 0.300
I am familiar with NZ practices and customs 105.1 < 0.001
0.250
I can understand English well 70.6 < 0.001 0.183
I have several non-Pasifika friends 61.0 < 0.001 0.162
Most of my friends speak English 79.2 < 0.001 0.201
I participate in NZ sports and recreation 27.6 < 0.001 0.080
I speak English 112.1 < 0.001 0.262
I have contact with non-Pasifika families and relatives 33.2 <
0.001 0.095
I eat non-Pasifika food 8.0 < 0.001 0.025
I visit Western-trained doctors 2.6 0.037 0.008
I go to a church mostly attended by non-Pasifika people 1.6
0.183 0.005
Figure 2a. Connected Line Plot Of Mean Scores of the 11
Acculturation Questions of NZACCULT
Scale for Participants Over the Years They Had Been Resident
in New Zealand (NZ), Together
with the Lowess Curve (Dashed Line)
117. Borrows et al. 713
Although our findings showed a clear direction for these
relationships, they were not in the
expected direction in terms of the majority of the existing
acculturation literature, although, as
indicated previously, there have been some exceptions (Ataca &
Berry, 2002; Berry, 2006;
Jones et al., 2002). The association between maintenance of
constructive health behaviours and
existence and maintenance of aspects of original society social
and cultural practices has also
been noted in the ethnocultural qualitative literature and the
paediatric and nursing literature
(Callister & Birkhead, 2002; Gurman & Becker, 2008). Several
studies have also documented
this apparent epidemiologic paradox, with better outcomes
occurring among disadvantaged
immigrant people (Liu, Chang, & Chou, 2008). However, unlike
this study, some of these stud-
ies focus their analysis on a single acculturation related factor,
such as length of residence
(Hawkins, Lamb, Cole, & Law, 2008) or ethnicity (Gould,
Madan, Qin, & Chavez, 2003),
118. rather than a validated or reliable measure of acculturation and
fail to adjust for important risk
factors and confounders.
Within this cohort, the marginalisor, assimilator, and integrator
groups had poorer outcomes
in terms of all the measured infant-related health risk factors
except for the risk factor, small for
gestational age. In this isolated case, the integrator group OR
was smaller than that for the refer-
ence separator group. Overall, our findings showed a clear
gradation of risk indicators from a
low-risk position held by the reference separator group to the
much-increased OR of each risk
factor for both the assimilator and the marginalisor groups, with
the assimilator and the margin-
alisor groups showing no significant difference.
As noted earlier, there was considerable heterogeneity in the
estimated OR between accul-
turation classifications over the considered risk factors.
However, in terms of the identified
maternal risk factors, three factors could be identified as having
greater risk ORs across the
acculturation categories other than the reference separator
119. group—namely, the mother being the
perpetrator of severe interpersonal violence, association with
maternal smoking in utero, and
Brought up Pasifika way
Familiar with Pasifika customs
Understand a Pasifika language well
Have Pasifika friends
Friends speak a Pasifika language
Participate in Pasifika sports
Speak a Pasifika langauage
Have Pasifika contacts
Eat Pasifika food
Visit Pasifika healers
Church mostly Pasifika
1
121. o
n
s
c
o
re
s
0-2 years 3-5 years 6-10 years >10 years NZ born
New Zealand residency
B
Figure 2b. Connected Line Plot of Mean Scores of the 11
Acculturation Questions of PIACCULT for
Participants Over the Years They Are Resident in New Zealand
(NZ), Together with the Lowess Curve
(Dashed Line).
714 Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology 42(5)
122. exposure to alcohol in utero. The latter two risk factors could be
recognized as negative adapta-
tion associated with undesirable but widespread socio/cultural
behaviours in the host society:
alcohol consumption by women is not considered appropriate
behaviour in traditional Pacific
societies but is sometimes linked to tolerated private and
sometimes aggressive male behaviours
(Ministry of Health: Sector Analysis, 1997). Similarly,
interpartner violence has been consis-
tently linked to excessive alcohol consumption (Leonard, 2000;
Paterson et al., 2007). Such
sociocultural behaviours appear to provide evidence of negative
adaptation of risk-taking host
society behaviours by all groups other than those who hold
strongly to traditional values and
behaviours in the new society. Conversely, it is possible that the
more private corporal health
factors such as birth control, breast feeding, and attitudes to
immunization are more deeply
imbedded psychological rather than recently adopted
sociocultural behaviours (Ward & Leon,
2004), which are subject to slower (less extreme) pace of
change. Detailed analysis of these is
123. beyond the scope of this article, as further research will be
required to clarify the complex relation-
ships between each of these identified risk factors within a
revised and more complex acculturation
model.
