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Το Ατελείωτο Σιιτικό
Πάθος κατά την
Επέτειο
Άσουρα
https://greeksoftheorient.wordpress.com/2019/0
9/06/το-ατελείωτο-σιιτικό-πάθος-κατά-την-επ/
=============
Οι Ρωμιοί της Ανατολής –
Greeks of the Orient
Ρωμιοσύνη,Ρωμανία, Ανατολική Ρωμαϊκή
Αυτοκρατορία
Η εκπληκτική έκρηξη του σιιτικού πάθους
για το δράμα του Χουσεΰν στην Κερμπαλά
είναι ένα κοντινό παράλληλο του πως
Χριστιανοί άλλοτε βίωναν το δράμα του
Θεανθρώπου την Μεγάλη Παρασκευή. Η
σύνθεση κι απαγγελία ποιημάτων
μετάνοιας και μεταμέλειας για το τι
συνέβηκε στην Κερμπαλά το 680 είναι μία
μόνον λογοτεχνική διάσταση του
καθοριστικού για όλους τους Σιίτες
γεγονότος.
Δείτε το βίντεο:
Noha: Shiite Poetry of Passion for the
Drama of Kerbala – Ashura Feast
Celebration
https://vk.com/video434648441_456240
298
Περισσότερα:
On the 10th September 2019, Shiites in
Iran, Iraq and elsewhere, Alawites in
Syria and Lebanon, and Alevites in
Turkey, Azerbaijan, etc., commemorate
the tragic death of Hussein, second son of
Ali (first imam and fourth caliph of
Islam) and grandson of the prophet of
Islam, in the Battle of Kerbala (680 CE).
This feast is called Ashura, i.e. the 10th
of Muharram, which was the day Hussein
and his co-fighters were killed.
However, a totally independent topic is
the passion itself, which was triggered
among Shiite Muslims because of the
event; the way this passion is felt – as
part of the Shiite ritual, as poetry and
literature, and as personal
sentimentalism, mentality and
spirituality – determined Shiite
religiosity for about 1340 years.
The present video offers a sample of Noha
poetry recital and shows how Ashura feast
is celebrated at Mashhad, NE Iran.
Δείτε το βίντεο:
Ноха: шиитская поэзия страсти к
драме Кербала – праздник Ашура
https://www.ok.ru/video/149928096830
1
Περισσότερα:
10 сентября 2019 года шииты в Иране,
Ираке и других местах, алавиты в
Сирии и Ливане и алевиты в Турции и
Азербайджане отмечают трагическую
смерть Хусейна, второго сына Али
(первого имама и четвертого халифа
ислама) и внука пророка Ислам в
битве при Кербеле (680 г. н.э.) Этот
праздник называется Ашура, то есть
10-го числа Мухаррама, который был
днем убийства Хусейна и его
соратников.
Тем не менее, совершенно независимой
темой является сама страсть,
которая была вызвана среди
мусульман-шиитов из-за этого
события. То, как эта страсть
ощущается – как часть шиитского
ритуала, как поэзия и литература, и
как личный сентиментализм,
менталитет и духовность –
определяло шиитскую религиозность
на протяжении 1340 лет.
Настоящее видео предлагает образец
сольного стихотворения Ноха и
показывает, как праздник Ашура
празднуется в Мешхеде, в северо-
восточной части Ирана.
Δείτε το βίντεο:
Νόχα: Σιιτική Ποίηση Πάθους για το Δράμα
της Κερμπαλά – Επέτειος Άσουρα
Περισσότερα:
Την Τρίτη, 10η Σεπτεμβρίου 2019,
εορτάζουν οι Σιίτες (του Ιράν, Ιράκ, κα),
Αλεβίτες (της Συρίας και του Λιβάνου), κι
Αλεβίδες (της Τουρκίας, του Αζερμπαϊτζάν)
εφέτος την εορτή Άσουρα που πήρε το
όνομά της από την λέξη ‘Δέκα’, δηλαδή την
10η Μουχαράμ, επέτειο του τραγικού
θανάτου του δεύτερου γιου του Αλί και
τρίτου ιμάμη του Ισλάμ Χουσεΰν, στην
Κερμπαλά το 680.
Περισσότερα σχετικά με τα ιστορικα
γεγονότα:
Η Μάχη της Κερμπαλά (680 μ.Χ.), οι
Αληθινοί Μουσουλμάνοι, η Τζιχάντ, οι
Ψευτο-Μουσουλμάνοι κι η Σιωνιστική
Πλάνη της Ισλαμικής Τρομοκρατίας
https://greeksoftheorient.wordpress.com/20
18/09/21/η-μάχη-της-κερμπαλά-680-μ-
χ-οι-αληθινοί-μο/
(και πλέον:
https://profmegalommatistextsingreek.wor
dpress.com/2021/10/02/η-μάχη-της-
κερμπαλά-680-μ-χ-οι-αληθινοί-μο/)
Κερμπαλά: η Ηρωϊκότερη Μάχη Όλων των
Εποχών (680 μ.Χ.) όπως την περιγράφει ο
Ταμπαρί, ο Μεγαλύτερος Ιστορικός του Ισλάμ
https://greeksoftheorient.wordpress.com/ κ
ερμπαλά-η-ηρωϊκότερη-μάχη-όλων-των-
επ/
Τελείως άσχετο με τα ιστορικά γεγονότα
όμως είναι το πάθος αυτό καθ’ εαυτό το
οποίο προκλήθηκε από το ιστορικό συμβάν
και ο τρόπος που αυτό το πάθος βιώθηκε
ως μέρος της σιιτικής λατρείας, ως ποίηση
και λογοτεχνία, και ως προσωπική
ψυχοσύνθεση και νοοτροπία.
