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80 Asian Steel Watch
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At the end of the Sec-
ond World War in 1945,
South Korea had se-
cured its independence,
but five years later, the
Korean War broke out.
A GDP per capita at a
nominal value hovered around USD 67 in 1953
when the Korean War ended. It remained one of
the world’s poorest countries. However, the South
Korean economy grew exponentially following
the government-led economic development ini-
tiatives launched in the early 1960s. Today, Ko-
rea has joined the ranks of advanced countries,
becoming the world’s seventh-largest exporter,
12th largest economy in terms of GDP, and 30th
largest in terms of GDP per capita as of 2016. To-
gether with this economic expansion, the Korean
steel industry has grown robustly. It today enjoys
a lofty global standing just like the overall Korean
economy. In the 1960s the Korean steel industry
was starting from nothing: it lacked technology,
resources, and expertise. However, as shown
in Table 1, by the mid-1990s it had become the
world’s sixth-largest steel producing country and
has maintained this status ever since.
What was the key to this success? The ex-
perience of the Korean steel industry offers
useful lessons for emerging economies pursuing
economic development. Therefore, it would be
meaningful to analyze the factors that drove the
Korean steel industry to success.
Many emerging economies are seeking to
achieve the self-sufficient development of their
steel industries since steel, dubbed “the staple
of industry,” is the fundamental industry that
underpins other basic industries, such as the
automotive, home appliance, shipbuilding, ma-
chinery, and construction sectors. By doing so,
it contributes to the improvement of compet-
itiveness across industries, and eventually to
national economic growth. In addition, with high
forward-backward linkage effects, as can be seen
in Table 2, the steel industry can bring about
positive ripple effects in an entire economy, in-
cluding in investment, employment, and growth.
The Korean Steel Industry in Retrospect
:LessonsforDevelopingCountries
Dr. Chung, Cheol-Ho
Vice President
POSCO Research Institute
chchung@posri.re.kr
The rise of Korea
from the ashes
of war
Dr. Dong-Cheol Sa
Senior Principal Researcher
POSCO Research Institute
dsa@posri.re.kr
Vol.04 December 2017 81
However, despite these advantages, it is not easy
for latecomers to successfully nurture a local steel
industry. The field requires massive investments,
advanced technologies, and operational know-
how, which requires a long time to accumulate
before first movers can be overtaken.
		
To identify what made
the Korean steel in-
dustry successful, it is
reasonable to examine
the history of its devel-
opment. The pertinent
patterns differ before
and after the financial crisis of 1998. Looking
at the proportions of Korea’s GDP and steel
production versus global GDP and global steel
production in Figure 1, the figures shift notably
around the financial crisis of 1998. The Korean
economy and steel industry entered a period of
full-blown boom times in the late 1980s and Ko-
rea’s GDP and steel production continued to grow
until 1997. However, everything changed after
Table 1. Development of the Korean Steel Industry
Table 2. Forward-Backward Linkage Effect in the Korean Industry
Primary metal Chemical
Machinery and
equipment
Construction
Transport
equipment
Precision
industry
Impact coefficient
(Backward linkage effect)
1.282 1.106 1.220 1.177 1.278 1.092
Sensitivity coefficient
(Forward linkage effect)
1.988 1.945 0.915 0.601 0.931 0.641
Source: Numbers are based on 2014, Source: Bank of Korea (BOK)
Source: “Steel Statistical Yearbook” worldsteel (2016)
Retrospective view
on the development
of the Korean steel
industry
The Korean Steel Industry in Retrospect: Lessons for Developing Countries
1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2016
Crude steel production (Mt) 0.5 2.5 8.6 13.5 23.1 36.8 43.1 47.8 58.9 68.6
Share of global production (%) 0.1 0.4 1.2 1.9 3.0 4.9 5.1 4.2 4.1 4.2
World ranking 34 29 13 10 7 6 6 5 6 6
Apparent crude steel use per capita (kg) 51 84 141 234 501 827 851 1,015 1,101 1,171
Figure 1. Share of Korea in Global GDP and Steel Consumption
Source: IMF, worldsteel
1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015
0.0%
1.0%
2.0%
3.0%
4.0%
5.0%
6.0%
Figure 2. Korea’s Steel Intensity of GDP
0
0.01
0.02
0.03
0.04
0.05
0.06
0.07
0.08
1960
1964
1968
1972
1976
1980
1984
1988
1992
1996
2000
2004
2008
2012
2016
Source: BOK, worldsteel
Note: Steel intensity = Crude steel consumption (kg) / Nominal GDP(KRW)
GDP Crude steel consumption
82 Asian Steel Watch
Featured Articles
the financial crisis: Korea’s proportion within
global GDP peaked first in 1996 and then crested
again in 2007. In contrast, Korea’s global share of
steel consumption peaked in 1996, but declined
afterwards despite some periods of reglobal GDP
peaked first in 1996 and then crested again in
2007. In contrast, Korea’s international share of
steel consumption peaked in 1996, but declined
afterwards despite some periods of recovery.
This mismatch is attributed to the fact that the
Korean economy, heavily dependent on IT-driven
growth after the financial crisis, had maintained
its share of GDP consistent, but Korea’s share in
global consumption has been falling faster than
that of GDP due to declining steel intensity of
GDP. Figure 2 shows that Korea’s steel intensity
of GDP peaked in 1995 and began to decline af-
terwards.
Figure 3 shows Korea’s apparent crude steel
use and crude steel production trends from 1950
to 2016. The growth rates of apparent crude
steel use and crude steel production from 1970
to 1997 increased at compound annual growth
rates (CAGR) of 12.5% and 17.9%, respectively,
but a mere 2.1% and 2.5% from 1997 to 2016. In
particular, crude steel use has stagnated since the
financial crisis of 2008, and even by 2016 it had
failed to recover the levels in 2008. Meanwhile,
crude steel production has surged since the op-
eration of Hyundai Steel’s blast furnace in 2011,
and the gap between supply and demand has wid-
ened.
Examining the changes that took place around
the crisis of 1998 based on factors related to steel
use, there are two distinctive items. The first is
as shown in Figure 4–a significant slowing in the
urbanization rate after 1996. Second, gross capi-
tal formation as percentage of GDP declined after
peaking in 1996 (See Figure 5). Along with indus-
trialization, urbanization is an important driver
of both economic growth and steel demand.
