Received 03/29/11 Revised 01/17/12 Accepted 03/08/12 Attachment Style Differences and Depression in African American and European American College Women: Normative Adaptations? Eileen L. Cooley and Amber L. Garcia This study examined ethnic differences in attachment styles and depression among African American and European American coiiege women. African American women reported less favorabie views of others, which suggests that attachment styles emphasizing caution in reiationships may be normative and adaptive for these women. There were no differences between groups in views of self or reports of depressive symptoms. Implications for long-term reiationships and counseling are discussed. Keywords: attachment, African American, relationships, depression Este estudio examinó ias diferencias étnicas en estilos de apego y depresión entre estudiantes universitarias Afroamericanas y Euroamericanas. Las mujeres Afroamericanas expresaron una visión menos favorable sobre los demás, lo que sugiere que los estilos de apego que enfatizan la precaución en las relaciones pueden ser normativos para estas mujeres, y el resultado de su adaptación. No hubo diferencias entre los grupos en cuanto a la visión de sí mismas o expresión de síntomas depresivos. Se discuten las implicaciones para ias relaciones a largo plazo y la consejería. Palabras clave: apego. Afroamericano, relaciones, depresión T he foundation for adult attachment lies in the classic infant-caretaker attachment process first proposed by Bowlby (1969) and later Ainsworth (1989). According to attachment theory, there is an emotional bond formed between an infant and her or his caretaker. Securely attached children are able to explore their environments, whereas children who are not securely attached are less confident about their actions. Attachment theory has been examined across different national and ethnic groups, and there is evidence to support the idea that attachment is a universal process (for a review, see van IJzendoorn & Sagi-Schwartz, 2008). From these early caretaker-child in- teractions, children develop a characteristic style of attachment that persists into adulthood (e.g., Bartholomew & Horowitz, 1991; Hazan & Shaver, 1987; Waters, Merrick, Treboux, Crowell, & Albersheim, 2000). Although adult attachment has been given considerable attention over the past 20 years, researchers are just beginning to examine how adult attachment might differ across ethnic and cultural groups. Several studies on attachment Eileen L. Cooley, Department of Psychology, Agnes Scott College, Decatur, Ceorgia; Amber L. Carda, Depart- ment of Psychology, The College of Wooster, Wooster, Ohio. Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Eileen L. Cooley, Department of Psychology, Agnes Scott College, 141 East College Avenue, Decatur, CA 30030 (e-mail: [email protected]). © 2012 American Counseling Association. All rights reserved. 2 1 6 JOURNAL OF MULTICULTURAL COUNSELING A ...

1. Received 03/29/11
Revised 01/17/12
Accepted 03/08/12
Attachment Style Differences and
Depression in African American and
European American College Women:
Normative Adaptations?
Eileen L. Cooley and Amber L. Garcia
This study examined ethnic differences in attachment styles and
depression
among African American and European American coiiege
women. African
American women reported less favorabie views of others, which
suggests
that attachment styles emphasizing caution in reiationships may
be normative
and adaptive for these women. There were no differences
between groups in
views of self or reports of depressive symptoms. Implications
for long-term
reiationships and counseling are discussed.
Keywords: attachment, African American, relationships,
depression
Este estudio examinó ias diferencias étnicas en estilos de apego
y depresión

2. entre estudiantes universitarias Afroamericanas y
Euroamericanas. Las mujeres
Afroamericanas expresaron una visión menos favorable sobre
los demás,
lo que sugiere que los estilos de apego que enfatizan la
precaución en las
relaciones pueden ser normativos para estas mujeres, y el
resultado de su
adaptación. No hubo diferencias entre los grupos en cuanto a la
visión de sí
mismas o expresión de síntomas depresivos. Se discuten las
implicaciones
para ias relaciones a largo plazo y la consejería.
Palabras clave: apego. Afroamericano, relaciones, depresión
T
he foundation for adult attachment lies in the classic infant-
caretaker
attachment process first proposed by Bowlby (1969) and later
Ainsworth
(1989). According to attachment theory, there is an emotional
bond
formed between an infant and her or his caretaker. Securely
attached children
are able to explore their environments, whereas children who
are not securely
attached are less confident about their actions. Attachment
theory has been
examined across different national and ethnic groups, and there
is evidence
to support the idea that attachment is a universal process (for a
review, see
van IJzendoorn & Sagi-Schwartz, 2008). From these early
caretaker-child in-

