The Evolution of Integrated Air Power (air-land integration), 3, by Professor Joel Hayward
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By the end of this lecture student will be able to understand that, in any return to conventional air-land integration, air forces will face: Vastly improved precision capabilities Greater intolerance of harm to civilian objects and infrastructure Greater demands for ubiquity Greater intolerance of fratricide A return to conventionally contested airspace
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Understand Middle Eastern political and strategic dynamics in late antiquity
Analyze the nature of Arab-Persian relations
Analyze the causes, the course, and the consequences of the Battle of Dhi Qar
An Introduction to Terrorism, by Professor Joel hayward
An Introduction to Terrorism, by Professor Joel hayward
By the end of this lecture students should be able to:
Recognise some major forms of terrorism
Understand some basic motivations behind them
Understand the nature and scope of the threat to us
An Introduction to Insurgency, by Professor Joel Hayward
This document provides an introduction to insurgency and distinguishes it from terrorism. It defines insurgency as an armed resistance against political authority based on a belief that the authority is illegitimate, unfair, or harmful. Insurgencies can involve conventional warfare, guerrilla warfare, or terrorism, but most only involve guerrilla warfare and are not terrorist. The document discusses different types of insurgencies and their motives, providing examples of insurgent leaders. It concludes that not all insurgents are terrorists and some insurgencies could be seen as having positive motives from the insurgents' perspective.
The Characteristics and Utility of Airpower, by Professor Joel Hayward
By the end of this lecture students should be able to understand that:
Air power represents a technological revolution
Air power has tremendously changed the conduct of warfare
Air power has not changed the nature of warfare
Maneuver Warfare (the Maneuverist Approach), by Professor Joel Hayward
By the end of this lecture students should be able to understand:
the relationship between maneuver and firepower
key Maneuver Warfare concepts
that flexibility is necessary in their interpretation and application
الحصانة المدنية في الفكر الاستراتيجي الإسلامي التأسيسي تحقيقٌ تاريخي البروفيس...
الحصانة المدنية في الفكر الاستراتيجي الإسلامي التأسيسي تحقيقٌ تاريخي البروفيس...Professor Joel Hayward
الحصانة المدنية في الفكر الاستراتيجي الإسلامي التأسيسي
تحقيقٌ تاريخي
البروفيسور جويل هيوارد
تحلل هذه الدراسة الوحي القرآني ووعظ وممارسات النبي محمد من أجل التحقق مما قام الإسلام بتعليمه في مستهل ظهوره فيما يتعلق بمسؤوليات الجيوش الإسلامية والمحاربين اتجاه الأشخاص الذين نسميهم في الوقت الحاضر بالمدنيين وغيرهم من غير المقاتلين. من الواضح أن الوحي الإلهي ونبي الإسلام قد هدوا في عصر الإنسانية خلال حربٍ تفوق تلك التي وجدت في وقت سابق في الجزيرة العربية وفي الواقع في أي مكان في العالم. لم يتعمد محمد الحرب ودمارها لتشمل مجتمعات بأكملها، بل بالأحرى لتطال المقاتلين فقط، الذين جعلتهم عدوانيتهم ورغبتهم في حمل السلاح مذنبين وخاضعين للمقاومة المسلحة. مدركين بأن الله قد سمح بالدفاع عن النفس ضد الهجوم، وقد قام بتوجيه الحرب على المهاجمين، ولكن ليس على نساء قوات العدو، وأطفالهم، وكبار السن. في الواقع، متمشياً مع القانون الدولي الإنساني المعاصر، فقد حظر محمد الإستهداف المتعمد لهم، مالم يتنازلوا عن حقوقهم في الحماية بالمشاركة في القتال. موسّعاً حق الحماية هذا إلى الرهبان وغيرهم من رجال الدين الذين كرسّوا حياتهم للممارسات الدينية، ومن ثمّ إلى أنواع من الممتلكات التي نسميها الآن بالبنية التحتية المدنية، أنشأ محمد بيئة واسعة من الأمان والتي حافظت على أرواح وطرق معيشة الناس حتى في المجتماعات المتحاربة. إن المفاهيم الخاطئة الشائعة التي أججتها الأفعال الوحشية غير المسؤولة لتنظيم القاعدة وتنظيم الدولة الإسلامية ، وبوكو حرام وغيرها من التنظيمات الإرهابية المتطرفة، هي وببساطة لا تستند على قراءة عادلة للدليل التاريخي. حيث يحكي ذلك الدليل قصة مغايرة تماماً لما يرونه: للإنسجام الوثيق بين الممارسات الإسلامية الأولى بتوجيهات محمد وبين المدونة الأخلاقية للحصانة المدنية الراسغة في نظرية الحرب العادلة الغربية والقانون الدولي الانساني. بمعزلٍ عن المقاتلين، لم يكن المسلمين ليقتلوا أو على نحو آخر ليلحقوا الأذى بالأبريا، ولم يكونوا ليدمروا منازلهم، والبنية التحتية أو مستلزمات معيشتهم.
