Republicanism vs Multiculturalism - A critical analysis of the French system of teacher training

UNIVERSITY OF SUSSEX
The Sussex Institute Graduate Centre
Sussex School of Education
MA in International Education and Development
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SUBMISSIONDATE: 01/09/2008
COURSE TITLE: Major Research Project
ASSIGNMENT TITLE: Republicanism versus multiculturalism?
A critical analysis of the French system of teacher training
in the context of forced migration
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Major Research Project
Republicanism versus multiculturalism?
A critical analysis of the French system of teacher
training in the context of forced migration

Republicanism versus multiculturalism?
A critical analysis of the French teacher training
system in the context of forced migration
University Of Sussex
School of Education
September 2008
ABSTRACT:
For many refugee children arriving in a new country, schools represent the first encounter with the
host language and culture. These children may face great challenges with this cultural encounter,
which can be even more difficult in a context where negative attitudes towards migrants exist.
After providing some theoretical perspectives on refugee children as well as their specific
educational needs, this paper examines the relevance of critical multicultural education in the
context of refugee children as a way to smooth the cultural transition induced by forced migration.
This research then explores the use of the concept in France. In order to set the scene, immigration
and education are critically examined under the scrutiny of the French Republican tradition. A
critical analysis is then provided so as to analyse to what extent the current system of teacher
training takes into account elements of critical multicultural education. The findings of this analysis
are related to the likely consequences of the current system on refugee children and their
communities. Lastly, this research provides some implications for improving the curriculum and
pedagogy of the present teacher training system in France in the context of globalisation.

Table of Contents
ABSTRACT ..............................................................................................................................1
TABLE OF CONTENTS.........................................................................................................2
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS..................................................................................................4
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS.....................................................................................................5
1. INTRODUCTION: RATIONALE, RESEARCH METHODOLOGY AND
DESIGN ...................................................................................................................6
1.1. RATIONALE, CONTEXT AND STRUCTURE OF THE RESEARCH..........................................6
1.2. METHODOLOGICAL APPROACH ......................................................................................8
1.3. RESEARCH QUESTIONS ...................................................................................................9
1.4. CHOICE OF RESEARCH METHODS....................................................................................9
1.5. LIMITATIONS AND ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS ............................................................11
2. REFUGEE CHILDREN: THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES AND
SPECIFIC EDUCATIONAL NEEDS.................................................................13
2.1. THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES ON REFUGEE CHILDREN................................................13
2.2. REFUGEE CHILDREN AND SPECIFIC EDUCATIONAL NEEDS ..........................................17
3. CRITICAL MULTICULTURAL EDUCATION: A CONCEPTUAL
FRAMEWORK.....................................................................................................22
3.1. MULTICULTURAL EDUCATION:ORIGINS OF THE CONCEPT AND ISSUE OF DEFINITION 22
3.2. MULTICULTURAL EDUCATION: THREE MAIN FRAMEWORKS.......................................23
3.3. MULTICULTURAL EDUCATION AND ITS CRITICS..........................................................26
3.4. MULTICULTURAL EDUCATION IN THE CONTEXT OF REFUGEE CHILDREN ...................29

4. THE FRENCH CONTEXT: IMMIGRATION AND EDUCATION IN THE
REPUBLICAN SCRUTINY ................................................................................31
4.1. CONCEPTUALISATION AND REPRESENTATION OF REFUGEES AND ASYLUM SEEKERS IN
FRANCE ...............................................................................................................................31
4.2. THE CONCEPT OF EDUCATION IN THE FRENCH REPUBLICAN TRADITION.....................38
4.3. THE FRENCH SYSTEM OF TEACHER TRAINING AND THE ROLE OF TEACHERS ..............40
5. EDUCATIONAL PROVISION FOR REFUGEE CHILDREN AND
CRITICAL MULTICULTURAL EDUCATION IN FRANCE.......................42
5.1. EDUCATIONAL PROVISION FOR REFUGEE CHILDREN: A BRIEF EXPLANATION ............42
5.2. CRITICAL MULTICULTURAL EDUCATION IN FRANCE...................................................43
6. IMPLICATIONS OF FINDINGS FOR REFUGEE COMMUNITIES,
GENERAL REFLECTIONS AND CONCLUSIONS .......................................47
6.1. LIKELY CONSEQUENCES AND IMPACTS OF THE FRENCH TEACHER TRAINING SYSTEM
ON THE SCHOOLING OF REFUGEE CHILDREN AND ON THEIR COMMUNITIES .......................48
6.2. GENERAL REFLECTIONS AND CONCLUSIONS...............................................................51
APPENDIX 1: THE DEFINITION OF REFUGEE IN THE GENEVA CONVENTION (1951) .............................54
APPENDIX 2: HANDOUT ‘LANGUAGES AND INTERCULTURAL COMPETENCIES’ IN IUFM METZ .........55
APPENDIX 3: EXCERPTS FROM TELEPHONE INTERVIEW WITH AMELIA (22/06/08) AND EMAIL
EXCHANGES WITH SOPHIE (22/06/08 AND 26/06/08) ...............................................................................57
BIBLIOGRAPHY ..................................................................................................................60
TABLE 1: 10 PROFESSIONAL COMPETENCIES OF THE FRENCH TEACHER.................................41

LLIST OF ABBREVIATIONSIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
CASNAV ACADEMIC CENTRES FOR THE SCHOOLING OF NEWLY ARRIVED
AND TRAVELLER CHILDREN
(Centres Académiques pour la scolarisation des nouveaux
arrivants et des enfants du voyage)
CLIN INITIATION CLASS
(Classe d’Initiation)
DGESCO GENERAL DIRECTION OF SCHOOL TEACHING
(Direction Générale de l’Enseignement Scolaire)
ENAF CHILDREN NEWLY ARRIVED IN FRANCE
(Enfants Nouvellement Arrivés en France)
EUMC EUROPEAN MONITORING CENTRE IN RACISM AND XENOPHOBIA
FN NATIONAL FRONT
(Front National)
HCI HIGH COUNCIL OF INTEGRATION
IUFM TEACHER TRAINING INSTITUTIONS
(Instituts Universitaires de Formation des Maîtres)
OFPRA FRENCH OFFICE FOR THE PROTECTION OF REFUGEES AND
STATELESS PERSONS
(Office Français de Protection des Réfugiés et Apatrides)
PTSD POST-TRAUMATIC STRESS DISORDER
UNCHR THE UNITED NATIONS HIGH COMMISSIONER FOR REFUGEES

AACKNOWLEDGEMENTSCKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I wish to thank the MAIED teaching team for having taught me so much.
A special thank you to Professor Valerie Hey who constantly challenged my way of
thinking and helped me visit lands of knowledge I never thought I would visit.
Un grand merci à ma mère qui restera mon éternelle source d’inspiration.

‘The direction in which education starts a man will determine his future life’
(Platon 1966: 177)
1. IINTRODUCTIONNTRODUCTION:: RATIONALERATIONALE,, RESEARCRESEARCH DESIGNH DESIGN
AND METHODOLOGYAND METHODOLOGY
1.1. RATIONALE, CONTEXT AND STRUCTURE OF THE RESEARCH
Nearly 50 per cent of refugees worldwide are children (Anderson et al. 2004). In the
educational sphere, most studies relate to the specific educational needs of refugee
children and the necessity for a tailored provision of services (Pinsot & Arnot 2007).
Most literature relates to the work of practitioners and the amount of theoretical
research in this area remains meagre (ibid.).
Schools are generally thought to represent key institutions for the socialisation and
integration of refugee children into the host society. For many refugee children,
schools represent the first encounter with the host language and culture (Anderson et
al. 2004). Considering that schools are sometimes the only place where refugee
children are in direct contact with the host society (ibid.), this first experience will
likely influence the way these children perceive the host society.
Depending on the attitudes and behaviours present in school, refugee children might
have a more or less positive opinion of the society. When anti-refugee sentiment,
xenophobia and other forms of racial bullying are present in schools, these can have
long-term effects on the life of refugee children and on their integration in the host
society. As explained by Jones & Rutter (1998), refugee children may face great
challenges with cultural adaptation. It seems that this cultural encounter can be even

more difficult in a context where people have negative attitudes towards migrants.
The first section will provide some theoretical perspectives on refugee children so as
to define how the term is understood in this study. The first chapter will also provide
a critical review of the literature on the specific educational needs of refugee children
(see Chapter 2).
This research then looks at the concept of multicultural education as a way to
promote tolerance and understanding between people’s differences so as to smooth
the cultural transition for refugee children as well as for children already enrolled.
The idea is to reduce tensions and bullying that can be caused by cultural
misunderstandings but also to increase the chances for refugee children to adapt to
the school system successfully so as to have a better chance to integrate into the host
society (see Chapter 3).
After arguing for the introduction of critical multicultural education in the context of
forced migrants, this paper looks at its relevance in France, where the proportion of
refugees and asylum seekers is relatively high. In 2006, the population of refugees
and asylum-seekers in France reached 186,471 (UNHCR 2006). In terms of asylum
applications, France ranks second in the European Union (OFPRA 2007). The French
context will be analysed through its Republican conceptualisation of education and
immigration (see Chapter 4).
The critical analysis of this policy context will help understand the functioning of the
current teacher training system and to what extent this system takes into account
elements of critical multicultural education. The perspectives of two newly trained
teachers on their training will also supplement this analysis (see Chapter 5).
The last chapter will discuss the possible consequences of the teacher training for
refugee communities. The final section will provide some implications for improving
the curriculum and pedagogy of the present teacher training system as well as some
general reflections and conclusions on the topic (see Chapter 6).