Gross capital formation, comprised of invest-
1950 1955 1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015
-10000
-5000
0
5000
10000
15000
2000080000
70000
60000
50000
40000
30000
20000
10000
Figure 3. Korea’s Apparent Crude Steel Use, Crude Steel Production, and Net Exports
Source: worldsteel
Apparent Crude Steel Use (LHS)
Crude Steel Production (LHS)
Net Exports (RHS)
(1,000 tonnes)
Vol.04 December 2017 83
ments in construction and facilities, is also close-
ly related to steel demand. Namely, stagnating
urbanization around the financial crisis of 1998
and a plunge in investment caused by aggravated
oversupply in the Korean economy led to stagna-
tion in steel demand.
Interestingly, the Korean economy shifted
from government-driven to market-driven in
1998. The Korean government had implemented
seven Five-Year Economic Development Plans,
with the final installment ending in 1997. Recog-
nizing the limitations of government-led opera-
tions in expanding the economy, Korea attempted
to shift to a more market-led economy, but was
hit by the Asian financial crisis of 1997-98. Korea
accepted emergency loans from the International
Monetary Fund (IMF) and accordingly took mea-
sures to deregulate markets, such as introducing
a fully-floating exchange rate system and open-
ing the stock and bond markets. As a result, the
year 1998 became a turning point for the Korean
economy as it shifted from government-driven to
market-driven.
This article examines the
development of the Ko-
rean steel industry from
a theoretical perspective
and draws policy impli-
cations for latecomers. It
is no easy task to apply
only a single perspective and generalize success
factors for what has been dubbed Korea’s “Miracle
on the Han River.” Therefore, it is important to
consider varying economic theories to identity
such factors.
Based on existing research on the success of
the steel industry by academia, research institu-
tions, and the media, the author adopted various
theories to re-examine the success factors and of-
fer implications for developing nations—catch-up
theory, infant industry argument, fourth factor of
Success factors
for the Korean steel
industry
0%
5%
10%
15%
20%
25%
30%
35%
40%
45%
50%
1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015
Source: BOK, worldsteel
Figure 5. Gross Capital Formation (% of GDP)
Source: IMF
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
80%
90%
1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015
Figure 4. Urbanization Rate
World S.Korea
The Korean Steel Industry in Retrospect: Lessons for Developing Countries
84 Asian Steel Watch
Featured Articles
production, Lewis turning point, and endogenous
growth theory.
The catch-up theory was
represented by Seoul
National University Pro-
fessor Keun Lee.1 This
part mainly leans upon
his explanation and
analysis. According to
the catch-up theory among countries, industries,
and companies, there are windows of opportu-
nity, in which latecomers can catch up with first
movers. Four representative windows are the
emergence of new technological and economic
paradigms, recession in business cycles, changes
in demand conditions, and industrial policies and
government restrictions.
Even when a window for opportu-
nity opens, not every latecomer is able
to seize the opportunity and outper-
form first movers. The result varies
depending on how the first movers
react and how well latecomers overcome their
disadvantages and make the most of their advan-
tages. As first movers wish to retain their own
advantages in the market, they often ignore new
technologies and fall into the first-mover trap.
On the other hand, latecomers are disadvantaged
by their requirement of massive funds and gov-
ernment support in the initial stage, but they are
able to skip stages by adopting first movers’ ad-
vanced technologies at low cost, and even become
first movers themselves. If willing to take risks,
they are given an opportunity for leapfrogging.
This catch-up theory explains how the Korean
economy was able to take a window for oppor-
tunity and succeed in catching up to advanced
economies. This is also true not only for the steel
industry, but for other sectors as well, including
electronics, automobiles, and petrochemicals.
The catch-up cycle for the Korean steel indus-
try is divided into three stages. The first is the
entry stage (1968 – 1972) when its development
was fueled largely by goverment activism. The
Korean government incorporated POSCO as a
The experience of the Korean steel industry offers useful lessons for
emerging economies pursuing economic development. Therefore, it would
be meaningful to analyze the factors that drove the Korean steel industry
to success.
Explanation of
Success factors
based on catch-up
theory
1
Keun Lee and Jee-hoon Ki,
“Rise of the Latecomers and
Catch-Up Cycles in the World
Steel Industry,” Research
Policy, Volume 46, Issue 2
March 2017, Pages 365–375
Vol.04 December 2017 85
state-owned company in 1968, and enacted the
Steel Industry Promotion Law to actively support
the establishment of the Pohang Steelworks. In
addition, POSCO was provided with a variety of
benefits: long-term loans at low interest rates, es-
tablishment of infrastructure, reduction or aboli-
tion of taxes and tariffs, and reductions in utility
rates.
The second phase is the gradual catch-up
stage (1973 – 1986) in which global economic
recessions sparked by the first and second oil
shocks offered a sort of opportunity to Korea.
Pohang Steelworks began producing steel in
1973 and expanded production capacity through
1983. Under the global recession that followed
the first oil shock in 1973, POSCO was able to
purchase old equipment at prices lower than nor-
mal. The government also implemented policies
to nurture heavy and chemical industries (1973-
1979), focusing on six sectors—steel, petro-
chemicals, machinery, shipbuilding, electronics,
and non-ferrous metal. This significantly drove
up steel demand.
Third is the forging ahead stage—a period of
soaring expansion after 1987. POSCO started
building its Gwangyang Steelworks in 1981. The
second oil shock of 1979 and subsequent eco-
nomic recession had provided a chance for POS-
CO to catch up with first-movers. POSCO took
advantage of this recession to promote competi-
tion among equipment suppliers and managed to
buy equipment at reduced prices. Moreover, the
recession also offered a further opportunity for
POSCO to introduce cutting-edge technologies at
reasonable cost. During this stage-skipping catch-
up phase, POSCO was able to secure greater cost
advantage than ever before.
To summarize, the Korean goverment estab-
lished the state-owned steel company POSCO in
an effort to enter the steel industry, and reces-
sions in the global steel industry and domestic
industrial policies provided Korean companies
with opportunities. Due to stagnation in the
global steel industry in the 1970s and 1980s,
POSCO could save on costs of new investment.