Warfare in the Qur'an, by Professor Joel Hayward
The Qur’an is among the most widely read books on earth, yet it is also commonly misunderstood and misquoted. Islam’s critics say that it contains exhortations of violence against non-Muslims and a concept of war that is far more unbridled and indiscriminate than the western Just War theory.
This study is not a general overview or critique of the Islamic laws of war, which are the varied and sometimes contradictory opinions of medieval Islamic jurists ― mainly from the ninth to thirteenth centuries CE. Instead, this study analyses only the Qur’anic text itself and, by putting its verses into historical context, attempts to explain its codes of conduct in order to determine what it actually requires or permits Muslims to do in terms of the use of military force.
It concludes that the Qur’an is clear: Muslims must not undertake offensive violence and are instructed, if defensive warfare should become unavoidable, always to act within a code of ethical behavior that is closely similar to the western Just War tradition. This study attempts to dispel any misperceptions that Islam’s holy book advocates the subjugation or killing of non-Muslims and reveals that, on the contrary, its key and unequivocal concepts governing warfare are based on justice and a profound belief in the sanctity of human life.
Civilian Immunity and "Collateral Damage", by Professor Joel Hayward
By the end of this lecture you should be able to understand:
why civilians are to be considered “innocent”
the moral and legal importance of civilian immunity
that the attacking force carries responsibility for protecting civilians
that even the accidental killing of civilians is politically damaging
Warfare and Environmental Ethics, by Professor Joel Hayward
Ecologists, activists, lobbyists and of course politicians are already turning their attention to ecological aspects of modern warfare. As a consequence, governments and their armed forces will have to pay more attention to the serious ecological ramifications of conflict. Air forces face the greatest challenges. During both peace and war they have far greater carbon footprints than armies and navies. They use potentially more devastating ordnance. Their targets traditionally include objects in or near population centers and the aquifers, waterways, soils and food sources that sustain them. And air forces cause far worse damage to environmentally significant production, storage and distribution infrastructure (much of it based on petroleum, oil, lubricants or chemicals). This lecture does not recommend the blanket exclusion of any potential target sets from planning processes. Rather, it argues that, when we utilize our existing warrior code, the Just War ethical framework, we must now slightly expand our time-honored moral and legal constructs of proportionality and discrimination to include environmental issues. That is, the lecture argues for the inclusion of ecological protection in military planning and for it to be weighed expertly, along with the likely need for post-war remediation activities, among the factors that will ultimately determine the justifiability of military actions.
Air Power, Ethics and Civilian Immunity during the Great War and its Aftermat...