1.2. METHODOLOGICAL APPROACH
This research is rooted in a radical humanist paradigm. As explained by Burrell and
Morgan:
‘The radical humanist paradigm is defined by its concern to develop a sociology
of radical change from a subjectivist standpoint (…). Its frame of reference is
committed to a view of society which emphasises the importance of
overthrowing or transcending the limitations of existing social arrangements.’
(Burrell & Morgan 1979: 32).
This paper is founded on the view that social research cannot be approached under a
positivist view since it is not possible to separate people from the social world
(Cohen et al. 2007). Agreeing with post-colonial, feminist and critical race theory,
this paper considers that the researcher is part of the phenomena that is under
investigation. Since all knowledge is produced from somewhere, all interpretation of
knowledge is equally produced from somewhere. As argued by Usher (1996: 23),
“there is no neutral or disinterested perspective because everyone is socially located
and thus the knowledge that is produced will be influenced always by a social
interest”. As a result, this paper recognises the need to develop a more complex
account of subjectivity since the researcher’s identity is a core element of the research
process (Dunne et al. 2005). This is done in section 1.5.4.
Although radical humanism shares the subjective orientation of the interpretive
paradigm, it serves a different end (Burrell & Morgan 1979). The methodology of
this research is founded on the belief that social research should not solely aim at
understanding the world but should seek to change it in the direction of equality and
social justice (Marx & Hegels 1965). This paper is persuaded by a critical approach
to social research especially one that stems from a post-Marxist perspective, which
aims to renew interest in ‘subjectivist interpretations of Marxist theory’ (Burrell &
Morgan 1979: 3). This critical position is inspired by Habermas’ idea that the
political and ideological contexts are paramount in understanding social behaviour
(Habermas 1978). As a result, critical educational research needs to link the conduct
of her/his research with ‘politics and policy-making’ (Cohen et al. 2007).

This research thus argues for the need to locate the discussion in the policy and
ideological contexts under a critical perspective. By exposing how the current
schooling system does not offer benefit to everyone and especially not to refugee
children, the aim of the research is to offer a way forward in order to improve the
current situation.
1.3. RESEARCH QUESTIONS
This research is structured around the following queries:
1/ What is the relevance of critical multicultural teacher education in the context
of refugees?
2/ a- How does the critical literature conceptualise and represent refugees
and asylum seekers in France?
b- How does the critical literature conceptualise education and what it
means to be a teacher in France?
3/ To what extent does the French system of teacher training take into account
aspects of critical multicultural education?
4/ a- What are the likely consequences and impacts of the current system of
teacher training on refugee pupils and communities?
b- What are the main implications for improving the curriculum and
pedagogy of the present teacher training system?
1.4. CHOICE OF RESEARCH METHODS
The research questions are investigated using mainly qualitative desk-based research
methods. In addition, a telephone interview as well as email exchanges are also used
in order to complement findings from the documentary analysis.

1.4.1. DOCUMENTARY ANALYSIS
The analysis of documentary evidence is the central method of data collection.
Literature related to the context and history of asylum and immigration policy in
France is critically analysed in order to understand how migration and refugees are
conceptualised in France.
Various articles are critically analysed in order to understand the influence of the
republican sentiment of France on its education system. An official document
referring to the regulations of the French teaching profession is also scrutinised in
order to understand how the political sphere influences what it means to be a teacher
in France.
Following this analysis, various studies on the French system of teacher training are
examined in order to assess whether the current system takes into account elements of
critical multicultural education.
Lastly, the handout of a module on ‘Language and Intercultural competencies’, which
is offered in the IUFM Metz, is critically analysed in order to understand what is
meant by ‘Intercultural competency’ in the context of this teacher training institute.
Details of this handout are available in Appendix 2.
All the above documents originate from journals or websites accessed from the
Internet or from books accessed in French and English libraries, except for the
handout, which was sent by email by a teacher who recently completed her training.
1.4.2. SEMI-STRUCTURED TELEPHONE INTERVIEW AND EMAILS
Considering that some research is rather outdated, I decided that the direct
perspectives of newly qualified teachers would be beneficial to obtain more up-to-
date information and a deeper understanding of current practices in the teacher
training institutes. Using my social network, I managed to speak with two women
who had just finished their teacher training in two different IUFMs, situated in Metz
and Paris. Amelia is a 25 year-old woman and studied in the IUFM Paris. Sophie, in
her forties, studied in the IUFM Metz.

Due to time constraints and practical aspects, I arranged email correspondence with
Sophie. Since the information emanating from these data were complementary to my
research and did not solely form the basis of my findings, I judged that emails were a
good means to obtain both practical information as well as opinion on her training.
Sophie put me in touch with Marjorie, one of her colleagues at the institute, as she
had followed a special unit that Sophie hadn’t. Thanks to this contact, I could access
the handout of a module called ‘Language and Intercultural competencies’. Being a
friend, Amelia preferred having a telephone conversation and a semi-structured
interview was therefore arranged.
Excerpts from these telephone and email exchanges are available in Appendix 3.
1.5. LIMITATIONS AND ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS
1.5.1. SCOPE AND LIMITATIONS
This paper looks at the training of teachers who will be working in primary schools.
This research is looking at initial teacher training. Due to word constraints, it was not
possible to expand on continuing professional development. There is a potential for
further research in this area.
In addition to word constraints, this research was also limited by time and the fact
that I am currently living in the UK. I needed to immerse myself in what was for me
new literature. Having scrutinised the literature, I then identified the need to augment
the findings from the literature with serendipitous more qualitative material.
1.5.2. CONSENT
When newly trained teachers were approached, I explained my role as a researcher
and the purpose of my research. I also explained that the final paper would only be
used for the completion of my Masters degree and be read by university members.
Consent was given and the three respondents agreed to have their name and
geographical location used in the final paper.

1.5.3. TRANSLATION CONCERNS
One of the main issues faced during the research was linked to the translation
process. Two key sources that had to be fully translated include the transcript of the
telephone conversation and the email exchanges, and the regulations of the French
teaching profession. Although fully proficient in English, after having studied in
England for four years, translating from my mother tongue to English was
challenging, especially when technical terms were used, which do not necessarily
have an equivalent in English. I tried to translate words so as to stay as close as
possible to their original significance. The help of an English friend who teaches
French in English secondary schools was sought so as to get help in terms of
linguistics but also advice on how best to translate technical terms related to the
schooling world.
The translation of quotations or key concepts originating from other French sources,
such as journals, was also challenging. Unfortunately, I did not know anyone that
could help me with the translation of these terms. Moreover, I did not have the
financial means to hire a professional translator. Although my personal tutor was
helpful in making suggestions for the translation of some French concepts, I take the
responsibility of the translation processes since I made the final choices. I recognise
that I have not received any training in translation apart from studying English during
nine years in school. I thus acknowledge that my own understanding might have
influenced my translation. However, I did not attempt to consciously change any
meaning and genuinely tried to provide an accurate translation.
1.5.4. ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS
The choice of France as my country of analysis was both influenced by individual
and contextual factors. Being a French citizen, my personal experience of the national
education system, as well as my social network in the country, allowed me to gain
accessibility to data that I might not have been able to get hold of in a different
context. Agreeing with Gadamer (in Usher 1996: 21) that ‘it is impossible to escape
from our “pre-understandings” even temporarily’, I acknowledge that, as a French
citizen, my social and cultural heritage, my personal experience of the French
educational system, as well as my political and philosophical opinions influence the
way I approach my research.

I acknowledge that I am a product of the French educational system. I recognise that
being a white middle-class female with a parent working in the education sector
helped me take advantage of the functioning of the education system. However, I
believe that having been living and studying in different cultural contexts over the
past four years allows me scope for being more reflective about the French system. In
addition, having moved between different regions of France throughout my life
helped me reflect on the task of adaptation I had to face in each place and the changes
I undertook in order to feel included. Through these multiple experiences both inside
France and abroad, I could broaden my frames of reference and perspective in order
to understand different stances. Through my own cultural encounters and its
engendered difficulties, I put myself in a situation where I experienced what it meant
to be ‘the other’, situation sometimes very far from norms and values with which I
was used to in France.
I believe that being aware of my identity, personal experiences and positionalities
(Srivastava 2006) constitutes aspects of my being reflective about the way I conduct
my research.
Having explained the research methodology, the processes of data collection and
some limitations and ethical considerations, the following section provides theoretical
perspectives on refugee children in order to explain how the term is understood
throughout the research paper.
22.. RREFUGEE CHILDRENEFUGEE CHILDREN:: THEORETICAL PERSPECTTHEORETICAL PERSPECTIVESIVES
AND EDUCATIONAL SPECAND EDUCATIONAL SPECIFICITIESIFICITIES
2.1. THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES ON REFUGEE CHILDREN
2.1.1. REFUGEES: A LOADED TERM
Any study attempting to address the issue of refugees is immediately confronted by
the ambiguous meaning of the term. In the research literature, the designation

‘refugee’ is often referred to its normative legal and administrative definition,
delineated in the United Nations Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees1
.
Following this definition, a refugee is an individual who:
"owing to a well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion,
nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion, is
outside the country of his nationality and is unable to or, owing to such fear, is
unwilling to avail himself of the protection of that country” (UNHCR 2007:
16). (Please refer to Appendix 1 for the full definition).
However, the UN Convention does not provide any procedures to establish the
official classification of refugees (Créac’h 2002). The interpretation of the wording
remains contextual in terms of time and place. This means that an individual
applying for asylum in a country might see her/his application refused while she/he
may have had a positive response in a different state. Each country has its own
criteria for determining the refugee’s status depending on the political interpretation
of the term, rather than based on the moral case (Zolberg et al. 1989).
In addition, economics can also influence the position of a state in relation to
refugees. Noiriel (1999), historian and pioneer of the French history of immigration,
thus argues that in the case of France, obtaining the refugee status has been more or
less flexible depending on the economic needs of the nation. Considering the
hardening of current asylum policies (see Chapter 4), people who do not meet the
strict criteria of state authorities to obtain refugee status might still truly need
protection and help.
It is also important to remember that it is very hard for refugees to prove their
persecution (Noiriel 1999). They often left their home rapidly and when they arrive
in the host country, they have little time to prepare and might not have taken with
them documentation that attest their persecution, even if such documents exist. As a
result, there is a need to go beyond the legal definition of refugees.
1
The United Nations Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees is an international
convention signed by 147 nations that defines the term refugee, their entitled rights and the
responsibilities of host countries. It is constituted by the Geneva Convention and the New
York Protocol signed respectively in 1951 and 1967.

