The purpose of the research is to examine importance of Georgia’s current relations with its neighboring Russia and Azerbaijan and to estimate risks that deterioration of these relations can bring to Georgia’s economy. Of particular interest is to understand who stands behind the tensions happened in Georgia in the run-up to the tourist season of 2019 or at least to figure out possible motives behind the events. Interdependence of the states is analyzed through historical review of their relations and estimation of their current mutual interests. Considering risks and aspirations of the sides in the tensions, the motives behind are suggested. The data received depicts that none of these tensions were initiated by Georgia following its interests, on the contrary, its ruling party’s most visible achievement had been the ability to maintain positive and beneficial relations with both Russia and Azerbaijan. Thus, the Georgian government considered to be a victim in this case. The paper concludes that Georgian government is unable to react on provocations in a timely fashion due to absence of agreement in the ruling party and being quite fragile for outside forces that try to influence the country’s political processes. Unless Georgia manages to build more interdependent or less dependent relations with superpowers, it will be unable to avoid repetition of such manipulations.
Comparative analysis of Russian foreign policy concepts (1993-2013)George Krechunyak
The document analyzes and compares the evolution of Russian foreign policy concepts from 1993 to 2013 through 4 key documents. It finds that while priorities have remained consistent around relations with the CIS and customs unions with former Soviet states, Russia's attitudes towards threats and international organizations like NATO and approach to promoting its national interests have changed significantly over time as its power and influence has grown. The most recent 2013 concept reflects Russia's view of an increasingly multipolar world and desire to play a more prominent global role.
Russia—Republic of Korea Relations: Revising the Bilateral AgendaRussian Council
This Working Paper was prepared by the Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC) as a part of the project “Russia and the Asia-Pacific Region: Conceptual Basis for Security and Development Policy”. The team of authors has conducted comprehensive analysis of Russia—Republic of Korea relations, as well as individual
aspects thereof in a regional context, including economic, scientific and technical cooperation. The research proceeded with practical recommendations aimed at fulfilling Russia’s interests in the Asia-Pacific and strengthening efficient bilateral interaction with ROK.
The document discusses geopolitical changes in the Black Sea region and their implications for Moldova's foreign policy. It makes the following key points:
1) The Black Sea region is experiencing a resurgence of geopolitical rivalries as Russia pushes back against Western expansion. This has undermined earlier optimism about democratization and integration with the EU and NATO.
2) Countries around the Black Sea are adopting shifting alignments in response, balancing between power blocs. Moldova in particular pursues a multivector foreign policy as it is sandwiched between competing interests.
3) Moldova's positioning is determined by its need to survive as a state, but it must also consider pressures from
This document discusses U.S. foreign policy towards Russia from 2000-2012. It examines the significance of foreign policy and outlines the key areas of study as U.S.-Russia relations and efforts to promote democracy in Russia. The main argument is that while Russia has become more democratic since the fall of the Soviet Union, relations remain tense and U.S. policy has not significantly changed. The document then outlines Russia's principal foreign policy interests in global order, security, and economic growth as well as U.S. interests in international security, the world economy, and global order.
The Postulates on Russia’s Foreign Policy developed with the participation of the Russian International Affairs Council’s members and experts discuss Russia’s position in the international arena, the role of global challenges in shaping the foreign policy agenda and outline foreign policy priorities for the period from 2012 to 2018. The main purpose of the Postulates is to encourage a public discourse about new contours and orientation of Russia’s foreign policy and to devise the solutions to be protected against traditional and emerging security challenges.
This article analyzes the scope of cooperation at the institutional and bilateral level of the
European Union and Central Asia. Despite the systematic tightening of cooperation between
Brussels and the republics of the former USSR, there is still a lack of unambiguous definition
of real long-term interests of the European Union in the region. The fundamental problem of
cooperation development is a strong fragmentation of EU activities in five different republics
of Central Asia. Therefore, there is a need to improve the exchange of information, increase
control and coordination, as well as limit the thematic scope of undertaken initiatives. There are
potential diversification opportunities for energy sources that exist in the Central Asia region.
The document summarizes the foreign policy of Kyrgyzstan. It has four main priorities: strengthening national security, fostering external development, strengthening international image, and establishing an effective foreign policy system. The policy is multi-vectored, balanced, and pragmatic, based on national interests. Key dimensions are regional cooperation with neighbors, continental relations with major powers like Russia and China, and global involvement in international organizations. The policy aims to develop mutually beneficial relations while maintaining independence.
Damage Assessment: EU-Russia relations in crisisRussian Council
The document discusses the impact of tensions between the EU and Russia on countries in their shared neighborhood. It argues that the tensions have polarized regional politics and reinforced rigid approaches by both sides. Countries in the region are now prioritizing maintaining power by playing the EU and Russia off each other, rather than pursuing needed political and economic reforms. While economic competition between the EU and Russia increased tensions, it was domestic political issues in Ukraine, like corruption, that ultimately led to revolution and conflict. The crisis has made both sides view the region in black-and-white terms, which does not reflect reality and hinders reform.
Comparative analysis of Russian foreign policy concepts (1993-2013)George Krechunyak
The document analyzes and compares the evolution of Russian foreign policy concepts from 1993 to 2013 through 4 key documents. It finds that while priorities have remained consistent around relations with the CIS and customs unions with former Soviet states, Russia's attitudes towards threats and international organizations like NATO and approach to promoting its national interests have changed significantly over time as its power and influence has grown. The most recent 2013 concept reflects Russia's view of an increasingly multipolar world and desire to play a more prominent global role.
Russia—Republic of Korea Relations: Revising the Bilateral AgendaRussian Council
This Working Paper was prepared by the Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC) as a part of the project “Russia and the Asia-Pacific Region: Conceptual Basis for Security and Development Policy”. The team of authors has conducted comprehensive analysis of Russia—Republic of Korea relations, as well as individual
aspects thereof in a regional context, including economic, scientific and technical cooperation. The research proceeded with practical recommendations aimed at fulfilling Russia’s interests in the Asia-Pacific and strengthening efficient bilateral interaction with ROK.
The document discusses geopolitical changes in the Black Sea region and their implications for Moldova's foreign policy. It makes the following key points:
1) The Black Sea region is experiencing a resurgence of geopolitical rivalries as Russia pushes back against Western expansion. This has undermined earlier optimism about democratization and integration with the EU and NATO.
2) Countries around the Black Sea are adopting shifting alignments in response, balancing between power blocs. Moldova in particular pursues a multivector foreign policy as it is sandwiched between competing interests.
3) Moldova's positioning is determined by its need to survive as a state, but it must also consider pressures from
This document discusses U.S. foreign policy towards Russia from 2000-2012. It examines the significance of foreign policy and outlines the key areas of study as U.S.-Russia relations and efforts to promote democracy in Russia. The main argument is that while Russia has become more democratic since the fall of the Soviet Union, relations remain tense and U.S. policy has not significantly changed. The document then outlines Russia's principal foreign policy interests in global order, security, and economic growth as well as U.S. interests in international security, the world economy, and global order.
The Postulates on Russia’s Foreign Policy developed with the participation of the Russian International Affairs Council’s members and experts discuss Russia’s position in the international arena, the role of global challenges in shaping the foreign policy agenda and outline foreign policy priorities for the period from 2012 to 2018. The main purpose of the Postulates is to encourage a public discourse about new contours and orientation of Russia’s foreign policy and to devise the solutions to be protected against traditional and emerging security challenges.
This article analyzes the scope of cooperation at the institutional and bilateral level of the
European Union and Central Asia. Despite the systematic tightening of cooperation between
Brussels and the republics of the former USSR, there is still a lack of unambiguous definition
of real long-term interests of the European Union in the region. The fundamental problem of
cooperation development is a strong fragmentation of EU activities in five different republics
of Central Asia. Therefore, there is a need to improve the exchange of information, increase
control and coordination, as well as limit the thematic scope of undertaken initiatives. There are
potential diversification opportunities for energy sources that exist in the Central Asia region.
The document summarizes the foreign policy of Kyrgyzstan. It has four main priorities: strengthening national security, fostering external development, strengthening international image, and establishing an effective foreign policy system. The policy is multi-vectored, balanced, and pragmatic, based on national interests. Key dimensions are regional cooperation with neighbors, continental relations with major powers like Russia and China, and global involvement in international organizations. The policy aims to develop mutually beneficial relations while maintaining independence.
Damage Assessment: EU-Russia relations in crisisRussian Council
The document discusses the impact of tensions between the EU and Russia on countries in their shared neighborhood. It argues that the tensions have polarized regional politics and reinforced rigid approaches by both sides. Countries in the region are now prioritizing maintaining power by playing the EU and Russia off each other, rather than pursuing needed political and economic reforms. While economic competition between the EU and Russia increased tensions, it was domestic political issues in Ukraine, like corruption, that ultimately led to revolution and conflict. The crisis has made both sides view the region in black-and-white terms, which does not reflect reality and hinders reform.
Russia—EU Relations at a Crossroads. Common and Divergent InterestsRussian Council
The document analyzes common and divergent interests between Russia and the EU. It identifies several common economic, security, and social interests, such as trade, counterterrorism, freedom of movement, and resolving regional conflicts. However, it notes that identifying common interests is not enough, as structural differences and a lack of trust have previously prevented cooperation despite shared goals. It argues a renewed partnership will require both sides to specify what aspects of their past relationship need reform and develop a new vision for the future.
The document discusses the evolving partnership between Russia and China over the past few decades. It notes that relations have strengthened significantly since the 1990s, with the two countries establishing a strategic partnership in 1996. Key aspects of their cooperation examined include growing military exercises and arms sales between the two militaries, increasing trade volumes but a need for trade to be more balanced, cooperation on energy issues including Russian energy exports to China, and alignment on opposing US unilateralism and supporting multilateralism geopolitically. The relationship demonstrates close political, economic and military ties that are expected to deepen further.
Russia and Europe: Somewhat Different, Somewhat the Same?Russian Council
There are more issues that divide Russia and the EU than that unite them. Although both sides support the fundamentals of the current world-order (especially when confronted with a challenge like IS), Russia believes that the current arrangement does not grant equality and is asymmetrically patterned after the West. While civil societies on both sides believe that sanctions should be ended and relations strengthened, and while both have incurred losses as a result of restrictive measures, they diverge on the conditions of relaunching economic relations, on the feasibility of technical cooperation in the absence of political convergence, and on what EU – Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) cooperation could look like. While the EU and Russia feel the need to cooperate on a settlement in Ukraine, on stabilisation in the Middle East, on the fi ght against terrorism, they diverge over what should be done, over whether human rights / democracy or security / stability should prevail, and over how international organisations should be used.
In this context two parallel tracks should be promoted. The fi rst one is ad hoc cooperation on burning common threats (the settlement in Ukraine and the fi ght against IS and terrorism), or economic issues of immediate mutual benefi t (aviation, the space, medicine, and gas). Various international fora as well as bilateral EU-Russia arrangements should be open for this cooperation. At the same time, sustainable long-term cooperation depends on conceptual discussions over the future set-up, which would guarantee that the preferences of both sides are taken into consideration and neither feels discriminated or betrayed. Mutual understanding is essential for these discussions, it can be cultivated through wider civil society dialogue, more balanced media coverage, the preservation of existing economic links and expert discussions. Only this conceptual settlement will reverse the current ‘divide-unite’ split in favour of more unity.
This document summarizes political relations among the five Central Asian states of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan based on data collected between April and July 2012. It finds that while Kazakhstan has been very active in visiting both neighboring and non-neighboring states, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan visit neighbors and other states less frequently. Relations are generally better depicted on a bilateral rather than regional level. Russia remains the primary external partner for Central Asian states, followed by the US, China, and Turkey. The frequency and nature of interactions varies significantly between state pairs.