Air Power, Ethics and Civilian Immunity during the Great War and its Aftermat...Professor Joel Hayward
Little has been published on the ethical and legal basis of air attacks on non-combatants during the First World War. Existing works have focused mainly on the injustice of the German Zeppelin and Gotha raids on British towns. They present British air campaigns on German towns and the formation of the Royal Air Force as a reasoned self-defensive response. This article breaks new ground as it attempts to paint a richer picture by explaining the influence of retributive passions – vengeance – on British thinking about how best to respond to the villainy of German air raids. By using unpublished primary sources to uncover the moral and legal rationale used by British decision-makers, it shows that they (as their German counterparts had) exploited ambiguities or "loopholes" in the ethical and legal prohibitions on the bombardment of non-combatants and explained away their own air attacks on civilian towns and villages as legitimate acts of reprisal. It ends by demonstrating that, far from feeling grave concerns about the inhumanity of targeting civilians and their environs, the most influential air power thinkers after the war were relatively uninterested in moral concepts of proportionality and discrimination. They saw air power's ability to punish the strong and culpable by attacking the weak and vulnerable as a way of making wars shorter and therefore less expensive.Air Power: The Quest to remove Battle from War, by Professor Joel Hayward
Air power emerged from the Great War as a third primary form of military force, along armies and navies. Its early theorists made astounding claims that air power alone could delivery strategy – that is, the war-winning outcomes that involved the enemy’s defeat – without the significant and inevitably bloody contributions of soldiers and sailors. Throughout the next century their ideas were attempted and almost without exception they proved inadequate. The so-called strategic air campaigns damaged enemy production, but only in a zero-sum way, with the cost of producing and maintaining massive air fleets and soaking up their ghastly attrition balancing out the gains being made. The exception might be the nuclear bombings of Japan, but the atomic weapon itself was the game-changer, with air power being merely its delivery system for a brief time before missiles became the major delivery instrument and source of deterrence. Air power’s most effective role was not away from the battlefield, with cities, civilians and industry the focus of attack, but was on the battlefield in coordination with the other services. Air power’s most significant contributions to strategy came in what looks superficially like a tactical role: as close air support, interdiction, reconnaissance, air supply, counter-air operations, and medical evacuation. These, especially the former, close air support, have proven devastating and enabled joint forces to inflict strategic wins.
Stalingrad: An Examination-of Hitler's Decision to Airlift, by Professor Joel...
Stalingrad: An Examination-of Hitler's Decision to Airlift, by Professor Joel...Professor Joel Hayward
After February 1943, the shadow of Stalingrad ever lengthened ahead of Adolf Hitler. The battle for that city had ended in disastrous defeat, shattering the myth of his military "Midas touch," ending his chances of defeating the Red Army, permanently damaging relations with Italy, Rumania, Hungary, and other allied nations, and, of course, inflicting heavy losses on his eastern armies. More than 150,000 Axis soldiers, most of them German, had been killed or wounded in the city's approaches or ruins; 108,000 others stumbled into Soviet captivity, 91,000 in the battle's last three days alone. (Although Hitler never learned of their fate, only six thousand ever returned to Germany.) The battle has attracted considerable scholarly and journalistic attention. Literally scores of books and articles on Stalingrad have appeared during the 50 years since Stalin's armies bulldozed into Berlin, bringing the war in Europe to a close. Most have been published in Germany and, to a lesser degree, Russia, where the name "Stalingrad" still conjures up powerful and emotional imagery. Comparatively few have been published in the English-speaking world, and this is understandable. Because no British, Common wealth, or American forces took part in the battle, they can number none of their own among its many heroes, martyrs, prisoners, and victims. Moreover, although the German defeat at Stalin grad was immediately seen in the West as a turning point, its effects were not directly felt by the Anglo- - American nations. The main focus of Stalin grad historiography, including the dozen books published in 1992 and 1993 to commemorate the battle's 50th anniversary, has been the fighting, encirclement, suffering, and destruction of Generalfeldmarschall Friedrich Paulus's Sixth Army. Few books and articles have devoted adequate attention to the activities of the Luftwaffe, although it made substantial contributions to all battles throughout the 1942 summer campaign—of which Stalingrad was the climax—and it alone was responsible for the maintenance of Sixth Army after Marshal G. K. Zhukov's forces severed it from all but radio contact with other German army formations. Even fewer works—and none in English—have analyzed in depth Hitler's decision to supply the forces trapped at Stalin grad from the air, even though this decision led to the destruction of those forces after the Luftwaffe failed to keep them adequately supplied. Hitler's Quest for Oil: The Impact of Economic Considerations on Military Str...