3. teractions, children develop a characteristic style of attachment
that persists
into adulthood (e.g., Bartholomew & Horowitz, 1991; Hazan &
Shaver, 1987;
Waters, Merrick, Treboux, Crowell, & Albersheim, 2000).
Although adult attachment has been given considerable
attention over the
past 20 years, researchers are just beginning to examine how
adult attachment
might differ across ethnic and cultural groups. Several studies
on attachment
Eileen L. Cooley, Department of Psychology, Agnes Scott
College, Decatur, Ceorgia; Amber L. Carda, Depart-
ment of Psychology, The College of Wooster, Wooster, Ohio.
Correspondence concerning this article should
be addressed to Eileen L. Cooley, Department of Psychology,
Agnes Scott College, 141 East College Avenue,
Decatur, CA 30030 (e-mail: [email protected]).
© 2012 American Counseling Association. All rights reserved.
2 1 6 JOURNAL OF MULTICULTURAL COUNSELING AND
DEVELOPMENT • October 2012 • Vol. 40
have made comparisons between American or Canadian
undergraduate college
students and non-Western undergraduate students. Wang and
Mallinckrodt
(2006) found that Taiwanese students' expectations of ideal
attachment were
significantly higher on anxiety and avoidance; You and Malley-
Morrison (2000)

4. reported higher ratings of preoccupied attachment styles among
Korean
students; and DiTommaso, Brannen, and Burgess (2005)
reported Chinese
students as less secure in peer relationships.
In addition to these cross-national findings, differences in adult
attachment
styles have been found across cultures within the United States.
For example,
among college students, Asian American participants have been
found to be
significantly higher on both anxiety and avoidance than
participants from
other ethnic groups (Wei, Russell, Mallinckrodt, 8c Zakalik,
2004). African
American participants have been found to be higher on the
avoidance dimen-
sion of attachment compared with European Americans (Lopez,
Melendez,
& Rice, 2000; Wei et al., 2004). Less secure attachment styles
also have been
found among older African American adults compared with
their European
American counterparts (Montague, Magai, Consedine, &
GiUespie, 2003).
Research has found that African Americans may expect
rejection in relation-
ships (Cnaulati & Heine, 2001) and report more interpersonal
avoidance
(Lopez et al., 2000; Wei et al., 2004).
Across research studies on adult attachment, the majority of
participants
respond in ways that classify them as securely attached (e.g.,
Bartholomew

5. & Horowitz, 1991; Hazan & Shaver, 1987), and it has become
apparent that
not being securely attached can have negative implications for
mental health.
Insecure attachment styles have been linked to depression
(Roberts, Gotlib, &
Kassel, 1996; Rosenstein & Horowitz, 1996; Wei et al., 2004;
Whiffen, Kallos-
Lilly, & MacDonald, 2001), negative responses to stress (Kemp
8c Neimeyer,
1999; Mikulincer & Florian, 1998), and adjustment difficulties
within marriage
(Heene, Buysse, & Van Oost, 2007), among other variables.
These links between attachment styles, ethnic identity, and
mood are par-
ticularly important for women, because women are more likely
to experi-
ence depression in their lifetime compared with men (Kessler et
al., 2003).
However, research on the prevalence of depression for African
Americans
is mixed, and there is a lack of research data on depression
specifically for
African American women (Carrington, 2006). With regard to
gender, most
research indicates differences in attachment styles, but the
nature of these
differences varies across studies (Gnaulati & Heine, 2001;
Schmitt et al., 2003;
Sorokou & Weissbrod, 2005; Weckwerth & Flynn, 2006). At the
same time,
research suggests that attachment styles may predict depression
for women
but not for men (Reis & Grenyer, 2004).