Namely, the success of POSCO is characterized
by path-following at the early stage and then by
stage-skipping.
As suggested by the
catch-up theory, the
Korean government has
played a pivotal role in
the growth of the steel
industry. Examining gov-
ernment policies of the
time, it basically implemented development strat-
egies based on the infant industry argument. The
core of this argument is that nascent industries
often lack the competitiveness of their better-es-
tablished competitors in other countries and thus
require protection until they are able to attain
similar competitiveness and contribute to national
development. This argument was first fully articu-
lated in the 1790s by the US statesman Alexander
Hamilton and later systematically developed by
the German economist Friedrich List. Korea is a
good example of turning a disadvantaged industry
into one with a comparative advantage.
The Korean government’s role at that time
The infant industry
argument and
the government’s role
The Korean Steel Industry in Retrospect: Lessons for Developing Countries
86 Asian Steel Watch
Featured Articles
can be categorized into five patterns. First, it es-
tablished a state-owned company and provided
focused government support. This is a “selection
and concentration” strategy. In fact, this strategy
is seemingly the only choice for a country lacking
the resources, technologies, or capital for nur-
turing key industries. The second is an industrial
strategy centered on heavy and chemical indus-
tries. Industrialization is key in that it has a high
industrial linkage effect and can easily create high
added value based on improved effectiveness. A
virtuous cycle was effectively created in that the
development of heavy and chemical industries in-
creased steel demand and fueled the steel indus-
try, while the rise of the steel industry secured
economies of scale to supply cost competitive
products to steel-consuming industries. Finally,
the steel-consuming industries were able to grow
further.
Third, the government was actively involved
in building infrastructure, such as roads, railways,
and ports, even in the early stages of economic
development. When the Korean government
began constructing the Gyeongbu Expressway
connecting the southern and northern reaches of
South Korea, it was met with pessimism and the
opinion that pouring such a tremendous amount
of money into infrastructure was inappropriate
while people were struggling to make a living.
However, the construction of infrastructure in-
creased logistics efficiency and enhanced indus-
trial competitiveness. In addition, steel demand
was created while the infrastructure was being
erected.
The fourth pattern is import restrictions and
export-driven growth strategies. The government
delayed market openings for as long as possible
in an effort to help the industry gain competi-
tiveness and sought export-driven strategies with
a view to overcoming the small domestic market.
The export-driven strategy is advantageous for a
country with a low sovereign credit rating seeking
to borrow foreign funds for purchasing facilities,
as well as to ensure global competitiveness in the
competition for exports.
Fifth, the government has stepped forward to
One of the most important theories to explain the splendid growth of the
Korean steel industry is the fourth factor of production—entrepreneurship
and leadership.
Vol.04 December 2017 87
instill labor consciousness, and was actively in-
volved in sourcing experts for the industry. Under
the slogan “Let’s live well,” the government in-
spired passion and boosted labor consciousness.
In response to Koreans’ fervor for education, the
government expanded educational systems and
provided talent to companies in a timely manner.
One of the most import-
ant theories to explain
the splendid growth of
the Korean steel indus-
try is the fourth factor of
production—entrepre-
neurship and leadership.
There are three basic factors of production: land,
labor, and capital. In addition, entrepreneurship
is often appended as an additional factor. When
the Korean government began nurturing the
steel industry, very few expected success. The Ko-
rean government sought international financing
to build a steel mill in the 1960s, but the Interna-
tional Bank for Reconstruction and Development
(IBRD, now the World Bank) issued a report skep-
tical of Korea’s steel industry prospects in 1969.
The report insisted that it was too early for Korea
to enter such a capital and technology-intensive
industry as steel, and advised it to first devel-
op more labor-intensive industries. Namely, it
claimed that a strategy of producing intermediate
products to replace imports would increase steel
production costs in Korea as well as export costs
and eventually erode the country’s global com-
petitiveness.
Then-CEO of POSCO, Park Tae-joon, suggest-
ed that the government allocate Japanese war
reparations to build a steel mill, and eventually
made the impossible possible. In 1986, 17 years
after the IBRD report, Park met the author of the
report, Dr. John W. P. Jaffe on business trip to
London and asked him whether he still believed
his report was correct. Jaffe stood by his original
analysis, but added that the report turned out to
be incorrect since not all variables were known.
One was Park Tae-joon. There is another interest-
ing anecdote, as well. When the Chinese leader
Deng Xiaoping visited Nippon Steel in August
1978 and asked Chairman Yoshihiro Inayama for
help to build a steel plant like that of POSCO, Mr.
Inayama said, “It’s impossible. A steel company
is not built with money or technology, but with
Source: POSCO
The fourth factor
of production–
entrepreneurship
and leadership
The Korean Steel Industry in Retrospect: Lessons for Developing Countries
88 Asian Steel Watch
Featured Articles
men,” he added, “but China does not have a man
like Park.” Deng replied, “I shall import Park Tae-
joon.” Additionally, a report published in 1991 by
the Mitsubishi Research Institute analyzed that
a major factor for the success of POSCO was the
outstanding leadership, insight, and drive of Park
Tae-joon.
Another success factor
was the demographic
changes taking place at
the time and the sub-
sequent urbanization
and industrialization.
Urbanization increases
steel demand by creating construction demand.
Rural to urban migration allows cheap labor and
lays a foundation for successful industrialization.
The renowned economist Jeffrey Sachs said in
his book The End of Poverty that China was able
to achieve economic reform based on its cheap
rural labor. In the case of Korea, only 20% of the
population lived in urban areas in the 1960s,
but 30 years later in the mid-1990s, this figure
had surged to about 80%. Under the policy with
emphasis on industy, massive industrial employ-
ment was created thanks to the transfer of sur-
plus rural labor. Examining the proportion of em-
ployment by industry as shown in Figure 6, the
share of agriculture continued to decline, while
that of industry increased into the early 1990s
but fell afterwards. There are several reasons for
this. One may be that the decline in cheap labor
migration pushed up manufacturing labor costs
and reduced industry job creation. Figure 7 shows
that annual changes in the working-age popula-
tion also slowed profoundly in the 1990s, and the
real wage index surged in the 1990s prior to the
Asian financial crisis.