Hitler's Quest for Oil: The Impact of Economic Considerations on Military Str...Professor Joel Hayward
When asked by his Allied captors in 1945 to what extent German military strategy had been influenced at various stages by economic considerations, Albert Speer, Hitler's outstanding Armaments Minister, replied that in the case of Operation BARBAROSSA the need for oil was certainly a prime motive.' Indeed, even during the initial discussions of his plan to invade the Soviet Union, Hitler stressed the absolute necessity of seizing key oilfields, particularly those in the Caucasus region, which accounted for around 90 per cent of all oil produced in the Soviet Union. For example, during a war conference at the Berghof on 31 July 1940, Hitler revealed to high-ranking commanders his intention to shatter Russia 'to its roots with one blow'2 After achieving the 'destruction of Russian manpower', he explained, the German Army must drive on towards the Baku oilfield, by far the richest of those in the Caucasus and one of the most productive in the world. Despite Hitler's optimism, the 1941 campaign - which opened along a 2,000 km front and involved 148 combat divisions - failed to shatter Russia 'to its roots with one blow'. Consequently, it failed to bring the huge oil region of the Caucasus under German control. After reverses in the winter of 1941/42, it was no longer possible for the Wehrmacht to undertake wide-ranging offensives along the entire front, by then over 2,500 km in length. The summer campaign of 1942, although still immense, was necessarily less ambitious. It opened along a front of around 725 km, and involved 68 German and 25 allied combat divisions. Soviet oil remained a major attraction for Hitler. The offensive's objectives were to destroy the main Russian forces between the Donets and the Don river, capture the crossings into the mountainous Caucasus region and then deliver the rich oilfields into German hands. The perceived importance of these oilfields to the German economy, and hence the war effort, cannot be overstated. On 1 June 1942, four weeks to the day before the summer campaign began, Hitler told the assembled senior officers of Army Group South that 'If I do not get the oil of Maikop and Grozny then I must end this war'.3 The purpose of this study is not to provide a narrative description of the planning of the 1942 campaign, but, rather, to reveal the central role which economic considerations played in the planning of that ill-fated endeavor. In the following pages I shall appraise Hitler's preoccupation with the Caucasus region and its oilfields, and describe how Germany's own oil situation in the first two years of the war led him to believe that the capture of those oilfields was an essential prerequisite to waging a prolonged war of economic attrition. I shall then outline and explain the lengthy planning of the 1942 campaign, which aimed first at protecting the vulnerable Rumanian oilfields - upon which the German war economy was already heavily reliant - and secondly (and more importantly) at possessing the far ...Von Richthofen's 'giant fire-magic': The Luftwaffe's Contribution to the Batt...
Von Richthofen's 'giant fire-magic': The Luftwaffe's Contribution to the Batt...Professor Joel Hayward
The document summarizes the strengths of Soviet forces defending the Kerch Peninsula in 1942, totaling over 200,000 troops packed into fortified defensive lines. It also discusses German General Erich von Manstein's plan for the Battle of Kerch, which involved a surprise attack in the weakly defended southern sector of the peninsula followed by encirclement of Soviet forces further north. Hitler personally oversaw planning for extensive Luftwaffe support, ordering disruption of Soviet supply lines and concentration of bombers, fragmentation bombs, and close air support to breach fortifications and destroy Soviet concentrations of troops.A Case Study in Effective Command: An Analysis of Field Marshal Richthofen's ...
A Case Study in Effective Command: An Analysis of Field Marshal Richthofen's ...Professor Joel Hayward
This article analyzes the leadership of Wolfram Freiherr von Richthofen, a senior Luftwaffe commander and one of the most effective air strategists, tacticians and leaders of all time. It focuses on his masterful command of Luftflotte 4 and Fliegerkorps VIII on the eastern front during World War II, including during the Stalingrad campaign.Adolf Hitler and Joint Warfare, by Professor Joel Hayward
The document appears to be a scanned copy of a contract between two parties, John Doe and Jane Doe, for the purchase of a residential property located at an address in California. The contract outlines the purchase price of $500,000, down payment terms, closing date, contingencies and other standard elements of a real estate transaction. Signatures from both buyers and sellers indicate their agreement to the terms and conditions as documented.
Too Little, Too Late: An Analysis of Hitler's Failure in August 1942 to Damag...