6. To better understand how race and attachment style are
associated with
depression in women, we examined ethnic differences in
attachment styles
and the relationships between depression and attachment styles
for Euro-
JOURNALOF MULTICULTURAL COUNSELING AND
DEVELOPMENT • October 2012 • Vol. 40 2 1 7
pean American and African American college women. On the
basis of prior
research, we predicted that African American women would be
more likely
to report insecure attachment styles compared with European
American
women (Cnaulad & Heine, 2001; Lopez et al., 2000; Wei et al.,
2004). We also
explored how reports of depression might differ between these
ethnic groups
and vary with attachment styles. The results have important
implicadons for
counseling college women of diverse ethnic backgrounds.
mpt.bnd
PARTICIPANTS AND PROCEDURE
Participants (Â = 385) were composed of 288 European
American and 97
African American college women ranging in age from 17 to 57
years old (M
= 20 years, SD= 5.55). Participants were recruited across
several semesters to
provide adequate group samples to facilitate the comparison of

7. ethnic group
responses. Participants attended a small liberal arts college for
women in a
large metropolitan area in the southeastern United States, and
we adminis-
tered the study in classes and in group setdngs outside of class.
Participants
took approximately 30 minutes to complete this survey, which
was reviewed
and approved by the college's institutional review board. We
conducted t
tests to examine group differences between European American
and African
American women.
MEASURES
Adult attachment style. Attachment style was measured with the
Reladonship
Quesdonnaire (Bartholomew & Horowitz, 1991). The
Reladonship Quesdon-
naire measures a two-dimensional, four-category attachment
style model used
to idendfy pardcipants' attachment style as secure, dismissing,
preoccupied, or
fearful. The secure and preoccupied subtypes share a posidve
view of others,
the dismissing and fearful subtypes have a negadve view of
others, the secure
and dismissing subtypes share a posidve self-view, and the
preoccupied and fear-
ful subtypes share a negadve self-perspecdve. Pardcipants rated
each of these
four styles using a 1- to 7-point scale to indicate how typical
each statement was
with regard to their behavior in close reladonships. Radngs

8. varied from 1 (very
unlike me) to 7 (very like me) on these dimensional radngs of
attachment style.
Bartholomew and Horowitz (1991) predicted and found that
measures of
sociability disdnguished the secure and preoccupied groups
from the fear-
ful and dismissing groups. Sociability was posidvely correlated
with secure (r
= .36) and preoccupied (r = .24) attachment styles and
negadvely correlated
with fearful (r= -.41) and dismissing (r = -.20) attachment
styles. Similarly,
self-concept measures disdnguished the secure and dismissing
styles from the
preoccupied and fearful styles. Specifically, the secure and
dismissing attach-
2 1 8 JOURNAL OF MULTICULTURAL COUNSELING AND
DEVELOPMENT • October 2012 • Vol. 40
ment styles were positively correlated, witb measures of self-
confidence ranging
from .20 to .41 {ps < .05). The fearful and preoccupied
attacbment styles were
negatively correlated, witb these same measures ranging from -
.18 to -.49 {ps
< .06). Tbese distinctions were evident across multiple sources,
including inter-
views, self-reports, and peer reports. Coefficient alpbcis for tbe
four attacbment
styles ranged from .87 to .95. Tbis categorical measure of
attacbment bas been

9. found to correspond favorably witb continuous models of
attacbment (Lopez
8c Gormley, 2002), and tbere is evidence for moderate stability
over time in
self-reported attacbment style (Davila, Bürge, & Hammen,
1997).
Depressed mood. Mood was measured witb tbe Beck Depression
Inventory-II
(BDI-II; Beck, Steer, & Brown, 1996). Tbe BDI-II is a 21-item
self-report scale
measuring current symptoms of depression. Eacb item is rated
on a 0-3 scale,
witb bigber scores corresponding to more symptoms of
depression. We made
a sligbt modification to tbe scale; Item 9, wbicb assesses
suicidal thinking
and intention, was omitted and treated as a missing item for tbe
majority
of participants, in response to review board concerns about
obtaining tbis
information at a small college. Prorated BDI-II scores were
calculated to
adjust for tbis missing item. Tbis adjustment produced few
cbanges in test
scores; scores from 0 to 9 were uncbanged, scores of 10 to 29
were increased
by 1, and scores of 30 to 48 were increased by 2. Scores for 12
participants
witb two BDI items missing (Item 9 plus one otber) were also
prorated to
provide total depression scores. No more tban two items were
missing from
any BDI-II score. Tbe BDI-II has been found to correlate
significantly witb
tbe Hamilton Psycbiatric Rating Scale for Depression (r = .71;

