Communication and Stereotypical
Impressions
Patrick C. Hughes
Texas Tech University, Lubbock, Texas, USA
John R. Baldwin
Illinois State University, Normal, Illinois, USA
This study examined the relationship s between specific communica-
tion behaviors and overall perceptions of Black and White commu-
nicators and sought to replicate the findings of Leonard and Locke.
Eighteen communication behaviors were identified in the literature
representin g ‘‘Black’’ and ‘‘White’’ communication. Black (N = 105)
and White (N = 159) respondents recalled a past interaction with a
racial ‘‘other’’ and completed a two-part questionnaire regarding
these behaviors and overall impressions of the other. Pearson
correlations were used to answer seven hypotheses regarding these
behaviors and impressions. Individual communication behaviors
were associated with several negativ e race-type impressions,
suggesting that macrolevel interpretation s between interracial speak-
ers may be problematic. Results also suggest that the exact order
of stereotypes=perceptions might change from place to place,
depending on how the instrument is used, and may be influenced
by interpersonal interaction.
KEYWORDS interracial communication, stereotypes , communica-
tion style
`̀I s interracial communication possible?’’ Leonard and Locke (1993) suggest commu-nication stereotypes are a key piece of the interracial relations puzzle. If this is thecase, the outlook for interracial communication in the twenty-first century is dis-
couraging. For example, a survey found that 76% of African Americans felt that Whites
are insensitive to people, 76% felt that Whites do not want to share with non-Whites, and
79% believed that Whites see themselves as superior and able to boss others around
(Minorities,1994). Many felt that `̀ Whites are insensitive to other people and have a long
history of bigotry and prejudice’’and that `̀ Whites control power and wealth in America’’
The authors are grateful to the editor and two anonymous reviewers for their
helpful comments.
Address correspondence to Patrick C. Hughes, Department of Communication
Studies, Texas Tech University, Lubbock, TX 79409, USA. E-mail: [email protected]
The HowardJournal of Communications, 13:1137128, 2002
Copyright # 2002 Taylor & Francis
1064-6175/02 $12.00 + .00
DOI: 10.1080=10646170290089 917 113
(Minorities, 1994, p. A14). While many may either confirm or challenge the existence of
such perceptions, we cannot deny that stereotypes among racial and ethnic groups con-
tinue to be prevalent in the United States.
Stereotyping is an impediment to effective interracial communication (Barna, 1994;
Boyd,1993; Waters, 1992) and yet seems to be a natural part of the communication process,
as categoriz ation is needed to make sense of our world (Stephan, 1985). The existence and
propagation of these stereotypes themselves are inherently communicative, as it is com-
munication that creates, perpetuates, or contests stereotypes. ...
w008cxkText BoxFeagin, Joe R. 2000. Racist America Root.docxjessiehampson
w008cxk
Text Box
Feagin, Joe R. 2000. Racist America: Roots, Current Realities, and Future Reparations. New York: Routledge.
Notice: The material may be protected by copyright law
(Title 17 U.S. Code ).
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what were painful racially conflicted chapters in its national history;
(Others think that race and ethnicity are unrelated to their own lives and
should be the concern of those in barrios, ghettos, and ethnic studies pro-
grams. Wome worry about race and ethnicity but avoid talking about
them for fear of being thought racist.IYet others think that even noticing
race and ethnicity is wrong and that these concepts should not be taken
into account when someone is deciding how to interact with another
person.{Still others believe that U.S. Americans have not begun to talk
seriously about these topics and that no one can understand society with-
out analyzing how race and ethnicity are linked and deeply intertwined
with wealth, status, life chances, and well-being in general.
Given the wide range of possible reactions, we might ask, Why are
race and ethnicity so central to our lives and at the same time so difficult
and taboo?
In this essay, the authors propose an understanding of race and ethnic-
ity that, at first, may be hard to accept.tC~ntrary to what most people
believe, race and ethnicity are not things that people have or are. Rather,
they are actions that people do. 1l'R;ce and ethnicity are social, historical,.
and philosophical processes that people have done for hundreds of years
and are still doing. IThey emerge through the social ·transactions that
take place among different kinds of people, in a variety of institutional
structures (e.g., schools, workplaces, government offices, courts, media),
over time, across space, and in all kinds of situations.
Our framework for understanding them draws on the work of schol-
ars of race and ethnicity around the world, including professors asso-
ciated with the Center for Comparative Studies in Race and Ethnicity
(CCSRE) at Stanford University. Over the past several decades, the topics
ofrace and ethnicity have become increasingly central to the research and
theorizing of sociologists, psychologists, and h~rians as well as schol-
ars in the humanities, the law, and education.lPsychologists most often
focus on why people stereotype others and on the multiple negative out-
comes for those who are the target of these stereotypes (e.g., Baron and
Banaji 2006; Dovidio, Glick, and Rudman 2005; Eberhardt and Fiske
1998; Jones 1997; Steele 1992), while sociologists often concentrate on
racism as a system of beliefs that justifies the privilege of the dominant
I Although the term doing race has yet to gain wide currency either. within or outside the academy,
several ,race scholars have previously used ...
The significance of language to multiracial individuals and identity part ii ...David Brooks
The significance of language to multiracial individuals and to their identity part II (Jan 18, 2015).
This is the nearly final version of a joint research paper by David L. Brooks, Associate Prof. Kitasato University, Sagamihara, Japan, and Mikio A. Brooks, Associate Prof, Asia University, Musashisakai, Tokyo.
The paper will be published in the annual Kitasato Review, the research publication of the College of Liberal Arts and Sciences at Kitasato University, Sagamihara, Japan. It is the second in (at least) four-part, multiple section research paper by David Brooks and his elder son, Mikio.
Do We Overemphasize the Role of Culture in the Behavior ofRa.docxpetehbailey729071
Do We Overemphasize the Role of Culture in the Behavior of
Racial/Ethnic Minorities? Evidence of a Cultural (Mis)Attribution Bias in
American Psychology
José M. Causadias
Arizona State University
Joseph A. Vitriol
Lehigh University
Annabelle L. Atkin
Arizona State University
Although culture influences all human beings, there is an assumption in American psychol-
ogy that culture matters more for members of certain groups. This article identifies and
provides evidence of the cultural (mis)attribution bias: a tendency to overemphasize the role
of culture in the behavior of racial/ethnic minorities, and to underemphasize it in the behavior of
Whites. Two studies investigated the presence of this bias with an examination of a decade of
peer reviewed research conducted in the United States (N � 434 articles), and an experiment
and a survey with psychology professors in the United States (N � 361 psychologists).
Archival analyses revealed differences in the composition of samples used in studies exam-
ining cultural or noncultural psychological phenomena. We also find evidence to suggest that
psychologists in the United States favor cultural explanations over psychological explana-
tions when considering the behavior and cognition of racial/ethnic minorities, whereas the
opposite pattern emerged in reference to Whites. The scientific ramifications of this phe-
nomenon, as well as alternatives to overcome it, are discussed in detail.
Keywords: bias, culture, ethnicity, race, cultural (mis)attribution bias
Supplemental materials: http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/amp0000099.supp
The crucial role of culture in shaping human behavior and
cognition has received increased attention in the last decade
(A. B. Cohen, 2009; Kitayama & Uskul, 2011). However,
despite widespread agreement about the psychological sig-
nificance of culture, several authors have argued that Amer-
ican psychology1 frequently associates culture with racial/
ethnic minorities more than Whites (Betancourt & López,
1993). This claim, to our knowledge, has yet to be tested
through an examination of the research literature or an
assessment of the opinion and assumptions of research
psychologists. In this article, we provide evidence of a
cultural (mis)attribution bias in American psychology: the
tendency to see racial/ethnic minorities as members of a
group whose traits, beliefs, and behaviors are shaped pri-
marily by culture, and to perceive the White racial/ethnic
majority as autonomous and independent actors who are
instead largely influenced by psychological processes. Be-
cause this bias rests on assumptions about human behavior
that are not supported by evidence and may lead to differ-
ential treatment of members of specific social groups, it
constrains psychologists’ explanations of behavior and cog-
nition. In two studies, we investigated the presence of this
bias in psychological research in the United States using
archival, experimental, and correlational methods.
1 By Amer.
A research paper about Gender Discourse Analysis in "Hamlet". Gender discrimination has been highlighted in perspective of discussion between the characters of the drama.
C A S E S T U D YBlack Identity in Bimcial BlackWhitePe.docxclairbycraft
C A S E S T U D Y
Black Identity in Bimcial Black/White
People: A Comparison of Jacqueline Who
Refuses to Be Exclusively Black and
Adolphus Who Wishes He Were
ANGELA R. GILLEM
LAURA RENEE COHN
CAMBRIA THRONE
Arcadia University
Two biracial college freshmen, both of whom identify as Black, were chosen from a
larger sample of participants in a qualitative study of biracial identity development to
exemplify the differences in the paths that 2 biracial individuals could take to achieve
racial identity resolution. Through the case study method, the authors describe the
course and progression of racial identity development (RID) in these 2 individuals and
discuss some key themes in their lives that have contributed to the development of their
RID. The purposes are fourfold: to describe nonclinical subjective experiences of being
biracial in the United States, to explore the differences in the paths that 2 biracial indi-
viduals can take to achieve what looks superficially like similar Black racial identity
resolution, to demonstrate how identifying as Black can have different meanings and
consequences for 2 biracial people, and to contribute to the differentiation of Black RID
from biracial Black/White RID. The authors raise questions about the generalizability
of monoracial Black and ethnic identity theories to biracial individuals.
