This document summarizes a research paper about the experiences of African American baseball players and how their experiences compare to white players. It discusses how baseball was historically an important part of the African American community but participation has declined. The document outlines the methods used in the research paper, which included interviewing 10 current and former college baseball players about their experiences and motivations. It provides background on theories for the decline in African American baseball participation and discusses challenges African American players may face.

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Race and Baseball: A Comparative
Look at the Subjective
Experiences of African-American
Baseball Players
Timothy Spatz
INTRODUCTION
Baseball, like many sports, serves a variety of roles in American culture. For
some it is a bonding experience, for others it creates a sense of self-identity, and for some
it is a vehicle for personal accomplishment. Sports create a sense of insulation for many
minority groups, creating a common bond, or, at times, a cultural trait. While there is
still progress to be made in race relations, the athletic field may be a great way to restart a
movement considered dead by many African-Americans. Sports represent a hope of
equality for many, and in turn, an opportunity for economic success. The return of
baseball to the African-American community may resuscitate a source of pride and
opportunity for future generations.
This paper will examine the basic question of how race shapes the experience of
contemporary African-American baseball players, as well as how these experiences help
shape their identities within their community, in regards to leadership and social standing.
Additionally, it will compare and contrast the experiences of African-American players to

2. those of their white counterparts for the purpose of determining how different cultures
perceive athletic achievements and the role of athletics in a given culture.
The interviewees in this project will be asked to share anecdotes and experiences
related to these basic topics. The interviewees (10) will be selected from local college
baseball teams by a volunteer basis and/or personal connections. The data will be
collected from the transcribed interviews. The interviews were confidential in nature, so
some names and institutions will be altered.
The findings of this study uncover a strong link between family and the sport of
baseball. Baseball is considered by many to be a ‘generational’ game, one that is passed
down from father (or some other family member) to son. It is likely that socioeconomic
factors influence this relationship much more than race itself, although at times it can be
difficult to separate the two.
Secondly, for the black players in this study, the challenges come from both
internal and external pressures. Those who have had success downplayed the
importance of race. One major difference is in the perceptions of the athletes as to what
obstacles they have faced in their careers. The mental and physical challenges of the
game of baseball elicit different responses based on racial background.
Finally, while many acknowledge the decline of African-American participation
in the game of baseball, few seem genuinely concerned. The interviewees were asked
about their levels of community involvement, the role athletics (baseball) played in their
own community, as well as other questions pertaining to these topics. It was interesting
to note whether participation in baseball was a choice among many options, or a common
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3. experience of the youth of a community. The interviewees were also asked about the
future of baseball in their communities and how (if) they will be a part of it.
METHODS
The purpose of this study is to examine the experiences of African-American
baseball players in relation to their white counterparts. Namely, how did the experiences
in the game of baseball influence the decision to stay in the game of baseball? Interviews
with current and former players, chosen by reference or personal acquaintance, centered
on their experiences within the sport as well as their personal motivations for persisting
within the sport. The interviewees were asked questions pertaining to their experiences
in baseball, the relative importance in their community and family, personal background,
and the future of African-American baseball players. The interviews were recorded and
transcribed. The transcribed interviews were coded and analyzed to draw out the main
themes and patterns.
College athletes were chosen for this study due to the fact that they would all have
a common characteristic of education, and accordingly, had opportunities before, during,
and after their respective playing careers. Also, college and former college players were
chosen out of convenience to the researcher. College-educated interviewees are more
likely to reflective responses from their array of experiences in the game, from t-ball to
professional baseball. It is important to note that all of the interviewees were successful
athletes to some extent in order to qualify for this study. However it is also likely that
their exposure to negative anecdotes and situations was limited.
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4. Additionally, the interviewees were asked basic demographic information and
subjective personal assessments including level of education, childhood socioeconomic
status, past organized sports, and future opportunities in baseball. This was done as a
means to establish similarities in personal backgrounds. The data was coded to reflect
the variety of answers for each interview question and most questions had at least three
broad categories of answers.
BACKGROUND and THEORY
In 2006, just 8.4% of Major League players were African-Americans. In 2007,
that number fell to 8.2%, with a mere 3% of pitchers being African-American. For
college baseball, the numbers are even more telling (4.5%) (Butts, et al 2007). It is
important to note that college baseball is thriving in states with substantial African-
American communities and populations. By comparison, the participation rates for
basketball and football are 42% and 32% respectively (Butts, et al 2007). Furthermore,
the historically black colleges (HBC’s) report, on average, only 68% African-American
baseball players, the lowest at any point in history. (Butts, et al). This trend is well-
documented, as the number of African-American Major Leaguers has dwindled since its
peak of 27% in 1975, to a mere 8% currently (Ogden and Rose). As compared to the
general population (approximately 13% of the population), African-Americans have gone
from being significantly overrepresented to significantly underrepresented.