A Report of the CSIS Russia and Eurasia Program and the Russian International Affairs Council
At a time when tension between the US and Russia is higher than it has been in decades, we cannot forget that the relationship between these two countries is among the most important for global security. On any number of issues, from arms control to the Middle East, failure of the U.S. and Russia to communicate will make things much, much worse, with repercussions that will last for generations and affect the entire world. For this reason, CSIS and RIAC convened some of Russia’s and America’s top experts to think through the future of the bilateral relationship. The result is a series of papers that identify both the spheres where coordination is crucial and those where it may be possible, responding to mutual interests and potentially helping to stabilize the relationship and buffer against conflict in the future. For both, they offer concrete recommendations and a clear-eyed take on what can, and what cannot be done.
The analyses that follow examine prospects for Russia-U.S. cooperation in several crucial regions and fields: economics, energy, the Arctic, Euro-Atlantic security, the Middle East, strategic stability, cybersecurity, and countering terrorism and extremism. They offer actionable recommendations in each area, some of which can, and should be undertaken today, and some of which should be considered by policymakers in Moscow and Washington as they chart a course through dangerous and uncertain times.
Alternative "enemies" 2020. Kremlin's campaign in Georgia.Egor Kuroptev
Report on recent developments in Georgia and the Region related to upcoming 2020 elections, hybrid activities the Kremlin implements against Georgia. David Gareja, role of Turkey and Azerbaijan. Author: Egor Kuroptev.
Cooperation between the Russian Federation and the Arab Republic of Egypt: Op...Russian Council
Working paper prepared by the Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC) within the project «Middle East: Political Dynamics and Russia’s Interests». The authors examine the main trends in the development of the political and economic situation in Egypt, analyze the state of Russian-Egyptian relations, lead recommendations for their further development, examine the role of Egypt through the prism of the exacerbation of regional conflicts and threats in the Middle East, analyze the prospects for Russian-Egyptian cooperation in addressing regional problems.
Current state of Russia’s relations with Japan and prospects for their develo...Russian Council
The report presents the results of a comprehensive analysis of contemporary Russian-
Japanese relations made by a team of Russian Japanologists within a framework of the
Russian International Affairs Council’s research program. Political, trade and economic,
scientific, technological and cultural cooperation and also the approaches to the resolution
of “the northern territories’ problem” are among the key issues considered by the authors.
Newsbud Exclusive – “From the Atlantic to the Pacific”: Vladimir Putin & the ...Chris Helweg
During the Beijing summit, Putin intentionally contrasted the positive prospects of Eurasian integrations “to promote steady development, increase citizens’ incomes and improve education and health care” with the instability, uncertainty, and unpredictability in other regions of the world, including the EU and the U.S. He stated that in the U.S. “an intense internal political struggle continues, creating a nervous atmosphere in both politics and the economy,” while in Europe,
1) Joe Biden's visit to Moldova came after stops in Helsinki and Moscow and was part of efforts to "reload" U.S.-Russian relations and evaluate the progress of resetting ties between the two countries.
2) In Moscow, Biden emphasized issues of democracy and human rights, which some saw as a strategic challenge to Russia, while the formal priorities of the visit were bilateral security cooperation and commercial relations.
3) In Chisinau, Biden recognized Moldova's democratic progress and said the U.S. supports Moldova's European orientation, ongoing economic reforms, and a resolution to the Transnistrian conflict that preserves Moldova's sovereignty. The speech also sent a message to Russia by highlighting
Theses on Russia’s Foreign Policy and Global Positioning (2017–2024)Russian Council
This document provides theses on Russia's foreign policy and global positioning from 2017-2024. It summarizes that the modern world is at a crossroads with intensifying rivalry between major powers. It is in Russia's interest to help ensure conflicts are mitigated through globalization. Russia remains an important global power but also faces challenges like economic backwardness. The document outlines 5 tasks for Russia, including improving relations in the post-Soviet space, developing non-Western partnerships, seeking compromises with the West, reinforcing global governance, and linking foreign policy to domestic development. It argues Russia should avoid isolationism or retreat and instead create conditions for qualitative development at home and abroad.
The Russia-China partnership has developed over the past 20 years based on several factors:
1) They have a long historical relationship with few conflicts compared to Russia's relationships with other countries.
2) They have parallel experiences with imperial decline in the 19th century and revolutions in the early 20th century.
3) Currently, they share geopolitical interests in opposing US unilateralism and hegemony.
4) Economic cooperation has increased but remains asymmetrical, with Russia exporting energy and arms and China exporting manufactured goods.
5) Ideologically, they both favor state-capitalist models and defense of sovereignty over Western democracy promotion.
Vladimir Putin has been President of Russia for 15 years, during which time he has pursued two objectives: stabilizing Russia and making it a global power. To achieve these, Putin has implemented aggressive domestic and foreign policies. Domestically, he cracked down on oligarchs and consolidated power around himself and the central government in Moscow. In foreign policy, he seeks to restore Russia's influence and undermine the U.S.-led global order. Putin has proven remarkably successful in these goals, strengthening his popularity at home and power abroad, though economic troubles and corruption remain issues.
Transformation of the Modern International Conflictsijtsrd
This article analysis the modern processes in international conflict resolution and transformation processes of solving inter state and intra state conflicts. Besides, Author gives own ideas on modern trends in international relations and conflict resolution which were researched on concrete cases and overall situation in modern world politics in XXI century. Bakhadirov Murat "Transformation of the Modern International Conflicts" Published in International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development (ijtsrd), ISSN: 2456-6470, Volume-5 | Issue-1 , December 2020, URL: https://www.ijtsrd.com/papers/ijtsrd38183.pdf Paper URL : https://www.ijtsrd.com/humanities-and-the-arts/social-science/38183/transformation-of-the-modern-international-conflicts/bakhadirov-murat
This report is the result of a series of brainstorming sessions between American, Russian, and European
experts funded by a grant from Carnegie Corporation of New York.
The Atlantic Council is grateful for the leadership of the Honorable Ellen Tauscher and Minister Igor Ivanov,
who led the team in an effort to keep the dialogue open and frank at a challenging time for European
security, as 2014 events in Ukraine unravelled the post-Cold War security order. The Council wishes to
acknowledge the contributions of American experts: Walter Slocombe, Hans Binnendijk, Paul Fritch, and
those who have wished to remain unnamed, as well as the European experts: Lukasz Kulesa, Markus Kaim,
and Paal Hilde, who worked under the leadership of Ian Kearns and the European Leadership Network
(ELN). The Council also thanks the group of Russian experts: Andrey Kortunov, Andrei Zagorski, and Irina
Busygina, who worked under the leadership of the Russian International Affairs Council to contribute
the Russian perspective; and, fially, the Director and coordinator of the project, Isabelle François, for the
diffiult task of bringing diverging views together into one fial publication.
The Atlantic Council offered a platform to keep channels of communication open and for different
views to be expressed. Not surprisingly, in the months that followed events in Ukraine, it proved
impossible to narrow the differences and develop a common, action-oriented approach to the challenge
of rebuilding the European security order. We aimed instead for a necessary fist step of listening to each
other and reflcting on the signifiant differences in the Western and Russian approaches. Our debates
focused on a possible way forward by gaining clarity on the interests at stake, from the US, European,
and Russian perspectives, in order to better defie whether and where common interests may still lie
and how best to advance them. The need for managing our differences in the aftermath of the Ukrainian crisis
will continue to require signifiant efforts on the part of decision-makers, experts, offiials, international
organizations, and nongovernmental organizations, and will likely take time and strategic patience.
We hope that this report will contribute to a better understanding and appreciation for the differences
in terms of the respective US, European, and Russian positions, in order to better prepare, when the time
comes, for bridging the gap and bring back stability, security, and prosperity to the whole of Europe.
Comparative Analysis of US China Relations during Trump Administrationijtsrd
This article examines crucial issues in the US Chinese relations during the Trump administration considering the issues like Trade war and geopolitical situation in Asia Pacific region. This research explores the main directions of Sino American relations in the period of presidency of Donald Trump, as well as the recent trends and perspectives on cooperation between the two states. The following conclusions are coming to end First, the U.S. government can continue, in the nearest future, to put pressure on China on issues such as human rights, civil society development, and Internet freedom. This pressure will be reflected in China, especially among educated youth and the growing middle class. The preservation and consolidation of American positions in the waters of the Pacific and Indian Oceans is forcing Beijing to focus on the resource and transit potential of mainland Eurasia One Belt One Road , highlighting the growing importance of Russia and Central Asia for China’s strategy. Second, the U.S. administration’s attitude toward China remains moderate, despite occasional changes. The tendency for bilateral dialogue and mutually beneficial cooperation prevails. Third, there was unequivocal support from both houses of Congress for the Trump administration’s new tough demands on China. Existing problems between the parties, in particular, China’s close cooperation with Russia, further complicate the situation to the detriment of China. Fourth, the positive development of bilateral relations will contribute to ensuring international political, economic, environmental stability and global security. Fifth, China’s economic development and growing international position are intensifying competition in bilateral relations not only in the Asia Pacific region, but also in the rest of regions of the Globe. Uchkun Dustov "Comparative Analysis of US- China Relations during Trump Administration" Published in International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development (ijtsrd), ISSN: 2456-6470, Volume-5 | Issue-2 , February 2021, URL: https://www.ijtsrd.com/papers/ijtsrd38540.pdf Paper Url: https://www.ijtsrd.com/humanities-and-the-arts/political-science/38540/comparative-analysis-of-us-china-relations-during-trump-administration/uchkun-dustov
1. The document discusses four potential scenarios for the future of European integration: "more Europe", "less Europe", "consolidation of Europe", and "flexible Europe".
2. The "less Europe" scenario would scale back EU integration by dismantling certain sectoral policies and reducing the regulatory role of the EU. However, this could exacerbate economic and migration crises and increase instability.
3. The "more Europe" scenario calls for greater centralization and a full political federation, but most EU countries are unwilling to cede sovereignty to supranational bodies.
4. The "consolidation of Europe" maintains the current level of integration but risks inertia that cannot address growing challenges
Resort-oriented tourism development and local tourism networks – a case study...David Vicent
A very nice studycase by Outi Kulusjärvi about how Resort-Oriented rural tourism with a very well developed Relational system boosts the socio-economic development in rural areas. The resort as a social hub of the regional economy. Fantastic ideas for tourism rural develoment.
Prof. Dr. Paul Ade Silva, Editor of JAMMO, Interviews Khalil Charles, Deputy ...paulussilas
This document contains an interview between Prof. Dr. Paul Ade Silva and Khalil Charles on their careers in journalism and their perspectives on issues related to the news media. Khalil Charles discusses his career path from local radio in London to positions at BBC, Islam Channel, Middle East Monitor, and currently as Deputy News Editor at TRT World. He reflects on the concentration of media ownership, the role of the media in agenda setting, and his experience reporting from Sudan. Charles believes the media has both benefited society and been manipulated by powerful interests, and that non-Western perspectives remain underrepresented. The interview covers topics like normalization between Sudan and Israel, the potential extradition of Omar al-Bashir, and issues facing
This document provides a summary of a report on the future of US-China relations under Chinese President Xi Jinping. The report analyzes China's capabilities and intentions, American responses, and provides policy recommendations. It asks seven questions on China's rise and seeks to answer them. The report concludes that China's economic model is likely sustainable; Xi is a powerful leader the US can work with; and constructive cooperation between the two countries is possible in areas of common purpose while managing disagreements. It advocates for a framework of "constructive realism for a common purpose" to guide the relationship.