Such changes can be explained by the Lewis
turning point, named after Nobel Prize winner W.
Arthur Lewis. The Lewis turning point describes a
Source: World Bank
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
80%
0%
1963 1973 1983 1993 2003 2015
Agriculture
Service
Industry
Annual change in working age populartion (LHS)
Real wage index (RHS)
Source: UNCTAD, Economic Statistics Yearbook
1971 1976 1981 1986 1991 1996 2001 2006 2011
800
700
600
500
400
300
200
100
0 0
200
400
600
800
1000
1200
Figure 6. Proportion of Employment by Industry Figure 7. Annual Changes in Working-age Population and
Real Wage Index
Korea’s
demographic
changes and
the Lewis
turning point
(thousands)
Vol.04 December 2017 89
moment at which surplus rural labor is depleted.
This in turn typically causes urban wages to rise
and economic growth to dwindle. When a coun-
try reaches this point, there occurs a mismatch
between the supply of and demand for labor,
leading to a spike in wages and the entrenchment
of a high cost-low efficient structure across soci-
ety. Korea experienced such a Lewis turning point
in the 1990s, and its GDP growth rate and steel
demand growth rate have slowed gradually ever
since.
The endogenous growth
theory, first suggested by
Paul Romer, holds that
technological innovation
is not driven by exter-
nal forces, but through
knowledge accumulated
by human capital, and
that such technological
innovation significantly contributes to economic
growth. Notably, corporate efforts and govern-
ment support for achieving technological innova-
tion is one of the most important factors for the
success of the Korean steel industry.
For example, at the time of its establishment
POSCO adopted technologies from Nippon Steel
and worked diligently to learn everything it could
from this advanced Japanese steelmaker, from
operational technology to product technology. As
the Korean steel industry grew rapidly after the
late 1970s, steel companies in Japan and other
advanced countries became no longer willing to
transfer new technologies. Therefore, POSCO
established POSCO Technical Research Lab, RIST,
and POSTECH to develop technologies unassist-
ed. POSCO has earmarked more than 1% of sales
for R&D in order to foster advanced technologies
and build high value-added production systems.
POSCO’s relentless efforts paid off over time.
In 2007, POSCO built the world’s first commer-
cial FINEX plant, which was able to replace the
conventional blast furnace-based steelmaking
process. Today POSCO is even selling its unique
technologies overseas, such as POIST (POSCO
Innovative Steelmaking Technology), FINEX, and
CEM (Compact Endless Cast and Rolling Mill).
It is attempting to improve profitability by in-
creasing sales of WB/WF (World’s Best & World’s
First) products. In short, these continuous efforts
to secure global competitiveness through techno-
logical innovation has been a key contributor in
the Korea steel industry overcoming fierce com-
petition with other advanced steel companies and
eventually emerging as a steel powerhouse.
Based on its analysis on
the development and
success factors of the
Korean steel industry,
this article offers several
policy implications for
developing countries.
The first is the importance of the govern-
ment’s role and strategic decisions. At an early
stage of economic growth with only scarce re-
sources, it is necessary to maximize efficiency
through selection and concentration. Korea offers
a good example in that the government priori-
The endogenous
growth theory–
accumulation of
technological
innovation,
knowledge,
and human capital
The Korean Steel Industry in Retrospect: Lessons for Developing Countries
Lessons for
late-arriving
developing nations
90 Asian Steel Watch
Featured Articles
tized economic development through its Five-
Year Plans and allocated resources accordingly. As
a capital-intensive process, the steel industry fac-
es high entry barriers and can secure economies
of scale only with a certain degree of production
capacity. Therefore, the government should focus
resources on the steel industry and provide ben-
efits in terms of finance, taxation, foreign loans,
and technological development. One viable strat-
egy is establishing a representative state-owned
company and focusing resources on nurturing it.
The government’s strategic choices are of high
importance as well. For instance, despite negative
public sentiment, at the early stage of economic
developement the Korean government concen-
trated resources on infrastructure construction,
which later served to increase logistical efficiency
and drive economic growth. In addition, the au-
thorities implemented policies with emphasis on
heavy and chemical industries that triggered mu-
tual growth in steel and steel-consuming indus-
tries and finally realized economic growth as well.
The Korean government also protected its market
until the industry had gained the required degree
of competitiveness. Taking into account this
importance of strategic decision-making, devel-
oping countries should make optimal decisions
based on their own conditions and drawing upon
the experiences of advanced countries.
The second implication is entrepreneurial
leadership and a “can-do” attitude. Korea’s na-
scent steel industry was able to overcome its
comparative disadvantage and write a new chap-
ter in its history because of POSCO founder Park
Tae-joon’s passion, drive, sacrifice, vision, and
strong leadership. This has been acknowledged
by Korean scholars, in the media, and even by
foreign industry insiders. In addition to this
entrepreneurial leadership, another factor was
involved—Korean workers’ labor consciousness
and desire for economic growth. With their “can-
do” attitude, Korean laborers’ hard work is cer-
tainly the foundation for the country’s industrial
development. However, this consciousness move-
ment was also led by the government—a fact that
developing countries should keep in mind.
Developing countries can draw lessons from Korea’s experiences and
overcome the disadvantages faced by latecomers. They can make full use
of the given opportunities to catch up. Then, there will be more positive
cases in developing countries mirroring the success that took place in
Korea.
Vol.04 December 2017 91
The third is the importance of industrial
policy based on medium- to long-term outlook
for supply and demand. As shown in the case of
Korea, there are several key variables to consider
for mid- to long-term steel demand outlook: de-
mographic shifts, industrialization, urbanization,
and the advent of the Lewis turning point. Based
on these variables, demand forecasts should be
updated annually and supply policies should be
carefully implemented to prevent a widening of
the gap between supply and demand. Steel de-
mand in Korea plunged after the two financial
crises of 1998 and 2008, but the variables affect-
ing mid- to long-term steel demand had begun to
change even before. Considering this, it would be
advisable for developing countries to first exam-
ine these variables and take pre-emptive actions.
In other words, economic crisis management is
important. If a crisis occurs, capital investment
growth plunges and steel demand falls into pro-
longed recession, resulting in an aggravation of
oversupply. In Korea, oversupply significantly
worsened after 2010 as capacity expansion poli-
cies were implemented despite sluggish demand.