Traditional explanations of the decline focused on the economics of baseball,
specifically the rising cost of participation. Competitive summer teams and leagues
often cost more than $1000 per player, bats and gloves reach $400, and travel costs for
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5. tournaments exceed the family budgets of many lower income families, many of which
are African-American.
More recent studies show a much different line of reasoning concerning the
participation of African-Americans in the sport of baseball. Cultural theories have
appeared to compliment or at times oppose traditional economic theories. In particular,
the rise of basketball and the glorification of inner-city (urban) lifestyles have created a
cultural identity and sense of attachment for many young African-Americans not readily
available in the sport of baseball (Ogden and Hilt, 2003). Economic and cultural
theories are not mutually exclusive, however. It is likely that these theories in
combination explain the same experience. It is possible, if not likely, that a cause and
effect relationship between these theories exists. Accordingly, socio-economic status
may be a variable used in further study.
It would appear that a monumental shift has occurred in American sports culture.
Fifty years ago, minority groups represented a small fraction of professional athletes in
the United States, whereas today, African-Americans have established themselves as the
dominant (statistical majority) participants in football and basketball. For many African-
Americans, these sports represent the path of least resistance to economic success and
personal cultural status and credibility. Baseball, at the professional level, is a time-
consuming, often tedious development process, made even more difficult through
systematic politics and prescribed developmental goals. Aspiring baseball players must
invest three to ten years after high school to reach the highest level of their profession, a
far greater amount of time than the average football or basketball player.
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6. This is potentially a reflection of a generation as much as it is a cultural trait. The
current generations of professional athletes were raised in an era of privilege and
freedom, where failure not only was not an option, but also was not permitted.
Inevitably, an air of superiority and entitlement developed, and the hard work of previous
generations became passé. Latin American players have shown a greater tolerance for
this process possibly because it still represents and economic upgrade from their family
socioeconomic status. Combined with the fact that Latin players are eligible for
professional ball at an earlier age (16 as opposed to 18 for African-Americans), baseball
is still an attractive option for many young Latino males.
Sports in the African-American Community
The lure of the American pastime seems to have subsided in African-American
neighborhoods throughout the United States, replaced by the sound of a bouncing ball
and chain link nets. Many researchers enjoy using sports as a social microscope due to
the fact that many sports represent a situation in which race has an air of invisibility. The
prejudice associated with race, gender, and sexual orientation often gives way to team
goals, cooperation, and collective success.
According to the NCAA, only three percent of Division I baseball players are
African-American and only about thirteen percent (now 8%) of Major Leaguers (Ogden,
2003). Basketball has replaced baseball as the primary vehicle for social mobility, in
other terms, the quickest way to a career in professional sports. Many African-
Americans feel as though basketball represents the least resistance and offer the most
cultural acceptance (Ogden, 2003). While historically African-Americans have achieved
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7. at a comparable level to whites on baseball fields, baseball remains a game associated
with southern culture, and inherently, racist culture.
In a somewhat ironic twist, the desegregation of Major League Baseball, initiated
by Jackie Robinson in 1947, led to the demise of baseball in African-American youth
culture. Many African-Americans used the Negro Leagues as a source of pride, a
gathering place, or foundation for community identity (Ogden, 2005). Many
communities even rescheduled Sunday church services to accommodate starting times of
baseball games. Baseball games were a showplace for African-American celebrities like
Count Basie, Ella Fitzgerald, and Louis Armstrong (Ogden, 2005). Baseball also
represented Black Nationalist theory, in that it was a business controlled solely by
African-Americans (Ogden, 2005).
Challenges for African-American Players
African American baseball players face a variety of personal and societal issues.
In many cases, they are seen as exceptions to the rule, or carry-overs form a previous
generation. As a result, they are faced with the burden of being black baseball players,
carrying a double standard of having to be successful and a spokesperson and role model,
not often associated with players of other cultures. African American players are
expected to be community-oriented and central role models for their culture.
A similar phenomenon occurred in Cuba in the late 1880’s, as Afro-Cubans were
forced to formulate their own social institutions, including baseball leagues (Burgos).
Cuba’s official government policies (similar to Jim Crow Laws in the U.S.) served to
curb the success of the newly formed Afro-Cuban leagues under the guise of “defending
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8. national interests and unity” (Burgos). Interestingly enough, baseball has remained a true
institution in Cuban culture despite the turmoil of the late nineteenth century.