Το παρόν βίντεο περιλαμβάνει απαγγελία
ποίησης Νόχα και δείχνει πως βιώνεται η
επέτειος Άσουρα στην Μασάντ του
βορειοανατολικού Ιράν.
Διαβάστε:
Āšūrāʾ
Āšūrāʾ, tenth day of Moḥarram, the first
month of the Islamic calendar; for Sunnis
it is a day on which fasting is
recommended, and for Shiʿites a day of
mourning for the martyrdom of Imam
Ḥosayn. As a fast day ʿĀšūrāʾ was adopted
from the ancient Jewish rite of Yom
Kippur (Day of Atonement); the Arabic
term derives from the Hebrew word ʿāsōr
with the Aramaic determinative ending -
ā. It refers broadly to the first ten days of
Moḥarram, but more specifically to the
tenth day.
The Jewish observance of Yom Kippur,
which falls on the tenth of Tishri, the
first month of the Jewish calendar, dates
from pre-exilic times. It evolved into an
elaborate rite of purging both sanctuary
and nation on the occasion of the New
Year; the ritual involves self-denial and
forgiveness and includes a twenty-four
hour fast from sunset to sunset (see
Encyclopaedia Judaica, Jerusalem, 1971,
V, pp. 1376-87).
There is some disagreement among modern
scholars as to the exact day of the year on
which ʿĀšūrāʾ fell in early Islam. The
Prophet came to Medina in September,
622; there he may have first observed the
Jewish custom of the Yom Kippur fast. It
remains in dispute whether he intended
the ʿĀšūrāʾ fast always to coincide with
the Jewish tenth of Tishri, or the
community sought later to harmonize the
fast and the new year with Jewish
custom.
The Hadith literature is unanimous in
asserting that the first ten days of
Moḥarram, and more particularly the
tenth, possessed special sanctity, even in
pre-Islamic times; if this is so, the Jewish
fast confirmed an earlier Arab tradition,
giving it religious content and prestige. Be
that as it may, the Jewish character of
ʿĀšūrāʾ was soon obscured since the
month of Moḥarram could not always
coincide with Tishri, though Moḥarram
was retained as the first month of the
Muslim year.
Furthermore, it appears that the fast
enjoined on Muslims was a day of fast, at
least after the first years of the Prophet’s
arrival at Medina (Abū Dāwūd, Sonan,
Ḥomṣ, 1969, II, p. 819; Boḵārī, Ṣaḥīḥ,
Cairo, n.d., III, p. 30; Ebn Ḥanbal,
Mosnad, Beirut, n.d., III, p. 484). The pre-
Islamic Arabs were probably familiar
with fasting as a religious act, and some
Hadiths report that the Meccans of Qorayš
used to fast on the day of ʿĀšūrāʾ and that
the Prophet also observed the fast in
Mecca (Abū Dāwūd, II, pp. 817-18;
Moslem, Ṣaḥīḥ, Beirut, III, pp. 146-48;
Boḵārī, III, p. 30).
When the Prophet migrated to Medina, he
enjoined the ʿĀšūrāʾ fast on Muslims
until the fast of Ramażān was instituted
during the second year of the hijra;
thereafter, it was made into a voluntary
fast (see the above references and
especially Boḵārī, III, p. 30). According to
other traditions, when the Prophet came
to Medina he found the Jews fasting the
day of ʿĀšūrāʾ and was told that on that
day God caused Pharaoh and his people
to drown and Moses fasted in gratitude.
The Prophet remarked, “We are more
worthy of Moses than you,” and ordered
that the fast be observed by Muslims (Abū
Dāwūd, II, p. 818; Moslem, III, p. 149;
Ebn Ḥanbal, I, p. 291, III, p. 340). Quite
early, however, the Islamic community
wished to distinguish itself from the Jews;
according to some traditions, Muslims
should fast the ninth, or the ninth and
the tenth of Moḥarram (Abū Dāwūd, II,
pp. 818-19; Moslem, pp. 149-50;
Termeḏī, Sonan, Medina, II, p. 127; Ebn
Ḥanbal, I, p. 129; see also I. Goldziher,
“Usages juifs d’après la littérature
religieuse des musulmans,” Revue des
Ētudes Juives 28, 1894, pp. 82-84).
The Muslims found it disagreeable,
moreover, that Jews fasted on a day
which they also observed as a day of
joyous festivities (Moslem, III, p. 150).
Early Muslim tradition regarded the day
of ʿĀšūrāʾ as an auspicious occasion.
On it, the ark of Noah rested on dry land,
and thus God gave Noah and his progeny
life, safety, and blessing.
It is therefore incumbent on every man to
do good and to show generosity, especially
to his kin, on this day (Ḥakīm Termeḏī,
Nawāder al-oṣūl fī maʿrefat aḵbār al-
rasūl, Beirut, n.d., II, p. 126; Abū Dāwūd,
II, p. 815).
Tradition asserts further that the ʿĀšūrāʾ
fast is an expiation for the sins of the
previous year, though this was challenged
quite early (Termeḏī, Sonan II, p. 126)
and indeed the fast was declared
unnecessary after the institution of
Ramażān (Boḵārī, III, p. 30).
ʿĀšūrāʾ in Shiʿite piety
After the death of Moʿāwīa in the spring
of 60/680, his son Yazīd succeeded him
as caliph. Yazīd’s succession by hereditary
appointment rather than election or
popular acclaim met with strong
opposition in many quarters of a
community already torn by conflict and
dissension. Among the many dissenting
groups was the party (Šīʿa) of ʿAlī b. Abī
Ṭāleb (q.v.), led by his son, Imam Ḥosayn
(q.v.).