* biracial identity * biracial Black/White * interracial • racial identity • ethnic identity
• Angela R. Gillem, Laura Renee Cohn, and Cambria Throne, Department of Psychology, Arcadia
University.
This research was supported by the Christian R. and Mary F. Lindback Foundation, the El-
lington Beavers Fund for Intellectual Inquiry, and the Arcadia University Faculty Development
Fund.
Erica Freeman and Michael Mauney, Angela R. Gillem's cousin, who died in a car accident
before he had a chance to see this research computed, shared their insights as biracial people to
help develop the interview schedule. Melissa Bailey and Nancy Grossman Feldman coauthored the
interview schedule. Jeff Shultz and Maria Root contributed their time and wisdom to reviewing the
manuscript.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Angela R, Gillem, Arcadia Uni-
versity, 450 South Easton Road, Glenside, Pennsylvania 19038-3295. Electronic mail may be
sent to [email protected]
Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology Copyright 2001 by the Educational Publishing Foundation
Vol. 7, No. 2, 182-196 1099-9809/01/$5.00 DOI: 10.1037//1099-9809.7.2.182
182
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B L A C K I D E N T I T Y I N B I R A C I A L B L A C K / W H I T E P E O .
w008cxkText BoxFeagin, Joe R. 2000. Racist America Root.docxjessiehampson
w008cxk
Text Box
Feagin, Joe R. 2000. Racist America: Roots, Current Realities, and Future Reparations. New York: Routledge.
Notice: The material may be protected by copyright law
(Title 17 U.S. Code ).
't
I)
Z)
3)
Lf)
'C~)
Q~
....-~,··· 6 ................. • ••• •••••,, ......... '-.''I'
what were painful racially conflicted chapters in its national history;
(Others think that race and ethnicity are unrelated to their own lives and
should be the concern of those in barrios, ghettos, and ethnic studies pro-
grams. Wome worry about race and ethnicity but avoid talking about
them for fear of being thought racist.IYet others think that even noticing
race and ethnicity is wrong and that these concepts should not be taken
into account when someone is deciding how to interact with another
person.{Still others believe that U.S. Americans have not begun to talk
seriously about these topics and that no one can understand society with-
out analyzing how race and ethnicity are linked and deeply intertwined
with wealth, status, life chances, and well-being in general.
Given the wide range of possible reactions, we might ask, Why are
race and ethnicity so central to our lives and at the same time so difficult
and taboo?
In this essay, the authors propose an understanding of race and ethnic-
ity that, at first, may be hard to accept.tC~ntrary to what most people
believe, race and ethnicity are not things that people have or are. Rather,
they are actions that people do. 1l'R;ce and ethnicity are social, historical,.
and philosophical processes that people have done for hundreds of years
and are still doing. IThey emerge through the social ·transactions that
take place among different kinds of people, in a variety of institutional
structures (e.g., schools, workplaces, government offices, courts, media),
over time, across space, and in all kinds of situations.
Our framework for understanding them draws on the work of schol-
ars of race and ethnicity around the world, including professors asso-
ciated with the Center for Comparative Studies in Race and Ethnicity
(CCSRE) at Stanford University. Over the past several decades, the topics
ofrace and ethnicity have become increasingly central to the research and
theorizing of sociologists, psychologists, and h~rians as well as schol-
ars in the humanities, the law, and education.lPsychologists most often
focus on why people stereotype others and on the multiple negative out-
comes for those who are the target of these stereotypes (e.g., Baron and
Banaji 2006; Dovidio, Glick, and Rudman 2005; Eberhardt and Fiske
1998; Jones 1997; Steele 1992), while sociologists often concentrate on
racism as a system of beliefs that justifies the privilege of the dominant
I Although the term doing race has yet to gain wide currency either. within or outside the academy,
several ,race scholars have previously used ...
The significance of language to multiracial individuals and identity part ii ...David Brooks
The significance of language to multiracial individuals and to their identity part II (Jan 18, 2015).
This is the nearly final version of a joint research paper by David L. Brooks, Associate Prof. Kitasato University, Sagamihara, Japan, and Mikio A. Brooks, Associate Prof, Asia University, Musashisakai, Tokyo.
The paper will be published in the annual Kitasato Review, the research publication of the College of Liberal Arts and Sciences at Kitasato University, Sagamihara, Japan. It is the second in (at least) four-part, multiple section research paper by David Brooks and his elder son, Mikio.
Do We Overemphasize the Role of Culture in the Behavior ofRa.docxpetehbailey729071
Do We Overemphasize the Role of Culture in the Behavior of
Racial/Ethnic Minorities? Evidence of a Cultural (Mis)Attribution Bias in
American Psychology
José M. Causadias
Arizona State University
Joseph A. Vitriol
Lehigh University
Annabelle L. Atkin
Arizona State University
Although culture influences all human beings, there is an assumption in American psychol-
ogy that culture matters more for members of certain groups. This article identifies and
provides evidence of the cultural (mis)attribution bias: a tendency to overemphasize the role
of culture in the behavior of racial/ethnic minorities, and to underemphasize it in the behavior of
Whites. Two studies investigated the presence of this bias with an examination of a decade of
peer reviewed research conducted in the United States (N � 434 articles), and an experiment
and a survey with psychology professors in the United States (N � 361 psychologists).
Archival analyses revealed differences in the composition of samples used in studies exam-
ining cultural or noncultural psychological phenomena. We also find evidence to suggest that
psychologists in the United States favor cultural explanations over psychological explana-
tions when considering the behavior and cognition of racial/ethnic minorities, whereas the
opposite pattern emerged in reference to Whites. The scientific ramifications of this phe-
nomenon, as well as alternatives to overcome it, are discussed in detail.
Keywords: bias, culture, ethnicity, race, cultural (mis)attribution bias
Supplemental materials: http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/amp0000099.supp
The crucial role of culture in shaping human behavior and
cognition has received increased attention in the last decade
(A. B. Cohen, 2009; Kitayama & Uskul, 2011). However,
despite widespread agreement about the psychological sig-
nificance of culture, several authors have argued that Amer-
ican psychology1 frequently associates culture with racial/
ethnic minorities more than Whites (Betancourt & López,
1993). This claim, to our knowledge, has yet to be tested
through an examination of the research literature or an
assessment of the opinion and assumptions of research
psychologists. In this article, we provide evidence of a
cultural (mis)attribution bias in American psychology: the
tendency to see racial/ethnic minorities as members of a
group whose traits, beliefs, and behaviors are shaped pri-
marily by culture, and to perceive the White racial/ethnic
majority as autonomous and independent actors who are
instead largely influenced by psychological processes. Be-
cause this bias rests on assumptions about human behavior
that are not supported by evidence and may lead to differ-
ential treatment of members of specific social groups, it
constrains psychologists’ explanations of behavior and cog-
nition. In two studies, we investigated the presence of this
bias in psychological research in the United States using
archival, experimental, and correlational methods.
1 By Amer.
A research paper about Gender Discourse Analysis in "Hamlet". Gender discrimination has been highlighted in perspective of discussion between the characters of the drama.
C A S E S T U D YBlack Identity in Bimcial BlackWhitePe.docxclairbycraft
C A S E S T U D Y
Black Identity in Bimcial Black/White
People: A Comparison of Jacqueline Who
Refuses to Be Exclusively Black and
Adolphus Who Wishes He Were
ANGELA R. GILLEM
LAURA RENEE COHN
CAMBRIA THRONE
Arcadia University
Two biracial college freshmen, both of whom identify as Black, were chosen from a
larger sample of participants in a qualitative study of biracial identity development to
exemplify the differences in the paths that 2 biracial individuals could take to achieve
racial identity resolution. Through the case study method, the authors describe the
course and progression of racial identity development (RID) in these 2 individuals and
discuss some key themes in their lives that have contributed to the development of their
RID. The purposes are fourfold: to describe nonclinical subjective experiences of being
biracial in the United States, to explore the differences in the paths that 2 biracial indi-
viduals can take to achieve what looks superficially like similar Black racial identity
resolution, to demonstrate how identifying as Black can have different meanings and
consequences for 2 biracial people, and to contribute to the differentiation of Black RID
from biracial Black/White RID. The authors raise questions about the generalizability
of monoracial Black and ethnic identity theories to biracial individuals.
* biracial identity * biracial Black/White * interracial • racial identity • ethnic identity
• Angela R. Gillem, Laura Renee Cohn, and Cambria Throne, Department of Psychology, Arcadia
University.