Economic Ties of Georgia with Central Asian Countries and Future Cooperation ...ijtsrd
This document analyzes the economic relationships between Georgia and Central Asian countries in terms of trade, tourism, foreign direct investment, and remittances. It finds that trade between Georgia and countries like Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, and Tajikistan has increased in recent years. Georgia exports products like mineral water, nuts, spirits, and automobiles to Central Asia and imports oil, gas, metals and agriculture. Tourism from Central Asia, led by Kazakhstan, has also grown significantly in recent years. Foreign direct investment has mainly come from Kazakhstan, which has invested in sectors like construction, transportation, real estate and finance. The document discusses opportunities for further strengthening economic cooperation between Georgia and Central Asia.
Russia and the Visegrad Group: The Ukrainian ChallengeRussian Council
The Eastern Partnership policy that triggered the Ukrainian crisis has provided ample opportunity to reflect on Russia–EU relations, alongside with evaluating cooperation between Russia and the Visegrad Group countries (also called the Visegrad Four or V4). The Visegrad Four have taken on responsibility for the eastward enlargement of the European Union having become its members.
Russia—EU Relations at a Crossroads. Common and Divergent InterestsRussian Council
The document analyzes common and divergent interests between Russia and the EU. It identifies several common economic, security, and social interests, such as trade, counterterrorism, freedom of movement, and resolving regional conflicts. However, it notes that identifying common interests is not enough, as structural differences and a lack of trust have previously prevented cooperation despite shared goals. It argues a renewed partnership will require both sides to specify what aspects of their past relationship need reform and develop a new vision for the future.
The document discusses the evolving partnership between Russia and China over the past few decades. It notes that relations have strengthened significantly since the 1990s, with the two countries establishing a strategic partnership in 1996. Key aspects of their cooperation examined include growing military exercises and arms sales between the two militaries, increasing trade volumes but a need for trade to be more balanced, cooperation on energy issues including Russian energy exports to China, and alignment on opposing US unilateralism and supporting multilateralism geopolitically. The relationship demonstrates close political, economic and military ties that are expected to deepen further.
Russia and Europe: Somewhat Different, Somewhat the Same?Russian Council
There are more issues that divide Russia and the EU than that unite them. Although both sides support the fundamentals of the current world-order (especially when confronted with a challenge like IS), Russia believes that the current arrangement does not grant equality and is asymmetrically patterned after the West. While civil societies on both sides believe that sanctions should be ended and relations strengthened, and while both have incurred losses as a result of restrictive measures, they diverge on the conditions of relaunching economic relations, on the feasibility of technical cooperation in the absence of political convergence, and on what EU – Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) cooperation could look like. While the EU and Russia feel the need to cooperate on a settlement in Ukraine, on stabilisation in the Middle East, on the fi ght against terrorism, they diverge over what should be done, over whether human rights / democracy or security / stability should prevail, and over how international organisations should be used.
In this context two parallel tracks should be promoted. The fi rst one is ad hoc cooperation on burning common threats (the settlement in Ukraine and the fi ght against IS and terrorism), or economic issues of immediate mutual benefi t (aviation, the space, medicine, and gas). Various international fora as well as bilateral EU-Russia arrangements should be open for this cooperation. At the same time, sustainable long-term cooperation depends on conceptual discussions over the future set-up, which would guarantee that the preferences of both sides are taken into consideration and neither feels discriminated or betrayed. Mutual understanding is essential for these discussions, it can be cultivated through wider civil society dialogue, more balanced media coverage, the preservation of existing economic links and expert discussions. Only this conceptual settlement will reverse the current ‘divide-unite’ split in favour of more unity.
This document summarizes political relations among the five Central Asian states of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan based on data collected between April and July 2012. It finds that while Kazakhstan has been very active in visiting both neighboring and non-neighboring states, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan visit neighbors and other states less frequently. Relations are generally better depicted on a bilateral rather than regional level. Russia remains the primary external partner for Central Asian states, followed by the US, China, and Turkey. The frequency and nature of interactions varies significantly between state pairs.
A Report of the CSIS Russia and Eurasia Program and the Russian International Affairs Council
At a time when tension between the US and Russia is higher than it has been in decades, we cannot forget that the relationship between these two countries is among the most important for global security. On any number of issues, from arms control to the Middle East, failure of the U.S. and Russia to communicate will make things much, much worse, with repercussions that will last for generations and affect the entire world. For this reason, CSIS and RIAC convened some of Russia’s and America’s top experts to think through the future of the bilateral relationship. The result is a series of papers that identify both the spheres where coordination is crucial and those where it may be possible, responding to mutual interests and potentially helping to stabilize the relationship and buffer against conflict in the future. For both, they offer concrete recommendations and a clear-eyed take on what can, and what cannot be done.
The analyses that follow examine prospects for Russia-U.S. cooperation in several crucial regions and fields: economics, energy, the Arctic, Euro-Atlantic security, the Middle East, strategic stability, cybersecurity, and countering terrorism and extremism. They offer actionable recommendations in each area, some of which can, and should be undertaken today, and some of which should be considered by policymakers in Moscow and Washington as they chart a course through dangerous and uncertain times.
Alternative "enemies" 2020. Kremlin's campaign in Georgia.Egor Kuroptev
Report on recent developments in Georgia and the Region related to upcoming 2020 elections, hybrid activities the Kremlin implements against Georgia. David Gareja, role of Turkey and Azerbaijan. Author: Egor Kuroptev.
Cooperation between the Russian Federation and the Arab Republic of Egypt: Op...Russian Council
Working paper prepared by the Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC) within the project «Middle East: Political Dynamics and Russia’s Interests». The authors examine the main trends in the development of the political and economic situation in Egypt, analyze the state of Russian-Egyptian relations, lead recommendations for their further development, examine the role of Egypt through the prism of the exacerbation of regional conflicts and threats in the Middle East, analyze the prospects for Russian-Egyptian cooperation in addressing regional problems.
Current state of Russia’s relations with Japan and prospects for their develo...Russian Council
The report presents the results of a comprehensive analysis of contemporary Russian-
Japanese relations made by a team of Russian Japanologists within a framework of the
Russian International Affairs Council’s research program. Political, trade and economic,
scientific, technological and cultural cooperation and also the approaches to the resolution
of “the northern territories’ problem” are among the key issues considered by the authors.
Newsbud Exclusive – “From the Atlantic to the Pacific”: Vladimir Putin & the ...Chris Helweg
During the Beijing summit, Putin intentionally contrasted the positive prospects of Eurasian integrations “to promote steady development, increase citizens’ incomes and improve education and health care” with the instability, uncertainty, and unpredictability in other regions of the world, including the EU and the U.S. He stated that in the U.S. “an intense internal political struggle continues, creating a nervous atmosphere in both politics and the economy,” while in Europe,
1) Joe Biden's visit to Moldova came after stops in Helsinki and Moscow and was part of efforts to "reload" U.S.-Russian relations and evaluate the progress of resetting ties between the two countries.
2) In Moscow, Biden emphasized issues of democracy and human rights, which some saw as a strategic challenge to Russia, while the formal priorities of the visit were bilateral security cooperation and commercial relations.
3) In Chisinau, Biden recognized Moldova's democratic progress and said the U.S. supports Moldova's European orientation, ongoing economic reforms, and a resolution to the Transnistrian conflict that preserves Moldova's sovereignty. The speech also sent a message to Russia by highlighting
Theses on Russia’s Foreign Policy and Global Positioning (2017–2024)Russian Council
This document provides theses on Russia's foreign policy and global positioning from 2017-2024. It summarizes that the modern world is at a crossroads with intensifying rivalry between major powers. It is in Russia's interest to help ensure conflicts are mitigated through globalization. Russia remains an important global power but also faces challenges like economic backwardness. The document outlines 5 tasks for Russia, including improving relations in the post-Soviet space, developing non-Western partnerships, seeking compromises with the West, reinforcing global governance, and linking foreign policy to domestic development. It argues Russia should avoid isolationism or retreat and instead create conditions for qualitative development at home and abroad.
The Russia-China partnership has developed over the past 20 years based on several factors:
1) They have a long historical relationship with few conflicts compared to Russia's relationships with other countries.
2) They have parallel experiences with imperial decline in the 19th century and revolutions in the early 20th century.
3) Currently, they share geopolitical interests in opposing US unilateralism and hegemony.
4) Economic cooperation has increased but remains asymmetrical, with Russia exporting energy and arms and China exporting manufactured goods.
5) Ideologically, they both favor state-capitalist models and defense of sovereignty over Western democracy promotion.
Vladimir Putin has been President of Russia for 15 years, during which time he has pursued two objectives: stabilizing Russia and making it a global power. To achieve these, Putin has implemented aggressive domestic and foreign policies. Domestically, he cracked down on oligarchs and consolidated power around himself and the central government in Moscow. In foreign policy, he seeks to restore Russia's influence and undermine the U.S.-led global order. Putin has proven remarkably successful in these goals, strengthening his popularity at home and power abroad, though economic troubles and corruption remain issues.
Transformation of the Modern International Conflictsijtsrd
This article analysis the modern processes in international conflict resolution and transformation processes of solving inter state and intra state conflicts. Besides, Author gives own ideas on modern trends in international relations and conflict resolution which were researched on concrete cases and overall situation in modern world politics in XXI century. Bakhadirov Murat "Transformation of the Modern International Conflicts" Published in International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development (ijtsrd), ISSN: 2456-6470, Volume-5 | Issue-1 , December 2020, URL: https://www.ijtsrd.com/papers/ijtsrd38183.pdf Paper URL : https://www.ijtsrd.com/humanities-and-the-arts/social-science/38183/transformation-of-the-modern-international-conflicts/bakhadirov-murat
This report is the result of a series of brainstorming sessions between American, Russian, and European
experts funded by a grant from Carnegie Corporation of New York.
The Atlantic Council is grateful for the leadership of the Honorable Ellen Tauscher and Minister Igor Ivanov,
who led the team in an effort to keep the dialogue open and frank at a challenging time for European
security, as 2014 events in Ukraine unravelled the post-Cold War security order. The Council wishes to
acknowledge the contributions of American experts: Walter Slocombe, Hans Binnendijk, Paul Fritch, and
those who have wished to remain unnamed, as well as the European experts: Lukasz Kulesa, Markus Kaim,
and Paal Hilde, who worked under the leadership of Ian Kearns and the European Leadership Network
(ELN). The Council also thanks the group of Russian experts: Andrey Kortunov, Andrei Zagorski, and Irina
Busygina, who worked under the leadership of the Russian International Affairs Council to contribute
the Russian perspective; and, fially, the Director and coordinator of the project, Isabelle François, for the
diffiult task of bringing diverging views together into one fial publication.
The Atlantic Council offered a platform to keep channels of communication open and for different
views to be expressed. Not surprisingly, in the months that followed events in Ukraine, it proved
impossible to narrow the differences and develop a common, action-oriented approach to the challenge
of rebuilding the European security order. We aimed instead for a necessary fist step of listening to each
other and reflcting on the signifiant differences in the Western and Russian approaches. Our debates
focused on a possible way forward by gaining clarity on the interests at stake, from the US, European,
and Russian perspectives, in order to better defie whether and where common interests may still lie
and how best to advance them. The need for managing our differences in the aftermath of the Ukrainian crisis
will continue to require signifiant efforts on the part of decision-makers, experts, offiials, international
organizations, and nongovernmental organizations, and will likely take time and strategic patience.