This paper understands refugees based on a sociological approach according to
Zolberg’s conceptualisation, which is ‘according to criteria grounded in observable
social realities, independent of any determination by official bodies or by the
refugee’s own claims’ (Zolberg et al. 1989: 4). Using a sociological basis therefore
allows one to explain social processes by moving away from the level of ‘linguistic
mystification’ in order to emphasize that the sociological beingness of a refugee is
not contingent on her/his legal recognition (ibid.). As a result, this study refers to
refugees as individuals who were forced to leave their home country due to man-
made harmful conditions and who are seeking refuge in France. This means that the
analysis not only takes into account officially recognised refugees and asylum
seekers but it also considers unrecognised refugees who might be in France illegally,
either because they were refused asylum or because they considered they would have
no chance of obtaining refugee status. Since the primary concern of this work relates
to refugee children, it appears essential to clarify this expression.
2.1.2. REFUGEE CHILDREN
The UNHCR (1994) declares that no distinction should be made between adults and
children in terms of rights and social welfare. However, in practice, depending on
their age, refugees will be entitled to different rights and treatment. For that reason,
some countries use a controversial and arbitrary wrist bone forensics in order to
determinate the age of young foreigners who arrive in their territory. The issue of
classification is therefore important in the field of refugees. Education, welfare
support and asylum procedures might operate differently whether the asylum seeker
is a child or an adult (Watters 2008). For example, in Italy detention and expulsion is
strictly forbidden for any minors under 18 (CIMADE nd). In France, foreign minors
are not compelled to hold a resident permit, which means that they cannot be
expelled since the concept of illegal stay does not apply to them (ibid.). If the law is
not always respected in practice, these examples suggest the importance of the
relevance of categorising refugee children.
Watters (2008) offers an interesting perspective on the concept of refugee children.
After arguing that the concept of children is ‘socially and culturally constructed’, the
author specifies that the categorisation of refugee children follows the Western
designation. A general definition includes children and adolescents as falling under

the age of 18. However, the UNHCR (1994) relates the basis of designation to the
Convention of the Rights of the Child2
, which defines children and their rights.
While acknowledging that the concept of a child varies across culture and place, the
need for a common understanding influences the choice of definition for this paper.
Referring to the previous definition of refugee, this paper understands refugee
children as individuals under the age of 18 who were forced to leave their home
country due to man-made harmful conditions and who are seeking refuge in France,
accompanied or not.
According to this definition, refugee children would represent around half of the total
refugee population (Anderson et al. 2004; UNHCR 2008). However, since variations
in definition occur, it appears logical to note these discrepancies and limitations in
terms of the difficulty of obtaining precise data and statistics related to the number of
those who are designated ‘refugee children’.
2.1.3. DATA CONSIDERATIONS
For any research, there is a clear usefulness in obtaining figures in order to grasp the
extent of the observed phenomena. One of the most consistent sources providing data
on refugees is produced by the UNHCR in the annual report “The State of the
World’s Refugees”. In 2007, the UNHCR estimated the global amount of refugees at
11.4 million while there were 647,200 asylum seekers worldwide (UNHCR 2008).
However, one needs to be particularly cautious in the domain of refugees and refugee
children. As previously explained, definitional and conceptual issues related to the
legal definition of terms highlight the need for care when dealing with numbers and
statistics since official figures do not take into account refugee populations who are
not formally recognised by governments. Considering the increasingly restrictive
measures put in place in France in order to regulate migration, it is fair to believe that
some people might not apply for the legal status and chose to remain illegal. This also
applies to refugee children.
2
The Convention of the Rights of the Child (CRC) is an international convention that
specifies the political, civil, social, cultural and economic rights of children. It was ratified in
1989 by almost all state members (193).

In France for example, schools are not allowed to check whether children have a legal
resident permit so even if official figures can be obtained on recognised refugee
children (according to the French interpretation of the UNHCR definition), it is hard
to estimate the amount of refugee children who are outside official recognition.
Finally, one needs to remember that countries do not use a harmonized system of data
collection, while some do not even have a dedicated refugee register (UNHCR 2007).
There is therefore a real call for vigilance when considering statistical presentations.
Having expressed the difficulties in working through definitional and statistical
issues, it is time to review the literature on refugee children and their educational
specificities.
2.2. REFUGEE CHILDREN AND SPECIFIC EDUCATIONAL NEEDS
The literature on educational issues and refugee children has developed over the past
ten years. However, it is not comprehensive in its scope. The amount of theoretical
research in this area remains meagre (Pinsot & Arnot 2007) and most of the
publications are written by practitioners to help educators working with refugee
children. The main literature on the educational needs of refugee children appears
United Kingdom focussed. Having produced several books and reports (Jones &
Rutter 1998; Rutter & Hyder 1998; Rutter 2003a; Rutter, 2003b; Rutter 2006), Jill
Rutter is one of the major contributors to the field of refugee children.
The special educational needs of refugee children have been identified and are
constituted by a combination of factors that relate to their emotional and psychosocial
difficulties, to their socio-economic context, to anti-refugee and racist attitudes as
well as to their cultural and linguistic adaptation.
2.2.1. CHALLENGING THE TRAUMA DISCOURSE
Trauma, loss and grief are common concepts related to refugee children.
Psychosocial and emotional needs are emphasised to highlight the traumatic

experiences children had to go through, how these events can negatively impact their
schooling and the type of support needed in order to ease their integration in schools.
Refugee children may have to cope with changes in the family structure, may
experience great uncertainty about the future, have to adjust to a new environment
and deal with their traumatic experiences (Arnot & Pinson 2005). As explained by
Rutter, ‘academic writing about refugee children is dominated by literature about
trauma and Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) (Rutter 2006: 35). PTSD refers to
“the diagnosis given to a collection of distressing symptoms which can come into
being after an individual has experienced, witnessed or been confronted with a
terrifying and often life-threatening event or events” (Frater-Mathieson 2004: 16).
This aspect has been criticised by various authors. For Summerfield (1999), the
dominance of the trauma discourse mirrors the globalisation of the Western
tendencies to medicalise distress in order to impose treatment and psychological
therapies. In addition, pathologising asylum seeker and refugee children has the
potential to increase their stigmatisation by representing them primarily as victims.
While some children do indeed endure traumatic experiences that can be physically
and psychologically damaging, Rutter (2006) stresses that the needs of refugee
children should not be universalised under the banner of ‘trauma’ since their
migratory experiences are not homogenous. The accessibility to education and the
prospect of future opportunities may represent a ‘natural therapy’ that can help
children ease their suffering and anguish (ibid.).
Ecclestone and Hayes (2008) also critique the focus on trauma by highlighting the
idea that therapeutic education is turning children into anxious and self-preoccupied
individuals. For the authors, education should help children be wishful, optimistic
and flexible individuals who want to learn everything about the world.
Furedi’s analysis of therapy culture is also very relevant in this context (Furedi 2003).
For Furedi, therapy culture refers to the increasing psychological discourse on the
vulnerability of people, which frames everyday human experience. This discourse is
ubiquitous and terms such as ‘at risk’ are commonly used. Therapy culture is

criticised by the author who argues that the cultural manifestations of therapy make
people appear ill and powerless (ibid.).
Finally, other aspects associated with the pre- and post-migration of refugee children
should also be highlighted in order to recognise that a medicalised response will not
solve problems related to poverty and loss of social status, which are often faced by a
refugee population (Rutter 2006).
2.2.2. SOCIO-ECONOMIC CONTEXT, EDUCATION AND REFUGEE CHILDREN
Asylum seeker and refugee children also have specific educational needs due to their
socio-economic circumstances. There is a great uncertainty about their future for
those who have not had their asylum application processed yet. These populations
often live in poor housing conditions and temporary accommodation due to their
mobility (Jones & Rutter 1998; Arnot & Pinson 2005). As a result, not only do
refugee children often enter schools at midpoints in the school year, but also they are
often enrolled in unpopular and under-subscribed schools, which can accentuate their
schooling difficulties (Rutter 2006). These children may have non-existent or
interrupted previous education (Rutter 2003b), which may also pose great challenges
to them as they strive to access the curriculum corresponding to their age grade.
Unemployment exacerbates poverty levels, which are relatively high for refugees
(ibid.). In several countries such as Slovenia and the Republic of Ireland, asylum
seekers can be found in very deprived situations since they do not have the right to
work (ECRE 2005). Children are therefore located in poor environments, which can
impede their educational progress. In addition, refugee children may have to take up
some new responsibilities, such as doing translation work for their parents, which can
also interfere with their schooling.
A link between social capital and educational achievement has been established by
Coleman (Watters 2008). Social capital refers to the social networks, informal norms
and structures that facilitate collective and individual action. The relationships
between communities, schools, parents and children weigh on educational results
(ibid.). It can be presumed that refugees and asylum seekers might lose all or part of