Finally, there is the importance of determined
drive of technological development and R&D in-
vestment. Before becoming a steel powerhouse,
the Korean industry underwent an extensive
period of knowledge accumulation, technology
development, and R&D investment. Without im-
provements in product competitiveness through
technological advancement and cost competitive-
ness, it is impossible to survive in global compe-
tition.
In conclusion, developing countries can draw
lessons from Korea’s experiences and overcome
the disadvantages faced by latecomers. They can
make full use of the given opportunities to catch
up, since luck is what happens when preparation
meets opportunity. Then, there will be more pos-
itive cases in developing countries mirroring the
success that took place in Korea.
The Korean Steel Industry in Retrospect: Lessons for Developing Countries

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The korean steel industry in retrospect : lessons for developing countries(Dong-Cheol Sa, Cheol-Ho Chung)

  • 1. 80 Asian Steel Watch Featured Articles At the end of the Sec- ond World War in 1945, South Korea had se- cured its independence, but five years later, the Korean War broke out. A GDP per capita at a nominal value hovered around USD 67 in 1953 when the Korean War ended. It remained one of the world’s poorest countries. However, the South Korean economy grew exponentially following the government-led economic development ini- tiatives launched in the early 1960s. Today, Ko- rea has joined the ranks of advanced countries, becoming the world’s seventh-largest exporter, 12th largest economy in terms of GDP, and 30th largest in terms of GDP per capita as of 2016. To- gether with this economic expansion, the Korean steel industry has grown robustly. It today enjoys a lofty global standing just like the overall Korean economy. In the 1960s the Korean steel industry was starting from nothing: it lacked technology, resources, and expertise. However, as shown in Table 1, by the mid-1990s it had become the world’s sixth-largest steel producing country and has maintained this status ever since. What was the key to this success? The ex- perience of the Korean steel industry offers useful lessons for emerging economies pursuing economic development. Therefore, it would be meaningful to analyze the factors that drove the Korean steel industry to success. Many emerging economies are seeking to achieve the self-sufficient development of their steel industries since steel, dubbed “the staple of industry,” is the fundamental industry that underpins other basic industries, such as the automotive, home appliance, shipbuilding, ma- chinery, and construction sectors. By doing so, it contributes to the improvement of compet- itiveness across industries, and eventually to national economic growth. In addition, with high forward-backward linkage effects, as can be seen in Table 2, the steel industry can bring about positive ripple effects in an entire economy, in- cluding in investment, employment, and growth. The Korean Steel Industry in Retrospect :LessonsforDevelopingCountries Dr. Chung, Cheol-Ho Vice President POSCO Research Institute chchung@posri.re.kr The rise of Korea from the ashes of war Dr. Dong-Cheol Sa Senior Principal Researcher POSCO Research Institute dsa@posri.re.kr
  • 2. Vol.04 December 2017 81 However, despite these advantages, it is not easy for latecomers to successfully nurture a local steel industry. The field requires massive investments, advanced technologies, and operational know- how, which requires a long time to accumulate before first movers can be overtaken. To identify what made the Korean steel in- dustry successful, it is reasonable to examine the history of its devel- opment. The pertinent patterns differ before and after the financial crisis of 1998. Looking at the proportions of Korea’s GDP and steel production versus global GDP and global steel production in Figure 1, the figures shift notably around the financial crisis of 1998. The Korean economy and steel industry entered a period of full-blown boom times in the late 1980s and Ko- rea’s GDP and steel production continued to grow until 1997. However, everything changed after Table 1. Development of the Korean Steel Industry Table 2. Forward-Backward Linkage Effect in the Korean Industry Primary metal Chemical Machinery and equipment Construction Transport equipment Precision industry Impact coefficient (Backward linkage effect) 1.282 1.106 1.220 1.177 1.278 1.092 Sensitivity coefficient (Forward linkage effect) 1.988 1.945 0.915 0.601 0.931 0.641 Source: Numbers are based on 2014, Source: Bank of Korea (BOK) Source: “Steel Statistical Yearbook” worldsteel (2016) Retrospective view on the development of the Korean steel industry The Korean Steel Industry in Retrospect: Lessons for Developing Countries 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2016 Crude steel production (Mt) 0.5 2.5 8.6 13.5 23.1 36.8 43.1 47.8 58.9 68.6 Share of global production (%) 0.1 0.4 1.2 1.9 3.0 4.9 5.1 4.2 4.1 4.2 World ranking 34 29 13 10 7 6 6 5 6 6 Apparent crude steel use per capita (kg) 51 84 141 234 501 827 851 1,015 1,101 1,171 Figure 1. Share of Korea in Global GDP and Steel Consumption Source: IMF, worldsteel 1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015 0.0% 1.0% 2.0% 3.0% 4.0% 5.0% 6.0% Figure 2. Korea’s Steel Intensity of GDP 0 0.01 0.02 0.03 0.04 0.05 0.06 0.07 0.08 1960 1964 1968 1972 1976 1980 1984 1988 1992 1996 2000 2004 2008 2012 2016 Source: BOK, worldsteel Note: Steel intensity = Crude steel consumption (kg) / Nominal GDP(KRW) GDP Crude steel consumption
  • 3. 82 Asian Steel Watch Featured Articles the financial crisis: Korea’s proportion within global GDP peaked first in 1996 and then crested again in 2007. In contrast, Korea’s global share of steel consumption peaked in 1996, but declined afterwards despite some periods of reglobal GDP peaked first in 1996 and then crested again in 2007. In contrast, Korea’s international share of steel consumption peaked in 1996, but declined afterwards despite some periods of recovery. This mismatch is attributed to the fact that the Korean economy, heavily dependent on IT-driven growth after the financial crisis, had maintained its share of GDP consistent, but Korea’s share in global consumption has been falling faster than that of GDP due to declining steel intensity of GDP. Figure 2 shows that Korea’s steel intensity of GDP peaked in 1995 and began to decline af- terwards. Figure 3 shows Korea’s apparent crude steel use and crude steel production trends from 1950 to 2016. The growth rates of apparent crude steel use and crude steel production from 1970 to 1997 increased at compound annual growth rates (CAGR) of 12.5% and 17.9%, respectively, but a mere 2.1% and 2.5% from 1997 to 2016. In particular, crude steel use has stagnated since the financial crisis of 2008, and even by 2016 it had failed to recover the levels in 2008. Meanwhile, crude steel production has surged since the op- eration of Hyundai Steel’s blast furnace in 2011, and the gap between supply and demand has wid- ened. Examining the changes that took place around the crisis of 1998 based on factors related to steel use, there are two distinctive items. The first is as shown in Figure 4–a significant slowing in the urbanization rate after 1996. Second, gross capi- tal formation as percentage of GDP declined after peaking in 1996 (See Figure 5). Along with indus- trialization, urbanization is an important driver of both economic growth and steel demand. Gross capital formation, comprised of invest- 1950 1955 1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015 -10000 -5000 0 5000 10000 15000 2000080000 70000 60000 50000 40000 30000 20000 10000 Figure 3. Korea’s Apparent Crude Steel Use, Crude Steel Production, and Net Exports Source: worldsteel Apparent Crude Steel Use (LHS) Crude Steel Production (LHS) Net Exports (RHS) (1,000 tonnes)