This research was supported by the Christian R. and Mary F. Lindback Foundation, the El-
lington Beavers Fund for Intellectual Inquiry, and the Arcadia University Faculty Development
Fund.
Erica Freeman and Michael Mauney, Angela R. Gillem's cousin, who died in a car accident
before he had a chance to see this research computed, shared their insights as biracial people to
help develop the interview schedule. Melissa Bailey and Nancy Grossman Feldman coauthored the
interview schedule. Jeff Shultz and Maria Root contributed their time and wisdom to reviewing the
manuscript.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Angela R, Gillem, Arcadia Uni-
versity, 450 South Easton Road, Glenside, Pennsylvania 19038-3295. Electronic mail may be
sent to [email protected]
Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology Copyright 2001 by the Educational Publishing Foundation
Vol. 7, No. 2, 182-196 1099-9809/01/$5.00 DOI: 10.1037//1099-9809.7.2.182
182
T
hi
s
do
cu
m
en
t i
s
co
py
ri
gh
te
d
by
th
e
A
m
er
ic
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.
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is
in
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fo
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p
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ro
ad
ly
.
B L A C K I D E N T I T Y I N B I R A C I A L B L A C K / W H I T E P E O .
WILLIAM ALLAN KRITSONIS was recognized as the Central Washington University Alumni Association Distinguished Alumnus for the College of Education and Professional Studies. He was honored by the Texas National Association for Multicultural Education as Professor, Scholar, and Pioneer Publisher for Distinguished Service to Multicultural Research Publishing. The ceremony was held at Texas A&M University-College Station. He was inducted into the prestigious William H. Parker Leadership Academy Hall of Honor. He was an Invited Visiting Lecturer at the Oxford Round Table at Oriel College in the University of Oxford, United Kingdom. Dr. Kritsonis was a Visiting Scholar at Columbia University’s Teacher College in New York, and Visiting Scholar in the School of Education at Stanford University, Palo Alto, California.
May the circle stay unbroken Friends, the presence of absence, .docxandreecapon
May the circle stay unbroken: Friends, the presence of absence, and the rhetorical reinforcement of whiteness
Shows like Friends may shape and reinforce both white audiences’ perceptions of the racialized Other and of marginalized audience members’ perceptions of themselves as raced beings
Ross and Julie
whiteness remains central and invisible
unquestioned power
Unearned racial privilege
whiteness is an expression of hegemonic force (Gramsci, 1971)
hegemony – In this case hegemony is dominance of one social group over another
“Whiteness desires to be seen as object, yet insists on remaining invisible as subject. In other words, whiteness resists the kind of intense scrutiny that might result in its becoming effectively fixed to a specific position and revealed as a system of privilege and power”
Friends limits and regulates the racialized other in a place like New York that is the opposite
Popularity of friends, comfort food, transcends tragedy
When there are non white characters there is no mention of race
Reference to white rappers
“overt claim to the value of white authenticity, I contend that any number of contemporary media texts have made similar, if less blatantly overt, assertions in recent years about whiteness’s enduring worth as a subject position”
Can we relate any of this to last week?
Nothing Queer about Queer television
It’s All Relative
Increased visibility does not always translate into social tolerance
Most of these shows ignore the political issues
Sexuality is culturally essentialized to inscribe heterosexuality as normal and all other sexualities as deviant
Queer represents a resistance to anything that is socially defined as normal
“Gramsci’s (1973) notion of hegemony shifts the focus of scholarly attention from explicit ideologies or agendas to the common-sense norms that influence everyday interactions and are taken for granted.”
It doesn’t matter how many representations there are but rather the complexity of the representations
Images of gay men are being presented in a way the reinforces traditional values like family, monogamy, and stability
Queer has come to mean gay men
It usually excludes and ignores other issues of feminism, lesbians, race, and other minority groups
Gender, sex, class and race also need to be taken into account
There is nothing queer about queer television when the flexibility of the term is reduced to an interpretation that reinforces the traditional homosexual/heterosexual binary
Stereotypes of the feminine and masculine roles in gay relationships, gender traditions
Gay men have to accommodate straight men’s activities but not the other way around
Queer Eye - five asexual fairy godmothers that appear, transform a straight man’s love life, but are themselves denied love lives of their own
In the end they’re all just a bunch of guys
Although maybe they got better, Glee, Modern Family
The gay characters are not ...
Chapter 27Gender and Media Content, Uses, and ImpactDar.docxwalterl4
Chapter 27
Gender and Media: Content, Uses, and Impact
Dara N. Greenwood and Julia R. Lippman
Although research offers compelling evidence to suggest that men and women are far more simi-
lar than they are different across a wide variety of domains, our perceptions of gender difference
can lead us to believe that men and women do inhabit distinct gendered universes and can trigger
self-fulfilling prophecies that confirm these expectations. These perceptions can even guide how aca-
demics choose to interpret the research literature. Hyde’s (2005) review of 46 meta-analyses supports
a “gender similarities hypothesis,” namely, the magnitude of gender differences across these studies
as measured by effect size is small or negligible in over three quarters of the cases assessed. Put
differently, a “small” effect size (i.e., d < 0.35; Hyde, 2005) means that 85% of the distributions for
women and men overlap. This is not to say that a 15% difference in distributions is an insignificant
percentage, but it certainly illustrates that emphasizing difference to the exclusion of similarity paints
an inaccurate picture. Further, where moderate or large gender differences did emerge, they were
often the product of social context. For example, women are more likely than men to smile when
they know they are being observed (LaFrance, Hecht, & Paluck, 2003, as cited in Hyde, 2005). The
latter finding suggests that a given social situation may be of paramount importance in the apparent
differences between men and women.
The social environment can influence the manifestation of present attitudes and behaviors, but
it is also a powerful shaping force throughout the lifespan. In their discussion of a social cognitive
approach to gender development, Bussey and Bandura (2004) suggested that the mass media, in
addition to ongoing input from parents and peers, offer a “pervasive cultural modeling of gender
roles” (p. 108). It is not just children who assimilate cultural models, however; research on the
phenomenon of “possible selves” (Markus & Nurius, 1986) suggests that over the course of our
lives, we continue to draw hoped for as well as feared selves from “the categories made salient by the
individual’s particular sociocultural and historical context and from the models, images, and symbols
provided by the media and by the individual’s immediate social experiences” (p. 954, emphasis
added).
So how does the media environment contribute to our gendered perceptions and experiences?
With a few exceptions, the basic cognitive and emotional processes by which media exert an impact
tend to be similar for both men and women. The most robust gender differences exist at the level
of media representation and content and the selective exposure patterns that are, in part, a response
to gender-typed content. In order to understand how media affect women and men, it is crucial first
to understand systematic gender differences in media content, as well as any gender difference.
Chapter 27Gender and Media Content, Uses, and ImpactDar.docxketurahhazelhurst
Chapter 27
Gender and Media: Content, Uses, and Impact
Dara N. Greenwood and Julia R. Lippman
Although research offers compelling evidence to suggest that men and women are far more simi-
lar than they are different across a wide variety of domains, our perceptions of gender difference
can lead us to believe that men and women do inhabit distinct gendered universes and can trigger
self-fulfilling prophecies that confirm these expectations. These perceptions can even guide how aca-
demics choose to interpret the research literature. Hyde’s (2005) review of 46 meta-analyses supports
a “gender similarities hypothesis,” namely, the magnitude of gender differences across these studies
as measured by effect size is small or negligible in over three quarters of the cases assessed. Put
differently, a “small” effect size (i.e., d < 0.35; Hyde, 2005) means that 85% of the distributions for
women and men overlap. This is not to say that a 15% difference in distributions is an insignificant
percentage, but it certainly illustrates that emphasizing difference to the exclusion of similarity paints
an inaccurate picture. Further, where moderate or large gender differences did emerge, they were
often the product of social context. For example, women are more likely than men to smile when
they know they are being observed (LaFrance, Hecht, & Paluck, 2003, as cited in Hyde, 2005). The
latter finding suggests that a given social situation may be of paramount importance in the apparent
differences between men and women.
The social environment can influence the manifestation of present attitudes and behaviors, but
it is also a powerful shaping force throughout the lifespan. In their discussion of a social cognitive
approach to gender development, Bussey and Bandura (2004) suggested that the mass media, in
addition to ongoing input from parents and peers, offer a “pervasive cultural modeling of gender
roles” (p. 108). It is not just children who assimilate cultural models, however; research on the
phenomenon of “possible selves” (Markus & Nurius, 1986) suggests that over the course of our
lives, we continue to draw hoped for as well as feared selves from “the categories made salient by the
individual’s particular sociocultural and historical context and from the models, images, and symbols
provided by the media and by the individual’s immediate social experiences” (p. 954, emphasis
added).
So how does the media environment contribute to our gendered perceptions and experiences?
With a few exceptions, the basic cognitive and emotional processes by which media exert an impact
tend to be similar for both men and women. The most robust gender differences exist at the level
of media representation and content and the selective exposure patterns that are, in part, a response
to gender-typed content. In order to understand how media affect women and men, it is crucial first
to understand systematic gender differences in media content, as well as any gender difference ...