Basketball has nestled itself into African-American culture to the extent that even
white players are expected to fit into its culture. Baseball, on the other hand, has made no
effort to re-embrace African-American achievement or participation. This can viewed as
a voluntary act of racism on one hand, or a shrewd business maneuver on the other.
Baseball executives would argue that their market audience is predominantly white, and
the American socioeconomic structure favors whites, therefore marketing their product
toward a white audience only makes sense.
Community Leadership
These trends are exemplified not only in participation, but also in the number of
spectators. There was a time when the attendance of Negro League games surpassed
their Major League counterparts on a regular basis, but statistics show a dwindling
number of African-American spectators (only about 5%) at baseball games (Ogden,
2003). Baseball ticket prices present the most economical of all the major sports, as well
as the most opportunity for attendance and the most flexible schedule. This fact, alone,
may be the true indicator of declining interest in baseball among African-Americans.
Interestingly, many communities turn to baseball, and other sports, as a source of pride
and unity. Baseball, in particular, provides spectators with the opportunity to converse
and relate regardless of race. Baseball represents an opportunity to build positive
relationships for both players and spectators. The continued decline in participation,
therefore, is not guaranteed.
8

9. When examining youth baseball, Sherri Grasmuck came to an interesting
conclusion about baseball; that it actually promoted tolerance in racially diverse
neighborhoods (2003). She notes that, due to long periods of waiting, the spectators are
not only available to communicate, but expected to communicate with other spectators.
The segregation is related to the team which one supports (2003). She also notes that the
collective identity of failure and baseball is a game built on failure, reinforces the bonds
of fanhood, in that all fans can relates to the mistakes they are witnessing (2003).
Although, Grasmuck does make a compelling argument for baseball possessing a
separate, almost innate quality absent in other sports, it would be wise to refrain from
generalizing these findings, and in particular, identify them as sole entities of baseball.
Further, it would seem more research is necessary to determine how to get more African-
American families to get involved youth baseball programs, so that this research can be
legitimized and substantiated. The future application of this idea is intriguing at the very
least.
Baseball has been chosen as a source of community building for several reasons.
It requires a large number of participants, which forces children from different
neighborhoods to come together (Ogden, 2000). Ogden also emphasizes the lack of pick-
up games and the values of teamwork and compromise that inevitably are required, as a
cause for the decline in participation in general (2000). He views technology as the
replacement for real community building (movies, TV, Internet, Video Games, etc).
Programs such as RBI (Reviving Baseball in the Inner-cities) and First String are
designed to re-establish this sense of community pride and participation. First String,
located in Champaign, Illinois, even uses team nicknames from the Negro Leagues, in an
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10. attempt to connect the past and the present (Glover and Bates, 2005). The difficulty for
many revival programs, as one may expect, is securing funding and relying on altruistic
individuals for continuity. Developing intergenerational respect and mentoring seem to
be the key for successful programs. Most sports, and baseball is no exception, are
generational games, with knowledge passed down through personal experience and
contact. In the African-American communities, the game of baseball is being re-taught at
every level, often at a much later stage in life, which stunts the development and skills of
the participants.
The trend of declining participation can be halted, if not reversed. It is unlikely
that participation rates will reach the levels of thirty years ago, but participation rates that
resemble the overall population are possible. When players report positive experiences, it
will generate interest and desire to participate from within the community. If
communities continue to build around positive social events like youth sports, then a
bridge of understanding can develop, and potentially transfer into other aspects of
American culture.
Family Involvement
Although the interviewees were not specifically questioned in regards to their
academic backgrounds and success, it was a topic of relevance to the study due to the fact
that all had at least some college education. It was a topic that surfaced in the responses
of several interviewees.
While little is written in regards to collegiate baseball players, Beamon and Bell
(2006) examined the influence of athletics and academics on collegiate football players in
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11. regards to race. These authors found that due to the overrepresentation of African-
American males in the sports world, an over identification with athletic achievement to
the detriment of academic achievement has emerged. Interesting to note in this study is
that collectively, the athletes were not extremely unsuccessful. When taking into account
a variety of factors including number of classes failed, academic probation, standardized
test scores, graduation rate, et al, blacks and whites had strikingly similar performances.
Furthermore, Beamon and Bell added the variable of parental involvement.
While athletics often represented the central form of parental involvement in African-
American families, white families often included trips to museums, zoos, and other
educational experiences. Even so, the researchers saw academic improvement when
parents attended the athletic events of their children, regardless of race.