their social network during their migration. Combined with linguistic difficulties,
they may face great challenges to integrate in their new environment and to
participate actively in their children’s schooling. As a result, they may express a
limited ability to help their children’s homework, to engage with school processes
and teachers. Although completely understandable in view of their circumstances, all
of this may accumulatively and negatively impact on their child’s performance.
2.2.3. ANTI-REFUGEE SENTIMENT, RACISM AND XENOPHOBIA
In addition to difficulties related to socio-economic status, refugee children may also
face problems of racial violence (Rutter 2006). These children may suffer from
experiences of racial harassment and feelings of being unwelcome in schools (Arnot
& Pinson 2005; Rutter 2003b; Jones & Rutter 1998). They may experience bullying
on the basis of their colour, cultural difference or linguistic difficulties.
Furthermore, the negative portrayal of immigration and forms of narrow nationalism
can create anti-refugee sentiment that can be passed from the host countries parents
and then onto their own children. This can result in intolerance and the development
of peer hostility through verbal and/or physical abuse (Jones & Rutter 1998).
Finally, refugee children also face great educational challenges in terms of their
linguistic and cultural adaptation (Rutter 2006; Jones & Rutter 1998; Arnot & Pinson
2005; Loewen 2004).
2.2.4. LINGUISTIC AND CULTURAL ADJUSTMENT
For Loewen (2004), the extent to which refugee children are successful in gaining
knowledge of the host country’s language helps gauge their adaptation to their new
surroundings. It can be very difficult to adapt to a new environment when
communication is not possible due to a lack of language skills. As a result, frustration
may intensify the feeling of isolation engendered by a language deficiency (ibid.).
For refugee children, acquiring the new language thus may help reduce this feeling of
isolation as well as helping them access the school curriculum. Language is also

important since it helps define identity and a sense of belonging in the world. As
clearly expressed by Ngugi wa Thiong’o, language is culture:
‘Language carries culture, and culture carries, particularly through orature and
literature, the entire body of values by which we become to perceive ourselves
and our place in the world. How people perceive themselves affects how they
look at their culture, at their politics and at the social production of wealth, at
their entire relationship to nature and to other human beings.’
(Ngugi wa Thiong‘o 1986 cited in McLeod 2000:18)
The term culture is understood as ‘the set of distinctive spiritual, material, intellectual
and emotional features of society or a social group, and (…) encompasses, in addition
to art and literature, lifestyles, ways of living together, value systems, traditions and
beliefs’ (UNESCO 2002: 1). Culture is important since it has an impact on how
refugee children interpret and cope with events (Anderson et al. 2004). Refugee
children often come from countries with different political, socio-economic and
historico-cultural environment. As a result, in order to be able to understand and
operate within the host society, they need to familiarise themselves and adjust to their
new cultural surroundings.
However, this does not mean that refugee children have to negate their own culture.
As argued by Rutter (2006: 12), ‘refugee children’s progress is partly dependent on
their maintaining their own cultural forms and cultural space.’
In relation to these various educational specificities, it appears doubtful that teachers
could meet the psychological needs of refugee children or could help improve their
socio-economic environment. Being increasingly strained by having to work with an
already overloaded curriculum, it does not seem realistic to think that teachers can
also play the role of a psychotherapist or a social worker.
However, the work of teachers could help reduce forms of racism and xenophobia
and promote cultural diversity in order to ease the cultural adjustment of refugee
children. While this appears needed in the context of refugee children, the context of
globalisation and the predicted continued growth of human mobility also offer a
justification for a teaching that promotes cultural pluralism and tolerance towards

diversity. Referring to the increasingly intermeshed world, Castle and Miller (2003:
15) consider that:
‘Social services and education may have to be planned and delivered in new
ways to correspond to different life situations and cultural practices.’ (Castle &
Miller 2003: 15).
This could involve the deconstruction of racism and xeno-racism by looking at the
host cultures’ own differences, shaped in its past and present history. This would aim
at explaining that all societies are in fact ‘mongrel’ and would provide a
counterargument to the racial discourse based on the dichotomy between ‘us’ and
‘them’.
Multicultural education is a field of study that deals with these questions of cultural
diversity and racism. The following section explores the concept of multicultural
education, its origins, critics and various frameworks. This section also attempts to
locate the concept of critical multicultural education in the context of refugee
children.
33.. MMULTICULTURAL EDUCAULTICULTURAL EDUCATIONTION:: A CONCEPTUALA CONCEPTUAL
FRAMEWORKFRAMEWORK
3.1. MULTICULTURAL EDUCATION: ORIGINS OF THE CONCEPT AND
ISSUE OF DEFINITION
The idea of multicultural education emerged in the 1960s and gained prominence in
the 1980s (Mogdil et al. 1986; May 1994). Multicultural education first appeared in
the US and the UK in response to movements of protest based on ethnicity (Banks
1986). These movements claimed that the education system contributed to the
exclusion of ethnic minorities and that an institutional reform was needed. At the
same time, the increase of the influx of new cultural groups brought about new issues
and challenges for the education system of developed countries (Lynch 1986). The

concept has therefore evolved from a focus on civil rights and special needs of
minorities to a broader response to the consequences brought about by the emerging
pluralist constitution of industrial nations.
There is no agreed definition of multicultural education. Various people construe
different meanings of the term, which is hardly surprising considering the different
understandings of the concepts of education and culture (Leicester 1989). The term is
highly contested and controversial due to its direct relation with sensitive issues such
are racism and inequalities.
The following section provides three different interpretations of what is meant by
multicultural education.
3.2. MULTICULTURAL EDUCATION: THREE MAIN FRAMEWORKS
This paper considers three main frameworks for conceptualising multicultural
education: conservative multiculturalism, liberal multiculturalism and critical
multiculturalism.
3.2.1. CONSERVATIVE MULTICULTURAL EDUCATION
The conservatives argue that multicultural education is an attempt to politicise
education in order to cater to minority demand (Parekh 1986). The role of education
is seen as distinct from the private sphere and should be about developing the
‘attitudes, skills and knowledge needed to participate in the shared national culture’
(Banks 1986: 225). Under the conservative perspective, social order is considered as
just and schools are therefore about assimilating students into the values, beliefs and
norms of the mainstream culture. Minorities are therefore expected to assimilate to
the existing system.
Although conservatives often relate to expressions such as equity or success for all,
the context in which these are to occur is one of homogeneity where there is ‘free

market of competition, opportunity, survival of the fittest, and upward social
mobility’ (Jenks et al. 2001: 91). Education is looked at in relation with economic
success and could be related with the concepts underlined in human capital theory.
As a result, conservative multiculturalism seeks to implement an education with
universal academic standards since cultural differences are not thought to influence
educational achievement. Aspects related to cultural minorities are added to the
existing curriculum and the dominant culture is not critically analysed since it is seen
as normal.
For Sleeter & Grant (1994), this framework recognises the norms of the host country
as the best. As a result, these norms need to be imposed and transferred to the next
generation. However, as explained by Parekh (1986), educating children for the sole
purpose of integration in the ‘shared national culture’ amounts to indoctrination. At
the same time, this also shows a lack of respect for different cultures.
3.2.2. LIBERAL MULTICULTURAL EDUCATION
Liberals emphasise the need for cultural pluralism and for the recognition and
celebration of diversity (Jenks et al. 2001). Acceptance, tolerance and understanding
are thought to bring about equity (Banks 1994). As a result, feelings and values need
to be shared through intergroup education in order to promote respect and peaceful
relationships between diverse groups of people.
This approach, which is humanistic and progressive, claims that the confirmation of
democratic principles in a committed curriculum will instigate a change (Jenks et al.
2001). In practice, special units and celebrations of different cultures are added to the
existing curriculum. However, this approach does not recognise the role of the
dominant culture in preventing equality for all and therefore does not challenge the
hegemonic power of the mainstream culture.
Multicultural education was savagely debated and critiqued in the UK by authors
such as Troyna and Madood in respect to liberalism, which was held within the early
versions. In the 1990s, Troyna and Carrington (1990: 20) described multiculturalism

in the UK as the 3Ss. The term 3Ss refers to the ‘Saris, Samosas, and Steel bands’
syndrome whereby different cultures are not understood through their meaning-
making of the world but through stereotypical accessories.
Tariq Modood (2007), a prominent researcher on issues related to multiculturalism in
the UK, also criticised the simple idea of ‘multi’ in order to highlight problems with
binary formulation between mono- versus multi-cultural. This argument stresses that
there is not a simple category referring to ‘the other’ but a diversity of subjects. For
Modood (2007):
‘The ultimate meaning of “multi” is that specific policies, complexes of policies
and multicultural institutional arrangements have to be customised to meet
diverse (as well as common) vulnerabilities, needs and priorities’ (Modood
2007: 46).
Finally, as stressed by Sleeter & Grant (1994), liberals tend to conceptualise the ideas
of identity and culture in a simplistic way and underplay the real origins of racism
and inequality.
3.2.3. CONSERVATIVE MULTICULTURAL EDUCATION
To palliate these shortcomings, critical multiculturalism links equity with racial,
ethnic and class issues. For the critical multiculturalists, social structure and structural
inequalities are the real reasons that create the oppression of ethnic groups. Critical
multiculturalists argue that the norms used in schools support social stratification and
power allocation (Jenks et al. 2001). In addition, critical multiculturalism aims at
teaching students that their socialisation and identities influence their understandings
and relationships with pupils from diverse cultural backgrounds (Ukpokodu 2003).
Future teachers need to be aware that learning and teaching take place in political and
socio-cultural contexts that are not neutral (ibid.). The curriculum must therefore be
transformative and teach students about the importance of social justice and equity
for all (Nieto 2000). As clearly explained by Jenks:
‘When those in power determine educational policy, whether they be
professional commissions, governmental agencies, or school district authorities,