Ḥosayn’s supporters in Kūfa urged him to
lead them in revolt against Yazīd’s rule;
after some hesitation, he answered their
persistent entreaties, not simply from
political motives, but also because of an
idealistic view of Islam that he sought to
defend at all cost. His martyrdom has
therefore been regarded by Muslims,
Sunni as well as Shiʿite, as the model for
self sacrifice in the way of God, a revolt
against wrong-doing and oppression. This
fact has not been fully appreciated by
most Western historians; yet it is crucial
for a true understanding of the
significance of ʿĀšūrāʾ for the Muslim
community in general, and especially its
Shiʿite members.
Ḥosayn left for Kūfa with his family and
about seventy men. On the second of
Moḥarram, 61/680 he encamped on the
plain of Karbalāʾ, where he faced an
army of about 4,000 men sent to intercept
him by the governor of Kūfa, ʿObaydallāh
b. Zīād.
After a week of fruitless negotiations, the
head of the army, ʿOmar b. Saʿd, put the
choice to Ḥosayn and his followers of
either surrendering to the authority of
Ebn Zīād or fighting.
The battle that ensued lasted from early
morning to mid-afternoon. Ḥosayn and
his followers, including the able male
members of his family, were killed; his
women and children were led captive
first to Kūfa, then to Damascus. Yazīd,
who had appointed Ebn Zīād governor of
Kūfa specifically to deal with the
problem of Ḥosayn, was moved by the
pitiful sight of the captives and finally,
at their own request, sent them back to
Medina (for details, see Ṭabarī [Cairo], II,
pp. 295-390; Mofīd, Eršād, ed. Sayyed
Kāẓem al-Mīāmawī, Tehran,
1377/1957-58, pp. 215ff., tr. I. K. A.
Howard, London, 1981, p. 370).
The death of Imam Ḥosayn produced an
immediate reaction in the Muslim
community, especially in Iraq. When the
people of Kūfa saw his head and the
pitiful state of the captives, they began to
weep and beat their breasts in anguish
(Yaʿqūbī, ed. M. S. Baḥr-al-ʿolūm, Naǰ af,
1384/1964, II, pp. 231ff.).
Many of them regretted their failure to
support Ḥosayn and were filled with
remorse; they came to form the movement
known as the repenters (al-tawwābūn).
The chaos and bloodshed that followed
gives eloquent testimony to the far-
reaching effect of the tragedy of Karbalāʾ
on subsequent Muslim history (J.
Wellhausen, The Arab Kingdom and its
Fall, tr. M. G. Weir, Beirut, 1963, esp. pp.
147-200).
Among the few who escaped the massacre
of Karbalāʾ was Ḥosayn’s only surviving
son, ʿAlī Zayn-al-ʿābedīn (see ʿAlī b.
Ḥosayn), who was spared on account of
youth and sickness; he was soon
proclaimed fourth Imam by a
considerable segment of the Shiʿite
community.
His home in Medina became an
important center for the growth of the
ʿĀšūrāʾ cultus; no doubt his piety,
political quietism, and continuous sorrow
for the tragedy provided the religious
basis of the ʿĀšūrāʾ celebration.
Commemorative services (maǰ āles al-
taʿzīa) first held in the houses of the
imams and their followers, originally
consisted of recounting the tragedy,
reflecting on its meaning, and reciting
elegies (marāṯī) in memory of the
martyred Imam.
From the beginning, these maǰ āles were
not limited to the ʿĀšūrāʾ days, but were
and still are held at any time of the year.
Soon the shrines of the imams in Iraq and
Iran became important centers of
pilgrimage (zīāra), where the pious held
their lamentations (Ebn Qawlūya, Kāmel
al-zīārāt, ed. Mīrzā ʿAbdallāh Ḥosayn
Amīnī Tabrīzī, Naǰ āf, 1356/1937, pp.
325-26).
During the Omayyad period, the ʿĀšūrāʾ
cult and the spirit of revolt it fostered
grew in secret under persecution and
repression. The ʿAbbasid rulers, who came
to power on the wave of pro-ʿAlid revolt,
at first encouraged and patronized large
public assemblies in commemoration of
the sufferings of the Prophet’s family
(Ahl-e Bayt, q.v.) and the tragedy of
Karbalāʾ.
By the end of the 4th/10th century,
professional mourners (nāʾeḥ), also known
as the reciters or story tellers (qorrāʾ) of
Ḥosayn, chanted elegies and led the pious
in dirges; they normally read martyrdom
narratives (maqātel) relating the story of
Ḥosayn in all its details.
In 351/962, under Buyid patronage,
ʿĀšūrāʾ was declared a day of public
mourning in Baghdad. Processions were
held in the streets of the city, markets
closed, and shops draped in black (ʿAbbās
Qomī, Nafas al-mahmūm, p. 226,
Persian tr. Romūz al-šahāda by M. B.
Kamaraʾī, Tehran, 1379/1960; Hebat-
al-dīn Šahrestānī, Nahżat al-Ḥosayn,
Karbalāʾ, 1969, pp. 149ff.).
Special edifices were built for the
celebrations of ʿĀšūrāʾ (called Ḥosaynīya;
also takīa in Iran), and by the end of the
3rd/9th century these were common in
Cairo, Aleppo, and many Iranian cities.
Iran’s special devotion to the family of the
Prophet is reflected in the traditions of
dubious authenticity that Šahrbānū, the
daughter of Yazdegerd III, the last
Sasanian emperor, was married to
Ḥosayn, or that she was also the mother of
ʿAlī Zayn-al-ʿābedīn (see Maǰ lesī, Beḥār
al-anwār XLV, Tehran, 1384/1964, pp.
328-32).
Through this marriage, Ḥosayn and his
descendents combined royal nobility with
the imamate; for the Shiʿites of Iran, he is
thus both the spiritual head of the
community and in some way of national
hero, but devotion to him was not limited
to Shiʿites. As early as the 5th/11th
century Iranian poets composed elegies in
his memory.
One of the most comprehensive works, in
poetry and prose, on the subject in
Persian is Rawżat al-šohadāʾ by a Sunni
author, Ḥosayn b. ʿAlī Wāʿeẓ Kāšefī, (d.