We hope that this report will contribute to a better understanding and appreciation for the differences
in terms of the respective US, European, and Russian positions, in order to better prepare, when the time
comes, for bridging the gap and bring back stability, security, and prosperity to the whole of Europe.
Comparative Analysis of US China Relations during Trump Administrationijtsrd
This article examines crucial issues in the US Chinese relations during the Trump administration considering the issues like Trade war and geopolitical situation in Asia Pacific region. This research explores the main directions of Sino American relations in the period of presidency of Donald Trump, as well as the recent trends and perspectives on cooperation between the two states. The following conclusions are coming to end First, the U.S. government can continue, in the nearest future, to put pressure on China on issues such as human rights, civil society development, and Internet freedom. This pressure will be reflected in China, especially among educated youth and the growing middle class. The preservation and consolidation of American positions in the waters of the Pacific and Indian Oceans is forcing Beijing to focus on the resource and transit potential of mainland Eurasia One Belt One Road , highlighting the growing importance of Russia and Central Asia for China’s strategy. Second, the U.S. administration’s attitude toward China remains moderate, despite occasional changes. The tendency for bilateral dialogue and mutually beneficial cooperation prevails. Third, there was unequivocal support from both houses of Congress for the Trump administration’s new tough demands on China. Existing problems between the parties, in particular, China’s close cooperation with Russia, further complicate the situation to the detriment of China. Fourth, the positive development of bilateral relations will contribute to ensuring international political, economic, environmental stability and global security. Fifth, China’s economic development and growing international position are intensifying competition in bilateral relations not only in the Asia Pacific region, but also in the rest of regions of the Globe. Uchkun Dustov "Comparative Analysis of US- China Relations during Trump Administration" Published in International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development (ijtsrd), ISSN: 2456-6470, Volume-5 | Issue-2 , February 2021, URL: https://www.ijtsrd.com/papers/ijtsrd38540.pdf Paper Url: https://www.ijtsrd.com/humanities-and-the-arts/political-science/38540/comparative-analysis-of-us-china-relations-during-trump-administration/uchkun-dustov
1. The document discusses four potential scenarios for the future of European integration: "more Europe", "less Europe", "consolidation of Europe", and "flexible Europe".
2. The "less Europe" scenario would scale back EU integration by dismantling certain sectoral policies and reducing the regulatory role of the EU. However, this could exacerbate economic and migration crises and increase instability.
3. The "more Europe" scenario calls for greater centralization and a full political federation, but most EU countries are unwilling to cede sovereignty to supranational bodies.
4. The "consolidation of Europe" maintains the current level of integration but risks inertia that cannot address growing challenges
Resort-oriented tourism development and local tourism networks – a case study...David Vicent
A very nice studycase by Outi Kulusjärvi about how Resort-Oriented rural tourism with a very well developed Relational system boosts the socio-economic development in rural areas. The resort as a social hub of the regional economy. Fantastic ideas for tourism rural develoment.
Prof. Dr. Paul Ade Silva, Editor of JAMMO, Interviews Khalil Charles, Deputy ...paulussilas
This document contains an interview between Prof. Dr. Paul Ade Silva and Khalil Charles on their careers in journalism and their perspectives on issues related to the news media. Khalil Charles discusses his career path from local radio in London to positions at BBC, Islam Channel, Middle East Monitor, and currently as Deputy News Editor at TRT World. He reflects on the concentration of media ownership, the role of the media in agenda setting, and his experience reporting from Sudan. Charles believes the media has both benefited society and been manipulated by powerful interests, and that non-Western perspectives remain underrepresented. The interview covers topics like normalization between Sudan and Israel, the potential extradition of Omar al-Bashir, and issues facing
This document provides a summary of a report on the future of US-China relations under Chinese President Xi Jinping. The report analyzes China's capabilities and intentions, American responses, and provides policy recommendations. It asks seven questions on China's rise and seeks to answer them. The report concludes that China's economic model is likely sustainable; Xi is a powerful leader the US can work with; and constructive cooperation between the two countries is possible in areas of common purpose while managing disagreements. It advocates for a framework of "constructive realism for a common purpose" to guide the relationship.
Economic Ties of Georgia with Central Asian Countries and Future Cooperation ...ijtsrd
This document analyzes the economic relationships between Georgia and Central Asian countries in terms of trade, tourism, foreign direct investment, and remittances. It finds that trade between Georgia and countries like Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, and Tajikistan has increased in recent years. Georgia exports products like mineral water, nuts, spirits, and automobiles to Central Asia and imports oil, gas, metals and agriculture. Tourism from Central Asia, led by Kazakhstan, has also grown significantly in recent years. Foreign direct investment has mainly come from Kazakhstan, which has invested in sectors like construction, transportation, real estate and finance. The document discusses opportunities for further strengthening economic cooperation between Georgia and Central Asia.
Russia and the Visegrad Group: The Ukrainian ChallengeRussian Council
The Eastern Partnership policy that triggered the Ukrainian crisis has provided ample opportunity to reflect on Russia–EU relations, alongside with evaluating cooperation between Russia and the Visegrad Group countries (also called the Visegrad Four or V4). The Visegrad Four have taken on responsibility for the eastward enlargement of the European Union having become its members.
Georgia has pursued economic diplomacy and integration with Western international organizations and countries since gaining independence in 1992. It joined the UN, signed agreements with the EU, and joined the WTO and Bretton Woods institutions. After economic struggles in the 1990s, reforms after the Rose Revolution improved relations with the West. Georgia signed an Association Agreement and DCFTA with the EU in 2014. It also participates in the Eastern Partnership and works to reduce dependence on Russia, especially for energy, through the Baku-Tbilisi-Erzurum gas pipeline. Personal connections between leaders also influenced relations. While economic ties with China are growing, full integration into China's One Belt, One Road initiative may allow Georgia to play
Russian–Chinese Dialogue: The 2016 Model: Report No. 25/2016Russian Council
This report presents the results of analysis of the state of Russia–China relations in 2015 and the first quarter of 2016.
Leading experts from Russia and China study key foreign policy interests of the two countries, their trade and economic bilateral relations, including investment, transport and energy projects. Special attention is given to security in Eurasia and the role of multilateral institutions in guaranteeing security, the alignment of the Eurasian Economic Union and the Silk Road Economic Belt projects, as well as Russia–China scientific, educational and cultural cooperation.
The content of the annual joint report is aimed at improving the effectiveness of the main areas of bilateral cooperation between Russia and China and bringing the opinions of the expert and academic community to the political leadership of the two countries.
The economic factors affecting emigration process in georgia the economic fac...Azer Dilanchiev
The problem of emigration become one of the vital problem not only in Georgia but in all developing countries. The aim of this
paper is to analyses the economic factors that are affecting to this process in Georgia. The paper is based on the regression
analysis between economic variables and the level of emigration between years of 2000 to 2014.Regression analysis model
shows 80, 7 percent significance level of economic indicators.
For the economic reason the emigration disposition is still high in the population of Georgia. Despite the fact that the intensity
of stationary emigration in recent years fall, the level of illegal emigration is still high. The possible further emigration process
would worsen the demographic situation in Georgia.
Keywords: emigration, Gini index, Georgia, unemployment
This study presents novel evidence on the effects of conflict on trade in non-conflict areas. We examine the context of the ongoing Russian military intervention in Ukraine. In a difference- in-differences framework, we leverage a newly compiled firm-level panel with the universe of Ukrainian trade transactions from 2013 through 2016 and exploit substantial spatial variation in the ethnic composition of Ukrainian counties. The estimates suggest that Ukrainian firms from counties with fewer ethnic Russians experienced a deeper decline in trade with Russia. We argue that this result stems from increased ethnic tensions and a differential rise in negative attitudes and beliefs about Russia. Possible mechanisms include consumer boycotts of Russian products, reputational concerns of Ukrainian firms, and a breakdown of trust in contract enforcement. In contrast, we find no evidence for individual-level animosity between firms’ key decision makers or discrimination at the border. We also rule out that the differential decline in trade arises only from economic spillovers, such as refugee flows and destruction of supply chains with conflict areas.
Regional Determinants of Central Asian Developmentijtsrd
This document summarizes a research paper on regional determinants of development in Central Asia. It discusses how Central Asian countries have struggled with developing their own statehood and economies since gaining independence from the Soviet Union. While maintaining ties with Russia, Central Asian nations have also pursued relationships with other powers for economic benefits. Key economic sectors in the region include oil and gas production as well as metals industries. The document analyzes GDP, inflation, and trade trends among Central Asian countries and notes China has become a major trade partner. It argues regional cooperation and partnerships with countries like South Korea could help Central Asian countries diversify their economies and access new technologies to support development.
Prospects for Russian-Chinese Cooperation in Central Asia. RIAC ReportRussian Council
The Working Paper is prepared by the Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC) as part of the “Russia’s Interests in Central Asia” project. The goal of the publication is to outline the possibilities of cooperation between Russia and China in Central Asia by analyzing the interests of the two countries in relation to the interests of the Central Asian states themselves. The Paper also discusses risks and security challenges which are on the rise in the region and may impede the implementation of economic development projects such as the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) and the Chinese Silk Road Economic Belt (SREB) initiative.
The Working Paper covers the economic interests and presence of Russia and China in the region, and compares their resources for ensuring security. Special attention is paid to the possible cooperation between the two powers in tying together the EEU and the SREB. The authors suggest several promising formats and areas which are in the best interests of both Russia and China, and, first and foremost, in the best interests of the Central Asian states themselves.
RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN FOREIGN DIRECT INVESTMENT AND ECONOMIC GROWTH, CASE STUD...giorgi lomidze
This document is a dissertation submitted by Giorgi Lomidze to the University of East Anglia in partial fulfillment of an MSc degree. The dissertation examines the relationship between foreign direct investment and economic growth in Georgia from 1997 to 2013 through a literature review and empirical analysis. The dissertation contains 7236 words divided among sections on the abstract, introduction, literature review, model specification and data, empirical results, conclusion, and bibliography. Lomidze conducted the research under the supervision of Dr. Duncan Watson.
The document discusses the perspectives of the Eastern Partnership between the EU and six Eastern European countries (Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Moldova, Ukraine, Belarus). It notes that after two years, results of the partnership were unsatisfactory with regress in democracy in some countries. At the Vilnius summit, only Moldova and Georgia initialed association agreements with the EU due to Russian pressure deterring Armenia, Ukraine, and Azerbaijan from further integration. While both Moldova and Georgia made reforms, only Georgia saw significant changes such as reduced corruption. The future of the Eastern Partnership remains uncertain.
“A Common Wealth: Building Gulf-CIS ties” is an Economist Intelligence Unit report, commissioned by Dubai Chamber. It examines trade and investment between the Gulf countries and the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) and maps the existing and potential role of Gulf-based investors in the CIS region. The findings are based on desk research and interviews with experts, conducted by The Economist Intelligence Unit.