Consider the vision for a successful Southwest Transit marketing tea.docxclarebernice
Consider the vision for a successful Southwest Transit marketing team composed in Topic 4. Narrow down the team selection to four individuals for presentation to the director. Decide which strategies will be most effective for leading the agreed-upon team. Compose a PowerPoint presentation (10-12 slides), then record your 5-7-minute presentation using YouTube Video, Loom, or Zoom. On the title slide of your PowerPoint presentation, provide the link to your YouTube, Loom, or Zoom video recording that you created. Your presentation should address the following:
Who are the four team members, and what was the primary reason each person was selected? How difficult was it to come to a decision regarding team selection? Which potential team member was most difficult to come to a consensus about? Why?
What are the primary strengths of the team? What are its potential weaknesses? How positive is the management team about the team's potential? Justify your answers with evidence from " Southwest Transit Team Member Profiles."
What strategies will be most effective for motivating the team, managing conflict, and ensuring success and fostering collaboration? Cite specific motivational theories, conflict-resolution strategies, and leadership strategies in your answer.
Justify how the selected team embodies the values of Conscious Capitalism how the tenet of stakeholder orientation played a role in the team selection process. Provide citations to strengthen your claims.
Describe how value is created for each stakeholder, and in what ways will the team positively impact the business as a whole?
You are required to use at least three academic references to strengthen and support your claims and recommendations. Ensure each content slide has supporting citations and specific examples.
.
Consider the various ways to create effective communication in teams.docxclarebernice
Consider the various ways to create effective communication in teams and guidelines from the text to determine how s a student group could constructively manage the situations described below. In your response for each scenario, identify which principles of effective teamwork are being disregarded, and develop responses (i.e. ways) that maintain a supportive communication climate.
A. LATENESS: At the second meeting, Peg came in a few minutes late. That was bad enough, but now she’s coming 10–15 minutes late to every meeting. What’s worse, Angelica and Robert have started arriving late, too. It makes the rest of us feel like giving up.
B. SKEPTICISM: Dan constantly makes negative comments. Our brainstorming activities fail because he makes fun of our efforts. Some people in the group are losing their enthusiasm and have stopped saying anything.
C. MONOPOLIZING: Rajiv is very opinionated. He keeps talking, and he rambles on and on. It feels like we can’t get a word in edgewise.
D. SILENT DISAGREEMENT: Adelle sits around rolling her eyes about almost everything we say. We can tell from the look on her face that she doesn’t like our ideas. It makes us feel like she doesn’t like us, either. She’s very pretty, and I think maybe she feels superior.
.
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Dara N. Greenwood and Julia R. Lippman
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addition to ongoing input from parents and peers, offer a “pervasive cultural modeling of gender
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phenomenon of “possible selves” (Markus & Nurius, 1986) suggests that over the course of our
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added).
So how does the media environment contribute to our gendered perceptions and experiences?
With a few exceptions, the basic cognitive and emotional processes by which media exert an impact
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can lead us to believe that men and women do inhabit distinct gendered universes and can trigger
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differently, a “small” effect size (i.e., d < 0.35; Hyde, 2005) means that 85% of the distributions for
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percentage, but it certainly illustrates that emphasizing difference to the exclusion of similarity paints
an inaccurate picture. Further, where moderate or large gender differences did emerge, they were
often the product of social context. For example, women are more likely than men to smile when
they know they are being observed (LaFrance, Hecht, & Paluck, 2003, as cited in Hyde, 2005). The
latter finding suggests that a given social situation may be of paramount importance in the apparent
differences between men and women.
The social environment can influence the manifestation of present attitudes and behaviors, but
it is also a powerful shaping force throughout the lifespan. In their discussion of a social cognitive
approach to gender development, Bussey and Bandura (2004) suggested that the mass media, in
addition to ongoing input from parents and peers, offer a “pervasive cultural modeling of gender
roles” (p. 108). It is not just children who assimilate cultural models, however; research on the
phenomenon of “possible selves” (Markus & Nurius, 1986) suggests that over the course of our
lives, we continue to draw hoped for as well as feared selves from “the categories made salient by the
individual’s particular sociocultural and historical context and from the models, images, and symbols
provided by the media and by the individual’s immediate social experiences” (p. 954, emphasis
added).
So how does the media environment contribute to our gendered perceptions and experiences?
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Who are the four team members, and what was the primary reason each person was selected? How difficult was it to come to a decision regarding team selection? Which potential team member was most difficult to come to a consensus about? Why?
What are the primary strengths of the team? What are its potential weaknesses? How positive is the management team about the team's potential? Justify your answers with evidence from " Southwest Transit Team Member Profiles."
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1. Communication and Stereotypical
Impressions
Patrick C. Hughes
Texas Tech University, Lubbock, Texas, USA
John R. Baldwin
Illinois State University, Normal, Illinois, USA
This study examined the relationship s between specific
communica-
tion behaviors and overall perceptions of Black and White
commu-
nicators and sought to replicate the findings of Leonard and
Locke.
Eighteen communication behaviors were identified in the
literature
representin g ‘‘Black’’ and ‘‘White’’ communication. Black (N
= 105)
and White (N = 159) respondents recalled a past interaction
with a
racial ‘‘other’’ and completed a two-part questionnaire
regarding
these behaviors and overall impressions of the other. Pearson
correlations were used to answer seven hypotheses regarding
these
behaviors and impressions. Individual communication behaviors
were associated with several negativ e race-type impressions,
suggesting that macrolevel interpretation s between interracial
speak-
ers may be problematic. Results also suggest that the exact
order
2. of stereotypes=perceptions might change from place to place,
depending on how the instrument is used, and may be
influenced
by interpersonal interaction.
KEYWORDS interracial communication, stereotypes ,
communica-
tion style
`̀I s interracial communication possible?’’ Leonard and Locke
(1993) suggest commu-nication stereotypes are a key piece of
the interracial relations puzzle. If this is thecase, the outlook
for interracial communication in the twenty-first century is dis-
couraging. For example, a survey found that 76% of African
Americans felt that Whites
are insensitive to people, 76% felt that Whites do not want to
share with non-Whites, and
79% believed that Whites see themselves as superior and able to
boss others around
(Minorities,1994). Many felt that `̀ Whites are insensitive to
other people and have a long
history of bigotry and prejudice’’and that `̀ Whites control
power and wealth in America’’
The authors are grateful to the editor and two anonymous
reviewers for their
helpful comments.
Address correspondence to Patrick C. Hughes, Department of
Communication
Studies, Texas Tech University, Lubbock, TX 79409, USA. E-
mail: [email protected]
The HowardJournal of Communications, 13:1137128, 2002
Copyright # 2002 Taylor & Francis
1064-6175/02 $12.00 + .00
3. DOI: 10.1080=10646170290089 917 113
(Minorities, 1994, p. A14). While many may either confirm or
challenge the existence of
such perceptions, we cannot deny that stereotypes among racial
and ethnic groups con-
tinue to be prevalent in the United States.
Stereotyping is an impediment to effective interracial
communication (Barna, 1994;
Boyd,1993; Waters, 1992) and yet seems to be a natural part of
the communication process,
as categoriz ation is needed to make sense of our world
(Stephan, 1985). The existence and
propagation of these stereotypes themselves are inherently
communicative, as it is com-
munication that creates, perpetuates, or contests stereotypes.
For example, Delia (1972)
finds that dialects influence perceptions of strangers. In a study
of New England, South-
ern, and General American dialects, Delia suggests `̀an initial
orientation is made at least
in part, on the perception of dialect similarity’’ (p. 265).
Therefore, it is especially useful to
know which communication behaviors invoke stereotypical
impressions.
Social psychologist s suggest that categorizatio n is a necessary
part of making sense of
our world (Allport,1979; Stephan,1985). Devine (1989) finds
that even those who are toler-
ant have an `̀automatic component’’ to their stereotypes:
Stereotypes guide our thoughts
in times of mindlessness unless we purposefully control them or
4. individuate our impres-
sions of the other. Research suggests that behavioral cues can
lead people to stereotyp e the
same person in different ways (Macrae, Bodenhausen, & Milne,
1995). However, past
research has not fully examined the role of communication
behaviors in the invocation
of stereotypical impressions. A logical extension of this
research would be to consider the
relationship between specific cultural communication behaviors
and the invocation of
stereotypical impressions. While many impressions might be
important, it seems that
those that would be most problematic in interracial
communication would be associated
with intergroup stereotypes. This study investigate s the
relationship between communica-
tion impressions and specific communication behaviors during
Black7White interaction.
Review of Literature
Communication Stereotypes
Stereotypes are generally considered to be overgeneralization s
of group characteris-
tics or behaviors, which are applied to individuals of those
groups (based on Allport,1979).
Stereotypes can be positive, such as the American stereotyp e of
Asian Americans as a
`̀ model minority’’ (Tajima, 1989). However, even these
stereotypes can be contradictory.