Is Strong Cultural Alignment to the Original Culture
Associated With Better Outcomes?
In terms of the second aim of the study, we found that when the
two dimensions of the accultura-
tion measure NZACCULT and PIACCULT were separately and
simultaneously considered, they
provided evidence to support the current Pacific cultural and
New Zealand official dogma. That
is, when Pacific cultural orientation is high, it has a protective
effect; however, this effect is
reduced in the presence of a high New Zealand orientation.
Existing empirical studies show that
at the time of migration, people are at special risk for adoption
of negative health risk practices
(Carballo & Nerukar, 2001; Prior et al., 1987; Salmond et al.,
1985), and at the time of birthing,
mothers are doubly at risk for maintenance or adoption of
negative health practices (Carballo &
Nerukar, 2001). The results presented in this article suggest that
124. there may be something protec-
tive in the process of maintaining original cultural habits
toward good health behaviours. For
example, it is logical to assume that responsible parenthood
would enhance prospects of success-
ful adaptation to the new society. Although the two high PI
orientation groups (separators and
integrators) did not differ significantly on the mean overall PI
scale, there was considerable het-
erogeneity between individual items. The separators scored
significantly higher than the integrators
on scale items relating to custom and active use of a Pacific
language, and these (especially
church attendance) are still important and relevant parts of
strong Pacific identity in New Zea-
land. These items measure traditional Pacific values and reflect
the strength of immediate family
bonds through which these young mothers traditionally obtain
crucial childbearing and child-
raising support. Pacific cultures have strong existing culturally
bound positive traditions toward
birthing and family welfares (Abel et al., 2001; Barclay,
Aiavao, Fenwick, & Papua, 2005). It
could be that those in the separator group have the full
advantage of strong family and commu-
125. nity associations within a culture of origin that enhances
responsible traditional behaviour and
allows consideration of selected new society behaviours that are
considered advantageous. In
this critical arena of maternal and infant risk, these findings
provide evidence of the benefit of
maintaining strong cultural ties especially where the transition
to the new societies systems is not
fully developed.
When the relationships were examined in light of selected
sociodemographic variables, there
was no significant difference in estimated marginal adjusted OR
means between assimilator and
marginalisor groups, except the extent to which the assimilators
report some negative health-
related practices such as smoking and alcohol consumption
during pregnancy. Although individual
Borrows et al. 715
socioeconomic status is accommodated in the adjusted analysis,
the majority of the PIF cohort
126. resides in South Auckland, which has a high proportion of the
most deprived economic areas as
outlined in the New Zealand Atlas of Socioeconomic Difference
(Crampton, Salmond, Kirkpatrick,
Scarborough, & Skelly, 2000). The extent to which the negative
health risk practices in the assi-
milator group are reflecting or dependent on this relatively
poorer socioeconomic setting within
the dominant subregional culture is an interesting question.
These communities, in themselves
multicultural, might also be considered marginalized in terms of
mainstream New Zealand social
culture. In this context, the different modes of acculturation
become different social determinants.
This article is a first step in exploring and providing some
evidence to refute the melting pot as
a preferred hypothesis.