Research on Trade Competitiveness and Trade Potential of Sino Russian Agricul...ijtsrd
As two neighboring agricultural powers, China and Russia have always attached great importance to the agricultural cooperation between the two sides. Especially after China promoted the Belt and Road Initiative, building the China Mongolia Russia Economic Corridor and other major economic development strategies, the two countries have become more closely linked in the trade of agricultural products, and have actively explored deeper cooperation. This paper analyzes the competitiveness of Sino Russian agricultural products trade, and then discusses the trade potential of Sino Russian agricultural products under the Belt and Road Initiative through the gravity model. Aiming at the problems existing in Sino Russian agricultural products trade, this paper puts forward some countermeasures for the cooperation development of Sino Russian agricultural products trade. Lai Quanlin | Jiang Lijie "Research on Trade Competitiveness and Trade Potential of Sino-Russian Agricultural Products" Published in International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development (ijtsrd), ISSN: 2456-6470, Volume-6 | Issue-2 , February 2022, URL: https://www.ijtsrd.com/papers/ijtsrd49351.pdf Paper URL: https://www.ijtsrd.com/economics/international-economics/49351/research-on-trade-competitiveness-and-trade-potential-of-sinorussian-agricultural-products/lai-quanlin
Research on Trade Competitiveness and Trade Potential of Sino Russian Agricul...ijtsrd
As two neighboring agricultural powers, China and Russia have always attached great importance to the agricultural cooperation between the two sides. Especially after China promoted the Belt and Road Initiative, building the China Mongolia Russia Economic Corridor and other major economic development strategies, the two countries have become more closely linked in the trade of agricultural products, and have actively explored deeper cooperation. This paper analyzes the competitiveness of Sino Russian agricultural products trade, and then discusses the trade potential of Sino Russian agricultural products under the Belt and Road Initiative through the gravity model. Aiming at the problems existing in Sino Russian agricultural products trade, this paper puts forward some countermeasures for the cooperation development of Sino Russian agricultural products trade. Lai Quanlin | Jiang Lijie "Research on Trade Competitiveness and Trade Potential of Sino-Russian Agricultural Products" Published in International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development (ijtsrd), ISSN: 2456-6470, Volume-6 | Issue-2 , February 2022, URL: https://www.ijtsrd.com/papers/ijtsrd49351.pdf Paper URL: https://www.ijtsrd.com/economics/international-economics/49351/research-on-trade-competitiveness-and-trade-potential-of-sinorussian-agricultural-products/lai-quanlin
Vasty - trade.pptx trading between ghana and russiaClementNana
This document discusses optimizing trade relations between Ghana and Russia through establishing an efficient and sustainable import-export framework. It aims to address the lack of research on the effectiveness and sustainability of their current import-export dynamics. The study examines cultural, economic and historical factors influencing the trade relationship between Ghana and Russia in order to bridge knowledge gaps and serve as a framework to strengthen their alliance for mutual economic benefit.
This document discusses India's international relationships and their impact on the country's economic growth. It provides context on the history of international relations and outlines key determinants of foreign policy. India maintains relationships with many countries around the world, and its national security relies on both internal strength and its ability to exist and develop within the international environment. Bilateral relationships, regional and global groups, and the policies of other nations can all affect India's interests. Examining these dynamics and China's growing global influence is important for understanding India's current international policies and their role in economic development.
Remittance inflow and economic growth the case of georgiaAzer Dilanchiev
Abstract:
Remittance inflow become one of the main source of capital flows in the world. It is noted that remittance is
very effective in promoting household welfare and as an alternative source of capital inflow. However in it
uncertain whether or not it leads to economic growth. This article examines the effects of remittances inflow
on economic growth in Georgian republic. The impact of remittance inflow on GDP growth was analyzed and
tested by Unit Root Test, Johansen Co-integration and VAR Granger Causality/Block Exogeneity Wald Tests.
In the paper the quarterly data interval from the first quarter of 1999 to third quarter of 2015 was used. As a
result it was found out that that there is a nexus between remittance and GDP and it is concluded that
remittance leads to increase in GDP growth.
THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN FOREIGN TRADE EXPORT AND ECONOMIC..pptxJizzaxAKM
The document discusses foreign trade and economic growth in Uzbekistan. It notes that reforms have expanded trade with other countries and saturated local and foreign markets. Exports have grown 44.5% in January-July 2022 compared to the same period last year, contributing to overall foreign trade turnover increasing 38.6%. The top trading partners for Uzbekistan are China, Russia, Kazakhstan, South Korea, and Turkey. Increased exports have supported economic growth in Uzbekistan.
Russia–European Union: Potential for PartnershipRussian Council
The report analyses the development of Russia–European Union Relations. In the authors’
opinion the high level of economic interdependence between Russia and the European
Union, their geographic proximity and the nature of international relations in a globalized
world make it imperative that the parties continue to build and develop their relations.
The key issue is to give this cooperation a new impetus and increase the level of trust. The
report outlines recommended steps to make relations as good as possible.
The Current State of Russia-United Kingdom RelationsRussian Council
The Working Paper is prepared in the framework of the RIAC research project “A New Agenda for Russia-United Kingdom Relations”. The Working Paper analyzes the main trends in British domestic and foreign policy, current Russia-UK relations. Russian–British relations have always shown great potential. The areas of common interest pointed out in this paper allow for the practical implementation of tracks working systematically at the same time – the Track One-and-a-Half and the Track II.
This report presents the results of analytical monitoring performed by leading Russian and Chinese experts on the key processes in Russian-Chinese relations in 2013–2014. They analyzed the strategic format of interaction between the two countries in the international arena and their relations in the fields of trade, investment (interbank), energy (hydrocarbons), transport, educational, scientific, and cultural areas. They considered the available resources and possibilities of enhancing the Russian-Chinese strategic partnership, as well as the difficulties and challenges they face in the modern day. The experts elaborate their conclusions, recommendations, and development scenarios for bilateral relations in future.
Similar to Unseen Contributor to the Tensions in Georgia (20)
The study of spatial socio-economic development constitutes a significant field of analysis of innovation creation and diffusion. Understanding the spatial evolution of the different socio-economic systems in the age of globalization requires a synthesizing and integrated theoretical approach to how innovation is generated and replicated. This article aims to study three significant spatial socio-economic development theories –the growth poles, the clusters, and the business ecosystems. A literature review reveals that (a) the concept of growth poles concerns mostly the analysis of spatial polarization between specific territories and regions, (b) the clusters concept addresses the issue of developed inter-industrial competition and co-operation from a meso-level perspective, and (c) the analytical field of business ecosystems provides an evolutionary approach that can be valorized for all co-evolving spatial socio-economic organizations. In this context, an eclectically interventional mechanism to strengthen innovation is suggested. The Institutes of Local Development and Innovation (ILDI) policy is proposed for all firms and business ecosystems, of every size, level of spatial development, prior knowledge, specialization, and competitive ability. The ILDI is presented as an intermediate organization capable of diagnosing and enhancing the firm’s physiology in structural Stra.Tech.Man terms (strategy-technology-management synthesis).
The formulation and implementation of development plans serve as the benchmark for evaluating economic progress in different sectors of an economy. Since independence, successive administrations in Nigeria have paraded different economic development plans. At the continental level also, several development programmes have been articulated for driving development in the countries of Africa. Many times, supposed laudable economic programmes have failed to identify with the interest of citizens, largely due to poor communication of such programmes. This study investigated citizens’ participation in the implementation of Nigeria’s Vision 20:2020. Among others, the study asked the following questions: to what extent are Nigerian citizens aware goals of Vision 20:2020 economic blueprint? What were the media used in popularising Nigeria’s Vision 20:2020 economic blueprint? The study was anchored on the Participatory Development theory. The survey research design was used to study a population of 84, 004, 084 from which a sample size of 384 respondents was drawn. The sample was based on Keyton’s sampling system. Findings of the study showed that many citizens of Nigeria do not understand the goals of Vision 20:2020. It was also found out that many citizens of Nigeria cannot identify development projects executed in line with the goals of Vision 20:2020. Based on these findings, the study recommended, among other things, that the Nigerian government should partner with civil society organisations to popularise the goals of Vision 20:2020. It was also recommended that citizens of Nigeria should be encouraged to participate in the formulation and implementation of development programmes.
The central purpose of the study is to evaluate the programs, project planning and management in Ethiopian Red Cross society and its comparison with procedures of project planning and management system. The study found that Ethiopian Red Cross society has been working on a lot of community development projects in Ethiopia for several decades. Most projects were principally emphasized on disaster and risk reduction. Different organizations use diverse project procedures to achieve the anticipated objectives. This also true for the Ethiopian Red Cross society projects. The Ethiopian Red Cross society had integrated some unique style of project planning and management system in its project. Thus, there was no total departure in the whole system of project development phases. Every cycle of the project life spans are used beginning from the point of concept initiation to final implementation and closure phases.
Although Africa’s contribution to the world’s greenhouse gas emission is the smallest compared to other continents, yet they tend to be affected most by the variability in Climate. Malawi is not an exception to this climate change, as they are not just faced with rising temperatures and variable rainfall patterns, but with reoccurring droughts and severe flooding. Agriculture has been noted to contribute significantly to not only climate change but also has significant impacts on global warming through its greenhouse gas emissions. Nevertheless, not all farming systems impact negatively on climate change. Conservation Agriculture is a farming system that encourages no or minimum soil disturbance, maintenance of a permanent soil cover, and diversification of crop species. These three interlinked principles combined with good agricultural practices promote biodiversity and normal biotic processes, both on and under the ground surface, thereby increasing the productivity and nutrient use efficiency of water, into a more resilient farming system which will help sustain and improve agricultural production. This review looks at Conservation Agriculture practices in the Machinga Agricultural Development Division of Malawi and its role in climate change mitigation and adaptation. This paper shows that Conservation Agriculture has played an active role in the adaptation and mitigation of climate change effect by reducing atmospheric greenhouse gas emissions but suggested there is a need for the government to formulate a CA framework that is founded on the three interlinked principles and not just based on soil and water conservation principles which are currently being advocated and practised.
The study was conducted on issues affecting the academic achievement of female students in selected primary schools of Jimma Arjo woreda while its objective was to investigate the major factors that affect the academic achievements of female students in primary schools of four sampled primary schools/Arjo primary school, Andinnet, Arbi-gebeya and Wayu Warke primary schools. Female students academic achievements show an upgrading from time to time, but still the rise is delicate when contrast to males. The finding identified the five broad categories, Family related, school related, socio-economic related, cultural related were the major factors that affect the academic achievements of females’ education. The common issues household responsibilities, low awareness of parents towards females education, parents financial problems, parents education level, lack of school facilities, school distance, the nature of teacher student relationship, the study behavior female students implement, teaching method teachers use, early marriage, less avails of role models are the main reasons for squat academic achievements of female students on education. To alleviate these upward parents awareness to wards the benefit of educating females, motivating female students, providing financial supports for the poor female students, improving school facilities and protecting female from abduction and early marriage/from any harmful traditions were recommended.
The economic loss of timber caused by over stumps and defects is an essential issue in forest science but study regarding this is very limited in Nepal. Thus, this research was objectively conducted to assess the volume of timber loss and associated monetary loss caused by over stumps and defects in logs and reason behind this. Three community forests namely Deurali, Jay Durga and Raniphanta community forests were selected for this research. Total enumeration was done so 375 stumps and 224 defected logs were measured from15 March to 15 April, 2019. The height and diameter at the butt end were measured using simple tape and D-tape respectively. Additionally, the length and diameter of defects in log was recorded. Total thirty key informant interviews and three focus group discussions were organized to assess the major causes of over stumps and defects. The timber volume loss caused by over stumps was calculated using cylindrical volume formula and volume loss caused by defect was calculated using formula, i.e. gross volume - net volume. The price of wood was collected from community forest to calculate the monetary value of timber loss. The principal component analysis was applied to assess the major causes of over stumps and defect in log. The highest total volume loss was recorded around 15.217 m3 (28.49%) caused by over stumps and out of this, it was 53.41 m3 timber loss in Deurali community forest. The loss due to defects in tree was ranged from 128.57 to 284.21 m3 in the community forests. The monetary value of loss caused by over stump was US$ 6971.14 of Shorea robusta in Deurali community forest and it was US$ 8100.52 because of defect. The principal component analysis showed that use of saw and axe for felling the trees in the community forests was considered as highest factor of over stump and diseases and over mature trees were key factors of wood defect. The research will be useful for policy makers and scientific community to monitor the timber loss.