Too Little, Too Late: An Analysis of Hitler's Failure in August 1942 to Damag...Professor Joel Hayward
Even before Operation Barbarossa petered out in December 1941, Germany's oil reserves were severely depleted. Adolf Hitler worried that his armed forces would soon grind to a halt for want of petroleum products. During the last months of 1941 and the first of 1942, economic considerations played as much of a role in the formulation of a new strategy as did the run-down state of the eastern armies and air fleets. Hitler feared heavy Soviet bombing attacks on Rumanian oilfields, his main source of oil, and knew that the Reich's reserves were almost exhausted. Consequently, he considered the protection of the Rumanian oilfields and the acquisition of new sources of oil crucial if he were to wage a prolonged war against the growing list of nations he opposed.1 He therefore formulated Fall Blau (Case Blue), a major campaign for summer 1942. This aimed first, through preliminary offensives in the Crimea, to protect Rumanian oil centres from Soviet air attacks, and second, through a powerful thrust to the Don River and then into the Caucasus, to deliver that oil-rich region into German hands. The capture of the Caucasus oilfields, he believed, would relieve Germany's critical oil shortages and deliver a massive, and hopefully mortal, blow to the Soviet economy and war effort. The consequences of that ill-fated campaign are well known, and need little discussion here. Hitler became distracted by Stalingrad (which was not even a main campaign objective) and lost an entire army trying to take it. Soviet forces also drove his armies from the Caucasus and pushed them back to the line they had held before Blau started nine months earlier. This study analyses a little-known and poorly documented aspect of the 1942 campaign: Hitler's employment of airpower in the Caucasus region. It focuses on his reluctant admission in October that his ground forces would probably not reach the main oilfields before adverse weather conditions forced them to take up winter positions, and on his subsequent decision to have the Luftwaffe attempt the oilfields' destruction. He believed that if he could not have the oilfields (at present, anyway), he should at least deny Josef Stalin's agriculture, industry, and armed forces their vast output. The essay argues for the first time that the Luftwaffe could have dealt the Soviet economy a major blow, from which it would have taken at least several months to recover, if Hitler had not been so obsessed with Stalingrad and wasted his airpower assets on its destruction. During August and early September 1942, the Luftwaffe possessed the means to inflict heavy damage on Baku, the Caucasus oil metropolis that alone accounted for 80 percent of all Soviet production. The Luftwaffe still possessed a strong bomber force and airfields within striking range and the Soviet Air Force's presence in the Caucasus was still weak. By October, however, when Hitler finally ordered attacks on oilfields, the Luftwaffe's eastern bomber fleet was ...Justice, Jihad and Duty: The Qur’anic Concept of Armed Conflict, by Professo...
Justice, Jihad and Duty: The Qur’anic Concept of Armed Conflict, by Professo...Professor Joel Hayward
The Qur’an is among the most widely read books on earth, yet it is also commonly misunderstood and misquoted. Islam’s critics say that it contains exhortations of violence against non-Muslims and a concept of war that is far more unbridled and indiscriminate than the western Just War theory. This study is not a general overview or critique of the Islamic laws of war, which are the varied and sometimes contradictory opinions of medieval Islamic jurists ― mainly from the ninth to thirteenth centuries CE. Instead, this study analyses only the Qur’anic text itself and, by putting its verses into historical context, attempts to explain its codes of conduct in order to determine what it actually requires or permits Muslims to do in terms of the use of military force. It concludes that the Qur’an is clear: Muslims must not undertake offensive violence and are instructed, if defensive warfare should become unavoidable, always to act within a code of ethical behavior that is closely similar to the western Just War tradition. This study attempts to dispel any misperceptions that Islam’s holy book advocates the subjugation or killing of non-Muslims and reveals that, on the contrary, its key and unequivocal concepts governing warfare are based on justice and a profound belief in the sanctity of human life. Revisiting the Past: The Value of Teaching Islamic Military History, by Pr...