Significant differences in estimated risk factors between ethnic
groups were found, with
Tongan, Cook Island Maori, Niuean, and other Pacific mothers
all having higher risk than their
Samoan counterparts and relatively different proportions in each
of the acculturation groups. The
larger numbers of the Samoan community could explain the
127. greater number of individuals in the
separator category than might be expected from comparable
studies. As is shown in Table 2,
Samoans made up 51% of the cohort and also had the highest
proportion of participants classi-
fied as separators. This also suggests that having strong and
numerous bonds to identify with
may have a protective influence in terms of positive health
outcomes in this particular New Zealand
setting. Where these bonds are weak (e.g., small numbers for
specific island ethnic group or for
those who choose assimilation or marginalized acculturation
strategies), some negative health
practices of the dominant society may be freely adopted. This
could explain why excess alcohol
consumption during pregnancy is characteristic of the
assimilators who are most closely tied to
negative cultural practices of the wider society but less strongly
associated with those in the
marginalisor category. The crude ethnic acculturation
differences are also partly explained by
the findings of the reliability/validity results. These confirm
that Pacific people who migrated
recently to New Zealand are less oriented to New Zealand
mainstream culture and those who
128. migrated to New Zealand less recently have had greater
opportunity for exposure to mainstream
New Zealand behaviour and lifestyle concepts (Figures 2a and
2b). The Cook Island and Niuean
participants in this study have a longer (if still relatively recent)
migration history than those of
Samoan and Tongan ethnicity. Hence, Cook Islands and Niuean
participants have greater pro-
portions in the integrator and marginalisor categories than is the
case for those from Samoa or
Tonga (Table 2). However, although the univariate analysis
provides support for the thesis that
the differences between acculturation groups is mediated by the
ethnic group differences, there
was no significant interaction between the acculturation
classifications and mothers’ ethnicity in
the adjusted GEE model. This suggests that the effects of
acculturation and ethnicity are inde-
pendent important factors.
The finding that separators are at lower risk run counter to
many of the studies that have exam-
ined acculturation strategies in nondominant cultural groups. In
most such studies, preferences
for integration are expressed over the other three strategies
129. (Berry, 2006). Integrative strategies
seem to be preferred at a societal level (Hjerm, 2000), but there
are subtleties (Arends-Toth &
van de Vijver, 2003), and exceptions have been found in
indigenous groups and in some cases in
lower socioeconomic immigrant groups in some settings, for
example Turks in Canada (Ataca &
Berry, 2002). This raises the question as to why preference for
integration in this cohort would
not be associated with the best outcomes given that most studies
in the acculturation literature
have produced results pointing in this direction. General
community and subregional social and
economic factors may be influencing the positive association
between adherence to traditional
culture and health outcomes with the relative collective
disadvantage of those who attempt to
adopt assimilation or an integration cultural strategy in the
setting of an economically deprived
area. That is, are the wider regional cultural examples and
imperatives themselves marginal to
716 Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology 42(5)
130. the economically advantaged mainstream? This may mean that
assimilation and marginalisor
groups identified in this study are in fact themselves aligned
with the predominant subregional
economically deprived culture and share the negative prospects
and health outcomes of that
subregional culture. In this case, it is possible that
marginalization and assimilation are failed
outcomes of regional group rather than individual cultural
integration. These findings also under-
score the need for acculturation research to incorporate the
possibility of more than two cultures
or regional subcultures into the explanatory framework and to
examine the extent to which eth-
nocultural identities are contextually bound (Persky & Birman,
2005).
Aside from location in disadvantaged neighbourhoods, these
findings raise the question as to
whether New Zealand society limits the opportunities for
Pacific people to be exposed to ethnic
groups other than the range of minority Pacific ethnicities. That
is, is this an ethnic ghetto? As is
shown in the description of the place of Pacific people in
131. contemporary New Zealand society,
there is little doubt that opportunities for pursuing migration
strategies of choice have been avail-
able to Pacific communities. The PIF findings that the separator
group has better outcomes are
consistent with Sam (2006a), who found that immigrant youth
who preferred assimilation and
integration had a higher risk of engaging in health-
compromising behaviour, such as smoking
and drinking alcohol, than their peers who preferred separation.
It is also important to recognize
that these results are in line with the historical views of
acculturation scholars, including Berry
(2003), who points out that it is not inevitable that intergroup
contact will proceed uniformly
through a sequential process to ultimate assimilation. Flannery
et al. (2001) also noted that
insights generated by a bidirectional model hold the promise of
correcting melting-pot assump-
tions and promoting political sensitivities among ethnicities and
as such fit explicitly in terms of
the social determinants theories for explaining the epidemiology
of health outcomes.
Recent theory and research offers a deeper insight as to the
132. multidimensional nature of accul-
turation and its components than that incorporated in the
general model we and others have used.