Background: The role of the pharmaceutical industry in a country such as Nigeria in the provision of safe, high quality and efficacious pharmaceutical products to meet the healthcare need of the populace, cannot be over-emphasized. This study was undertaken to critically look at the issues affecting Medicines’ Security in Nigeria. Methods: A self-completion questionnaire was used for data collection. The questionnaire was administered to participants of an Industry event in September 2017. Data collected were analyzed using Statistical Package for Social Science. Results: A total number of 800 questionnaires were administered to the participants and 529 of the questionnaires were included for analysis. Male participants (58.6%) were more than female participants, all age groups were well represented and more than a third of the respondents had first degree as their minimum qualification. Majority of the respondents (91.3%) indicated that Ministry of Health and its agencies were key to protecting the pharmaceutical sector, while slightly less of that proportion (79.1%) indicated that they patronized Nigeria pharmaceutical products. Almost all the participants (91.7%) supported the need for the local pharmaceutical industry to have access to sustainable funding and other incentives. A similar proportion (89.6%) of the respondents indicated that the local pharmaceutical industry should be prioritized in policy making and implementation. A significant proportion of the study participants (82.3%) indicated that access to medicines in Nigeria is a security issue. Conclusion: To ensure Medicines’ Security and attain medicines self-sufficiency in Nigeria, radical policies must therefore be put in place, together with enabling good business and industrial environment by the government in order to protect, promote and grow the local pharmaceutical industry in Nigeria.
Agricultural Informatics is a valuable domain in the field of interdisciplinary sciences. This is responsible for the applications of Information Technology, Computing and similar technologies into the agricultural activities. This is the combination of Agricultural Science and Information Sciences. The field due to technological nature is much closed with the Agricultural Engineering or Agricultural Technology. There are many allied and similar nomenclature of the fields but all of these are primarily responsible for the same purpose. The field is rapidly increasing in recent past and most practiced in the developed nation. However, in developing countries as well Agricultural Informatics becomes an emerging field of practice and growing rapidly. Agricultural Informatics is growing both in pre and post agricultural activity. This branch is considered as branch of Information Sciences & Technology due to its technological applications in the field of agriculture and allied areas. Information Sciences are the broadest field within the allied branches and growing rapidly. Agricultural Informatics educational programs have started in recent past in different level and stream of education viz. science and technology. However within the broad periphery of Information Sciences it could be offered in other streams and under the wide variety of Information Sciences. This paper is broad and interdisciplinary in nature and deals with the aspects of the Information Sciences and Technology including features, nature, scope and also the potentialities in respect of Agricultural Informatics.
Agriculture has been the major source of livelihood in Nigeria, primarily because the environment is favorable for Agricultural practice. On the basis of climate, topography and vegetation the country is divided into five agricultural zones, namely Dry sub humid, Sub-humid, very humid and swamp/flood. Subsistence agriculture formed the major system of farming in the olden days which provide food crops for human consumption, while surplus are transported to the local markets for sale. Subsistence agriculture also forms the basis upon which all other system of farming are built. Hence, this paper examines the problems and prospects of subsistence agriculture in Ibarapa East local Government Area of Oyo State. Ten farming centres were used as samples in the area. Questionnaires were used to collect relevant data. Percentage and T-test distribution techniques were used to analyze the data. The findings show that there is low agricultural production in the study area as a result of problems such as shortage of fund, land tenure system, inadequate transportation system among others.
One of the most burning issues that have dominated the public sphere in Nigeria and other oil exporting countries is the covid-19 pandemic and its attendant challenges. This pandemic is a shock on real economic fundamentals and frictionless of the market. It introduces a barrier between the market forces with strong complementary feedbacks in the real economy. The absence of precise vaccine or medication for the virus has necessitated the adoption of several precautionary measures with the aim of containing its wide spread. Critical among which are the travel restrictions, lockdown measures as well as social and physical distancing. These measures have detrimental effect on the demand and price of oil in the international market. In view of that, this study evaluates the social and economic impact of covid-19 in Nigeria taking into cognisance the effect on certain critical macroeconomic indicators. The study adopted an analytical approach to supplement the much ongoing documentations on the subject matter. Result shows that virtually all essential macroeconomic indicators are grossly affected with tax, remittances and employment exhibiting severe consequences. Also, uncertainty, panics and lockdown measures are key to motivating higher decrease in world demand. The supply disruptions and huge death toll generates a heightened uncertainty and panic for household and business. This uncertainty and panic leads to drop in consumption and investment thereby causing a decrease in corporate cash flows and triggered firm’s bankruptcy. Also, lay-off and exiting firms produce higher unemployment while labour income decreased significantly. Since it entails a large amount of government expenditure especially in the health sector which is required to contain the spread of the virus, there is needs for government to diversify its revenue sources and thus drop over dependency on the oil remittance. Furthermore, there is a need to support the financial system to avoid the health crisis becoming a financial crisis in the long-run.
The outbreak and subsequent spread of COVID-19 to the West African sub-region have brought significant changes to the different aspects of our lives and grounded educational and socio-political and economic activities of ECOWAS member states. The pandemic has exposed the poor state of the health systems and shortage in medical supplies and protective gears to cope with the health emergency. In response, strict restrictions were put in place to curb the spread of the virus and these have drastically affected peoples’ lifestyles. However, there has been huge increase in the use of technology in business, education, religion and other activities as people adapt to the changing times in the sub-region. It is the argument of this paper that things cannot return to the way they were before the pandemic, but West African states must strategically plan for the Post COVID-19 era to survive the massive wave of unemployment, socio-economic meltdown and changes in lifestyle. The paper concluded that while the fight against the virus in the sub-region was not collective, post-pandemic recovery must be coordinated, strategically plannedamong member states. It was recommended that the governments should be flexible enough to retain the use of ICT and technology alongside the conventional ways of doing things in the post-pandemic era.
Undoubtedly, religion is one of the main factors that increasingly contribute to the shaping of international relations. As it was in the European middle ages, religion and geopolitics have always had ties of one sort or another. Imperialism and nationalist doctrines have found purpose and justification in religious differences and, religious zealotry was functioned to be both cause and consequence of the concentration of state power and the rivalries among existing competitors. The involvement of numerous religious groups and movements in the political scene led the situation to be extremely complicated. The purpose of this article is to see to what extent religion as a soft power has a role in forming international politics. Also, to discuss the role the superpowers and regional powers play in dealing with the question of religious issues. With an argument that these issues including religious conflicts are led by international and regional powers which function these groups in a proxy war to be part of their rivalry overpower, and to achieve their national interests through their foreign policies at the cost of considerable environmental degradation and a massive death toll of people.
This study examines and explicates the lexico-semantic parameters, which Joseph Edoki deploys to convey his themes in The Upward Path, his second novel. Edoki is a contemporary Nigerian novelist who is preoccupied with the socio-political problems in Africa with the hope of a brighter future. The novel is the story of Mr. Gaga, a Rhwandan American PhD student, on a fact finding mission in Savannah, an African country, for his Thesis entitled ‘’ Why Africa is Underdeveloped’’. For failing to portray Africa in line with the negative views about the continent in his proposal, Gaga’s supervisor recalls him back to America in anger. But in defense of his conviction and research findings about Africa, Gaga remains in Savannah to complete his Thesis. This study is of significance because as a linguistic study, it will serve as a springboard to future researches in the language of African literature. Moreover, the good governance, which Edoki presents in Savannah, the fictional country, in which the novel under study is set, is a blue print for the development of Africa.
The increasing involvement of women in the advancement of insurgency in Nigeria has become a thing of great worry. The question often asked is as to whether their involvement is induced or free-willed. The concept of consent is on different layers and one would imagine the extent of consent given before they become members of the sect or culprits. The different ways women have been used to perpetrate the activities of Boko Haram ranges from threats to abuse, Indoctrination to hypnotism and many others. Due to the subtle and unsuspecting nature of women, they form a good strategy for members of the sect. However, their involvement is not evidence against them as they face situations that almost deny them the opportunity to choose whether or not to subscribe to the forceful approach used by Boko Haram insurgents!.
The art of using language for public expression in order to persuade target audience to support development initiatives is a key reason for graphic communication. This requires communication actors particularly, the graphic encoder to know salient input and output variables of communication for effective mediation. However, the prevalence ignorance of these variables, often results in ineffective media production that is counter-productive to development. Therefore, this paper focused on production of practical rhetoric in graphic language for development programmes. The paper employed the critical-historical-analytic examination and content analysis methods. It introduced the reader to the need for practical rhetoric in visual communication. Furthermore, it highlighted the salient input and output variables that the graphic communication actor need be conversant with in order to produce visual rhetoric, using the McGuire’s Communication/persuasion Matrix. And it exemplified graphic media that result from application or neglect of the knowledge of the variables. The paper found that consideration of the variables afforded production of effective rhetoric in graphic language. The paper ended with the need for graphic encoders to internalize knowledge of the input and output variables and utilize it during the process of media production to generate visual rhetoric with desired effect.
The Niger delta of Nigeria has been besieged by a lot of crises, which have posed serious security risks to the region. This has adversely and seriously affected not only the region, but Nigeria in general. The processes of crude oil extraction in the Niger delta have resulted in ecological degradation and oil pollutions, thereby doing a lot of damages to the farmlands and fishing waters of the people, whose major occupations are farming and fishing. Petroleum, the main source of Nigeria’s revenue is obtained in the Niger delta. Yet, Deltans are confronted with a lot of problems; they are impoverished, exploited, neglected and marginalized despite the economic value of the region to the Nigerian economy. No serious or commensurate efforts are made by the government or the multinational oil companies operating in the region to compensate the people for the losses they suffer through oil pollutions. This has resulted in a lot of protests and violence, culminating in the social unrest in the region. To this effect, there have been reactions to the crises in diverse ways. Though such efforts have yielded little dividends, the crises have persisted. Niger delta deserves priority attention in terms of human and infrastructural developments. In the literary circle, some Nigerian literary artists have expressed concern over the issue with a view to creating awareness on the seriousness of the crises, and advancing suggestions that will proffer permanent solutions to the problems. This paper examines and expounds how Helon Habila deploys the mood system as a language tool in his novel, Oil on Water, to address the Niger Delta crises. He advances suggestions to put an end to the crises in order to restore peace, and enhance sustainable development in Nigeria.
The paper seeks to analyze the larger concept of multiculturalism and to further determine its role and importance in modern Georgia. The agenda of cultural diversity is often subject to criticism, accused for being responsible for endangering modern societies. Such statements will be critically analyzed within the context of the increasing far-right sentiments among Georgians, as reflected in a what can be described as a radical march which took place in Tbilisi on the 14th of July 2017, creating risks of further deteriorating of the situation in the country, given the general macro-economic instability of Georgia and undermining democracy. This paper concludes that it is very important to establish an innovative new model of Georgian citizenship, and one which will address all the accumulated misunderstandings now existing in society. It is expected that this will enable multiculturalism to be perceived more appropriately, i.e. as a unifying ideology rather than a dividing force.
This study explores a potential reposition of the triple helix model of university-industry-government relations in terms of micro-level analysis. In this direction, we evaluate the development of helix theory over time, by reviewing the relevant literature divided into three successive phases: the phase of theoretical foundation, the phase of conceptual expansion, and the phase of recent developments and systematic attempts of implementation. In this conceptual study, we estimate that a refocused triple helix model in terms of local development, by placing at the center of analysis the “living organization’s” dynamics in Stra.Tech.Man terms (synthesis of Strategy-Technology-Management), can be a possible direction of analytical enrichment.