Similarly, Murphy (2005), in her study of race and gender identity, indicates that
athletics plays a much larger role in males’ life stories. Among the subjects, who were
professionals (those seeking an advanced degree), 57% of the males mentioned athletics,
and just 7% of the women. This suggests a strong correlation between athletics and
masculinity. Both males and females mentioned the benefits of teamwork and life
lessons obtained through participation in athletics, skills deemed necessary in their
present careers. Furthermore, multiple respondents expressed the acknowledgement of
confidence gained through athletic experiences.
Simply put, the implication is that parental involvement and participation in
extracurricular activities enhance a child’s academic success. While this is no way a new
idea, it is worth exploring the past experiences of the interviewees. Since the
interviewees are college athletes, it is worth exploring the validity of this general
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12. research. The interviewees all had some type of post-secondary schooling and most had
at least one degree. While this sample may not be representative of the entire population,
it does represent the research interests.
FINDINGS
The most apparent correlation in this research is the link between family
encouragement and baseball. All of the respondents contributed their interest to a family
member, most likely a male family member. It is interesting to note that only African-
American players mentioned their mothers as influences, which may be more indicative
of family structure and larger societal factors.
The earliest memories of players often predate formal school years, but always
included a family member. Female family members were notably absent among the
white respondents. One African-American player states, “(My earliest memory) is my
mom signing me up for t-ball…early mornings.” Another adds, “my mom would put the
teams together.” It is important to note that both respondents grew up in single parent
homes. Yet another African-American responds,
My grandmother was an avid baseball fan…when I came home from the hospital she had
bought me a baseball uniform with spike booties and a cap…later made a leather glove
(to go with it).
In all three examples, a female family member contributed to their early experiences in
the game of baseball.
The white respondents all mentioned their fathers as being important to their
development and participation in the game of baseball. Several mentioned that their
father coached their teams through little league, expressing more than just a passive
interest in the son’s playing experience. “My father would pitch to us all the time…my
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13. brother eventually joined in” one white player responds. Another adds, “my father
wanted me to be a catcher, so we went into the street to practice…” Finally, two
mentioned their father coached their teams until their teen years. Clearly, the white
respondents felt their baseball experiences were influenced by the involvement of their
fathers. Interestingly enough, only one black respondent specifically mentioned his
father,
My dad was asked to play in one of the Negro Leagues at the age of 16, but my
grandmother wouldn’t let him because he was too young…I traveled all over the South
watching my dad play…baseball was a fixture in Alabama.
These sentiments are truly emblematic of the generational nature of baseball.
Most of the white players also had a common experience of community
involvement. “(Playing baseball) was just a neighborhood thing”, and “we just met at the
diamonds every day…it was a part of summer” were common recollections of white
players. Another white player adds, “even as an adult, I played with my friends… it was
a social thing.” All of the African-American players alluded to the distance they had to
travel to continue their playing careers, even citing it as a challenge. Another of the
challenges among the black players was finding coaches and adult supervision. “Local
dads, but not always dads of kids on the team” often served as coaches. Parents were
needed for transportation but not much else. As the number of African-American players
continues to dwindle, players find themselves needing to travel further distances and to
take responsibility for finding their own playing opportunities.
The African-American players were more likely to stress the importance of race
within their family and neighborhood. Several responses indicated the responsibility and
the pride associated with being a black male, “Being black is not a negative…it was more
important to be a good citizen, go to church, get a job, get an education.” Another adds,
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14. “…probably middle school…they started to tell me about my role and my race, that I
would be scrutinized more, and that I’m different. But that I still have the same
opportunities as everyone else.” Another interviewee exemplifies the universality of his
experience, “(Race) was not a big deal in my family…I was always respectful to whoever
it was…you still have to have respect for others and yourself.” Yet another response
details the separation he felt within his community, “My (black) friends didn’t play
sports…my white friends are all baseball players…I’ve experienced both worlds, black
and white.”
Surprisingly, blacks were not more likely to view race as a factor in their baseball
playing experience. African-American players were, however, more likely to have
negative experiences. “If you’re black, and play, baseball, you either have to run a 6.4
(sec) 60 (yd) or drop bombs (Homeruns),” notes one African American. He later adds,
“If you’re black in baseball, you have to be better…it’s just the way it is.” Another black
player concurs, “If you expect to be successful, you have to be twice as good as a white
person, that was the expectation...that was part of my dad’s message.”
Not all of the experiences of black players were negative. One player responds,
with some reservation, “(Race) has had no influence…not to this point.” Another points
out, “It still takes work (to succeed).” “I can’t give one specific time where I experienced
racism in my baseball career,” states another matter-of-factly. Maybe the most
interesting response was, “I think minority groups tend to gravitate toward one another…
when you’re on a baseball field an there is only one other person that looks like you, you
get curious.” It is important to note that he did not view this as a negative, but merely as
an observation.