the result, argues the critical multiculturalists, is a standardization around
content that effectively excludes the voices and experiences of those not in
power. A not-so-hidden curriculum is created that reflects the social inequalities
of the society the schools serve, in spite of cultural celebrations of difference
sponsored by liberal educators.’(Jenks et al. 2001: 94).
For criticals, multicultural education therefore needs to focus the attention on the real
cause of inequality, induced by the distribution of power and the formation of class
within the capitalist system (Banks 1986). Bullivant (1986) also explores the question
of the wider society and finds that the exercise of control by dominant groups is
responsible for the exploitation of ethnic minorities. Lastly, Nieto (2000) argues for
the need to place the idea of cultural pluralism within a critical conception of societal
relations in order to address issues of stratification, empowerment and inequity.
Multicultural education is therefore conceptualised as having multiple purposes. It
aims at equalising educational opportunity amongst minorities and majorities while
reducing discrimination and racist attitudes. In addition, it encourages cross-cultural
interaction and understanding by valuing different cultures, promoting tolerance and
critical thinking about the discrepancies between democratic principles and realities.
Finally, critical multicultural education seeks to encourage students to contribute to
social change in order to build a more equal and fair society (Banks 1992).
Critical multicultural education has been contested because it relates to societal
institutions as well as norms and values that have been established for a very long
time (Banks 1986). These norms and values are also often held unconsciously and
thus very difficult to disrupt.
3.3. MULTICULTURAL EDUCATION AND ITS CRITICS
Other critics have also been addressed towards the concept of multicultural education,
generally.
Multicultural education is rejected by those who do not agree that culture determines
the conception of people’s identity (Legendre 2002). A study undertaken among
French teachers (Kadri & Legendre 2006) revealed that for some French teaching

trainees, identity is conceived in terms of individual personality, constituted by
individual features (Kadri & Legendre 2006). This means that for these trainees,
cultural diversity is not seen as a problem and should not be given emphasis since we
all have specific characteristics, we are all unique. Culture is one aspect amongst
others and problems are individual problems not cultural (ibid.).
As a result, these trainees can be very dubious about the concept of multicultural
education, which they sometimes see as unnecessary. Kadri and Legendre’s research
also highlighted that these same trainees supported the concept of assimilation,
process whereby minority groups progressively adopt the attitudes, customs and
values of the prevailing culture. In addition, it appears that trainees who had the
strictest attitudes towards cultural diversity and intercultural pedagogy and who
tended to favour the concept of assimilation came from higher social classes (Kadri &
Legendre 2006: 130).
A critical reading of this argument would highlight the reluctance for change on the
basis of maintaining the status quo, from which these individuals especially benefit
considering their location in a high socio-economic position. Moreover, this
individualistic idea of unique personalities masks a great deal of ideological work
done within societies, which stress competition and meritocratic ideals. (This will be
further explained in Chapter 4).
The idea of multicultural education can also appear contentious, as it tends to
essentialise culture into manageable categories. The concepts of culture and identity
are not fixed but changeable and continually negotiated, made and reshaped. As well
worded by Pitknanen (Pitkanen et al. 2006: 19), ‘[Culture] is not a static entity; it
evolves and changes over time’. Individuals come to ‘learn and relearn’ themselves
through their own experiences and their interactions with other people (Allard 2006;
Moro 2007). Implying that groups of people belong to and live in a particular culture
is a simplistic view.
Following this same pattern, the term ethnicity also has its limits. Ethnicity refers to
the membership of a group that is characterised in terms of cultural identity,
language, religion and style of life (Verma & Mallick 1988). However, ethnicity

cannot be reduced to simplified manageable classification. Different groups become
‘ethnic’ depending on the social relations within which they live. For example, the
white working class in the UK can now be considered as ‘ethnic’. Being a hazy
concept, ethnicity is not necessarily a lasting characteristic of an individual’s identity
(Pitkanen et al. 2006).
As a result, the authors and practitioners who work around the concept of
multicultural education need to be very cautious in the way culture, identity, ethnicity
and race are defined and conceptualised. Crude and over-simplified categorization of
people that do not reflect the complex realities might intensify tensions between
individuals from diverse backgrounds.
The debate around multicultural education needs to find ways that neither standardise
nor stigmatise children. It also needs to analyse and deconstruct concepts of identities
in order to help shun ‘essentialistic’ conceptions of identity. This would highlight the
dynamic conception of identity, as opposed to an ethnocentric or deterministic
understanding of the relationship between culture and identity.
Lastly, while critical multiculturalists offer a worthy analysis on the impact of
structural inequalities, their solution seems to be mainly located in a structural
revolution, making any changes in school appear pointless. However, as finely stated
by Banks (1986):
‘Multicultural education alone cannot make structural changes within society. It
can, however, facilitate and reinforce reform movements that can take place
outside schools. The school can promote social criticism and help students to
develop a commitment to human social change.’ (Bank 1986: 224).
There is only so much that educators can do to instigate societal changes. However,
educators can help students realise discrepancies between democratic principles and
realities and give them skills to pressure public authorities for social justice (Bank
1986).
The following section attempts to locate the concept of critical multicultural
education in the context of refugee children.

3.4. MULTICULTURAL EDUCATION IN THE CONTEXT OF REFUGEE
CHILDREN
This section aims at answering the following research question: “What is the
relevance of critical multicultural teacher education in the context of refugees?”
Since the concept of multicultural education is inconclusive, its implementation takes
different forms depending on the stance of those who put it into practice (Mogdil et
al. 1986). The rationale for critical multicultural education appears twofold.
On the one hand, it may help teachers raise their expectation vis-à-vis minority
students’ academic abilities (Bifuh-Ambe 2006). Teachers are expected to realise that
differentials in terms of educational performances might be explained by cultural and
linguistic differences and not necessarily by learning disabilities (Jenks et al. 2001).
Multicultural education would therefore provide a great potential to challenge the
ideology of cultural deficit among teachers. For example, a French teacher was very
troubled by the fact that a pupil, originating from Mali, did not ask any questions in
class. Later on, the father of the girl told the teacher that in the bambara culture ‘a
child that asks questions is an idiot who does not know how to find answers
otherwise’ (Moro 2007: 23 - author’s translation).
On the other hand, critical multicultural education could help students acquire a
critical consciousness of other cultures, languages, beliefs, and experiences (Bifuh-
Ambe 2006). This may offer a potential way forward to address issue of
discrimination against refugee and other migrant children
In the context of asylum seeker and refugee children, multicultural education might
offer the prospect of helping both teachers and refugee children easing into the new
changes brought in by forced migration. It has been argued that the academic
performance of minorities increases alongside teachers’ awareness and appreciation
of their students’ cultural and ethnic background (ibid.). As a result, inter-cultural
competencies could help sensitise teachers to the cultural differences of refugee
children, which could bring a sense of hope and confidence into their relationship

with refugee children. In addition, multicultural education could help teachers find
ways to adopt instructional and assessment methods that are culturally sensitive.
Multicultural education could also help reduce racist and xenophobic attitudes, which
is prevalent in the context of asylum seeker and refugee children, as previously
explained. Teachers can promote tolerance and reduce anti-refugee sentiment among
pupils by increasing understanding and valuing diversity. This would help children in
the school understand and appreciate racial, ethnic, linguistic, religious and other
cultural backgrounds.
By helping teachers and other pupils value and promote diversity, multicultural
education might therefore ease the transition of refugee children in their new school.
These children would feel that their culture is recognised and valued by their teachers
who have trust in their progress. The cultural encounter between refugee children and
children already enrolled in school might also be eased by the existence of a more
peaceful environment.
The following chapters explore the concept of critical multicultural education in the
French context. Rutter (2006) stresses the importance of understanding the context
and history of asylum and immigration policy and its impact on educational policy. In
addition the socio-political context is also thought to play an influential role on
educators’ attitudes (Pitkänen et al. 2002).
Agreeing with both positions, the following chapter aims at politicising issues related
to the education of refugee children in France. Chapter 4 thus introduces the broad
political frame of the French republican tradition inside which the concepts of
immigration and education are understood.

44.. TTHEHE FFRENCH CONTEXTRENCH CONTEXT:: IIMMIGRATION ANDMMIGRATION AND
EDUCATION IN THEEDUCATION IN THE REPUBLICANREPUBLICAN SCRUTINYSCRUTINY
This section aims at answering the following research questions: “How does the
critical literature conceptualise and represent refugees and asylum seekers in France?
and “How does the critical literature conceptualise education and what it means to be
a teacher in France?"
4.1. CONCEPTUALISATION AND REPRESENTATION OF REFUGEES AND
ASYLUM SEEKERS IN FRANCE
4.1.1. FRANCE AND MIGRATION: A BRIEF HISTORICAL ACCOUNT
France has a long tradition of welcoming migrants (Weil 2005). One of the main
reasons is related to her past history as a post-colonial nation. Many immigrants thus
originate from countries that used to be part of the colonial empire (ibid.). The
various immigration influxes throughout history have transformed the ethnic, social,
religious and cultural composition of France, making the nation a real ‘mosaic’ due to
the heterogeneity of its people (Wihtol de Wenden 2007).
Immigration started in the middle of the 19th
century in the context of the Industrial
Revolution when France had to increase its workforce in order to meet the needs of
the expanding economy (Anstett 2006; Dewitte 2003). In addition, the end of WWI
and WWII produced two more waves of immigration due to high human casualties,
declining birth rate and the need for extra workers to help reconstruct the nation
(Wihtol de Wenden 2007). Following the recession brought about by the oil crisis,
France stopped the influx of economic migrants in 1974. From that date, migration
flows were mainly constituted by students, forced migrants as well as migrants
coming under the regroupement familial, or right to family reunion (ibid.).