Rattansi (1992) reviews some studies of English stereotypes to
conclude,`̀ The circulation
of contradictory stereotypes is partly responsible for the
complexity and ambivalence of
5. discourses surrounding `race’’’ (p. 26). He suggests that Blacks
in Britain are seen both as
industrious and lazy at the same time. We hold that all
stereotypesöeven those that
appear positiveöare negative for two reasons. First, holders of
these stereotypes nega-
tively bias individual thought processes (Stephan, 1985). And
second, their negative
impact is found largely because they form a cognitively
simplistic impression of the per-
son stereotyped (Delia,1972). Furthermore, they act as a
heuristic device, placing others in
rigid and frequently negative categories. The differences among
individuals in the stereo-
typed groups become obscured, `̀ essentializing’’ groups, in the
words of Rattansi (1992).
Unrealistic expectations of individuals may thus be created,
infringing upon their indi-
viduality. Stereotypes may lead others to have prejudicial
attitudes toward groups
114 P. C. Hughes and J. R. Baldwin
(Devine, 1989; Devine&Elliot, 1995; Hepburn&Locksley,
1983), make unfair attributions
(Stephan, 1985), and act toward groups in particular ways
(Allport, 1979; Foley&Kranz,
1981; Gordon, 1986; Manusov, Winchatz, & Manning, 1997).
They may also affect indivi-
duals’ self-esteem (Clark, 1985) and impede effective
communication (Biernat&Vescio,
1983 ).
While there are stereotypes among many social groupings in the
6. United States, much
research has focused specifically on Black7White stereotypes.
Gordon (1986) concludes
that the content of stereotypes is dynamic. A comparison of
studies using the Katz and
Braly (1933) list of stereotypes evidences their dynamic nature.
Many Whites continue to
perceive racial differences in athletic and abstract thinking
ability (Plous&Williams,
1995). However, many of the stereotypes of Blacks found by
Katz and Braly (1933), such
as Blacks seen as superstitious, happy-go-lucky, ignorant,
stupid, and physically dirty, have
been replaced by stereotypes such as unreliable, materialistic,
sportsmanlike, and plea-
sure loving (Gordon, 1986). Ogawa (1971) found that White
respondents stereotyped Black
communication as argumentative, emotional, aggressive,
straightforward, critical, sensi-
tive, ostentatious, defiant, hostile, open, responsive, and
intelligent. Leonard and Locke
(1993) found that little has changed over the past 20 years in
these stereotypes, and they
also discovered that many Blacks stereotype Whites as
demanding, manipulative, orga-
nized, rude, critical, aggressive, arrogant, boastful, hostile,
ignorant, deceptive, and noisy.
While the Katz and Braly (1933) list was developed to measure
a variety of stereotypes,
Leonard and Locke (1993) designed their study in terms of `̀
communicative stereotypes,’’
suggesting that one change in the structure of stereotype s is
that several of the stereotypes
are communicative in nature. Increased face-to-face interaction
between the races overall
may have led to changes in interracial perception (though not
7. necessarily interracial
affect) and may have given stereotypes a communication twist.
Despite the `̀ threatening’’
nature of stereotypes respondents listed most frequently in the
Leonard and Locke (1993)
study, some research suggests that contact between races, in
fact, has some positive effects
(Sigelman&Welch,1993). However, this research does not
indicate the context and type of
relationships recalled by participants, which may or may not
result in positive outcomes
such as the improvement of the quality of racial attitudes.
Communication and Culture
Many have proposed that Whites and Blacks make up different
speech communities
(Collier, 1997), with different types of speech (Kochman,
1981), rules for interaction
(Collier,1988,1996), core cultural values (Hecht, Larkey, &
Johnson,1992; Hecht, Ribeau,
& Alberts, 1989), and different worldviews (Hecht, Collier, &
Ribeau, 1993). Shade (1982)
suggests that Blacks and Whites process and interpret messages
differently. To the extent
that Black and White Americans share different meanings of
words or actions and have
different rules for effective or appropriate behavior, they may
be said to be different `̀ cul-
tures’’ (Collier,1997; Collier&Thomas,1988), especially if one
defines culture as a `̀ histori-
cally transmitte d system of symbols, meanings, premises,
routines, procedures, and rules’’
(Philipsen,1987, p. 260).
Researchers have looke d at communication rules in Black
8. culture (Garner, 1983;
Gumperz, 1982; Hecht&Ribeau, 1984; Weber, 1994) and in
comparative ethnic cultures
(Collier, 1988, 1996; Hecht, Collier, & Ribeau, 1993). Some
have looked specifically at the
strategies and rules active in intergroup communication (Hecht,
Larkey, & Johnson,1992;
Communication and Stereotypical Impressions 115
Hecht, Ribeau, & Alberts, 1989; Orbe, 1994, 1995;
Stanback&Pearce, 1981). And others
looked at perceptions Black and White Americans have when
communicating with one
another (Houston,1993; Orbe,1994). This research suggests that
nonverbal and verbal dif-
ferences exist between Blacks and Whites.
Blacks andWhites were found to use different questioning
patterns in initial conversa-
tions, depending on the conversational partner (Shuter, 1982).
Black women were more
expressive and interrupted more than White women in same-
race interactions. However,
when interacting interracially, Black women decreased their
smiling behaviors while
White women increased theirs (Booth-Butterfield&Jordan,
1989). Houston (1993) found
that White and Black women in conversation listen for very
different things and attend
to different features of speech. Furthermore, Black women often
perceived White women
to be superficial (`̀ air-headish,’’ `̀ dealing with trivial topics,’’
`̀ talking proper about noth-
9. ing’’), while White women perceived Black women as
confident, distinguished, to-the-
point, and speaking with self-esteem. Hecht and Ribeau (1984)
make the same conclusion,
finding different aspects of conversation satisfying to Latino,
Black, andWhite Americans.
Asante and Davis (1985) found that Blacks display infrequent or
intermittent eye con-
tact with persons perceived to have higher status. Members of
Black dyads tended to use
lower levels of eye contact than Whites (Smith, 1983). White
communicators used more
direct eye contact during interracial interactions, with White
females looking at their
interaction partners in interracial interactions more than Black
females. Asante and Davis
(1985) also found that the perpendicular nodding of Blacks may
not be intended to com-
municate understanding or agreement, but is often simply used
as a conversation starter
or an indication of turn-taking. The nods of White interactants
more likely convey a direct
message of understanding or agreement. In Erickson’s (1979)
study Blacks tended to use
verbal behavior as a listening device. Erickson also found that
the verbal response was
used for the function of listening more than twice as frequently
as the nonverbal nod. For
manyWhites, Erickson (1979) noted, direct eye contact is used
more to demonstrate listen-
ing. Although Halberstadt (1985) argues that social class
differences would account for
most Black7White nonverbal differences, the above research
suggests differences in cul-
tural preferences or norms.
10. Communication and Stereotypical Impressions
While there is a great diversity within groups (Hall,1992), to
the extent that such dif-
ferences are perceived to exist, researchers suggest that the
differences may have a nega-
tive impact on communication. Specifically, we are concerned
with what global
perceptions might be related to communication behaviors. Since
prior literature has
focused mostly on negative stereotypes, in this study we
specifically investigate the global
impressions that would be consonant with the most frequently
chosen stereotypes in the
Leonard and Locke (1993) study, as it is one of the most recent
studies delineating stereo-
types between Blacks and Whites.
Salience of stereotypes. One question arises surrounding
Leonard and Locke’s (1993)
`̀ communication stereotypes’’ research and the cultural rules
listed above. Stereotype stu-
dies have been conducted by asking groups to describe another
group, our everyday inter-
action, while informed by the `̀ collective memory’’ of
stereotypes, is usually with discrete
individuals. In addition to these methodological concerns in the
research accounting for
116 P. C. Hughes and J. R. Baldwin
changes in stereotypes, many societal aspects may explain
differences in the importance
11. and relevance of certain stereotypical impressions. For example,
the opportunities for
communication (i.e., `̀ interaction potential,’’ Kim, 1995)
between Blacks and Whites are
increasing. Increased interactions between groups may influence
communicators’ stereo-
typic impressions. For example, McAndrew (1990) found
differences in stereotypes among
college students of different nations based on the amount of
contact, suggesting, `̀ One
strong trend was for increased intergroup contact to lead to a
greater willingness to ex-
press stereotypes confidently, especially negative stereotypes’’
(p. 350). This joined with
the notion that both groups maintain distinctive cultural norms
for communication beha-
vior would suggest that a shift in stereotypes could be due to
differences in cultural com-
munication repertoires.
What changes there have been in stereotypes could also be
based in a change in the
causes that lead to stereotypes. For example, Allport (1979) ties
stereotypes to other inter-
nal psychological traits, such as authoritarianism or need for
structure. Related to this,
some might suggest that stereotypes are an outgrowth or are
related to ethnocentrism.
For example, Chang and Ritter (1976) find a strong correlation
between Blacks’ pro-Black
and anti-White sentiments. Specifically, this research suggests
that both pro-Black and the
anti-White scores have changed significantly from a
comparative study (Steckler, 1957).
Perhaps ethnocentrism and stereotypes are related, for similar
changes occur in both.