As noted previously, it is possible that the advantages or
disadvantages of one or another mode
of acculturation may vary according to broad dimensions such
as sociocultural and psychologi-
cal adaptation (Ward & Leon, 2004), and in relation to the
domain or competence under study,
such as self-esteem, social competence, and behaviour and
skills and experience. However, most
significantly, advances in the theory of measurement of
acculturation and related cross-cultural
relationships (Boski, 2008) point out that integration, in terms
of Berry’s model of acculturative
attitudes or strategies, and as used for the framework for this
analysis, operates within a limited
concept of integration and in a sense is acultural and as such
might be interpreted as a measure of
double social identity. The abbreviated scales used for this
analysis (PIACCULT and NZACCULT)
were not designed to distinguish these sophisticated and
important contexts in measurement of
integration and acculturation—for example, (a) integration as a
cognitive-evaluative merger of
133. two cultural sets or (b) integration and functional (partial)
specialization in life’s public and pri-
vate domains (Boski, 2008). In terms of the former, the fact that
little differentiation in poor
outcomes for the assimilator and marginalisor groups suggests
that Boski’s value placement
concepts could hold true and that for some fully individually
and socially functioning individu-
als, values oriented toward single culture separation rather than
some overlapping entity may
prove preferable. In terms of the second of these integration
models, there is the possibility that
the individual responses to the two subscales were mediated by
an essentially private response to
the Pacific orientation in the context of language, families, and
way of life but an alternative
public response to the New Zealand orientation when
responding in the context of English being
widely used (and of necessity understood) in the context of
external employment and social and
public life in a multicultural city such as Auckland. This
concept of double response to identity
might partly explain why some questions with seemingly high
face validity proved problem
items in terms of the validity testing. In the context of the
134. private Pacific identity, sports is not
a separate identity concept being bound up with normal social,
community, and church life
Borrows et al. 717
(McGregor & McMath, 1993), whereas for a New Zealand–
oriented public response, the direc-
tion of response is very much affected by the part sport plays in
the context of mainstream life and
work and social exchanges.
Within New Zealand, culturally bound supportive services have
been developed over the last
decade—for example, dedicated Pacific support unit in
communities and hospitals. The efficacy
of such services remains the subject of debate, but these
initiatives show that central government
is focused on pursuing an effective public institutional and
societal strategy in areas of high ethnic
concentration and demand. Traditional island cultures also have
strong alternative community
and church ties that provide support and education around
135. childbirth (Barclay et al., 2005).
It is acknowledged that a more sensitive measure is needed to
elucidate the complex interac-
tion between the individual’s preferred cultural identity and the
accommodating multicultural
society that has evolved in New Zealand. That is, a society that
allows strong personal (internal)
maintenance of values derived from the original island societies
in family home and private life
domains, which are protective of mother and infant, while
functional specialization is enabled in
public life domains such as work, education, and civic society
(in this case, health services) from
the concern and service efforts provided by the host society.
The well-established services allow
ample opportunity for effective (if selective) participation in
most public life domains. Examina-
tion of these concepts in greater depth is beyond the scope of
this current article but will be
pursued in the future phases of the PIF longitudinal study.
Is the Abbreviated Version of the GEQ a Valid and Reliable
Instrument?
The ancillary aim for this study was to demonstrate that the
136. abbreviated version of the GEQ
adopted for use in the PIF longitudinal study was both a valid
and reliable instrument in the con-
text of the range of health and social outcomes that were of
principal interest for the PIF study.
Our confidence in the selection of items was borne out by the
psychometric analysis that showed
very good internal consistency of the resultant abbreviated New
Zealand (NZACCULT) and
Pacific (PIFACCULT) scales. The use of these scales was
justified in terms of testing our aims
and appropriate for ongoing use for Pacific people in this
longitudinal study and for similar epi-
demiological oriented studies in the future. To improve face
validity, the scale was adapted to
include a limited number of items assessing concepts considered
important and central to New
Zealand or Pacific culture. The analysis revealed that some of
these items did not contribute
significantly to the measure of cultural differentiation—hence,
we were sacrificing internal con-
sistency at the expense of content validity. Rather than remove
them from the scales, we left
them in place for they had different impacts in terms of the
respective PIACCULT and NZAC-
137. CULT scales and provided further insight into how the New
Zealand and Pacific cultures view
and accommodate such issues. In brief, these nondiscriminatory
items provide insights into some
of the differences in the Pacific versus New Zealand cultural
view in the context of New Zealand
society. They confirm that in a Pacific domain context, sport is
not a single distinguishable vari-
able in establishing Pacificness (McGregor & McMath, 1993);
conversely, in a New Zealand
domain context, church attendance is not a relevant variable as
the wider New Zealand society
and world view is more secularly oriented, with 65% of the New
Zealand population nominating
a religious affiliation as compared to 86% of Samoans and 90%
of Tongan people who were
affiliated with a religion (Statistics New Zealand—Te Tari
Tatau, 2006b).