The document analyzes the dynamic relationship between global oil prices and the exchange rate of the Eswatini currency (SZL) against the US dollar using daily data from 2005 to 2018. It finds a unidirectional causal relationship from global oil prices to the SZL/USD exchange rate using the Toda-Yamamoto Granger causality test, indicating that global crude oil prices influence Eswatini's nominal exchange rate. The study recommends that Eswatini's exchange rate policy consider global oil price movements to avoid misalignment of its currency.
This paper elaborates the hydraulic characteristics of the water supply network of the town of Puerto Ayora. First, it intends to replicate the household individual storage by simulating nodal tanks with the use of the EPANET software. Later, it uses the Pressure-Driven Approach (PDA) to develop a methodology that estimates the overflow of storage facilities, one of the main sources of wastage in Puerto Ayora. Finally, it uses the Demand-Driven Approach (DDA), with the aim of assessing the network in the future, under four population growth scenarios. With the chosen moderate growth scenario, two options are suggested in order to tackle the water supply issues at the end of the planning horizon.
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1. International Journal of World Policy and Development Studies
ISSN(e): 2415-2331, ISSN(p): 2415-5241
Vol. 5, Issue. 10, pp: 100-105, 2019
URL: https://arpgweb.com/journal/journal/11
DOI: https://doi.org/10.32861/ijwpds.510.100.105
Academic Research Publishing
Group
100
Original Research Open Access
Unseen Contributor to the Tensions in Georgia
Vladimir Liparteliani
Department of International Relations and Journalism, Adam Mickiewicz University, Poznan, Poland
Abstract
The purpose of the research is to examine importance of Georgia‘s current relations with its neighboring Russia and
Azerbaijan and to estimate risks that deterioration of these relations can bring to Georgia‘s economy. Of particular
interest is to understand who stands behind the tensions happened in Georgia in the run-up to the tourist season of
2019 or at least to figure out possible motives behind the events. Interdependence of the states is analyzed through
historical review of their relations and estimation of their current mutual interests. Considering risks and aspirations
of the sides in the tensions, the motives behind are suggested. The data received depicts that none of these tensions
were initiated by Georgia following its interests, on the contrary, its ruling party‘s most visible achievement had
been the ability to maintain positive and beneficial relations with both Russia and Azerbaijan. Thus, the Georgian
government considered to be a victim in this case. The paper concludes that Georgian government is unable to react
on provocations in a timely fashion due to absence of agreement in the ruling party and being quite fragile for
outside forces that try to influence the country‘s political processes. Unless Georgia manages to build more
interdependent or less dependent relations with superpowers, it will be unable to avoid repetition of such
manipulations.
Keywords: Tensions in Georgia; Protests in the caucasus; Azerbaijan and georgia‘s relations; Russia‘s influence in the
caucasus.
CC BY: Creative Commons Attribution License 4.0
1. Introduction
One of the main priority directions for Georgia‘s economy is development of tourism sector, which is closely
linked to neighboring countries and based on improved relations with them. According to recent statistics some of
the most important players in this field for Georgia are Russian and Azerbaijani tourists. Collectively they make up
for more than one-third part of the total tourists who visited Georgia in 2018. However, as the 2019 summer season
was approaching, the high season for tourism in Georgia, relations with both neighbors suddenly soured. The crisis
created a real threat for the whole tourism industry, and when buttressed with an already difficult economic situation
and currency crisis in Georgia, its impact was felt across many segments of the economy. According to National
Bank, due to sanctions imposed by Russia, Georgia will suffer losses of approximately 300 million dollars in 2019
(Forbes, 2019). Furthermore, parallel deterioration of relations with Azerbaijan may only aggravate the situation.
This research will analyze importance and perspectives of relations with both neighbors Russia and Azerbaijan
and evaluate risks associated with the current tensions and estimate what impact they can have on Georgia, and
discuss the possible motives behind the events of 2019. The research will contribute to understanding of the role of
economic and cultural ties between these three states for Georgia‘s stability. The results of this analyses play
important role in determination of the right position for Georgia‘s external policy decision makers as it clearly
depicts the weak points of the state‘s foreign agenda. The research will also be useful in attempt to clarify Russia‘s
foreign policy‘s agenda towards Georgia and tools it uses to influence the South Caucasian state.
2. Methodology
In order to evaluate both risks and importance of the current tensions between Georgia with its neighboring
Russia and Azerbaijan, it is necessary to determine roles of these states as they impact Georgia‘s much needed
stability—both geopolitically and in terms of economics. Hence the sense of relations between neighbors should be
understood through historical analyses and close ties, and what current factors are able to provide mutual benefits for
these countries, and what synergies they provide for each other. On the basis of the risk‘s significance it appears to
be able to further describe whose interests may stand behind the tensions.
2.1. Tourism – Country’s Priority
The previous government, of the United National Movement, UNM, place a high priority on tourism a
mechanism for economic growth. The same emphasis was continued successfully by the Georgian Dream party in
the wake of the 2012 Georgian parliamentary elections.
Regardless of the strong criticism towards the current government in terms of a claimed increased level of
corruption than compared with the period of the UNM (Saertashoriso gamchirvaleba – saqartvelo, 2019), recorded
criminal violation total (32.263 in 2011 vs. 58.412 in 2018) (Geostat, 2019a), and accusations of informal ruling, the
fact that tourism sector has done significant progress is undisputed with two fold increase after 2011 (Gnta, 2019).
2. International Journal of World Policy and Development Studies
101
However it is worth mentioning that the commitment to work towards the creation of a ―Touristic Paradise‖ –
and Georgia being a preferred destination was endorsed during the Saakashvili‘s period and the first massive wave
of investments was made at that time. The influx of investment served as a first step in bringing Georgia to a new
level.
The concept was most clear: Georgia needed money and investments in order to develop infrastructure whereas
on the other hand, it would bring in tourists who were supposed to boost economy growth. The exact same program
has been followed by the Georgian Dream but its efforts were even more successful than its predecessor.
Thanks to more or less normalized relations with Russian government than compared with the National
Movement, the flow of Russian tourists has drastically increased. Not only in touristic sphere improvement can be
positively mentioned, but Georgia‘s export indicators in terms of exports to the Russian Federation have also
undergone enormous growth and now represent the lion‘s share of total export (Geostat, 2019b).
On the other hand, relations that the new Georgian government, represented by Georgian Dream, has managed
to develop with the European Union should be mentioned as they have been raised economic indicators to a new
level. Reforms and the proposed Association Agreement, as represented DCFTA, were supposed to, and finally have
contributed to the economic development of the country (Modebadze, 2019).
The most visible achievement has been a free visa regime with the EU, which has become a symbol of country‘s
European success. Collectively improved relations could be called exemplary, and this also includes relations with
Azerbaijan and Turkey: no-visa regime and a constant touristic flow from other close countries, Iran and Armenia,
and buttressed with closer cooperation on all levels with the EU.
However, steady improvement does not mean ideal relations with Russia. Georgia had been benefiting from all
its neighbors, including Russia (I do not touch upon the issue of the breakaway regions of South Ossetia and
Abkhazia, and this lack of detail is intentional as it is beyond the scope of this paper) – especially in terms of
economic, political and cultural affairs. Thus, all these other considerations started appeared as something
unrealistic, and very transitory for Georgia, which has always been in at least difficult or even in hostile relations,
with at least one of its neighbors.
2.2. Relations with partners: Azerbaijan and Russia
In this section Georgia‘s relations with Azerbaijan and Russia and shared points for mutually beneficial
cooperation will be discussed on the basis of economic, cultural and political relations. The aim is to demonstrate
how closely tied these three countries are. Thus, to estimate and reduce potential risks that add to tensions between
Georgia and its neighbors.
2.2.1. Azerbaijan
Georgia and Azerbaijan though being of different cultural heritage, predominately Christianity on one side and
Turkic-Muslim identity on the other, has influenced one another in many ways. At times it has even created common
cultural crossovers. To list all cultural links between these two nations would be impossible within the scope of this
article but the most prominent will be further discussed.
A substantial number of Azerbaijani intellectuals, poets and writers who lived at the end of the 19th
century were
working in Tbilisi. They were active in circulating many progressive ideas and thus facilitating cultural cooperation
between two countries. Publishing newspapers and magazines in the mother tongue in the second half of the 19th
century had a positive impact on the Azerbaijani‘s cultural development (Kakachia and Shiriyev, 2019).
For instance, in 1878 in Gori, at the Transcaucasia Teacher Seminary an Azerbaijani (Tatar) Department was
established, known for its prominent graduate, playwright and contributor to purity of Azeri language Mirza Fatali
Akhundov (2000), reveals much. It represented a brilliant example of a common cultural past and such work served
as a masterpiece of an author with a disputable identity. Kurban Said published his novel in more than 30 languages
«Ali and Nino: a love story» (Azer, 2019). «The novel is frequently cited in the news when ethnic conflicts break out
in the Caucasus and Foreign Policy magazine listed it as one of ―The foreign-policy books you should be reading to
get ready for election season‖ (Eurasia, 2019).
The novel serves as a symbol of good neighborly relations between two countries and a statute of Ali and Nino
in Batumi is considered to be one of modern landmarks of the city being very popular among tourists particularly
from Azerbaijan.
Not only cultural ties, dating back, are strengthening these countries relations, but some very important recent
regional projects, such as the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan (BTC) and Baku-Supsa oil pipelines. The Baku-Tbilisi-Erzurum
(BTE) gas line can also be included on this list, creating strong and deep economic and political ties between
Azerbaijan, Georgia and Turkey. This also supports interests of the West as a corridor East-West serves as an
alternative route for bringing Caspian oil and gas to Europe. Notably that Azerbaijan supplied 90 percent of
Georgia‘s gas demand at the lowest rates among SOCAR‘s clients prices (Mendyk, 2019).
Development and upgrading of Georgia‘s transport infrastructure to bring it compliance with European
standards is a priority direction for Georgia‘s Foreign Policy Strategy, thus the Baku-Tbilisi-Kars railway project is
of highest importance. It is going to link two countries with centralized European railway network and that is a high
priority for the Black and Caspian Sea regions (Web, 2019).
Additionally, Azerbaijanis living in Georgia represent the biggest ethnic minority in the country and account for
7% of the population (Nplg, 2019). Majority inhabits the Kvemo Kartli region, known also as Borchali among
Azerbaijanis, where they make up roughly half of the citizenry with 45,1 % (Mikadze, 2019).
3. International Journal of World Policy and Development Studies
102
This fact should be very carefully evaluated, as without closer understanding, local demands could work against
Georgia‘s territorial integrity interests and vice versa. If potential issues could be addressed property, it could be
beneficial to the state, provided that it follows the path of a consistent and level policy.
Moreover, concurrently, there are about 10,000 ethnic Georgians called Ingiloys living in north-western
Azerbaijan. The main difference between them and Georgians in Georgia is religious affiliation, while some of them
are still Christians, many follow Islam.
In spite of potential conflicts and differences, Georgia remains a popular destination. It is becoming more and
more attractive for Azerbaijanis. Firstly, they visit the Black Sea region and health resorts during summer holidays.
They also come to Georgia during other times to access medical treatments, mainly based on better service and value
for the money. Just over one in five tourists to Georgia comes from Azerbaijan (20, 4 %) from the total amount of
visitors who came to Georgia during the first quarter of 2019 (Geostat, 2019c), which is the second highest
numbers.