910/1504-05). An outstanding Shiʿite
poet was Moḥtašam Kāšānī (d. 996/1588;
see the translation of his famous haftband
in Browne, Lit. Hist. Persia IV, pp. 172-
77).
From Iran, the ʿĀšūrāʾ celebration was
carried to the Indian subcontinent and
other parts of the Muslim world
influenced by Iranian culture. The
greatest impetus for the development of
the ʿĀšūrāʾ celebration as a popular
religious and artistic phenomenon came
with the rise of the Safavids to power in
the early 10th/16th century. It was
during their rule that the important
dramatic genre known as taʿzīa (q.v.) was
highly developed and popularized.
Both in its theological aspects and
religious rites, the Moḥarram cultus is a
unique phenomenon in Islamic piety. The
event of Karbalāʾ soon acquired cosmic
significance; by the mid-4th/10th
century, Shiʿite hagiography placed
Ḥosayn’s death at the center of world
history: It was decreed by God before
creation, and subsequently revealed to all
the major prophets, who vicariously
shared in it; at Ḥosayn’s birth legions of
angels came to the Prophet expressing
their joy for the new child and their
sorrow for his impending death.
Ḥosayn himself knew all the details of his
coming tragedy and chose it willingly as
an act of self-sacrifice in the way of God.
After his death, all things—the heavens
and earth, sun and stars, paradise and
hell—mourned him. Fāṭema, the
sorrowful mother of the Imam, continues
to shed bitter tears in paradise until the
day of final reckoning, when the blood of
the martyr shall be avenged and she
vindicated.
The ʿĀšūrāʾ ritual possessed from its
inception a dramatic tension. The
sufferings and privation of the Ahl-e Bayt
are contrasted with their high status with
God and the reward they will enjoy in
paradise. The weeping of all things for
their suffering, and especially for the
death of Ḥosayn, is contrasted with the
cruelty of their enemies.
Finally, the great rewards which the
mourners of Ḥosayn will enjoy in the
hereafter are sharply contrasted with the
torment and remorse which the enemies
of the Ahl-e Bayt will suffer on the Day
of Resurrection.
By the end of the 4th/10th century the
main themes and hagiographic tales of
the Moḥarram cultus had taken shape;
these were further elaborated and
popularized through the taʿzīa and the
popular orations eventually known as
rawża-ḵᵛānī (q.v.).
Through their grief and remembrance,
the pious vicariously share in the sorrows
and sufferings of the Ahl-e Bayt and
renew their relation with the imams.
This remembrance is powerfully expressed
in the zīāra ritual, which can be
performed either at the shrine of an
imam on the day of ʿĀšūrāʾ or at any
time in an open space outside the city or
town; it is usually followed by a meal at
the homes of well-to-do members of the
community, the donation of which is a
pious act of great merit.
Very early, Shiʿite Muslims distinguished
their observance of the ʿĀšūrāʾ from both
its Jewish and Islamic antecedents. They
denied all claims for special favors
granted by God on that day to the ancient
prophets; hence it is to be observed not as
a day of thanksgiving and exaltation, but
as one of sorrowful remembrance.
It should not be observed as a regular fast
day; rather the pious must experience
hunger and thirst in emulation of the
Imam and his family in Karbalāʾ, but
must break the fast before sunset. It is to
be understood not as a day of blessing,
but of chaos and disorder, a day of ill-
omen.
This emphasis on mourning in the
Moḥarram cultus has led some scholars to
postulate a direct relation between it and
the ancient myths and rites of Tammuz-
Adonis (B. D. Erdmans, “Der Ursprung der
Ceremonien des Hosein-Festes,” ZA 9,
1894, pp. 302ff.; Ch. Virolleaud, Le
théâtre persan ou le drame de Kerbéla,
Paris, 1950, pp. 128-36).
To what extent the ʿĀšūrāʾ rites could
have been influenced across so many
centuries by these ancient myths cannot
be determined; the fact that Ḥosayn
happened to die on the spot where the
cult of the ancient god was celebrated is
simply an interesting coincidence which
proves nothing.
Iranian influences on the Moḥarram
cultus have also been suggested by
scholars who point to ceremonies in
seventh-century Sogdia and Ḵᵛārazm
commemorating the unjust death of the
legendary hero Sīāvoš at the hands of
Afrāsīāb that included breast-beating
and the chanting of threnodies (A.
Bausani, Persia Religiosa, Milan, 1959,
pp. 420-21; E. Yarshater, “Taʿziyeh and
pre-Islamic mourning rites in Iran,” in
Taʿziyeh: Ritual and Drama in Iran, ed.
P. Chelkowski, New York, 1979, pp. 88-
94).
The “blood of Sīāvoš” (ḵūn-e Sīāvoš) is, in
fact, invoked in the text of at least one
taʿzīa (C. Virolleaud, Le théâtre persan, p.
132) and there may be other echoes of the
Sīāvoš myth in the Persian taʿzīa
literature.
It is, however, unlikely that memories of
Sīāvoš should have influenced
formatively the Shiʿite mourning
ceremonies of ʿĀšūrāʾ, which originated
in areas far removed from Outer Iran and
which are perfectly explicable, in any
event, in terms of the ethos of Shiʿism.
It is more plausible that any parallels
between the various mourning rites are
due more to similarities in psychology
and a general thematic continuity in
mythological development by
geographically related cultures.
The ʿĀšūrāʾ cultus in Shiʿite Islam is
based on an historical event and
commemorated the death not of a god, but
of a man who was intensely involved in
the life of an actual community.
Like other great men and religious heroes,
Ḥosayn the martyr continues to live on in
the community through poetry, myth, and
ritual, but above all through the actual
events of the community’s history.