12. Moore (1995) brings ethnocentrism to a juncture with language
by noting White eth-
nocentrism in the use of the English language. He notes that the
whole notion of `̀ black’’
and `̀ white’’ in the English language (color symbolism) places
white (pure, good, fair,
innocent) over black (gloomy, swarthy, dark, evil). Other terms
(e.g., `̀ culturally
deprived,’’ `̀ underdeveloped’’) and usages (e.g., discussing
Black accomplishments with
passive voice) also construct in the language a preference for
Whites. Perhaps this every-
day language use, along with other factors, builds in stereotypes
of Blacks.
Research also ties stereotypes of Blacks to media
representations, suggesting that
Black males in literature and media are frequently portraye d as
fools, criminals, servants,
and entertainers (Campbell, 1995; Hall, 1981) and Black women
as mammies, matriarchs,
promiscuous women, and welfare mothers (Collins,1990;
Harris,1982). Dates and Barlow
(1993) suggest that,`̀ Black media stereotypes are not the
natural, much less harmless prod-
ucts of an idealized popular culture; rather, they are more
commonly socially constructed
images that are selective, partial, one-dimensional, and
distorted in their portrayal of
African Americans’’ (p. 5). Media portrayals are influential
because `̀ the mass accessibility
of television has multiplied the negative images of African
Americans’’ (Caputo, Hazel, &
McMahon, 1994, p. 338). Many suggest that media images of
Blacks are improving, with
13. an increase of middle-class Blacks in the media (Gray, 1989).
However, this may not
address the problem. For example, Dates and Barlow (1993), in
what they call the `̀ split
image’’ of Blacks in today’s media, suggest that both the
positive and continued negative
images of Blacks do not work to empower Blacks. Furthermore,
Hall (1981) suggests that
while actual images improve, the underlying racist assumptions
remain, which would also
relate to an ongoing negative feeling of Whites toward Blacks.
However, linking ethnocentrism and media representation to
stereotypes does not
explain Blacks’ views towardWhites.This could be explained in
terms of the social context
of oppression of Whites toward Blacks; but this would not
explain an increase of negative
stereotypes and a decrease in favorabilit y toward Whites.
Possible explanations of these
shifts could be increased consciousness raising of Blacks or an
actual increase in the
Communication and Stereotypical Impressions 117
targets of stereotypes themselves (e.g., Whites are actually
becoming more manipula-
tive). Finally, the changes (and consistencies) in stereotypes
might be seen as consistent
with general trends in the nature of racism as it is expressed in
America. For example,
McConahay and Hough (1976) suggest that the form of racism
is changing. Furthermore,
McConahay (1986) and Bynes and Kiger (1988) suggest that
14. racism is difficult to measure
because overt or `̀ traditional’’ racism has been replaced by `̀
symbolic’’ and more subtle
forms of racism. Others (Essed, 1991; van Dijk, 1984) document
through individuals’ per-
sonal narrative s a decrease in the experience of overt racist
acts and an increase in subtle
or everyday racism. Entman (1992) and Hall (1981) see a
similar trend, as the media, while
still including some explicit racist messages and images, also
produce inferentially racist
displays. Thus, perhaps traditional stereotypes are in fact
declining, or social desirability
or symbolic racism is moving stereotypes, as well, from the
more psychological realm to
the symbolic, communicative realm. This research asked
respondents to recall a past inter-
action with a specific, racially other, individual. This is likely
to change the perceptions of
the respondents. So we ask the following research questions:
RQ1: Will respondents’ perceptions of racially other
individuals, in terms of stereotypes
found in the past literature, differ in order and intensity from
the stereotypes listed in that
literature?
The invocation of stereotypes. Devine (1989) found that a key
difference between tole-
rant and prejudiced people is that tolerant people choose to
control stereotypes. `̀ Low-
prejudiced respondents apparently censored and inhibited the
automatically activate d ne-
gative stereotype congruent information and consciously
replaced it with thoughts that
expressed the nonprejudiced values’’ (p. 14). Hepburn and
15. Locksley (1983) counter that
people cannot really distinguish when their stereotypes are
activated, and that, even if
people could suppress stereotypes, they would come out in the
long run. Other studies,
however, do support the idea that people can deactivate their
stereotypes either by looking
for discriminating information (Zebrowitz, Montepare, & Lee,
1993), by unexpected
(nonstereotypical ) attitudes or behaviors on the part of the
racial other (Biernat&Vescio,
1983; Oakes, 1994 ), or when made aware of the positive
information about the racial other
(Jackson, Hymes, & Sullivan,1987).
In addition to deliberate attempts and informational intervention
that might mitigate
stereotypic impressions, aspects of a person’s paralinguistic and
nonverbal communica-
tion may also come into play. For example, the perceived social
class of Black targets was
more influential in predicting Whites’ favorability ratings than
race, while Blacks relied
primarily on race to determine favorability of targets (Smedley
& Bayton, 1978). Dialect
and personal appearance, together with race, were found to
better predict stereotypes
than race alone (Jussim, Coleman, & Lerch, 1987). Research on
Americans communicat-
ing with international students (Manusov et al., 1997) found
that stereotypical expectan-
cies prior to a conversation were associated with certain
behaviors within conversation. It
is difficult to determine if we communicate with racial others in
terms of our stereotypes
or, if, as suggested above, cultural communication styles
16. reinforce those stereotypes. Both
may be true. One possibility is that the clothing of the
businessman (Devine & Baker,
1991), for example, the speech characteristics of the spoken
Black English vernacular
(McKirnan, Smith, & Hamayan, 1983), or nonverbal and topic
cues trigger existing
stereotypes. For example, in one study, American participants
viewing an image of an
118 P. C. Hughes and J. R. Baldwin
Asian-descended woman drew upon different stereotypes,
depending on whether she was
brushing her hair or eating with chopsticks (Macrae et al.,1995).
The authors conclude,`̀ It
may be the conjunction of social categories that is crucial in
these cases, rather than a
differential emphasis on age, gender, or ethnicity used
singularly’’ (p. 404).
The literature suggests several hypotheses. For example,
Burgoon, Buller, and
Woodall (1989), reviewing studies on eye-contact differences,
suggest that Black and White
communicators may have different perceptions of one another,
based on these eye-contact
differences (e.g., Asante&Davis, 1985). Further, Blacks
frequently see many Whites as
manipulative or demanding (Leonard&Locke, 1993; Orbe,
1994). We propose the follow-
ing hypothesis:
H1: Black respondents’perception that aWhite communicator is
17. using steady or direct eye
contact will be associated with the following impressions:
demanding, rude, aggressive,
and noisy.
Hecht and colleagues (1993), Kochman (1981), and others have
suggested that core
values of Black culture are directness and genuineness. Whites
may tend to speak directly,
but seem to have a `̀ politeness’’ norm (Booth-
Butterfield&Jordan, 1989; Friday, 1994), as
well as a fear of dealing with racial issues (Tatum, 1992).
Because of this, many Whites
may smile for politeness or in interracial uncertainty or
discomfort but be perceived as
manipulative and phony. While Whites may speak readily, they
may not speak about
issues that concern many Blacks, or even deeper social issues in
general (Houston, 1993),
leading some Blacks to perceive them as trivial or ignorant.
Blacks, on the other hand, may
be more likely to speak their mind about any issues, including
those of social importance.
The directness of this style leads some Whites to feel `̀
puzzled’’ (Cheek, 1976). They may
perceive straightforward Blacks as confrontive and
argumentative. This leads to the fol-
lowing hypotheses:
H2: White respondents’ perception that a Black communicator
is speaking with self-
confidence will be associated with the impressions of
aggressiveness and argumentative-
ness; however, since self-confidence is also a White value, the
Black communicator will be
perceived as friendly. Likewise, the perception that a Black
18. communicator is speaking
his=her mind or getting to the point will be associated with the
impressions of aggressive
and argumentative.
H3: Black respondents’perception that aWhite communicator is
speaking on trivial topics
will be associated with an impression of ignorant.
H4: Black respondents’ perception that a White communicator
is speaking in a phony
manner will be associated with an impression of manipulative.
Likewise, the perception
that a White communicator is speaking in a friendly manner will
be associated with an
impression of manipulative.
The communication theory of ethnic identity (Hecht, Collier, &
Ribeau, 1993) sug-
gests that Blacks use certain communication styles within a
group to build solidarity and
community (cf. Gumperz,1982). Communication accommodatio
n theory (Gallois, Giles,
Jones, Cargile, & Ota, 1995) states that groups may use these
in-group communication
styles with members of the outgroup to maintain or reinforce
boundaries. Whites, used to
the cultural hegemony of people speaking dominant English,
may be uncomfortable when
Blacks speak other variations of English around them, while
Blacks may feel Whites’
Communication and Stereotypical Impressions 119
so-called correct speech styles are an exercise in arrogance. The
use of so-called Black
19. slang may call attention to the behavior, causing it to be seen as
more `̀ loud.’’ It may also
trigger stereotypes of `̀ comic’’ Blacks (Hall, 1981) and be
connected with a certain witti-
ness. This leads to the following hypotheses:
H5: White respondents’ perception that a Black communicator
is speaking loudly will be
associated with the impressions of aggressive, noisy, and
argumentative.