Strengths of This Study
There are some specific strengths of this study that deserve
elucidation. First, the short but robust
acculturation measure used was constructed so that the cultural
orientation and change could be
described and its impact could be quantitatively measured for
138. inclusion in the ongoing explanatory
718 Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology 42(5)
models for healthy child and family development. This approach
can be useful in the context of
the universal modelling rationale for this longitudinal study,
providing both insights for testing
and explanation of the results as is the case in this initial study
of the association of acculturation
and maternal and infant health risk indicators. Despite having
many salient features, including
the ability to accommodate and appropriately model correlated
binary data, GEE methods used
here have not readily been adopted by behavioural researchers
(Lee, Herzog, Meade, Webb, &
Brandon, 2007). The approach also fits a modern
epidemiological perspective for examining the
impacts of relevant social and health determinants, in this case
the mode of acculturation, and
serves to enrich the literature in terms of the place of
acculturation and acculturation strategies in
the context of the wider psychosocial and epidemiological
139. literature.
Second, although this is a birth cohort, the island-specific
ethnic distributions in the cohort are
approximately representative of the ethnic distribution of the
main ethnic Pacific population in
New Zealand. This is unexceptional as a great majority of the
Pacific population in New Zealand
is located in the wider Auckland metropolitan area but still
useful in terms of policy and planning
for areas such as ongoing refinement of antenatal and birthing
services and community health
promotion activities such as immunization strategy, nutrition
advice, and exercise programs.
Specific Limitations
There are four specific limitations of this study that need to be
recognized:
(a) Abbreviating the GEQ from a 38-item to 11-item scale was a
necessary requirement for the
PIF study to avoid lengthening an already long
multidisciplinary questionnaire. The resultant
bi-dimensional scales have proved robust and successful in the
context of a general measure of
140. acculturation for the epidemiological explanatory model used
here and can continue to be used in
this context. This is notwithstanding the limitations on the use
of the median split method outlined
in Arends-Toth and van de Vijver (2006), and the conclusions
of Kang (2006), that lack of indepen-
dence between ethnic and mainstream cultural orientations is
partially due to specific scale format
and that structural features commonly found in bi-dimensional
acculturation instruments cause
strong inverse associations between the two cultural
orientations. Our analyses have shown that the
PIACCULT and NZACCULT are not strongly correlated (–0.33)
and show a wide distribution of
the means between the NZACCULT and the PIACCULT scales.
This means that when responding
to the Pacific-oriented scale, the tendency was to a more
uniform and positive response than was the
case with the New Zealand scale but not for those mother
participants (≈40%) who were New
Zealand born. It is also clear that other than the expected trends
over time in relation to length
of residency in New Zealand, no obvious differential exists in
terms of the way in which the
New Zealand–born as compared with island-born participants
141. responded to the two questionnaires.
(b) A more important limitation in relation to the use of this
scale for this study is the inability
to apply it in the contexts of more recent, complex, and richer
acculturation models that have
aroused interest elsewhere. These include, for example, domain-
specific models (Arends-Toth &
van de Vijver, 2006, 2007; Tsai et al., 2000) and specialized
acculturation and integration con-
cepts such as cognitive-evaluative, functional specialization,
frame switching, and constructive
marginalization models as summarized by the five-level model
of the acculturation process pos-
tulated by Boski (2008). The approach adopted in the
measurement used in this study carries an
inherent risk that may remain fixed at the first level
(acculturation attitudes) rather than moving
on through cultural perception and evaluation to areas such as
functional specialization and per-
haps true multiculturalism, cultural heteronomy, and true
autonomy of self.
(c) The demonstrated difference in the means between the
acculturation groups other than the
142. separator group (Table 4), while significant, is probably
insufficient in practical clinical terms to
suggest that identification of at-risk individuals based solely on
the acculturation scale used in
Borrows et al. 719
this study would not be practical for direct clinical use in the
health and social services. How-
ever, these findings can be used to highlight the areas of cross-
cultural difference in perception
of, and potential use of, health services by individuals caught
between or outside cultures. It is
this issue that needs to be addressed in health promotion and
service terms so that the benefit or
use of such services can be optimized. In addition, these
findings suggest that cultural alignment
should be considered for inclusion in explanatory
epidemiological models and support the per-
spective that culture be given proper consideration in the
clinical decision-making process.