Whatever its origins or relations to other
religious phenomena, the ʿĀšūrāʾ cultus is
yet another instance in human history of
man’s attempt to deal creatively and
meaningfully with his ephemeral
condition.
Τις βιβλιογραφικές παραπομπές θα βρείτε
εδώ:
http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/asu
ra
————————————————————
Περισσότερα:
https://ru.wikipedia.org/wiki/Мухаррам
https://ru.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ашура
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Noha
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mourning_o
f_Muharram
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ashura

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Το Ατελείωτο Σιιτικό Πάθος κατά την Επέτειο Άσουρα

  • 1. Το Ατελείωτο Σιιτικό Πάθος κατά την Επέτειο Άσουρα https://greeksoftheorient.wordpress.com/2019/0 9/06/το-ατελείωτο-σιιτικό-πάθος-κατά-την-επ/ ============= Οι Ρωμιοί της Ανατολής – Greeks of the Orient Ρωμιοσύνη,Ρωμανία, Ανατολική Ρωμαϊκή Αυτοκρατορία Η εκπληκτική έκρηξη του σιιτικού πάθους για το δράμα του Χουσεΰν στην Κερμπαλά είναι ένα κοντινό παράλληλο του πως Χριστιανοί άλλοτε βίωναν το δράμα του Θεανθρώπου την Μεγάλη Παρασκευή. Η σύνθεση κι απαγγελία ποιημάτων μετάνοιας και μεταμέλειας για το τι συνέβηκε στην Κερμπαλά το 680 είναι μία
  • 2. μόνον λογοτεχνική διάσταση του καθοριστικού για όλους τους Σιίτες γεγονότος. Δείτε το βίντεο: Noha: Shiite Poetry of Passion for the Drama of Kerbala – Ashura Feast Celebration https://vk.com/video434648441_456240 298 Περισσότερα: On the 10th September 2019, Shiites in Iran, Iraq and elsewhere, Alawites in Syria and Lebanon, and Alevites in Turkey, Azerbaijan, etc., commemorate the tragic death of Hussein, second son of Ali (first imam and fourth caliph of
  • 3. Islam) and grandson of the prophet of Islam, in the Battle of Kerbala (680 CE). This feast is called Ashura, i.e. the 10th of Muharram, which was the day Hussein and his co-fighters were killed. However, a totally independent topic is the passion itself, which was triggered among Shiite Muslims because of the event; the way this passion is felt – as part of the Shiite ritual, as poetry and literature, and as personal sentimentalism, mentality and spirituality – determined Shiite religiosity for about 1340 years. The present video offers a sample of Noha poetry recital and shows how Ashura feast is celebrated at Mashhad, NE Iran. Δείτε το βίντεο: Ноха: шиитская поэзия страсти к драме Кербала – праздник Ашура https://www.ok.ru/video/149928096830 1
  • 4. Περισσότερα: 10 сентября 2019 года шииты в Иране, Ираке и других местах, алавиты в Сирии и Ливане и алевиты в Турции и Азербайджане отмечают трагическую смерть Хусейна, второго сына Али (первого имама и четвертого халифа ислама) и внука пророка Ислам в битве при Кербеле (680 г. н.э.) Этот праздник называется Ашура, то есть 10-го числа Мухаррама, который был днем убийства Хусейна и его соратников. Тем не менее, совершенно независимой темой является сама страсть, которая была вызвана среди мусульман-шиитов из-за этого события. То, как эта страсть ощущается – как часть шиитского ритуала, как поэзия и литература, и как личный сентиментализм, менталитет и духовность –
  • 5. определяло шиитскую религиозность на протяжении 1340 лет. Настоящее видео предлагает образец сольного стихотворения Ноха и показывает, как праздник Ашура празднуется в Мешхеде, в северо- восточной части Ирана. Δείτε το βίντεο: Νόχα: Σιιτική Ποίηση Πάθους για το Δράμα της Κερμπαλά – Επέτειος Άσουρα Περισσότερα: Την Τρίτη, 10η Σεπτεμβρίου 2019, εορτάζουν οι Σιίτες (του Ιράν, Ιράκ, κα), Αλεβίτες (της Συρίας και του Λιβάνου), κι Αλεβίδες (της Τουρκίας, του Αζερμπαϊτζάν) εφέτος την εορτή Άσουρα που πήρε το όνομά της από την λέξη ‘Δέκα’, δηλαδή την 10η Μουχαράμ, επέτειο του τραγικού θανάτου του δεύτερου γιου του Αλί και τρίτου ιμάμη του Ισλάμ Χουσεΰν, στην Κερμπαλά το 680.
  • 6. Περισσότερα σχετικά με τα ιστορικα γεγονότα: Η Μάχη της Κερμπαλά (680 μ.Χ.), οι Αληθινοί Μουσουλμάνοι, η Τζιχάντ, οι Ψευτο-Μουσουλμάνοι κι η Σιωνιστική Πλάνη της Ισλαμικής Τρομοκρατίας https://greeksoftheorient.wordpress.com/20 18/09/21/η-μάχη-της-κερμπαλά-680-μ- χ-οι-αληθινοί-μο/ (και πλέον: https://profmegalommatistextsingreek.wor
  • 7. dpress.com/2021/10/02/η-μάχη-της- κερμπαλά-680-μ-χ-οι-αληθινοί-μο/) Κερμπαλά: η Ηρωϊκότερη Μάχη Όλων των Εποχών (680 μ.Χ.) όπως την περιγράφει ο Ταμπαρί, ο Μεγαλύτερος Ιστορικός του Ισλάμ https://greeksoftheorient.wordpress.com/ κ ερμπαλά-η-ηρωϊκότερη-μάχη-όλων-των- επ/ Τελείως άσχετο με τα ιστορικά γεγονότα όμως είναι το πάθος αυτό καθ’ εαυτό το οποίο προκλήθηκε από το ιστορικό συμβάν και ο τρόπος που αυτό το πάθος βιώθηκε ως μέρος της σιιτικής λατρείας, ως ποίηση και λογοτεχνία, και ως προσωπική ψυχοσύνθεση και νοοτροπία.