  • 4. Vol.04 December 2017 83 ments in construction and facilities, is also close- ly related to steel demand. Namely, stagnating urbanization around the financial crisis of 1998 and a plunge in investment caused by aggravated oversupply in the Korean economy led to stagna- tion in steel demand. Interestingly, the Korean economy shifted from government-driven to market-driven in 1998. The Korean government had implemented seven Five-Year Economic Development Plans, with the final installment ending in 1997. Recog- nizing the limitations of government-led opera- tions in expanding the economy, Korea attempted to shift to a more market-led economy, but was hit by the Asian financial crisis of 1997-98. Korea accepted emergency loans from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and accordingly took mea- sures to deregulate markets, such as introducing a fully-floating exchange rate system and open- ing the stock and bond markets. As a result, the year 1998 became a turning point for the Korean economy as it shifted from government-driven to market-driven. This article examines the development of the Ko- rean steel industry from a theoretical perspective and draws policy impli- cations for latecomers. It is no easy task to apply only a single perspective and generalize success factors for what has been dubbed Korea’s “Miracle on the Han River.” Therefore, it is important to consider varying economic theories to identity such factors. Based on existing research on the success of the steel industry by academia, research institu- tions, and the media, the author adopted various theories to re-examine the success factors and of- fer implications for developing nations—catch-up theory, infant industry argument, fourth factor of Success factors for the Korean steel industry 0% 5% 10% 15% 20% 25% 30% 35% 40% 45% 50% 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015 Source: BOK, worldsteel Figure 5. Gross Capital Formation (% of GDP) Source: IMF 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015 Figure 4. Urbanization Rate World S.Korea The Korean Steel Industry in Retrospect: Lessons for Developing Countries
  • 5. 84 Asian Steel Watch Featured Articles production, Lewis turning point, and endogenous growth theory. The catch-up theory was represented by Seoul National University Pro- fessor Keun Lee.1 This part mainly leans upon his explanation and analysis. According to the catch-up theory among countries, industries, and companies, there are windows of opportu- nity, in which latecomers can catch up with first movers. Four representative windows are the emergence of new technological and economic paradigms, recession in business cycles, changes in demand conditions, and industrial policies and government restrictions. Even when a window for opportu- nity opens, not every latecomer is able to seize the opportunity and outper- form first movers. The result varies depending on how the first movers react and how well latecomers overcome their disadvantages and make the most of their advan- tages. As first movers wish to retain their own advantages in the market, they often ignore new technologies and fall into the first-mover trap. On the other hand, latecomers are disadvantaged by their requirement of massive funds and gov- ernment support in the initial stage, but they are able to skip stages by adopting first movers’ ad- vanced technologies at low cost, and even become first movers themselves. If willing to take risks, they are given an opportunity for leapfrogging. This catch-up theory explains how the Korean economy was able to take a window for oppor- tunity and succeed in catching up to advanced economies. This is also true not only for the steel industry, but for other sectors as well, including electronics, automobiles, and petrochemicals. The catch-up cycle for the Korean steel indus- try is divided into three stages. The first is the entry stage (1968 – 1972) when its development was fueled largely by goverment activism. The Korean government incorporated POSCO as a The experience of the Korean steel industry offers useful lessons for emerging economies pursuing economic development. Therefore, it would be meaningful to analyze the factors that drove the Korean steel industry to success. Explanation of Success factors based on catch-up theory 1 Keun Lee and Jee-hoon Ki, “Rise of the Latecomers and Catch-Up Cycles in the World Steel Industry,” Research Policy, Volume 46, Issue 2 March 2017, Pages 365–375
  • 6. Vol.04 December 2017 85 state-owned company in 1968, and enacted the Steel Industry Promotion Law to actively support the establishment of the Pohang Steelworks. In addition, POSCO was provided with a variety of benefits: long-term loans at low interest rates, es- tablishment of infrastructure, reduction or aboli- tion of taxes and tariffs, and reductions in utility rates. The second phase is the gradual catch-up stage (1973 – 1986) in which global economic recessions sparked by the first and second oil shocks offered a sort of opportunity to Korea. Pohang Steelworks began producing steel in 1973 and expanded production capacity through 1983. Under the global recession that followed the first oil shock in 1973, POSCO was able to purchase old equipment at prices lower than nor- mal. The government also implemented policies to nurture heavy and chemical industries (1973- 1979), focusing on six sectors—steel, petro- chemicals, machinery, shipbuilding, electronics, and non-ferrous metal. This significantly drove up steel demand. Third is the forging ahead stage—a period of soaring expansion after 1987. POSCO started building its Gwangyang Steelworks in 1981. The second oil shock of 1979 and subsequent eco- nomic recession had provided a chance for POS- CO to catch up with first-movers. POSCO took advantage of this recession to promote competi- tion among equipment suppliers and managed to buy equipment at reduced prices. Moreover, the recession also offered a further opportunity for POSCO to introduce cutting-edge technologies at reasonable cost. During this stage-skipping catch- up phase, POSCO was able to secure greater cost advantage than ever before. To summarize, the Korean goverment estab- lished the state-owned steel company POSCO in an effort to enter the steel industry, and reces- sions in the global steel industry and domestic industrial policies provided Korean companies with opportunities. Due to stagnation in the global steel industry in the 1970s and 1980s, POSCO could save on costs of new investment. Namely, the success of POSCO is characterized by path-following at the early stage and then by stage-skipping. As suggested by the catch-up theory, the Korean government has played a pivotal role in the growth of the steel industry. Examining gov- ernment policies of the time, it basically implemented development strat- egies based on the infant industry argument. The core of this argument is that nascent industries often lack the competitiveness of their better-es- tablished competitors in other countries and thus require protection until they are able to attain similar competitiveness and contribute to national development. This argument was first fully articu- lated in the 1790s by the US statesman Alexander Hamilton and later systematically developed by the German economist Friedrich List. Korea is a good example of turning a disadvantaged industry into one with a comparative advantage. The Korean government’s role at that time The infant industry argument and the government’s role The Korean Steel Industry in Retrospect: Lessons for Developing Countries