(d) Last, it is also important to recognize that this analysis is
143. constrained by the nature of limi-
tations common to longitudinal studies, with large
multidimensional questionnaires resulting in
lesser opportunity to drill down into multifaceted issues. This
approach limits the degree to
which the specific role of Pacific subcultures and their elements
can be elucidated. For example,
we were not able to investigate the impact of individual
attitudes on mode of acculturation at this
data collection point. Separator mothers may be inherently
group or community aligned rather
than more individually oriented and hence may be less likely to
engage in potentially risky
behaviour. We may be able to consider individual versus group
personality behavioural charac-
teristics of participants and the association with acculturation in
later phases of the study.
These findings provide support for the view that retaining and
enhancing strong cultural links
for Pacific immigrants is likely to have positive benefits. The
acculturation measure proved
robust and reliable as an overall measure. A clear association
was shown between mode of accul-
turation and the group of maternal and infant risk factors,
144. however this measure did not sufficiently
reveal which of the infant and maternal outcomes were
individually effective indicators of accul-
turation risk independent of the overall acculturation categories.
Also, such detailed relationships
may comprise a useful outcome only if the other subtleties of
the acculturation process pointed
to elsewhere in this article are properly accommodated. In
particular, those subtleties related to
attitudinal and behavioural responses in public and private
domains and attitudes and behaviours
in both the sociocultural and more personal psychological and
corporal health realms.
We acknowledge that it is not possible from this study to
determine whether in terms of recent
models of integrative acculturation strategies the findings
presented here are in fact indicators of
an effective New Zealand public integrative but not assimilative
(melting pot) strategy. These
findings raise questions about the stability of the relationships
between culture and health risk
factors; how reflections of disadvantage are maintained over
time; at what speed post-migration
changes take place; how these changes support, refute, or assist
145. in better explaining current migration/
acculturation and health hypotheses such as the “immigrant
health paradox” (Sam, 2006a); and
what factors influence this, especially in relation to
acculturative stress.
Further planned work in the longitudinal PIF study will
determine the durability of these find-
ings and explore in more depth aspects of cultural contact
between Pacific peoples and the wider
New Zealand society and examine this in terms of degree of
change, elements of the process that
lead to cultural alignment remaining static or the rate of change
over time, and ultimately the
relationship between the cultural alignment of the parent(s) and
the children in this birth and
family cohort. This could add a significant dimension to the
understanding of the modes of the
classical acculturation model (Berry, 2003; Sam, 2006b) and the
more recent explanatory models
of levels of integration in the acculturation process (Boski,
2008).
Conclusion
Most descriptions of the acculturative processes, particularly
146. exceptions to the assimilative norm
(Ataca & Berry, 2002), are generally cross-sectional in nature.
This initial analysis of acculturation
in the context of this large-scale longitudinal epidemiological
study (Paterson et al., 2008) pro-
vides a singular opportunity to explore these concepts over time
in greater depth. In spite of
720 Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology 42(5)
current limitations, further research within the parent
longitudinal study offers ongoing opportu-
nity to unravel some of the nuances and impacts of cultural
alignment, in terms of historical recognized
models and modes of acculturation that are still rarely
considered in a traditional epidemiological
approach. This study, placing acculturation at the centre of
interest and analysis, provides an
interdisciplinary approach aimed at beginning the process of
filling this deficit. “And most
New Zealanders, whatever their cultural backgrounds, are good-
hearted, practical, commonsen-
sical and tolerant. Those qualities are part of the national
147. cultural capital that has in the past saved
the country from the worst excesses of chauvinism and racism
seen in other parts of the world.
They are as sound a basis as any for optimism about the
country’s future.” (King, 2003, p. 520)
Appendix
Pacific Island and New Zealand Acculturation Scales:
The PIACCULT (Pacific orientation)
I was brought up the Pasifika way
I am familiar with Pasifika practices and customs
I can understand a Pasifika language well
I have several Pasifika friends
Most of my friends speak a Pasifika language
I participate in Pasifika sports and recreation
I speak a Pasifika language
I have contact with Pasifika families and relatives
I eat Pasifika food
I visit a traditional Pasifika healer when I have an illness
I go to a church that is mostly attended by Pasifika people
The NZACCULT (New Zealand orientation)
I was brought up the NZ way
I am familiar with NZ practices and customs