With regard to forced migrants, France has always been attractive for refugees owing
to its image of the ‘country of the human rights’ (Dewite 2003). After WWI, many
Armenians fled to France as well as people escaping from Nazi or fascist dictatorship,
mainly intellectuals, artists and politicians (ibid.). In the 1970s and 80s, the amount of
asylum seekers, mainly coming from South-East Asian countries, trebled in a very
short period of time, overloading the system charged with dealing with asylum
requests (ibid.). In 2007, there were around 30,000 people seeking refuge in France
mostly from Europe (Serbia, Russia) and Africa (RDC Congo, Congo) (OFPRA
2007).
This brief story sets out the context in which migration flows started. Facing these
multiple migratory movements, France adopted a particular approach, based on its
republican values, in order to integrate newcomers in the society.
4.1.2. FRANCE, IMMIGRATION AND THE REPUBLICAN MODEL
The republican model of citizenship conceptualises the nation as a ‘political
community’, mainly founded on its constitution (Castle & Miller 2003: 44).
Newcomers can join this community as long as they follow the political rules and are
prepared to assimilate to the national culture. The integration of foreigners in the
political community is thought to be a precondition for social and cultural integration
(Castle & Miller 2003). In this model, citizenship takes precedence over community
membership (LeSaout & Kadri 2002). The idea is that specific policies for
immigrants would maintain differences and bring about the development of ghettos.
This suggestion is somewhat ironic when transposed to the French context since the
absence of such policies has not prevented the formation of such ghettos (banlieues)3
.
The republican model of citizenship is thus associated with a notion of
assimilationism. France is generally regarded as being the closest to the
assimiliationist model of citizenship (ibid.). In spite of an incredible ethnic and
3
Banlieues refer to areas of low-income and social housing. These housing estates are mainly
inhabited by minorities from past and present immigration influxes and are characterised by
economic and social hardship.

cultural diversity, ‘France has seen itself and has sought to become a monocultural
society’ (Jennings 2000: 575).
The adoption of this assimiliationist approach in the French Republic finds its origins
in the beliefs in moral universalism, which is the heritage of the French revolution of
1789 and the emancipatory philosophy of the Enlightenment (Laborde 2001). It was
thought that a compilation of identities seeking recognition would erode citizenship
and public unity. However, the main justifying element was however that, in the
republican fraternity, any individual must consider herself/himself primarily as a
citizen of the French Republic based on the fact that human subject are first and
foremost universal (Jennings 2000). This conception can nonetheless be criticised
since the French public sphere is not neutral and universal but infused with the values
of the dominant class, gender, culture and religion.
France is now trying to move away from assimiliationist policies and the High
Council for Integration (HCI) (2006) insists upon the rejection of the assimiliationist
and communautarist4
political conceptions of integration. The latest report of the HCI
indicates that:
‘It seems necessary to distinguish integration and assimilation. The notion of
assimilation constitutes a cultural violence towards citizens with alternative
cultural origins.’ (HCI 2006: 24 – author’s translation).
However, there is a long way to go and the French version of Republicanism,
excluding institutional recognition of minorities, seems to still prevail. For Zappi
(2003), the rise of the extreme right can be associated with a revival of assimilation
policy.
The recent events relating to the prohibition of the veil in the public sphere is a good
example to illustrate the continuing avoidance of group identity politics based on
local, religious and racial identification. Furthermore, the establishment of an
‘integration contract’ was recently established with the following motivation:
4
The French term communautarisme might be understood in English as community-ism. It
refers to people who attach a premium sense of belonging to their social communities instead
of to the whole society inside which they are located.

‘The government wants to combat the threat of dissolution into culturally
distinct communities that would threaten France's national identity.’ (Zappi
2003: no page number).
This contract, whose signature implies that immigrants must follow a special
instruction on the values of the French society in order to receive a residence permit,
also shows that the inculcation of French cultural values on immigrants seems to
persist.
Finally another specificity of the French system in relation to its immigrants is the
absence of ethnic statistics. Contrary to the UK, where nearly all application forms
are accompanied by a monitoring form asking for the ethnic origin of the applicants,
France decided not to use ethnic and racial categories in her statistics (Amiraux &
Simon 2006). However, it has been argued that the non-ethnicisation of statistics
induces the neglect of discriminatory practices in a fantasized colour-blind society
(ibid.).
For Begag (2003), the French republican model of citizenship has failed the
integration of immigrants. One can hypothesize that a malfunctioning system of
integration might contribute to the negative representation of migrants in the French
society. The following section attempts to explore this idea.
4.1.3. FRANCE, IMMIGRATION AND ASYLUM POLICY: CONTEMPORARY
CONCEPTUALISATION AND REPRESENTATION
As previously mentioned, numbers related to migrations need to be treated with
caution. The following statistics, however, help provide a rough extent of the
migration phenomena in the French context. In 2004, there was around 5 million
immigrants in France, namely around 8 per cent of the population (INSEE 2006). In
2006, the population of refugees and asylum-seekers in France reached 186,471
(UNCHR 2006). Bousquet (2006) also highlights that, since 1998, around 250,000
people who were refused the status of refugee may still be living illegally in France.
France is currently in the midst of large-scale changes to policy and opinions
regarding immigration. In terms of asylum seekers and refugees, policies have

drastically changed in the last 15 years. Since 1990, the term ‘asylum crisis’ is often
employed in order to qualify issues related to forced migration (Wihtol de Wenden
2002). Civil wars, violence, political and economic insecurity have produced a new
influx of asylum seekers. Confronted with the growing numbers of these migrants,
France has been diffident in granting them refugee status arguing the need for
countering abuses by people who were thought to be ‘economic migrants’ (Wihtol de
Wenden 2007).
The debate around asylum seekers is centred on the distinction between ‘real’ and
‘fake’ refugees. Hardening policies are directed towards the establishment of strict
legal and administrative criteria in order to sort ‘genuine’ and ‘fake’ asylum seekers
(Noiriel 1999). As explained by Noiriel (ibid.), shifting the focus from the political to
the administrative dimension of asylum has depoliticised the issue.
Major changes were initiated in 2003, after Nicolas Sarkozy’s nomination as the
Minister of Interior. One of his major tasks was related to immigration and on
October 10th
2003, a new law on asylum replaced the provisions of the previous
regulation dated 1952 (CFDA 2007). The new law is set out on the postulate that the
majority of asylum requests are unfounded (ibid.). In accordance with this
assumption, restrictive policies and directives have been implemented to the
detriment of protection requirements making the asylum request less likely to be
accepted.
The recent developments of French policies in this field have resulted in numerical
targets to reduce immigrants by imprisoning and sending back illegal ones. For
example, according to the right wing newspaper Le Figaro, the Ministry of
Immigration ‘proudly’ announced an 80 per cent increase of foreigners’ expulsion in
2008 (Le Figaro 2008). In terms of asylum seekers, this means that 80 per cent of
asylum requests were dismissed in 2006 (OFPRA 2006) while 80 per cent were
accepted twenty years ago (Fassin 2005).
This reversal supports the idea of definitions being political instruments responding
to the logics and politics of the time. As explained by Fassin,

‘Explicit orders had been given by the Ministries of the Interior and Foreign
Affairs to their respective administrations, and police officers in the airports
and bureaucrats of OFPRA have come to view asylum seekers with systematic
suspicion: all candidates for refugee status are now considered, until there is
evidence to the contrary, to be undocumented immigrants seeking to take
advantage of the generosity of the European nations.’ (Fassin 2005: 369).
There seems to be a confusion between immigration and asylum policy in France
since issues related to asylum seekers have not been debated as being a distinct
problem from immigration policies (Delouvin 2000; Wihtol de Wenden 2002). This
increasing integration of asylum policies within immigration policies lead to the
hardening of the asylum system as a whole via the reinforcement of strategies aimed
at slowing immigration (Bousquet 2006). The amalgam between forced and
economic migrants appears dangerous and induces very restrictive asylum policies
that can negate human rights and increase the amount of sans-papiers5
. In May 2007,
the creation of the Ministère de l'Immigration, de l'Intégration, de l'Identité nationale
et du Développement solidaire, the Ministry of Immigration, Integration, National
Identity and Codevelopment, also in charge of issues related to asylum, did not help
in establishing the distinction between economic immigration and asylum (CFDA
2007). In France, the concept of immigrants is often related to people who arrive after
WWII, mainly Arabs from Maghrebian countries (Begag 2003). As explained by
Weil (2005), the integration of these migrants was impeded by the environment
inside which they were located, mainly constituted by unemployment and poor living
conditions. This impacted school quality and the means for social promotion.
Unfortunately, housing conditions have not improved and tensions and deviant
behaviours are frequent in the ‘banlieues’ (ibid.). The riots that took place in 2005
and 2007 are typical examples illustrating the difficult situation of people living in
these areas, who suffer from a lack of opportunities due to negative perceptions of
Islam and discriminations (ibid.). These tensions and civil unrests, based on racial
discrimination and socio-economic difficulties, have a negative impact on the
5
The sans-papiers, estimated between 200 000 and 400 000, refer to people who are living in
France in irregular situation without official documents (Bousquet 2006). Their profiles are
very diverse and can include asylum seekers who had their request refused and decided to
stay in France, as well as those who are discouraged from applying for asylum due to the
high refusal rate.