  • 7. 86 Asian Steel Watch Featured Articles can be categorized into five patterns. First, it es- tablished a state-owned company and provided focused government support. This is a “selection and concentration” strategy. In fact, this strategy is seemingly the only choice for a country lacking the resources, technologies, or capital for nur- turing key industries. The second is an industrial strategy centered on heavy and chemical indus- tries. Industrialization is key in that it has a high industrial linkage effect and can easily create high added value based on improved effectiveness. A virtuous cycle was effectively created in that the development of heavy and chemical industries in- creased steel demand and fueled the steel indus- try, while the rise of the steel industry secured economies of scale to supply cost competitive products to steel-consuming industries. Finally, the steel-consuming industries were able to grow further. Third, the government was actively involved in building infrastructure, such as roads, railways, and ports, even in the early stages of economic development. When the Korean government began constructing the Gyeongbu Expressway connecting the southern and northern reaches of South Korea, it was met with pessimism and the opinion that pouring such a tremendous amount of money into infrastructure was inappropriate while people were struggling to make a living. However, the construction of infrastructure in- creased logistics efficiency and enhanced indus- trial competitiveness. In addition, steel demand was created while the infrastructure was being erected. The fourth pattern is import restrictions and export-driven growth strategies. The government delayed market openings for as long as possible in an effort to help the industry gain competi- tiveness and sought export-driven strategies with a view to overcoming the small domestic market. The export-driven strategy is advantageous for a country with a low sovereign credit rating seeking to borrow foreign funds for purchasing facilities, as well as to ensure global competitiveness in the competition for exports. Fifth, the government has stepped forward to One of the most important theories to explain the splendid growth of the Korean steel industry is the fourth factor of production—entrepreneurship and leadership.
  • 8. Vol.04 December 2017 87 instill labor consciousness, and was actively in- volved in sourcing experts for the industry. Under the slogan “Let’s live well,” the government in- spired passion and boosted labor consciousness. In response to Koreans’ fervor for education, the government expanded educational systems and provided talent to companies in a timely manner. One of the most import- ant theories to explain the splendid growth of the Korean steel indus- try is the fourth factor of production—entrepre- neurship and leadership. There are three basic factors of production: land, labor, and capital. In addition, entrepreneurship is often appended as an additional factor. When the Korean government began nurturing the steel industry, very few expected success. The Ko- rean government sought international financing to build a steel mill in the 1960s, but the Interna- tional Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD, now the World Bank) issued a report skep- tical of Korea’s steel industry prospects in 1969. The report insisted that it was too early for Korea to enter such a capital and technology-intensive industry as steel, and advised it to first devel- op more labor-intensive industries. Namely, it claimed that a strategy of producing intermediate products to replace imports would increase steel production costs in Korea as well as export costs and eventually erode the country’s global com- petitiveness. Then-CEO of POSCO, Park Tae-joon, suggest- ed that the government allocate Japanese war reparations to build a steel mill, and eventually made the impossible possible. In 1986, 17 years after the IBRD report, Park met the author of the report, Dr. John W. P. Jaffe on business trip to London and asked him whether he still believed his report was correct. Jaffe stood by his original analysis, but added that the report turned out to be incorrect since not all variables were known. One was Park Tae-joon. There is another interest- ing anecdote, as well. When the Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping visited Nippon Steel in August 1978 and asked Chairman Yoshihiro Inayama for help to build a steel plant like that of POSCO, Mr. Inayama said, “It’s impossible. A steel company is not built with money or technology, but with Source: POSCO The fourth factor of production– entrepreneurship and leadership The Korean Steel Industry in Retrospect: Lessons for Developing Countries
  • 9. 88 Asian Steel Watch Featured Articles men,” he added, “but China does not have a man like Park.” Deng replied, “I shall import Park Tae- joon.” Additionally, a report published in 1991 by the Mitsubishi Research Institute analyzed that a major factor for the success of POSCO was the outstanding leadership, insight, and drive of Park Tae-joon. Another success factor was the demographic changes taking place at the time and the sub- sequent urbanization and industrialization. Urbanization increases steel demand by creating construction demand. Rural to urban migration allows cheap labor and lays a foundation for successful industrialization. The renowned economist Jeffrey Sachs said in his book The End of Poverty that China was able to achieve economic reform based on its cheap rural labor. In the case of Korea, only 20% of the population lived in urban areas in the 1960s, but 30 years later in the mid-1990s, this figure had surged to about 80%. Under the policy with emphasis on industy, massive industrial employ- ment was created thanks to the transfer of sur- plus rural labor. Examining the proportion of em- ployment by industry as shown in Figure 6, the share of agriculture continued to decline, while that of industry increased into the early 1990s but fell afterwards. There are several reasons for this. One may be that the decline in cheap labor migration pushed up manufacturing labor costs and reduced industry job creation. Figure 7 shows that annual changes in the working-age popula- tion also slowed profoundly in the 1990s, and the real wage index surged in the 1990s prior to the Asian financial crisis. Such changes can be explained by the Lewis turning point, named after Nobel Prize winner W. Arthur Lewis. The Lewis turning point describes a Source: World Bank 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 0% 1963 1973 1983 1993 2003 2015 Agriculture Service Industry Annual change in working age populartion (LHS) Real wage index (RHS) Source: UNCTAD, Economic Statistics Yearbook 1971 1976 1981 1986 1991 1996 2001 2006 2011 800 700 600 500 400 300 200 100 0 0 200 400 600 800 1000 1200 Figure 6. Proportion of Employment by Industry Figure 7. Annual Changes in Working-age Population and Real Wage Index Korea’s demographic changes and the Lewis turning point (thousands)