Stated above is a prime example of interdependence between Azerbaijan and Georgia culturally, economically
and politically, which must be used by both states for mutual benefit and they must be aware of how third parties
may at times try intervene in such mutually win-win situations.
2.2.2. Russia
Discussions of relations of these two countries bring forth more questions than they can provide us with answers
and this topic is highly debatable. What these countries have common is greater than their differences. From the
very beginning of the relations, in end of the 18th
century, the uniting force proved to be Orthodox Christianity and
the belief that Russia would assume the role of protector. Generally, the way Russia is presenting to Georgia itself
today has not been dramatically changed since earlier periods of history.
Georgian policy towards Russian bears ambivalent character due to Georgia‘s attempts to recover control over
the defector breakaway regions Abkhazia and South Ossetia after mass expulsions of ethnic Georgians from these
region, and on the other hand, the importance of cooperation in economic and socio-cultural issues.
The current ruling party of the Georgian Dream has drastically improved relations with Russia (in comparison
with Saakashvili‘s period) and it has managed to gain benefits, including being able to sell greater quantities of wine
and mineral water to the Russian market. A positive attitude by most Russians makes Georgia one of top most
popular tourist destinations for its citizens (Russiatourism, 2019).
The factor is very important as the popularity of the destination had only been growing until the June 2019. It is
worth mentioning that Georgia has been able to become one of the leading destinations for Russian tourism in spite
of political crises between the states and absence of official diplomatic relations. The important step towards that
helped in the tendency was the implementation of visa-free regime for Russian citizens. This policy was introduced
by President Saakashvili in 2012 (Regnum, 2019).
Nonetheless, all such measures were implemented under the shadow of demands by many Georgians to address
the problem of the ―occupied territories‖ and to address the need to bring about an urgent resolution to the issue.
The government has also been absolutely clear in its position with regard to the country‘s territory integrity,
however, in spite of lack of progress, has somehow managed to balance it with closer collaboration. Although,
modern Russia today still has an image of an empire and is often associated by many Georgians as a country wishing
to seize their lands, the government has used a rational approach to balance its position. It has been successful, at
least until recently, to accomplish both goals at once: oppose occupation and gain benefits from trade and tourism.
However, some consider this as one of the few advantages that has been achieved since the Georgian Dream
party has been in control. There are still many question marks in terms of potential closer cooperation, for example
Giga Otkhozoria and Archil Tatunashvili‘s issues (Agenda, 2019a).
2.3. Tensions and their Meaning
2.3.1. Georgia-Azerbaijan
In spite of the fact that just over a third, (35%) of the 480 kilometer border between Georgia and Azerbaijan has
remained un-delineated for decades, a significant diplomatic dispute has resulted and has led to negative political
statements by various purported stakeholder and public protests on both sides. The difficultness of the issue is that
border is dividing historic complex called David Gareji in Georgia or Keshishdag in Azerbaijan.
This debatable border delimitation happened in 28 January 1922 and remains bone of contention until today for
these two countries. The Soviet Government made decisions according to their politically expedient interests at that
moment, thus trying to 1) make it extremely difficult to undone that decision of border delimitation 2) make the
republics‘ future as much as possible dependent on Moscow in many cases. Today the issue is also complicated by
the fact that each of these two possesses and recognizes different facts and sources with regard to history of the
complex. Georgian side considers it as a part of its culture, while Azerbaijan‘s side counts it is a monument of
Albanian culture.
Although many attempts were used to finally find solution, for example Georgian side suggested to swap the
complex in exchange for some other territories, no agreement has been made yet unfortunately (Sainformacio
analitikuri portali, 2019). The reasons for impossibility for this exchange to become true is that it could give
precedent for the Karabakh issue. If Azerbaijan gives the territory to Georgia on the basis of the last‘s claims to
control the complex as it is a part of Georgian culture and religion, then it would mean that Armenian‘s claims on
Karabakh do have a legal and justified reasons.
4. International Journal of World Policy and Development Studies
103
It would also jeopardize the concept of Azerbaijan state as the multicultural one that incorporates peoples and
lands of different ethnicities and unite them under one common governmental idea. The brilliant example for it is
Turkey, closest ally of Azerbaijan. Thus this exchange would serve as a time-bomb as there are enough premises in
Azerbaijan for possible separatism by other ethnic groups living within the country today.
Normally peaceful situation on the Georgian-Azerbaijan border abruptly flared up when Georgian President
Salome Zurabishvili was visiting complex in April 2019. She had called for an effort to finalize the delimitation
talks. Later, on the eve of Orthodox Easter, Azerbaijani border guards restricted access to part of the complex, hence
causing resentment from Georgian worshippers, especially monks and tour guides.
Additionally, the entry to the medieval monastery of Udabno was blocked, where amazing Georgian frescos of
utmost importance for Georgians are maintained. These events caused serious concerns from Georgian Church
Officials. Heated by the events, both Georgians and Azerbaijanis started to debate and argue in online message
boards, thus causing even greater dissonance.
Relatively peaceful rallies were held by Georgian side both along the border near David Gareji and in from of
the Azerbaijani Embassy in Tbilisi (Civil, 2019). Several days after the two countries foreign ministers agreed to
reopen access but the tension had still been existing and in several weeks finally converted in harassing Azerbaijani
boarder guard by Georgian activists and grabbling a pistol from him (YouTube, 2019a). Although both governments
reacted on these particular episodes similarly with condemnation, they hold completely different positions over the
border demarcation issue (Eurasia, 2019).
Due to the above discussed importance of the border issue for both sides, it now appears that is premature to
predict any significant changes and final resolutions at the moment. The repercussions, if one of sides attempts to
solve the problem unilaterally, will be too grave and not worthy for any of the stakeholder.
All this should be discussed in light to the above discussed economic, cultural and social interdependence, and
most importantly, perspectives for future cooperation, however, if emotions are allowed to prevail, irrational
behavior and decisions may prevail. Hence, we can clearly observe that neither Georgia nor Azerbaijan can benefit
from escalation of this border issue, rather than possible third parties.
2.3.2. Georgia-Russia
Understanding the problems faced by these countries relations is essential in looking at larger geopolitical
issues. Few expected the issues that resulted over the unresolved border delineation, and this brought about tense
relations over David Gareji and its ownership. However, in light of what has been mentioned and gradually
improving relations within the last seven years, pundits and laypersons can at least can easily observe the
consequences, particularly on the Georgian economy.
The main sticking point for deterioration in relations was, as Russian side is treating it, the breakout of anti-
Russian protests in Tbilisi, however from the very beginning protest were first described as anti-governmental with
the aim of overthrowing the legally elected Georgian government.
Only later did the protests start to contain anti-occupational direction, albeit rather symbolic. Protesters accused
the government in allowing Russian MP Sergey Gavrilov to chair the general assembly of the Interparliamentary
Assembly on Orthodoxy (IAO) (RadioFreeEurope/RadioLiberty, 2019). The position of protesters was based on the
fact that Mr. Gavrilov was officially representing the country which, many in Georgia, describes as an occupier.
Consequently he had to leave Georgia urgently and proceedings were disrupted. The second event what
happened was an ill-timed and insulting speech of TV host Giorgi Gabunia, who personally addressed Vladimir
Putting with highly offensive language; it is worth mentioning that this all happened within the background of two
weeks of going protests (YouTube, 2019b).
As the result, Russia considered Georgia to be dangerous for its citizens and banned all direct flights to the
country. It also prohibited Russian tour agencies from booking travels to the country (Agenda, 2019b), thus seriously
harming the Georgian tourism sector.
Tbilisi is now on the list of European cities with hardly any Russian tourists (CNN Travel, 2019). There were
also attempts by Duma to impose tough economic sanctions on Georgia after the insulting speech, however Russia‘s
President did not support the parliamentary call.
It does not appear as if all what has transpired was happenstance, not by chance but rather a series of events that
were planned.
In retrospect it is difficult to imagine that members of the ruling party did not know that Russian MP was going
to visit Georgia and chair the assembly. It appears they could not or did not want stop Mr. Gavrilov from coming to
the country. But rather used this as something of a false flag for political gain.
Nonetheless, such efforts backfired in the final analysis, having a negative impact, not only for Georgia but the
United National Movement. It is the Georgian economy that has been weakened and society further divided, and
many are more confused as to the political orientation of the country and who actually stands behind such events.
As for the Russian Federation, it becomes a story of ―I hate to tell you so but I told you so, as Georgia is
unpredictable and not a reliable or trusted party, too emotional.
Russian has been able to prove its cool political standing in face of provocations, not pushing all Georgians for
the actions of a provocation. Many Georgians now see Russia as a more reliable partner and having greater patience.
Russia now has more levers to wake up pro-Russian supporters in Georgia, and it has still not used its main trump –
ban for all Georgian import as it would have more economic consequences.
It is worth mentioning that Vladimir Putin‘s ―gesture of goodwill‖ in not imposing economic sanction after the
insulting speech by G. Gabunia will bring Russia a huge geopolitical advantage. Moreover, the possible cancelation
5. International Journal of World Policy and Development Studies
104
of visa regime for Georgians, currently being actively discussed in media (Новости and Новости, 2019), is now
being used by Russians as a ―carrot,‖ and such proactive actions only activates pro-Russian sentiments among
Georgians – thus setting the stage for the greater support by the population for what they perceived as practical
Russian policy.
On the other hand, the actions of Georgian opposition in this case can be estimated as a serious miscalculation
and almost a complete failure. We can assert with certainty that the Gabunia‘s speech was not spontaneous and
based on heated emotion, it was delivered with the clear intention of worsening relations between countries, hence
Georgian Dream, pro-Russians and Russia‗s government and destabilise an already difficult situation. If Putin would
had taken stricter measures and economic sanctions it would play into the hands of opposition. However Russia did
not do it—and this event was used as a way of actually improving Georgian-Russian relations.
3. Results
We can clearly see how important for Georgia having positive peaceful relations with Russia and Azerbaijan,
and not only in terms of maintaining the priority role of tourism in the country‘s economic development strategy. It
is particularly crucial, as the states maintain good perspectives and opportunities for improving relations in the
future. Taken together, due to good economic, cultural and political basis, many barriers can be overcome. However
we should not ignore that problems still exists on both sides. It is clear that under the circumstances that Georgia
currently does not possess any leverage needed to bring about a quick resolution of these issues. However, it is
definitely not in its interests to exacerbate situations, either with Russia or Azerbaijan. Hence, it is becoming clear
that third parties, with others in the shadows, have an agenda in intervening into Georgia‘s relations with its
neighbors, or that some force, domestic or international, desires for one of these neighbors to position itself to dictate
the terms and conditions to impact Georgia‘s policy direction.
4. Conclusion
Analyzing the given information, and in light of how events moved so quickly, it is clear that Georgia did not
initiated any actions in the neighborhood itself, but rather it found itself as being hold hostage. This was because of
government inability to sufficiently react in time to provocations in a timely fashion. It is clear that outside forces,
regardless of the true motivations, want to influence Georgia from near and far.
The ruling Georgian Dream party has not demonstrated any certain leverage in building its foreign policy basing
on National interests. But rather it maintains a defensive position and only reacts. It is clear that based on the
country‘s economic dependence on its neighbors that Georgia may at times be doomed to be manipulated, at least
until it will be able manage to build less dependent relations or more interdependent with its neighbors (as for
example with Azerbaijan).
The most important task at hand is to achieve such a status and without damage being inflicted to the national
economic as well as its cultural and political interests. This will be a challenge for the country for now and into the
foreseeable future.
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