10. Beck et al.,
1996). For tbe current study, coefficient alpba for tbe BDI-II
based on 20
items was .91 {n = 364).
results
ATTACHMENT STYLES AND ETHNIC GROUPS
By using tbe 1-7 dimensional ratings of eacb attacbment style,
attacbment
views of tbe "self scores were created by subtracting tbe sum of
preoccupied
and fearful ratings from tbe sum of secure and dismissing
ratings. Tbus, bigber
scores reflect a more favorable view of tbe self. Attacbment
"otber" scores
were created by subtracting the sum of dismissing and fearful
ratings from
tbe sum of secure and preoccupied ratings, witb bigber scores
corresponding
to a more favorable view of otber people (see Griffin &
Bartbolomew, 1994).
Tbe mean view of self was 1.62 {SD = 4.25) for African
American women and
1.13 {SD = 4.28) for European American women, and tbis
difference was
not significantly different, ¿(383) = -0.97, p > .05. Tbe mean
view of otber
was -0.92 {SD = 4.05) for African American women and 0.78
{SD = 4.31) for
European American women, and tbis difference was statistically
significant,
¿(383) =3.42,/?< .01.
JOURNAL OF MULTICULTURAL COUNSELING AND
DEVELOPMENT • October 2012 • Vol. 40 219

11. ATTACHMENT STYLES, ETHNIC GROUP, AND
DEPRESSION
Tbe overall mean depression score ranged between 0 and 50
witb a mean
of 12.14 (SD = 9.50). Tbe mean depression score was 12.05 (SD
= 9.56) for
African American women and 12.17 (SD = 9.44) for European
American
women. Tbis difference was not statistically different, ¿(371) =
0.10, p> .05.
Using hierarcbical linear regression analysis, we examined race,
view of self,
view of other, and tbe interaction between Race x Self and Race
x Otber as
predictors of depression. All variables were centered prior to
analyses. In Step
1, we entered race as a predictor of depression. In Step 2, we
added view of
self and view of otber. In Step 3, we added tbe Race x Self and
Race x Otber
interaction terms. Model 1 was not significant, F(l, 371) = 0.01,
and did not
account for any of tbe variance in depression scores. Model 2
was significant,
F(S, 369) = 30.76, p < .001, and accounted for 20% of the
variance. Model 3
was also significant, F(5, 367) = 18.58, p < .001; bowever, it
did not account
for any more variance in depression scores tban Model 2 (20%).
Tbe regres-
sion results (see Table 1) indicate tbat more positive views of

12. self and otber
were associated with lower levels of depression for botb etbnic
groups. Tbe
lack of interaction between participant race and tbe attacbment
predictors
indicates tbat tbe pattern of relationsbips between depression
and attacbment
styles was the same for African American and European
American women.
Hismssion
In the current study, we examined tbe relationsbip between
adult attacbment
styles and depression among African American and European
American college
women. Our bypotbesis that African American college-age
women would be
more likely than European American college-age women to
report insecure
attacbment styles was partially supported. Specifically, African
American col-
lege women reported more negative views of otbers in
comparison witb tbeir
European American peers but were similar in tbeir overall view
of tbemselves.
TABLE 1
Hierarchical Multiple Regression Analysis
Predicting Depression
Predictor
Step1
Participant race

13. Step 2
View of self
View of other
Step 3
Race X View of Self
Race X View of Other
B
-.01
-.42**
-.10*
.02
-.05
FP
.00
.20**
.00
*p< .05. **p< .01.
2 2 0 JOURNAL OF MULTICULTURAL COUNSELING AND
DEVELOPMENT • October 2012 • Vol. 40
However, these groups did not differ in magnitude of depression
scores, and
the relationships among attachment-related variables and