  • 8. Το παρόν βίντεο περιλαμβάνει απαγγελία ποίησης Νόχα και δείχνει πως βιώνεται η επέτειος Άσουρα στην Μασάντ του βορειοανατολικού Ιράν. Διαβάστε: Āšūrāʾ Āšūrāʾ, tenth day of Moḥarram, the first month of the Islamic calendar; for Sunnis it is a day on which fasting is recommended, and for Shiʿites a day of mourning for the martyrdom of Imam Ḥosayn. As a fast day ʿĀšūrāʾ was adopted from the ancient Jewish rite of Yom Kippur (Day of Atonement); the Arabic term derives from the Hebrew word ʿāsōr with the Aramaic determinative ending -
  • 9. ā. It refers broadly to the first ten days of Moḥarram, but more specifically to the tenth day. The Jewish observance of Yom Kippur, which falls on the tenth of Tishri, the first month of the Jewish calendar, dates from pre-exilic times. It evolved into an elaborate rite of purging both sanctuary and nation on the occasion of the New Year; the ritual involves self-denial and forgiveness and includes a twenty-four hour fast from sunset to sunset (see Encyclopaedia Judaica, Jerusalem, 1971, V, pp. 1376-87). There is some disagreement among modern scholars as to the exact day of the year on which ʿĀšūrāʾ fell in early Islam. The Prophet came to Medina in September, 622; there he may have first observed the Jewish custom of the Yom Kippur fast. It remains in dispute whether he intended the ʿĀšūrāʾ fast always to coincide with the Jewish tenth of Tishri, or the
  • 10. community sought later to harmonize the fast and the new year with Jewish custom. The Hadith literature is unanimous in asserting that the first ten days of Moḥarram, and more particularly the tenth, possessed special sanctity, even in pre-Islamic times; if this is so, the Jewish fast confirmed an earlier Arab tradition, giving it religious content and prestige. Be that as it may, the Jewish character of ʿĀšūrāʾ was soon obscured since the month of Moḥarram could not always coincide with Tishri, though Moḥarram was retained as the first month of the Muslim year. Furthermore, it appears that the fast enjoined on Muslims was a day of fast, at least after the first years of the Prophet’s arrival at Medina (Abū Dāwūd, Sonan, Ḥomṣ, 1969, II, p. 819; Boḵārī, Ṣaḥīḥ, Cairo, n.d., III, p. 30; Ebn Ḥanbal, Mosnad, Beirut, n.d., III, p. 484). The pre-
  • 11. Islamic Arabs were probably familiar with fasting as a religious act, and some Hadiths report that the Meccans of Qorayš used to fast on the day of ʿĀšūrāʾ and that the Prophet also observed the fast in Mecca (Abū Dāwūd, II, pp. 817-18; Moslem, Ṣaḥīḥ, Beirut, III, pp. 146-48; Boḵārī, III, p. 30). When the Prophet migrated to Medina, he enjoined the ʿĀšūrāʾ fast on Muslims until the fast of Ramażān was instituted during the second year of the hijra; thereafter, it was made into a voluntary fast (see the above references and especially Boḵārī, III, p. 30). According to other traditions, when the Prophet came to Medina he found the Jews fasting the day of ʿĀšūrāʾ and was told that on that day God caused Pharaoh and his people to drown and Moses fasted in gratitude. The Prophet remarked, “We are more worthy of Moses than you,” and ordered that the fast be observed by Muslims (Abū
  • 12. Dāwūd, II, p. 818; Moslem, III, p. 149; Ebn Ḥanbal, I, p. 291, III, p. 340). Quite early, however, the Islamic community wished to distinguish itself from the Jews; according to some traditions, Muslims should fast the ninth, or the ninth and the tenth of Moḥarram (Abū Dāwūd, II, pp. 818-19; Moslem, pp. 149-50; Termeḏī, Sonan, Medina, II, p. 127; Ebn Ḥanbal, I, p. 129; see also I. Goldziher, “Usages juifs d’après la littérature religieuse des musulmans,” Revue des Ētudes Juives 28, 1894, pp. 82-84). The Muslims found it disagreeable, moreover, that Jews fasted on a day which they also observed as a day of joyous festivities (Moslem, III, p. 150). Early Muslim tradition regarded the day of ʿĀšūrāʾ as an auspicious occasion. On it, the ark of Noah rested on dry land, and thus God gave Noah and his progeny life, safety, and blessing.
  • 13. It is therefore incumbent on every man to do good and to show generosity, especially to his kin, on this day (Ḥakīm Termeḏī, Nawāder al-oṣūl fī maʿrefat aḵbār al- rasūl, Beirut, n.d., II, p. 126; Abū Dāwūd, II, p. 815). Tradition asserts further that the ʿĀšūrāʾ fast is an expiation for the sins of the previous year, though this was challenged quite early (Termeḏī, Sonan II, p. 126) and indeed the fast was declared unnecessary after the institution of Ramażān (Boḵārī, III, p. 30).
  • 14. ʿĀšūrāʾ in Shiʿite piety After the death of Moʿāwīa in the spring of 60/680, his son Yazīd succeeded him as caliph. Yazīd’s succession by hereditary appointment rather than election or popular acclaim met with strong opposition in many quarters of a community already torn by conflict and dissension. Among the many dissenting groups was the party (Šīʿa) of ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭāleb (q.v.), led by his son, Imam Ḥosayn (q.v.).