  • 10. Vol.04 December 2017 89 moment at which surplus rural labor is depleted. This in turn typically causes urban wages to rise and economic growth to dwindle. When a coun- try reaches this point, there occurs a mismatch between the supply of and demand for labor, leading to a spike in wages and the entrenchment of a high cost-low efficient structure across soci- ety. Korea experienced such a Lewis turning point in the 1990s, and its GDP growth rate and steel demand growth rate have slowed gradually ever since. The endogenous growth theory, first suggested by Paul Romer, holds that technological innovation is not driven by exter- nal forces, but through knowledge accumulated by human capital, and that such technological innovation significantly contributes to economic growth. Notably, corporate efforts and govern- ment support for achieving technological innova- tion is one of the most important factors for the success of the Korean steel industry. For example, at the time of its establishment POSCO adopted technologies from Nippon Steel and worked diligently to learn everything it could from this advanced Japanese steelmaker, from operational technology to product technology. As the Korean steel industry grew rapidly after the late 1970s, steel companies in Japan and other advanced countries became no longer willing to transfer new technologies. Therefore, POSCO established POSCO Technical Research Lab, RIST, and POSTECH to develop technologies unassist- ed. POSCO has earmarked more than 1% of sales for R&D in order to foster advanced technologies and build high value-added production systems. POSCO’s relentless efforts paid off over time. In 2007, POSCO built the world’s first commer- cial FINEX plant, which was able to replace the conventional blast furnace-based steelmaking process. Today POSCO is even selling its unique technologies overseas, such as POIST (POSCO Innovative Steelmaking Technology), FINEX, and CEM (Compact Endless Cast and Rolling Mill). It is attempting to improve profitability by in- creasing sales of WB/WF (World’s Best & World’s First) products. In short, these continuous efforts to secure global competitiveness through techno- logical innovation has been a key contributor in the Korea steel industry overcoming fierce com- petition with other advanced steel companies and eventually emerging as a steel powerhouse. Based on its analysis on the development and success factors of the Korean steel industry, this article offers several policy implications for developing countries. The first is the importance of the govern- ment’s role and strategic decisions. At an early stage of economic growth with only scarce re- sources, it is necessary to maximize efficiency through selection and concentration. Korea offers a good example in that the government priori- The endogenous growth theory– accumulation of technological innovation, knowledge, and human capital The Korean Steel Industry in Retrospect: Lessons for Developing Countries Lessons for late-arriving developing nations
  • 11. 90 Asian Steel Watch Featured Articles tized economic development through its Five- Year Plans and allocated resources accordingly. As a capital-intensive process, the steel industry fac- es high entry barriers and can secure economies of scale only with a certain degree of production capacity. Therefore, the government should focus resources on the steel industry and provide ben- efits in terms of finance, taxation, foreign loans, and technological development. One viable strat- egy is establishing a representative state-owned company and focusing resources on nurturing it. The government’s strategic choices are of high importance as well. For instance, despite negative public sentiment, at the early stage of economic developement the Korean government concen- trated resources on infrastructure construction, which later served to increase logistical efficiency and drive economic growth. In addition, the au- thorities implemented policies with emphasis on heavy and chemical industries that triggered mu- tual growth in steel and steel-consuming indus- tries and finally realized economic growth as well. The Korean government also protected its market until the industry had gained the required degree of competitiveness. Taking into account this importance of strategic decision-making, devel- oping countries should make optimal decisions based on their own conditions and drawing upon the experiences of advanced countries. The second implication is entrepreneurial leadership and a “can-do” attitude. Korea’s na- scent steel industry was able to overcome its comparative disadvantage and write a new chap- ter in its history because of POSCO founder Park Tae-joon’s passion, drive, sacrifice, vision, and strong leadership. This has been acknowledged by Korean scholars, in the media, and even by foreign industry insiders. In addition to this entrepreneurial leadership, another factor was involved—Korean workers’ labor consciousness and desire for economic growth. With their “can- do” attitude, Korean laborers’ hard work is cer- tainly the foundation for the country’s industrial development. However, this consciousness move- ment was also led by the government—a fact that developing countries should keep in mind. Developing countries can draw lessons from Korea’s experiences and overcome the disadvantages faced by latecomers. They can make full use of the given opportunities to catch up. Then, there will be more positive cases in developing countries mirroring the success that took place in Korea.
  • 12. Vol.04 December 2017 91 The third is the importance of industrial policy based on medium- to long-term outlook for supply and demand. As shown in the case of Korea, there are several key variables to consider for mid- to long-term steel demand outlook: de- mographic shifts, industrialization, urbanization, and the advent of the Lewis turning point. Based on these variables, demand forecasts should be updated annually and supply policies should be carefully implemented to prevent a widening of the gap between supply and demand. Steel de- mand in Korea plunged after the two financial crises of 1998 and 2008, but the variables affect- ing mid- to long-term steel demand had begun to change even before. Considering this, it would be advisable for developing countries to first exam- ine these variables and take pre-emptive actions. In other words, economic crisis management is important. If a crisis occurs, capital investment growth plunges and steel demand falls into pro- longed recession, resulting in an aggravation of oversupply. In Korea, oversupply significantly worsened after 2010 as capacity expansion poli- cies were implemented despite sluggish demand. Finally, there is the importance of determined drive of technological development and R&D in- vestment. Before becoming a steel powerhouse, the Korean industry underwent an extensive period of knowledge accumulation, technology development, and R&D investment. Without im- provements in product competitiveness through technological advancement and cost competitive- ness, it is impossible to survive in global compe- tition. In conclusion, developing countries can draw lessons from Korea’s experiences and overcome the disadvantages faced by latecomers. They can make full use of the given opportunities to catch up, since luck is what happens when preparation meets opportunity. Then, there will be more pos- itive cases in developing countries mirroring the success that took place in Korea. The Korean Steel Industry in Retrospect: Lessons for Developing Countries