portrayal of migrants who are commonly associated with unemployment and
delinquency (Brouard & Tiberj 2006).
Immigration and ethnic diversity are often seen as a disruptive challenge to national
identity and the nation state (Castle & Miller 2003). The Front National (FN), the
main extreme right-wing party in France, managed to rally resentments brought about
by unemployment and urban decline, and shaped them around the issues of cultural
difference and immigration (ibid.). The increasing support for the FN has had anti-
immigrant effects across the political spectrum, even in leftist political parties (Weil
1991; Chou & Baygert 2007).
In addition, the media have historically produced a depreciative image of people
originating from the ex-colonies (HCI 2006). In a report on racism and cultural
diversity in the mass media, the EUMC (2002) argues that the French media
discourse often ‘lump together’ issues related to refugees, economic migrants and
ethnic communities that have been established in the country for a long time. The
agency explains that in France:
‘Imbalance in media representations of ethnic minorities as 'threats' to social
order have sustained deep-seated feelings of insecurity and anti-immigrant
attitude.’ (EUMC 2002: 69).
The amalgam between immigration and asylum issues, the adoption of increasingly
restrictive measures related to migrants, as well as the negative media coverage on
individuals coming from immigration fluxes, influence the representation of migrants
in the collective imaginary. It is not uncommon to hear anti-immigrant opinions
advocating the causal link between immigration and increases of crime rate and
unemployment, decreases of wage rate, and strains on social welfare programs. As
mentioned by Dewitte (2003), immigration is commonly blamed for all problems,
especially in times of socio-economic crisis. Mingled in this type of discourse,
asylum seekers are usually perceived as impostors, simulators, economic refugees
and disguised migrants (Dewitte 2002; Brachet 2002).
This section set out the past and present situation of immigration in France in order to
locate a politicised issue in a political context. After conceptualising migrations and

refugees in the French context, it is time to explore the influence of the Republican
tradition on the concepts of education and teachers in France.
4.2. THE CONCEPT OF EDUCATION IN THE FRENCH REPUBLICAN
TRADITION
When Jennings analysed republicanism and multiculturalism in France, the political
theorist clearly expressed the view that:
‘School has been the principal site for the inculcation of republican virtues’
(Jennings 2000: 579).
Laborde (2001) argues that the philosophy of French republicanism continues to give
substance to public policy. Wihtol de Wenden (2003) goes further in this idea and
points out that in the past, French education functioned as an instrument of
socialisation and homogenisation of a culturally diversified country.
The analysis of the republican model of schooling can be linked back with the
previous analysis of immigration in relation to the republican model of integration
(see section 4.1.2). The French republic is based on four core principles: liberty,
equality, fraternity and laïcité (French term that refers to its secular nature) and public
schools have always aimed at implementing those principles (Laborde 2001). In
relation to these main values, the mission of public French schools is to treat each
child as an independent human being, able to move away from her/his ethnic, social
and cultural affiliations in order to bring her/him into a ‘culture of reason’ (Kadri &
Legendre 2006). This means that cultural identities are assumed as residing in the
private sphere for the sake of the fundamental unity of human beings and to ensure
that everybody is treated equally.
This approach assumes that people have the ability of self-determination based on
reason instead of on instinctive ethnic, cultural and social attachments (Laborde
2001). The republican school is therefore conceptualized as a privileged locus that
allows individuals to rise above diversity to promote national unity. Considered as

neutral places, schools can detach individuals from their cultural and social
attachment in order for the individual to realise their potential, regardless of their
origins (LeSaout & Kadri 2002).
Dewitte (2003) put this republican and laic tradition in relation to the experience of
migrants. The researcher claims that the French tradition of republican universalism
put immigrants’ sense of belonging in the background. By refusing the expression of
minority culture, the republican model of schooling has unwittingly deprived
immigrants of cultural and social existence (ibid.).
This conception of schooling is not without criticisms. For left radicals, ‘cultural-
blind universalism’ operates as an ‘ideological mystification’ that is responsible for
maintaining the status quo, namely the persistence of structures of domination
(Laborde 2001: 721). An earlier argument underlined the absence of neutrality in the
French public sphere, which is instilled as the implicit values of the dominant class,
gender, culture and religion. Just like the dominant group cannot escape its identities,
which are present in all areas, it is impossible for minority groups to refuse elements
that are part of their identity, such as their culture and religion.
Another criticism relates to Allard’s analysis about the focus on ‘sameness’ in
schools (Allard 2006). The concept of equality means that each individual has the
right to be treated in a fair and just manner regardless her/his ethnicity, class, race and
gender. However, it is not because people are entitled to identical rights that everyone
should be treated the same. As explained by Allard (ibid.):
‘Treating everyone the same may not mean treating everyone fairly, since in
many ways such notions of ‘sameness’ negate material and/or embodied
differences’. (Allard 2006: 326).
For the researcher, it is essential to take into account these differences since children
with diverse backgrounds (ethnic, cultural and linguistic for example) might not have
the same ‘meaning-making system’ as the majority (ibid.). As a result, the French
focus on the principle of equality in school means that minority groups might be
marginalised if their cultural practices deviate from those of the hegemonic cultural
group. In fact, LeSaout and Legendre (2006) argue that the French republican model

of integration is in crisis. Public sector schools are thought to function under a logic
of segregation. In various schools, social and ethnic polarisation induces school
failure amongst certain classes and widespread violence (ibid.).
To palliate the shortcomings related to the two above criticisms, Taylor (1994) argues
that political institutions and practices should be responsive to sentiments of cultural
belonging.
After providing some key aspects related to the education system, the next section
provides a brief explanation of the functioning of the French system of teacher
training as well as the skills future teachers are expected to possess.
4.3. THE FRENCH SYSTEM OF TEACHER TRAINING AND THE ROLE OF
TEACHERS
In France, the teaching profession was created in 1792 (Troger & Ruano-Borbalan
2005). From 1833, future teachers had to go to the Ecoles Normales, normal schools,
in order to be trained for teaching in elementary schools. Around fifty years later,
teachers became civil servants, classification which is still in use.
The Direction Générale de l’Enseignement Scolaire (DGESCO) is the main
governmental body in charge of orienting policies related to initial teacher training
(MEN 2006). Since 1989, the Instituts Universitaires de Formation des Maîtres
(IUFMs), post-graduate teacher training institutes, replaced the Ecoles Normales
(Troger & Ruano-Borbalan 2005). The DGESCO policies are translated and
implemented independently in each IUFM, which are responsible in each county for
the initial training of primary school teachers. Since 2005, the government has
increased the regulations of the teaching profession by introducing specific
competencies that teachers need to acquire during their training. (See table 1 below).
In order to be accepted in an IUFM, future teachers need to pass a competitive exam
after having obtained any Bachelor degree. When the competitive exam is

successfully passed, students become paid trainee civil servant and start their
yearlong training program (IUFM nd).
During this year, the trainees follow modules that relate to institutional, pedagogical
and ethical aspects of the job as well as other units that provide them with
competency in the subjects they will teach (ibid.). Trainees also have to do practical
placement in schools. The aim of the training system is to help future teachers
develop a portfolio of 10 professional competencies that define the role of a teacher
in France (as shown in Table 1 below).
TABLE 1: 10 PROFESSIONAL COMPETENCIES OF THE FRENCH TEACHER
1 To act as a civil servant in a responsible and ethical manner
(Agir en fonctionnaire de l’Etat et de façon éthique et responsible)
2 To have an excellent knowledge of the French language in order to teach and
communicate effectively
(Maîtriser la langue française pour enseigner et communiquer)
(Maîtriser la langue française pour enseigner et communiquer)
3 To have a good level of general knowledge and to have control of the different
taught subjects
(Maîtriser les disciplines et avoir une bonne culture générale)
(Maîtriser les disciplines et avoir une bonne culture générale)
4 To plan and deliver effective lessons
(Concevoir et mettre en oeuvre son enseignement)
5 To organise work in the classroom
(Organiser le travail de la classe)
6 To allow for pupils’ diversity
(Prendre en compte la diversité des élèves)
7 To assess pupils
(Evaluer les élèves)
8 To effectively use information and communication technologies for teaching and
learning
(Maîtriser les technologies de l’information et de la communication)
9 To be able to work within a team and cooperate with parents and school’s
partners
(Travailler en équipe et coopérer avec les parents et les partenaires de l’école)
10 To innovate and commit to continuing professional development
(Se former et innover)
SOURCE: MEN (2007: ND) AND AUTHOR’S TRANSLATION

Competency number six will be of particular interest in the following chapter, which
analyses to what extent the French system of teacher training takes into account
aspects of critical multicultural education.
55.. EEDUCATIONAL PROVISIONDUCATIONAL PROVISION FOR REFUGEEFOR REFUGEE
CHILDREN AND CRITICACHILDREN AND CRITICAL MULTICULTURALL MULTICULTURAL
EDUCATION IN THEEDUCATION IN THE FFRENCH CONTEXTRENCH CONTEXT
5.1. EDUCATIONAL PROVISION FOR REFUGEE CHILDREN: A BRIEF
EXPLANATION
The French education system does not have any special provision for refugee
children. As a result, the educational institutions locate these children in the
‘category’ of Enfants Nouvellement Arrivés en France (ENAFs), children newly
arrived in France (Goi 2005). ENAFs are defined as children who were not schooled
in France the previous year and whose level of schooling might not allow the
immediate integration in mainstream classes (ibid.). As expected, this category is
very heterogeneous and refers to a variety of children, including for example the child
of an English family recently settled in France for job purposes to the unaccompanied
refugee minor.
Not only refugee children have the right to go to schools when they arrive in France,
they also have a duty to enrol until the age of 16 (GISTI 2004). The reception and
registration of refugee children varies depending on the regional education authority
(Delarue 2005). At their arrival, refugee children are given a test order to evaluate
their level of previous schooling as well as their competencies in the French
language. Following this test, refugee children are placed in mainstream class or in a
classe d’initiation (CLIN), initiation class, depending on the availabilities and the
geographical location of these special classes (Goi 2005).