  • 15. Ḥosayn’s supporters in Kūfa urged him to lead them in revolt against Yazīd’s rule; after some hesitation, he answered their persistent entreaties, not simply from political motives, but also because of an idealistic view of Islam that he sought to defend at all cost. His martyrdom has therefore been regarded by Muslims, Sunni as well as Shiʿite, as the model for self sacrifice in the way of God, a revolt against wrong-doing and oppression. This fact has not been fully appreciated by most Western historians; yet it is crucial for a true understanding of the significance of ʿĀšūrāʾ for the Muslim community in general, and especially its Shiʿite members. Ḥosayn left for Kūfa with his family and about seventy men. On the second of Moḥarram, 61/680 he encamped on the plain of Karbalāʾ, where he faced an army of about 4,000 men sent to intercept
  • 16. him by the governor of Kūfa, ʿObaydallāh b. Zīād. After a week of fruitless negotiations, the head of the army, ʿOmar b. Saʿd, put the choice to Ḥosayn and his followers of either surrendering to the authority of Ebn Zīād or fighting. The battle that ensued lasted from early morning to mid-afternoon. Ḥosayn and his followers, including the able male members of his family, were killed; his women and children were led captive first to Kūfa, then to Damascus. Yazīd, who had appointed Ebn Zīād governor of Kūfa specifically to deal with the problem of Ḥosayn, was moved by the pitiful sight of the captives and finally, at their own request, sent them back to Medina (for details, see Ṭabarī [Cairo], II, pp. 295-390; Mofīd, Eršād, ed. Sayyed Kāẓem al-Mīāmawī, Tehran, 1377/1957-58, pp. 215ff., tr. I. K. A. Howard, London, 1981, p. 370).
  • 17. The death of Imam Ḥosayn produced an immediate reaction in the Muslim community, especially in Iraq. When the people of Kūfa saw his head and the pitiful state of the captives, they began to weep and beat their breasts in anguish (Yaʿqūbī, ed. M. S. Baḥr-al-ʿolūm, Naǰ af, 1384/1964, II, pp. 231ff.). Many of them regretted their failure to support Ḥosayn and were filled with remorse; they came to form the movement known as the repenters (al-tawwābūn). The chaos and bloodshed that followed gives eloquent testimony to the far- reaching effect of the tragedy of Karbalāʾ
  • 18. on subsequent Muslim history (J. Wellhausen, The Arab Kingdom and its Fall, tr. M. G. Weir, Beirut, 1963, esp. pp. 147-200). Among the few who escaped the massacre of Karbalāʾ was Ḥosayn’s only surviving son, ʿAlī Zayn-al-ʿābedīn (see ʿAlī b. Ḥosayn), who was spared on account of youth and sickness; he was soon proclaimed fourth Imam by a considerable segment of the Shiʿite community. His home in Medina became an important center for the growth of the ʿĀšūrāʾ cultus; no doubt his piety, political quietism, and continuous sorrow for the tragedy provided the religious basis of the ʿĀšūrāʾ celebration.
  • 19. Commemorative services (maǰ āles al- taʿzīa) first held in the houses of the imams and their followers, originally consisted of recounting the tragedy, reflecting on its meaning, and reciting elegies (marāṯī) in memory of the martyred Imam. From the beginning, these maǰ āles were not limited to the ʿĀšūrāʾ days, but were and still are held at any time of the year. Soon the shrines of the imams in Iraq and Iran became important centers of pilgrimage (zīāra), where the pious held their lamentations (Ebn Qawlūya, Kāmel al-zīārāt, ed. Mīrzā ʿAbdallāh Ḥosayn Amīnī Tabrīzī, Naǰ āf, 1356/1937, pp. 325-26).
  • 20. During the Omayyad period, the ʿĀšūrāʾ cult and the spirit of revolt it fostered grew in secret under persecution and repression. The ʿAbbasid rulers, who came to power on the wave of pro-ʿAlid revolt, at first encouraged and patronized large public assemblies in commemoration of the sufferings of the Prophet’s family (Ahl-e Bayt, q.v.) and the tragedy of Karbalāʾ. By the end of the 4th/10th century, professional mourners (nāʾeḥ), also known as the reciters or story tellers (qorrāʾ) of Ḥosayn, chanted elegies and led the pious in dirges; they normally read martyrdom narratives (maqātel) relating the story of Ḥosayn in all its details.
  • 21. In 351/962, under Buyid patronage, ʿĀšūrāʾ was declared a day of public mourning in Baghdad. Processions were held in the streets of the city, markets closed, and shops draped in black (ʿAbbās Qomī, Nafas al-mahmūm, p. 226, Persian tr. Romūz al-šahāda by M. B. Kamaraʾī, Tehran, 1379/1960; Hebat- al-dīn Šahrestānī, Nahżat al-Ḥosayn, Karbalāʾ, 1969, pp. 149ff.). Special edifices were built for the celebrations of ʿĀšūrāʾ (called Ḥosaynīya; also takīa in Iran), and by the end of the
  • 22. 3rd/9th century these were common in Cairo, Aleppo, and many Iranian cities. Iran’s special devotion to the family of the Prophet is reflected in the traditions of dubious authenticity that Šahrbānū, the daughter of Yazdegerd III, the last Sasanian emperor, was married to Ḥosayn, or that she was also the mother of ʿAlī Zayn-al-ʿābedīn (see Maǰ lesī, Beḥār al-anwār XLV, Tehran, 1384/1964, pp. 328-32). Through this marriage, Ḥosayn and his descendents combined royal nobility with the imamate; for the Shiʿites of Iran, he is thus both the spiritual head of the community and in some way of national hero, but devotion to him was not limited to Shiʿites. As early as the 5th/11th century Iranian poets composed elegies in his memory. One of the most comprehensive works, in poetry and prose, on the subject in Persian is Rawżat al-šohadāʾ by a Sunni
  • 23. author, Ḥosayn b. ʿAlī Wāʿeẓ Kāšefī, (d. 910/1504-05). An outstanding Shiʿite poet was Moḥtašam Kāšānī (d. 996/1588; see the translation of his famous haftband in Browne, Lit. Hist. Persia IV, pp. 172- 77). From Iran, the ʿĀšūrāʾ celebration was carried to the Indian subcontinent and other parts of the Muslim world influenced by Iranian culture. The greatest impetus for the development of the ʿĀšūrāʾ celebration as a popular religious and artistic phenomenon came with the rise of the Safavids to power in the early 10th/16th century. It was during their rule that the important dramatic genre known as taʿzīa (q.v.) was highly developed and popularized.