H6: Black respondents’ perception that a White communicator
is speaking with distinct
pronunciation will be associated with the impressions of
organized and arrogant.
H7: White respondents’ perception that a Black communicator
is using slang will be
associated with the impressions of loud, noisy, and witty.
Methodology
Participants
One hundred and fifty-nine White undergraduates and one
hundred and five Black
undergraduates (N = 264) from a large Midwestern university
participated in this study.
All respondents were full-time undergraduate students. The
sample was recruited in two
ways. First, the authors recruited participants from various
introduction to communica-
tion, advanced communication, sociology, and history courses.
Second, the authors con-
tacted the Black Student Union (BSU) representative s to recruit
Black students. The BSU
arranged for the first author to distribute and collect surveys
during a scheduled meeting.
20. While not representative, this sampling was chosen due to the
low number of Blacks in any
one class or section.The racial mixture of the university was
8.6% Black and 86.6% White.
The White sample ranged in age from 18 to 62 years (M =
21.59) and included 77
male and 82 female participants. The Black sample ranged in
age from 18 to 37 years
(M = 20.28) and included 50 male and 55 female participants.
Data Collection
Data were collected in two ways. First, the authors distributed
the questionnaires dur-
ing the participants’ regularly scheduled sections of the courses
mentioned above. Second,
those students who were recruited through the BSU were asked
to attend a meeting sched-
uled by the first author during which these participants would
complete the question-
naires, have an opportunity to make inquiries about the
research, and enjoy refresh-
ments. Participants who completed the questionnaires during
their regularly scheduled
class times were also invited to attend this meeting. Those who
attended the meeting com-
pleted and returned the questionnaires then.
Procedure
While actual communication behaviors would likely have an
effect on a communica-
tor’s perceptions in interracial communication, it is also
worthwhile to look at perceptions
of communicators’ behaviors. When we respond to a
21. communicator, at least at the con-
scious level, we respond not to what the person actually does,
but to what we perceive that
person is doing. For this study, therefore, we asked Black and
White respondents to recall a
120 P. C. Hughes and J. R. Baldwin
recent conversation with a member of another racial group
(consistent with the method
proposed by Hecht, Ribeau, & Alberts,1989). The first author
constructed a questionnaire
(Hughes, 1996) to assess Black and White communication
behaviors and impressions
(based on the communication and stereotype literature, e.g.,
Leonard & Locke, 1993).
Respondents used the items to describe the communication
behaviors and their overall
impressions.We then analyzed the relationships between
perceived communication beha-
viors and stereotypical impressions.
Measurement
Communication behaviors. The questionnaire contained two
parts: communication be-
haviors and communication stereotypes. We identified 17
communication behaviors from
the literature. Eight behaviors listed in the literature as White
behaviors follow: steady
and direct eye contact, distinct pronunciation, appropriate
terminology, variety of speech
patterns, friendly speech, acting like a know-it-all, discussion
of trivial topics, and speak-
22. ing in a phony manner (a = .89). The nine behaviors used to
operationalize Black commu-
nication behaviors follow: speaking more loudly than expected,
using erratic and
irregular head nods at the beginning of the interaction, listening
through speaking or ver-
bal behaviors, speaking one’s mind, infrequent and indirect eye
contact, speaking with a
lot of self-confidence, getting to the point, using cultural slang,
and speaking from cultural
experience (a = .85) . In the first part of the questionnaire,
participants responded to the
statement, `̀ The person . . .’’ followed by the list of
communication behaviors found in the
literature. The participants then circled the degree to which they
perceived the
racial other had communicated in a particular manner (e.g., `̀
The person appeared to
speak his=her mind’’). All items were measure on a five-point
Likert-typ e scale ranging
from strongly agree to strongly disagree.
Communication stereotypes. While many global impressions are
possible, we were most
concerned with those found to occur frequently as stereotype s
in past literature, as these
seemed to be the most problematic. Thus, we used the 12
stereotypes listed most frequently
by Black and White respondents in Leonard and Locke’s (1993)
study. The 12 Black com-
munication stereotypes held by White respondents follow: loud,
ostentatiou s (showy),
aggressive, active, boastful, talkative, friendly, noisy,
straightforward, emotional, argu-
mentative, and witty (a = .79). The 12 White communication
stereotypes held by Black re-
23. spondents included the following: demanding, manipulative,
organized, rude, critical,
arrogant, hostile, ignorant, deceptive, aggressive, boastful, and
noisy (a = .82). Since
noisy, boastful, and aggressive appear on both lists, the total
number of communication
stereotypes was 21. On the second part of the questionnaire
participants responded to the
statement,`̀ My impression of the person was . . .’’ followed by
a list of the stereotype s or im-
pressions highlighted in Leonard and Locke (1993). The 17
communication behaviors
served as the predictor variables.
Data Analysis
Descriptive statistics were computed to generate general
characteristic s of the sample
and measures of central tendency for the stereotypes and
communication behaviors.
Two-tailed Pearson product moment correlations were used to
answer hypotheses one
through seven.
Communication and Stereotypical Impressions 121
Results
In our first research question, we asked,Will
respondents’perceptions of racially other
individuals, in terms of stereotypes found in the past literature,
differ in order and inten-
sity from the stereotypes listed in that literature? In response to
this question, we calcu-
24. lated means and standard deviations for each of the top 12
stereotypes listed by Leonard
and Locke (1993) for White and Black communicators. The
results appear inTable 1.
The standard deviations for the first six items are greater for
Black respondents than
forWhite respondents, especially for the stereotype `̀
demanding,’’ while the White respon-
dents’means are higher than those of the Black respondents
(i.e., the highest ranked item,
`̀ friendly’’ has a mean score of 4.02 on a five-point scale,
while the highest item rated by
Black respondents for Caucasian communicators was `̀
organized,’’ with a mean score
of 3.19).
Several of the hypotheses received full or partial support. These
results appear in
Table 2. Hypothesis 1 predicted White communicators’ use of
steady or direct eye contact
would be perceived as demanding, rude, aggressive, and noisy
by Blacks. As predicted,
direct eye contact was associate d with the perception of rude,
but not correlate d with
demanding, aggressive, and noisy. Hypothesis 2 predicted
Blacks speaking with self-
confidence would be associated with the impressions aggressive
and argumentative; how-
ever, since self-confidence is also aWhite value, the Blacks
would be perceived as friendly.
Likewise, Blacks speaking their mind or getting to the point
would be associate d with the
impressions aggressive and argumentative. As predicted, Blacks
speaking with self-confi-
dence were perceived as friendly. However, Blacks speaking
25. with self-confidence and
appearing to get to the point were not perceived as aggressive or
argumentative. Hypo-
thesis 3 predicted that Blacks would perceive a White
communicator speaking on trivial
topics as ignorant. As predicted, White communicators speaking
on topics considered
unimportant to Black respondents were perceived as ignorant.
Hypothesis 4 predicted
that Blacks would perceive White communicators speaking in a
phony manner and in a
Table 1 Means and Standard Deviations for Black and White
Commu-
nicators’ Perceptions (Stereotypes)
Black Perceptions of
White Communicators
White Perceptions of
Black Communicators
Stereotypes M SD Stereotypes M SD
Organized 3.19 1.02 Friendly 4.02 .84
Demanding 2.83 3.15 Talkative 3.77 1.02
Boastful 2.57 1.13 Active 3.72 .89
Critical 1.57 1.06 Straightforward 3.71 .96
Aggressive 2.48 1.08 Witty 3.18 1.02
Manipulative 2.44 1.16 Argumentative 2.80 1.18
Arrogant 2.43 1.08 Emotional 2.77 .99
Noisy 2.41 1.07 Boastful 2.67 1.20
Deceptive 2.32 1.11 Aggressive 2.65 1.24
Ignorant 2.24 1.12 Noisy 2.51 1.29
Rude 2.16 1.08 Loud 2.51 1.29
Hostile 2.16 .91 Ostentatious 2.48 1.29
26. 122 P. C. Hughes and J. R. Baldwin
friendly manner as manipulative. As predicted,Whites speaking
in a phony manner were
perceived as manipulative by Black respondents. Unexpectedly,
Black respondents also
perceived Whites’ use of phony speech as deceptive. However,
Blacks did perceive Whites’
friendly speech as manipulative. Hypothesis 5 predicted that
Whites would perceive
Blacks speaking loudly as aggressive, noisy, and argumentative.
Whites perceived Blacks
speaking loudly as aggressive and argumentative, but not noisy
or loud. Hypothesis 6 pre-
dicted that Blacks would perceive a White communicator
speaking with distinct pronun-
ciation as organized and arrogant. Blacks perceived White
communicators’ use of distinct
pronunciation as organized but not arrogant. Finally, hypothesis
7 predicted that Whites
would perceive a Black communicator speaking with slang as
loud, noisy, and witty.
Whites perceived Blacks using slang as noisy, but not loud or
witty.