The mission of CLINs is to teach French and help children catch up with their
backwardness at school in order to be able to integrate the mainstream system as soon
as possible (Galligani 2007). In order to teach in CLIN, teachers usually need to have
a special qualification.
The analysis of this paper focuses on refugee children who are integrated directly in
mainstream classes. This choice has been made on the basis of two main reasons. The
CLIN can only take around 15 children per class and many ENAFs cannot benefit
from this structure (Galligani 2007). Secondly, the CLIN is only a transitional
structure and every refugee children will eventually integrate into a mainstream class
since ENAF can attend a CLIN for a maximum of two years (Goi 2005).
It appears necessary to analyse whether the type of training received by mainstream
teachers takes into account elements of critical multicultural education, which was
thought to be relevant in the context of refugee children. (See Chapter 3). This is
done in the following section.
5.2. CRITICAL MULTICULTURAL EDUCATION IN THE FRENCH
CONTEXT
This section aims at answering the following research question: “To what extent does
the French system of teacher training take into account aspects of critical
multicultural education?”
In order to explore this question, two methods of investigation were used. Various
documents were critically examined in order to analyse the issue at the policy and
practical levels. The official specifications of the profession were therefore
scrutinized alongside a range of studies evaluating the French system of teacher
training. Two recently qualified teachers were also interviewed about their training in
order to extend the findings and get underneath the rhetoric.

5.2.1. DOCUMENTARY ANALYSIS
Périer (2001) undertook a study among 858 teachers, using questionnaires and
interviews, in order to have their opinions on the training they received. The study
revealed that the IUFM training was insufficient to prepare teachers to deal with
students’ heterogeneity (ibid.). Most teachers explained that they did not receive
enough knowledge on the heterogeneity of pupils they would teach and more
specifically, they felt they were not taught how to practically adapt their teaching to
this diversity of students. Unfortunately, Périer’s study does not reveal whether
heterogeneity refers to ethnic/cultural, social, linguistic differences or to academic
ability.
The absence of definition of what is meant by diversity in Périer’s analysis is not so
surprising since even the state policy document related to teacher training seems
deficient in distinguishing the multiple meaning of ‘diversity’. As explained in
section 4.3, one of the competencies that French teachers need to acquire relate to
diversity (competency number six ‘ to allow for pupils’ diversity, confer Table 1 p.
41). A close look at the policy document (MEN 2007) is needed in order to
understand how the state conceptualises the notion of diversity.
The policy document (ibid.) reveals that allowing for pupils’ diversity implies that
teachers need to differentiate their teaching in relation to the needs and faculties of
her/his pupils. In addition, the text also stresses that teachers need to encourage pupils
to have a positive attitude about ‘the other’ and about differences in respect to the
values and communal rules of the Republic (ibid.). Information related to learning
mechanisms, cognitive psychology, children with disability and learning difficulties
are then mentioned.
This state policy fits in the Republican model that does not recognise cultural
differences and its implication for learning processes. At the policy level, it appears
that the state conceptualises diversity primarily in terms of the heterogeneity of
academic ability to the detriment of the cultural and ethnic diversity amongst pupils.

Hedibel’s study (2002) also appears relevant to this analysis. Hedibel worked as a
teacher educator in the IUFM Nord-Pas-de-Calais, located in the Northern France.
She recounts her experience in establishing and teaching a module called ‘Pupils
from here, pupils from there, schools and cultural diversity’ (Élèves d’ici, enfants
d’ailleurs, les établissements scolaires et la diversité culturelle) in 2000 (Hedibel
2002).
This study is interesting in that it demonstrates that some practitioners in the field
recognise the cultural diversity of school populations and take action to raise
awareness among training teachers. However, the examination of the website of the
IUFM Nord-Pas-de-Calais (www.lille.iufm.fr/) reveals that this option is not offered
anymore. This shows that initiatives in this area might remain localised in specific
time and place. It is thus difficult to estimate the numbers of intercultural training
programmes in France or to evaluate their impact due to the ephemeral aspect of the
programmes as well as a ‘lack of centralised information’ (EUMC 2004: 89).
The above studies show that elements of critical multicultural education do not
appear institutionalised across the French teacher training system. This does not mean
that modules aiming at providing future teachers with intercultural competencies are
absent of all IUFMs. Some committed educators seem to be trying to implement
multicultural units. It appears interesting to analyse the content of one of these units.
After an email conversation with Marjorie, a teacher trainee who just completed her
training in the IUFM Metz, it emerged that the training institute offers an optional
module called ‘Languages and Intercultural competencies’. Having followed the unit,
Marjorie agreed to send the handout (see Appendix 2). The translation of the handout
in English is very difficult since technical terms are used throughout. However, what
emerge from the analysis of the handout is that most of the module is based on the
didactics of languages, such as French, but also foreign languages, such as English or
German, depending on the choice of the candidate. This module seems to aim at
providing trainee teachers with skills related to linguistics. This module thus seems
rather far from providing future teachers with knowledge related to critical
multicultural education, as detailed in Chapter 3.

In addition, it is important to remember that the module followed by Marjorie was
optional. It appeared relevant to interview recently qualified teachers who had not
followed such an option. Amélia and Sophie, who studied in two distinct IUFMs,
were approached in order to obtain more up-to-date information and a deeper
understanding of current practices in these two IUFMs.
5.2.2. INTERVIEW AND EMAILS ANALYSIS
Amélia and Sophie were asked various questions related to their training (excerpts of
these questions can be found in Appendix 3). The following analysis is based on one
of these questions:
‘One of the 10 competencies that French teacher need to acquire is “to allow for
pupils’ diversity”. According to you, how does the training you received allow you to
obtain this competency?’
Amélia and Sophie appeared very critical in their replies. Amélia explained that her
main criticism towards her training was that actually nothing addressed the question
of diversity. She explained: ‘we had nothing on the cultural heterogeneity of students,
nothing on disabled children, nothing on foreigners’. Having being travelling and
working in various countries, Amélia seemed to conceptualise diversity in terms of
academic ability as well as cultural diversity. When it was mentioned that allowing
for pupils’ diversity was yet one of the core competencies they were supposed to
acquire, Amélia laughed and recalled one of her experiences. During one of her
placements, she had a Chinese girl in her class who could not speak French. When
she questioned her tutor about issues related to this Chinese girl, her tutor made the
following comment: ‘You are not trained for that anyway!’ Amélia then explained
that her tutor implied that she should not focus her time and energy on these issues.
Sophie conceptualised diversity more in terms of academic ability and explained that
she did not think that the training she received provided her with tools to practically
manage this issue. She thought that this was probably something teachers learn on the
job thanks to experience, but recognised that big mistakes were probably committed
beforehand. Subsequently, Sophie was asked whether she thought the yearlong

training programme took into consideration elements related to the ethnic and cultural
diversity of pupils. To that question, Sophie stated: ‘Not at all and it is very grieving’
before explaining that she did not think the trainers at the IUFM could answer
questions related to these aspects.
Amélia and Sophie were also asked whether their yearlong training mentioned
information about ENAFs, non-French speaker children, refugee children and the role
of the CASNAVs. Both of them explained that their training did not raise these
issues.
The analysis of various documents, the interview with Amélia, the electronic
responses from Sophie as well as the analysis of the handout ‘Languages and
Intercultural competencies’ provided by Marjorie, illustrate the relative absence of
elements of critical multicultural education in the French training system. This is not
without consequences for refugee children and their communities.
66.. IIMPLICATIONS OF THE FMPLICATIONS OF THE FINDINGSINDINGS,, GENERALGENERAL
REFLECTIONS AND CONCREFLECTIONS AND CONCLUSIONSLUSIONS
This section aims at answering the research question: “What are the likely
consequences and impacts of the current system of teacher training on refugee pupils
and communities?”
This section also provides some reflections on the French education system and
provides conclusions of the research.

6.1. LIKELY CONSEQUENCES AND IMPACTS OF THE FRENCH
TEACHER TRAINING SYSTEM ON THE SCHOOLING OF REFUGEE
CHILDREN AND ON THEIR COMMUNITIES
Many teachers seem to hold negative views about ENAFs, which result in attitudes
dismissive of some students’ difficulties in integrating into the school system
(Galligani 2007; Schiff 2004). Due to their lack of expertise and experience in their
initial training, teachers may fear that they are not able to manage the integration of a
refugee child. In addition, they tend to ignore the identity and cultural world of these
children (ibid.).
It could be argued that people construct themselves positively when their roots are
recognised and valued. For Moro (2007), the non-recognition and the absence of
appreciation of these roots can entail a risque tranculturel, or transcultural risk,
whereby a child is suspended between two cultures without being able to find her/his
place. Being between different and sometimes opposed norms and values at home
and at school, refugee children might be confused and develop behavioural problems.
Schiff (2007) explains that ENAFs generally have a very positive opinion of schools
when they arrive in the host country. These children are very hopeful that school will
help them integrate in their new environment and fulfil their aspirations. However,
Schiff’s study (ibid.) reveals that these children tend to suffer from the negative
attitudes of other pupils who tease them. Critical multicultural education aims at
developing capacity for ‘cultural decentring6
’ in order to understand people’s
perspectives. Due to a lack of intercultural competencies, teachers might not have
practical tools to reduce racist and xenophobic attitudes among pupil.
6
In this context, the expression refers to the French term décentration, i.e the ability of
individuals to move away from any kinds of ethnocentrism in order to understand the
perspectives and subjectivity of people with different cultural backgrounds. It opposes to the
concept of centration whereby individuals tend to neglect some aspects of a situation by
focusing on a single aspect. (For more information on décentration, see
http://www.fondationjeanpiaget.ch).

Republicanism vs Multiculturalism - A critical analysis of the French system of teacher training

Republicanism vs Multiculturalism - A critical analysis of the French system of teacher training

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