This article will argue that Muslim scholars should not feel the slightest awkwardness or embarrassment about Islam’s past martial successes, and should indeed return to writing on Islamic military history, teaching it and ensuring its survival within the curricula of cadet and staff colleges. Far from damaging Islam’s reputation, an objective and fair-minded reading of Islam’s military history (according to the methodology and principles accepted within the discipline of history) will directly counter the current western misperception that Islam is somehow more aggressive and accepting of disproportionate or indiscriminate violence than the other great religions. It will in fact show that the Islamic laws and ethics of war have minimized violence and constrained misconduct and ensured that warfare was fought according to guiding principles which are very similar to those found within western “just war” teachings. And far from lending credence to Jihadist or Islamist assertions that warfare should be used by any Muslims who want to bring about political or social change, an honest and thorough recounting of Islamic military history will demonstrate clearly that recourse to violence had never been the prerogative of any individuals, however disgruntled they may be. It was always a right and responsibility bestowed only upon legitimate national leaders (caliphs, kings, emirs and presidents). The teaching of Islamic history is also replete with examples of strategic brilliance and leadership excellence that make wonderfully illuminating and inspiring case studies for today’s civil and military leaders. It goes without saying that studying the campaigns and commanders of the past will develop a Muslim’s civilizational self-respect and esprit de corps in the same way that any western reader would have their sense of civilizational or cultural pride enhanced by studying the World Wars or the strategies and lives of great commanders like Washington, Wellington, Nelson, Grant, Lee, Haig, Montgomery, and Patton.
“War is Deceit”: An Analysis of a Contentious Hadith on the Morality of Milit...
“War is Deceit”: An Analysis of a Contentious Hadith on the Morality of Milit...Professor Joel Hayward
Particularly since that dreadful day in September 2001, when nineteen Muslims hijacked commercial airliners and deliberately crashed them into buildings or the ground in history’s worst terrorist attack, killing almost three thousand people, Islam has become a much-discussed and distrusted religion. Despite the fact that over 1.6 billion Muslims live entirely peacefully alongside or amidst people of other faith and cultural communities, Islam has attracted more ideological opponents than other religions have. In terms of the antipathy towards Islam expressed by these people, only anti-Semites seem as antagonistic towards a world religion.
This monograph is not an attack on Islam’s critics. The author believes that people have the right to like or dislike any or all religions and, regardless of perceived taste, to express their views via peaceful discourse. Islam’s most bitter critics, on the other hand, should not be surprised when their views are challenged. Islam has extraordinarily positive features which its adherents, including this author, believe should be presented as a counterbalance to the claims of its critics.
This monograph is not intended as an all-encompassing critique of Islam-hatred, nor even of its worst aspects. It is merely an attempt to build on the author’s previous work ― which argues that the Qur’an is not inherently martial and has a clear ethical code governing and constraining the use of violence for political purposes ― by analyzing one particular associated claim seemingly endlessly made by Islam’s critics. They assert that, far from being a paragon of virtue, the Islamic prophet Muhammad was deceitful and, indeed, boasted of it in several sayings recalled by followers. “War,” they quote him saying, “is deceit.” They contextualize their criticism of Muhammad’s statement that “war is deceit” by arguing that his unashamed statement proves that he was personally dishonest whenever expedient and that Islam consequently tolerates dishonesty in a way that other religions do not.
This study rejects the view that, in the wars fought by Muhammad, he acted immorally through any acts of wanton personal dishonesty (“deceit”) that constitute severe character imperfections and stain his reputation as a holy man. It argues instead that, in his quest to defeat the forces within Arabia which sought to destroy his fledgling community, Muhammad used ruse and bluff and strategic and tactical deception as a reasonable, necessary and eminently legitimate means of gaining military advantage so as to minimize suffering on both sides. It argues that, if Muhammad is to be condemned for using ruses during warfare, then for consistency and fairness his critics must also consider earlier prophets including Moses, Joshua and David, and all of history’s greatest military leaders, to have been morally corrupt merely because they also esteemed the advantages obtained through ruse.More from Professor Joel Hayward (20)
An Introduction to Terrorism, by Professor Joel hayward
An Introduction to Terrorism, by Professor Joel hayward
An Introduction to Insurgency, by Professor Joel Hayward
An Introduction to Insurgency, by Professor Joel Hayward
The Characteristics and Utility of Airpower, by Professor Joel Hayward
The Characteristics and Utility of Airpower, by Professor Joel Hayward
Maneuver Warfare (the Maneuverist Approach), by Professor Joel Hayward
Maneuver Warfare (the Maneuverist Approach), by Professor Joel Hayward
الحصانة المدنية في الفكر الاستراتيجي الإسلامي التأسيسي تحقيقٌ تاريخي البروفيس...
الحصانة المدنية في الفكر الاستراتيجي الإسلامي التأسيسي تحقيقٌ تاريخي البروفيس...