  • 24. Both in its theological aspects and religious rites, the Moḥarram cultus is a unique phenomenon in Islamic piety. The event of Karbalāʾ soon acquired cosmic significance; by the mid-4th/10th century, Shiʿite hagiography placed Ḥosayn’s death at the center of world history: It was decreed by God before creation, and subsequently revealed to all the major prophets, who vicariously shared in it; at Ḥosayn’s birth legions of angels came to the Prophet expressing their joy for the new child and their sorrow for his impending death. Ḥosayn himself knew all the details of his coming tragedy and chose it willingly as
  • 25. an act of self-sacrifice in the way of God. After his death, all things—the heavens and earth, sun and stars, paradise and hell—mourned him. Fāṭema, the sorrowful mother of the Imam, continues to shed bitter tears in paradise until the day of final reckoning, when the blood of the martyr shall be avenged and she vindicated. The ʿĀšūrāʾ ritual possessed from its inception a dramatic tension. The sufferings and privation of the Ahl-e Bayt are contrasted with their high status with God and the reward they will enjoy in paradise. The weeping of all things for their suffering, and especially for the death of Ḥosayn, is contrasted with the cruelty of their enemies. Finally, the great rewards which the mourners of Ḥosayn will enjoy in the hereafter are sharply contrasted with the torment and remorse which the enemies
  • 26. of the Ahl-e Bayt will suffer on the Day of Resurrection. By the end of the 4th/10th century the main themes and hagiographic tales of the Moḥarram cultus had taken shape; these were further elaborated and popularized through the taʿzīa and the popular orations eventually known as rawża-ḵᵛānī (q.v.). Through their grief and remembrance, the pious vicariously share in the sorrows and sufferings of the Ahl-e Bayt and renew their relation with the imams. This remembrance is powerfully expressed in the zīāra ritual, which can be performed either at the shrine of an imam on the day of ʿĀšūrāʾ or at any time in an open space outside the city or town; it is usually followed by a meal at the homes of well-to-do members of the community, the donation of which is a pious act of great merit.
  • 27. Very early, Shiʿite Muslims distinguished their observance of the ʿĀšūrāʾ from both its Jewish and Islamic antecedents. They denied all claims for special favors granted by God on that day to the ancient prophets; hence it is to be observed not as a day of thanksgiving and exaltation, but as one of sorrowful remembrance. It should not be observed as a regular fast day; rather the pious must experience hunger and thirst in emulation of the Imam and his family in Karbalāʾ, but must break the fast before sunset. It is to be understood not as a day of blessing,
  • 28. but of chaos and disorder, a day of ill- omen. This emphasis on mourning in the Moḥarram cultus has led some scholars to postulate a direct relation between it and the ancient myths and rites of Tammuz- Adonis (B. D. Erdmans, “Der Ursprung der Ceremonien des Hosein-Festes,” ZA 9, 1894, pp. 302ff.; Ch. Virolleaud, Le théâtre persan ou le drame de Kerbéla, Paris, 1950, pp. 128-36). To what extent the ʿĀšūrāʾ rites could have been influenced across so many centuries by these ancient myths cannot be determined; the fact that Ḥosayn happened to die on the spot where the cult of the ancient god was celebrated is simply an interesting coincidence which proves nothing. Iranian influences on the Moḥarram cultus have also been suggested by scholars who point to ceremonies in seventh-century Sogdia and Ḵᵛārazm
  • 29. commemorating the unjust death of the legendary hero Sīāvoš at the hands of Afrāsīāb that included breast-beating and the chanting of threnodies (A. Bausani, Persia Religiosa, Milan, 1959, pp. 420-21; E. Yarshater, “Taʿziyeh and pre-Islamic mourning rites in Iran,” in Taʿziyeh: Ritual and Drama in Iran, ed. P. Chelkowski, New York, 1979, pp. 88- 94). The “blood of Sīāvoš” (ḵūn-e Sīāvoš) is, in fact, invoked in the text of at least one taʿzīa (C. Virolleaud, Le théâtre persan, p. 132) and there may be other echoes of the Sīāvoš myth in the Persian taʿzīa literature. It is, however, unlikely that memories of Sīāvoš should have influenced formatively the Shiʿite mourning ceremonies of ʿĀšūrāʾ, which originated in areas far removed from Outer Iran and which are perfectly explicable, in any event, in terms of the ethos of Shiʿism.
  • 30. It is more plausible that any parallels between the various mourning rites are due more to similarities in psychology and a general thematic continuity in mythological development by geographically related cultures. The ʿĀšūrāʾ cultus in Shiʿite Islam is based on an historical event and commemorated the death not of a god, but of a man who was intensely involved in the life of an actual community.
  • 31. Like other great men and religious heroes, Ḥosayn the martyr continues to live on in the community through poetry, myth, and ritual, but above all through the actual events of the community’s history. Whatever its origins or relations to other religious phenomena, the ʿĀšūrāʾ cultus is yet another instance in human history of man’s attempt to deal creatively and meaningfully with his ephemeral condition. Τις βιβλιογραφικές παραπομπές θα βρείτε εδώ: http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/asu ra ———————————————————— Περισσότερα: https://ru.wikipedia.org/wiki/Мухаррам https://ru.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ашура https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Noha