14. depression scores
produced the same pattern of results for both groups of women.
The results of this study are consistent with previous research
reporting differ-
ences in attachment patterns between African American and
European American
adults (Magai et al., 2001; Wei et al., 2004). Although our study
examined adult
attachment, these ethnic differences have also been documented
in the child
attachment literature (Bakermans-Kranenburg, van IJzendoorn,
& Kroonenberg,
2004). In particular, Bakermans-Kranenburg et al. (2004) found
evidence that
stress associated with poverty contributes to an outcome in
which low-income
African American mothers may be less sensitive to their infants
and that this lack
of maternal sensitivity can lead to insecure attachment. These
authors stress that
poverty, not culture or ethnicity, is the driving force behind this
dynamic. Poverty
could have also been an influence in our findings, so future
researchers may find
it useful to control for family income.
On the surface, our finding that African American women are
less likely
than European American women to report favorable styles of
attachment to
other people appears negative. Given the number of studies that
have linked
secure attachment (i.e., positive attachment style views of self
and other) to
better psychological and interpersonal functioning (e.g.,

15. Gonstantine, 2006;
Liu, Nagata, Shono, & Kitamura, 2009), secure attachment
might appear to
be the ideal attachment style. However, if reporting less
favorable perspec-
tives of others is commonly endorsed by a group, we suggest
this "less secure"
approach to interpersonal relationships may be both normative
and adap-
tive. Attachment style differences between African American
and European
American women raise questions about the assumption of secure
styles of
attachment always being the most common and desirable style.
Adult attachment may be open to contextual and cultural
differences
beyond childhood attachment. For example, differences in
heterosexual
romantic relationship experiences might help to explain why
higher levels
of relationship avoidance and anxiety might be observed, or
even preferred,
by members of different ethnic groups. For example, both male
and female
African Americans are more likely to remain unmarried, more
likely to
marry at an older age, and more likely to get divorced compared
with their
European American counterparts (Dixon, 2009). Given these
trends at a
societal level, it is not surprising that African Americans are
particularly
likely to expect rejection from relationships (Gnaulati & Heine,
2001) and
report more interpersonal avoidance (Lopez et al., 2000; Wei et

16. al., 2004).
The prospects for same-race heterosexual romantic partnerships
might be
especially gloomy for college-educated African American
women, because
African American men have higher unemployment and mortality
rates, are
more likely to be incarcerated, and are less likely to have a
college educa-
tion in comparison with European American men (as cited in
Dixon, 2009).
JOURNAL OF MULTICULTURAL COUNSELING AND
DEVELOPMENT • October 2012 • Vol. 40 2 2 1
As summarized by Dixon (2009) in her analysis of African
American mar-
riages, "expecting husbands to be superior in education and
income might
be unrealistic for African American women" (p. 37). Given the
obstacles
unique to African American women looking for a romantic
relationship with
an African American man, the adoption of a less secure adult
attachment
style may serve as an adaptive defense against disappointment
and limited
options for a partner.
At the same time, African Americans may be slower to warm up
and may
be more cautious with other people, which may reflect a
personal history of
racism and discrimination. Previous research indicates most

17. African Ameri-
can adolescents report being the target of discrimination
(Seaton, Caldwell,
Sellers, & Jackson, 2008), and these experiences may result in a
less trusting
approach in relationships. Women who are intentionally more
careful in their
assessment and approach of other people may be demonstrating
good judg-
ment based on experience and social realities. However, these
observations
may not hold true for women who partner with other women.
Our findings support prior research suggesting an association
between de-
pression and attachment styles (Roberts et al., 1996; Rosenstein
& Horowitz,
1996; Wei et al., 2004; Whiffen et al., 2001). Women with
favorable views of
themselves and others report lower levels of depressive
symptoms, whereas
women with unfavorable views of self and others report more
symptoms of
depression. However, there were no group differences in
reported levels of
depression, and the relationships between attachment styles and
reports of
depression were the same for both groups of women. Thus, it
appears that
attachment styles may be associated with depression in the same
way, regard-
less of race and ethnicity.
Understanding racial/ethnic group similarities and differences
in attachment
styles may help counselors address emotional and relational