Civilian Immunity and "Collateral Damage", by Professor Joel Hayward
Civilian Immunity and "Collateral Damage", by Professor Joel Hayward
Warfare and Environmental Ethics, by Professor Joel Hayward
Warfare and Environmental Ethics, by Professor Joel Hayward
Air Power, Ethics and Civilian Immunity during the Great War and its Aftermat...
Air Power, Ethics and Civilian Immunity during the Great War and its Aftermat...
Air Power: The Quest to remove Battle from War, by Professor Joel Hayward
Air Power: The Quest to remove Battle from War, by Professor Joel Hayward
Stalingrad: An Examination-of Hitler's Decision to Airlift, by Professor Joel...
Stalingrad: An Examination-of Hitler's Decision to Airlift, by Professor Joel...
Hitler's Quest for Oil: The Impact of Economic Considerations on Military Str...
Hitler's Quest for Oil: The Impact of Economic Considerations on Military Str...
Von Richthofen's 'giant fire-magic': The Luftwaffe's Contribution to the Batt...
Von Richthofen's 'giant fire-magic': The Luftwaffe's Contribution to the Batt...
A Case Study in Effective Command: An Analysis of Field Marshal Richthofen's ...
A Case Study in Effective Command: An Analysis of Field Marshal Richthofen's ...
Adolf Hitler and Joint Warfare, by Professor Joel Hayward
Adolf Hitler and Joint Warfare, by Professor Joel Hayward
Too Little, Too Late: An Analysis of Hitler's Failure in August 1942 to Damag...
Too Little, Too Late: An Analysis of Hitler's Failure in August 1942 to Damag...
Justice, Jihad and Duty: The Qur’anic Concept of Armed Conflict, by Professo...
Justice, Jihad and Duty: The Qur’anic Concept of Armed Conflict, by Professo...
Revisiting the Past: The Value of Teaching Islamic Military History, by Pr...
Revisiting the Past: The Value of Teaching Islamic Military History, by Pr...
“War is Deceit”: An Analysis of a Contentious Hadith on the Morality of Milit...
“War is Deceit”: An Analysis of a Contentious Hadith on the Morality of Milit...
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- 11. 11 May to 23 October 18-29 December 1972
- 16. Army’s Training and Doctrine Command (TRADOC) and USAF TAC 1982 AirLand Battle
- 17. United States Department of Defense Reorganization Act of 1986 “ Goldwater-Nichols Act”
- 24. The Integrated Air Power Balance Sheet (excluding control of the air) Close Air Support (%) Interdiction (%) • World War I 10 90 – RFC 5 95 – Imp German AS 25 75 • World War II 25 75 – RAF 10 90 – Luftwaffe 40 60 – Red Air Force 40 60 (and deeper) • Korea 20 80 • Vietnam 20 80 • Gulf War I 10 90 • Gulf War II 10 90 • Current ops?
- 25. Air Power against Insurgents Independent? • Coercion • Denial • Punishment Integrated • Close Air Support • Interdiction Control of the Air
- 26. Air Power against Insurgents Independent? • Coercion • Denial • Punishment Integrated • Close Air Support • Interdiction Control of the Air
- 27. Air Power against Insurgents Independent? • Coercion • Denial • Punishment Integrated • Close Air Support • Interdiction • ISR • Mobility Control of the Air
- 28. • Vastly increased precision capabilities and lethality • Safer airspace • But: • Battle is non-linear with enemies potentially on all sides • The enemy deliberately disperses his forces • The enemy exploits surprise and spontaneity Close Air Support against Insurgents?
- 29. • Lack of battlefield predictability makes air-land coordination extremely hard • The risk of fratricide is high • Aircraft are few and seldom nearby Close Air Support against Insurgents?
- 30. • The non-mechanized battle rhythm requires few supplies • The battleground cannot be sealed Air Interdiction of Insurgents?
- 31. • The enemy can re-supply locally • A maze of small supply routes is available • Insurgents draw on the civilian transport network Air Interdiction of Insurgents?
- 32. Some thoughts on the future: In any return to conventional air-land integration, air forces will face: • Vastly improved precision capabilities • Greater intolerance of harm to civilian objects and infrastructure • Greater demands for ubiquity • Greater intolerance of fratricide • A return to conventionally contested airspace
- 33. Thank you