Discussion
Stereotypes—Compared with Leonard and Locke (1993)
In regard to the first research question, we thought it is
worthwhile to measure the
incidence of stereotype s in this sample, in part to compare with
Leonard and Locke
27. (1993) using a sample in a new region of the country, but also
because we operationalized
the responses differently than Leonard and Locke, using Likert-
type responses of indivi-
dual perceptions instead of having participants circle
stereotypes of a group on a list. Leo-
nard and Locke found that 62% of Whites surveyed circled `̀
loud’’ as an adjective
describing Blacks, with 29% listing argumentative and witty
and the other stereotypes
from Table 1 falling in the middle. For Black respondents, the
highest ranked item for
describing Whites was`̀ manipulative’’ (43%) and the lowest,`̀
deceptive’’and `̀ noisy’’ (both
23%). However, the circling of adjectives does not tell us the
strength with which the
stereotypes are held. The methodolog y in this study provides
means for the perceptions,
with the highest means (4.02) for White perceptions of Black
communicators and (3.19) for
Black perceptions of White communicators. Just as in Leonard
and Locke’s, study the
White respondents seem to hold stronger attitudes (or appear
less ambivalent, based on
the lower standard deviations for the first six items) than the
Black respondents. Second,
the relative ranking of the perceptions is different than that
found by Leonard and Locke.
Table 2 Correlations between Communication Behaviors and
Stereotypes
Hypotheses Behavior(s) Stereotype(s) r
H1 Direct eye contact Rude – .21*
H2 Self-confidence Friendly .30**
28. H3 Speaking on trivial topics Ignorant .40***
H4 Speaking in a phony manner Manipulative .31***
Deceptive .38***
H5 Speaking loudly Argumentative .34***
Aggressive .29*
H6 Distinct pronunciation Organized .40***
H7 Using slang Noisy .21*
Note. Table reports supported correlations predict ed by hypo
theses. *p < .05;
**p < .01; ***p < .001.
Communication and Stereotypical Impressions 123
While some perceptions, like Blacks respondents’ views that
White communication part-
ners were `̀ organized’’ or `̀ demanding,’’ remain at the top of
both lists, `̀ manipulative’’
moved from second place in Leonard and Locke’s study to sixth
place in the current ana-
lysis.`̀ Ostentatious,’’as aWhite respondent view of Black
communicators moved from sec-
ond place in Leonard and Locke’s study to twelfth place in this
analysis. This suggests that
the exact order of stereotypes=perceptions might change from
place to place and depend-
ing on how the questions are asked.
Furthermore, our respondents seemed to view their interaction
partners more posi-
tively.The top perception listed by Black respondents was
thatWhite communicators were
29. `̀ organized,’’ while White respondents tended to see Black
communicators as `̀ friendly,’’
`̀ talkative,’’ `̀ active,’’ `̀ straightforward,’’and `̀ witty.’’ There
may be a social desirability bias.
Or, it could be that the participants saw communication partners
more on individual
terms (Gudykunst & Kim, 1997), especially since people may
choose to interact with and
remember people they like. Perhaps the participants even
consciously suppress stereotypic
impressions (Devine,1989). This would suggest that, while we
might have stereotypes that
come to mind when we list global perceptions of a group
(Leonard and Locke’s design),
these same perceptions might not come to play in actual one-to-
one interactions. Since we
asked participants to remember a recent conversation, and not
one that was either positive
or negative, it is possible that such individuation may occur in
many of our daily interac-
tions. More research should verify this possibility and include
more positive items from
the original Katz and Braly list.
Correlations between Behaviors and Stereotypes
In our hypotheses we investigate d relationships between
perceptions of specific com-
munication behaviors and stereotypical impressions. Several of
the hypotheses were con-
firmed regarding Black respondents’ perceptions of White
communicators, especially
regarding negative perceptions correlated with speaking in a
phony manner (H4) or with
distinct pronunciation (H6). Contrary to our hypothesis,White
communicators perceived
30. to be speaking in a friendly manner were not judged to be
manipulative or deceptive;
rather, results confirmed the contrary (H4). Additionally, White
communicators per-
ceived to be speaking on trivial topics were considered ignorant
(H3). And direct eye con-
tact was not perceived as rude, demanding, aggressive, or noisy.
To the contrary, indirect
eye contact was perceived as rude (H1). Eye contact differences
between Black and White
communicators alone may not account for intergroup
perceptions. There may be different
types of eye gaze, some that may have conveyed friendliness
and others that may have
conveyed dislike. Future research should investigate these
possible relationships.
White respondents did not perceive Black communicators’ self-
confidence to be
aggressive or argumentative, but rather, friendly (H2).
Hypotheses regarding getting to
the point=speaking one’s mind (H2) were not confirmed in this
study. This contradicts
Cheek’s (1976) notion that Black assertiveness will be
perceived negatively by Whites, or
the possible notion that Whites will resist Black self-confidence
as it challenges inherent
power structures. At the same time, self-chosen interactions
might influence this, if the
White communicators had interactions with Black
communicator s in White-dominated
contexts. Topic choice, such as a Black communicator being
confident about social injus-
tices rather than in a small-group class project, might produce
different results. There
were negative impressions if White respondents perceived Black
31. communicators
124 P. C. Hughes and J. R. Baldwin
as speaking loudly (H5) or using slang (H3). This could be an
ethnocentric bias based in
White cultural norms (if, indeed, there are real differences in
these variables, which we
did not measure for this study). There could also be resistance
to those elements that
White communicator s feel challenge the `̀ dominant’’ White
cultural code(s). There is a
possible limitation in that participants might draw different
understandings of wordings,
such as `̀ phony,’’ `̀ erratic head nod,’’ or `̀ used distinct
pronunciation.’’ Further research
should investigate respondents’ perceptions of these terms and
the behaviors that lead to
them.
Some limitations of the study have been noted above. For
example, we do not know
exactly how the items were interpreted. In addition, the
questionnaire relied on self-report
of a past interaction, rather than relying on experimental data
and single-choice items.
Montgomer y and Norton (1981) reinforced the importance of
self-perceptions as `̀ vital to
the explanation of communication process as is the behavior
itself ’’ (p. 122). Norton (1978)
also suggested that the self-report measure procedure can be
used adequately to predict
communication behaviors. Future research may account for this
limitation by using multi-
32. variate analyses (i.e., factor analysis, multiple regression ),
which may return a more holis-
tic and integrated view to the `̀
decontextualized’’communication behaviors in our survey
(Baldwin & Hughes, 1997; Hughes & Baldwin, 1997). We were
also unable to determine if
certain communication behaviors lead to, cause, or trigger
certain stereotypes. However,
we do know that either (a) lists of stereotypes should not be
taken as universalöthat rank
ordering of stereotypes may change from place to place, or (b)
that stereotypes of whole
groups may change when applied to specific communication
partners in line with Tajfel’s
(1978) continuum from interindividual to intergroup
communication. And we know that
communication behaviors, as everyday actors perceive them and
stereotypical impression
can be related, with certain behaviors appearing to be especially
problematic in interra-
cial interactions.
This study is also important in day-to-day intercultural
communication. Preconcep-
tions and stereotypes and communication differences are two
stumbling blocks to compe-
tent intercultural communication (Barna, 1994). Being aware of
these stumbling blocks is
the first action people can take in avoiding them. This study
researched these problem
areas of intercultural communication as they figure prominently
in interracial interac-
tion. On dealing with these stumbling blocks, Barna (1994)
wrote,`̀ For most people, it takes
insight, training and sometimes an alteration of long-standing
habits or thinking patterns
33. before progress can be made’’ (p. 345). This study provides
Black and White communica-
tors with more information on how particular communication
behaviors can be perceived.
For instance, communicator s can become aware of which
behaviors are associated with
problematic perceptions for those of other races or ethnicities.
This does not mean that
the communicators should choose not to use these behaviors.
Rather, they may tailor their
communication to hopefully minimize certain perceptions in
order to meet particular
goals (persuasion, respect, relational development, etc.). For
example, in some contexts,
Black communicators may choose to avoid the use of slang or
loud talk. White communi-
cators may choose to be friendly, but be careful of superficial
talk or condescension.
Future research needs to unravel whether our stereotypical or
global perceptions filter
our view of the communication of others or whether certain
behaviors trigger the percep-
tions (Macrae, Bodenhausen, & Milne,1995). In the meantime, a
better understanding of
perceptions and behaviors may help us become better
communicators. Whether we
educate ourselves on the diverse speaking styles of other
cultures or become aware of our
Communication and Stereotypical Impressions 125
own speaking styles, the goal is to achieve intercultural
communication competence,
34. which is `̀ the overall internal capacity of an individual to
manage key challenging features
of intercultural communication: namely, cultural differences
and unfamiliarity, inter-
group posture and the accompanying experience of stress’’
(Kim,1995, p. 259). We feel this
study has done much to broaden our notion of communication
perceptions, and we hope
that this helps us on the road to recognizing and managing,
where appropriate to do so,
intercultural and intergroup communication differences.
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