18. needs of women
while remaining sensitive to cultural contexts. Attachment
styles provide in-
formation regarding how clients value and approach
relationships: Are they
moving toward or away from other people, and are they feeling
favorably or
not about themselves within relationships? If African American
women are
more likely to report less favorable perspectives of other
people, counselors
may alter their counseling approach to match the clients'
orientation. Under-
standing the prevalence of different attachment styles among
various racial/
ethnic groups may be especially useful when counselors self-
identify with a
different racial/ethnic group than their clients. It may take more
time and
effort to establish a therapeutic bond when cultural differences
are present
and when clients have adopted an attachment style characterized
by more
interpersonal avoidance.
It is the counselor's responsibility to establish a secure
relationship to facili-
tate the client's exploration of thoughts and feelings (Wallin,
2007). A client
with a less trusting view of others may be hesitant to open up in
counseling
2 2 2 JOURNAL OF MULTICULTURAL COUNSELING AND
DEVELOPMENT • October 2012 • Vol. 40

19. and may be less interested in establishing a strong counselor-
client bond.
Counselors may facilitate this process by allowing more time
for reladonship
building, by modeling the sharing of emotional information, and
perhaps by
taking the time to explore and validate the client's attachment
orientation.
It is important that counselors not assume that secure
attachment styles are
the dominant, desirable goal for all women. A more cautious,
and perhaps
slower, approach toward other people may represent an
adaptive, effective
style for some African American heterosexual women who may
have faced
repeated discrimination and a limited pool of acceptable male
partners. This
same consequence of long-term discrimination may hold for
lesbian women
and needs to be directly studied. Future research may idendfy
the trajectory
of developing relationships for women of varying racial/ethnic
identities.
Finally, regardless of the attachment orientadon that is most
prevalent within
a racial/ethnic group, counselors should not assume the
attachment style of
their clients from demographic factors alone. Uldmately, the
clients' early
childhood history and unique relational experiences will
determine their
interacdon styles.

20. limitations and implications for
fiitiirp rpsearr.b
There were several limitations with the current study. First, the
study only
examined African American and European American women
attending a
women's college. Therefore, the attachment styles of women
from other racial/
ethnic groups or from women attending coeducadonal
insdtutions cannot
be determined. Second, the study was focused on the needs of
women and
cannot be generalized to a male populadon. Although some
previous research
has found no gender differences in adult attachment styles (van
IJzendoorn
& Bakermans-Kranenburg, 1996), other researchers suggested
men are more
likely to be dismissing (i.e., positive view of self but not others)
and women
are more likely to be preoccupied (i.e., posidve view of others
but not self;
Bartholomew & Horowitz, 1991). Men and women also differ in
their rates
of depression, with women more likely to be affected by
depression during
their lifetime (Kessler et al., 2003). Future research on the
attachment styles
of African American men is needed to examine similarides and
differences
in attachment processes from African American women and men
of other
racial/ethnic groups. Furthermore, these results are based on
self-report
data and may not correspond to actual day-to-day expressions of

21. attachment
styles in reladonships.
This study created general self and other attachment
orientations based
on a categorical assessment of attachment styles rather than a
continuous
measure of attachment parameters (e.g., Brennan, Clark, &
Shaver; 1998).
JOURNAL OF MULTICULTURAL COUNSELING AND
DEVELOPMENT • October 2012 • Vol. 40 2 2 3
Future researcb needs to determine if a continuous measure of
relation-
sbip anxiety and avoidance would produce a similar pattern of
racial/
ethnic differences. However, tbis brief four-item measure is
more practical
and tbus bas an advantage in a counseling context because it
may be more
appealing to clients.
In addition to expanding tbis researcb to incorporate women of
varying
racial/etbnic groups and sexual orientation, future researcb
needs to study
tbe expression of attacbment styles in varied contexts. It would
be interesting
to study tbe expression of attacbment styles witbin same versus
mixed etbnic/
cultural groups. African American women may endorse different
styles of
attacbment or levels of particular attacbment styles in response

22. to cbanging
group compositions. Specifically, people may feel safer and
describe tbemselves
as more secure wben anticipating interactions witb members of
tbeir etbnic
group. Tbe racial disparities of society may bave long-term
consequences for
general relationsbip orientations. We may find tbat attacbment
styles can be
botb person and situation specific.
con du si Oil
Tbe study found tbat African American women described
tbemselves as
bolding a less favorable view of otber people in close
relationships wben
compared witb European American college women. However,
tbey did not
differ from tbeir European American counterparts witb regard to
tbe level
of depressive symptoms, and tbe association between depression
levels and
attacbment dimensions was consistent between tbese groups of
college
women. Some African American women may adapt to
discrimination and tbe
realistic inequalities of society by developing caution in tbeir
interpersonal
approacbes. Counselors may need to alter tbeir assumptions of
wbat is tbe
"best" attacbment style orientation for tbeir African American
female clients
as tbey strive to facilitate a positive counseling relationsbip.
references
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Bakermans-Kranenburg, M.J., van IJzendoorn, M. H., &
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SOCIAL THINKING
· Egocentrism
· Moral judgment
· Animism
· Dreams
· Peer interaction
Egocentrism
· Inability to distinguish one’s own perspective from that of
others, which doesn't necessarily mean being selfish
· Children’s perception of space
· Example of two boys getting a present for mom

30. · As long as children are egocentric, they tend to simply play
alongside with one another
· Sandbox example (tunnel): as they overcome egocentrism,
they learn to coordinate their actions in joint endeavors
· it requires considering each others’ perspective (concrete
operations)
· Egocentrism may also influence on child’s speech (collective
monologues)
· as they overcome egocentrism, they consider the reactions and
view-points of their listeners
· Piaget states: child overcomes egocentrism, as they interact
less with adults and more with other children
· The idea that once figuring out that adults seem to understand
and others don't, the child learns to consider other’s viewpoints
so that others can understand them
· Children are less impressed by the authority of other children
and feel freer to engage in conflicts with them
· Whether they overcome egocentrism through peer interaction
or not, Piaget’s theory:
· Children themselves play an active role in grasping the fact of
alternative viewpoints
· Whatever step they take, they take on their own (examples
with Piaget’s son)
Moral Judgment
· Piaget’s investigating children’s social thought including
morals
· The moral judgment of the child (his work)
· How children understand the rules of the game of marbles
· He first observed how children actually played the game
· Found that between the ages of 4-7, children played in
egocentric way (each playing in own way)
· Have little sense of winning
· After the age of 7, they try to follow common rules to play and
win the game
· Next, he investigated children’s thinking about the rules
· Interested whether children thought the rules could be changed

31. · Found that children up to the age of 10 or so believed the rules
were fixed and not changeable
· Thinking that the rules were made by gov. or God
· After the age of 10, the children were more relativistic
· Children no longer think of the rules as fixed or absolute
· Invented new rules (mutually agreed-upon ways of playing
game)
· Two basic moral attitudes
· First morality: heteronomy
· A blind obedience to rules imposed by adults
· Characteristic of the young children
· Child assumes that there is one powerful law that they must
follow
· Second morality: autonomy
· Considers rules as human devices produced by equals for the
sake of cooperation
· Piaget believed that “moral heteronomy” is tied to
egocentrism;
· The child views rules from a single perspective, seeing only
what powerful adults impose
· Overcome of egocentrism:
· Moral heteronomy: at the age of 10 or so
· Egocentric play: by age 7
· Piaget thinks that: heteronomy is a form of egocentric thought
and that the thought lags behind action
· When child gets engaged with peers so that they can actually
change the rules to meet everyone’s satisfaction
· 10-11 years old arguing about the game rules;
· Takes a lot to decide who will be a leader
· Discussing what is fair/right and not
· During the process, they develop their conceptions of justice
Animism
· Different ways of thinking between young and old children
· Young children don't make the same distinctions between
living and nonliving things
· They perceive everything as full of life

32. · Called this view of the physical world animistic
· Piaget was interested in their concepts and definitions of life
· At first, he found that children sees life with any kind of
activity (between the ages of 4 and 6)
· Then, between the ages of 6 and 8 years, they restrict life to
things that move
· Only after 8 years of age or so, children restrict life to objects
that move on its own and later to plants and animals
Dreams
· Children’s conceptions of dreams
· Children’s understanding of dreams seems to follow a specific
stage sequence
· Piaget’s dream sequence:
· At first, children seem to believe that dreams are real
· After, children discover that dreams are not real but still view
them differently than others (adults/older children)
· They think that their dreams are visible to others and dreams
come from the outside
· They also think that their dreams remain outside while they
dream;
· As if watching a TV
· How do children learn about dreams?
· Assumptions that they first learn it from adults
· Piagetian believe that children actually discover the various
properties of dreams on their own