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15. While several black players noted a double standard for advancement, several
white players mentioned positive moments in regards to minority players. “I get to know
people of different backgrounds, races…on a more personal level,” notes one white
player. “Playing with players of different ethnicities helped break down some of the
stereotypes I possessed,” adds a white player. Most of the white players had very little
contact with black players, potentially explaining their abstract responses to this issue.
One response represents this idea extremely well, “I had a real idyllic experience growing
up…I wasn’t even aware of most racial issues.” Maybe the most unique response was,
“Players are different regardless of race, but race does add another dimension…its sparks
a wider-reaching community of brotherhood amongst one family: baseball players.”
It is an incredible notion that, regardless of race, winning (success) seemed to
supercede all other issues. A biracial player states, “I don’t have any negative
(experiences)…I have always been good enough to help the team win.” One African-
American player commented on his little league experience, “the white boys would just
kick our ass…then I joined an all-white team…and started winning.” Others commented
on the benefits of playing against talented players, and ultimately defeating teams with a
greater talent level. The mental obstacles to winning served as a challenge or a goal by
which success was measured.
Similarly, the players interviewed shared a common negative experience
associated with losing. Many of the interviewees even recalled one particular game as
their worst baseball memory. “That’s easy…my senior year, we were leading 8-0 in the
last inning…and ended up losing by one run,” remarked one interviewee. Others had a
more general observation, “…high school. It’s not that I didn’t like playing, we just
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16. weren’t very good,” or “Just losing in general. I just hate losing.” The magnitude of
these words cannot be fully comprehended without hearing the passion in the voices of
the interviewees. It was obvious to the interviewer that the negative association of losing
had an enormous impact on each of these players.
A variety of other issues arose in this area including dissatisfaction with coaches.
One notable comment demonstrates this dissatisfaction with a coach, “…coach made me
feel like my next mistake was my last…hated playing scared…baseball became less fun.
I lost a lot of confidence that year.” Another felt that his previous experience and
leadership were neglected by his new coach, “I was voted team captain (for 3 years)…but
was not on the roster for the Florida trip. I decided to leave the team.” Both of these
players noted that they were playing for a new coach who expressed loyalty to his
recruits and ‘his’ players. Another player contributed his negative experience to his
inability to adapt to a new coach, “…new coach, new system…I kinda lost focus.” One
interesting response parlayed his negative experience with a coach into a learning
experience,
After my first year, I was asked not to return by the coach…he told me I was not
‘his type of ballplayer’. I showed up to tryouts anyway…to make him cut me in
front of the rest of the team. I ended up learning more from him that any other
coach.
Like a lot of life experiences, this merely indicates one’s response to an incident is at
least as important, if not more important that the incident itself. It is also a reflection of
the political nature of collegiate athletics and the toll it takes on its participants.
Some other common negative experiences centered on the end of one’s playing
career. One man responded, “It was sad…all my friends had stopped playing.” There is a
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17. strong indication that the social aspects of sports and the camaraderie were important
components of his experience. Another reminisced on the end of his professional career,
Getting cut by the Indians, (Jokingly) I’m still in denial…the glitter and
excitement of being drafted, bubble gum cards, autographed bats…then you sit and
reality sets in. You begin to ‘root’ against your teammates just so you get a chance to
play. I had always played for fun…(ending my career) was a hard reality.
It would seem the end of the career present a myriad of emotions, yet the experience
universal in some respects. While only three of the interviewees have ended their playing
careers, it is likely the others will eventually have a similar experience.
As far as challenges the players faced are concerned, race does not appear to a
factor psychologically. When asked about his greatest challenge in baseball, one
African-American responded simply, “Me. I was always the best player on a bad team…
I had to push myself to be a better player and student.” Another African-American adds,
“(my biggest challenge) is that others’ still have doubts in me…I have confidence in
myself…I just feel like with more opportunities come more accomplishments.” One
white player notes,
I know I could be playing in an independent league, or overseas…but it would be
tough to quit my job (as a CPA) now. Sometimes, I wonder if there is anything I could
have done differently to make it (in the pros)…because I would have done it. My biggest
regret is not surrounding myself with quality coaching…
Still another (current college) player adds, “it feels like I need to prove myself every
year…” after transferring to a four-year school following two years of junior college ball.
Still others’ remarked on their self-confidence following a significant injury, “…spending
your whole life playing, two sports really, and then being able to play neither for a year
and a half.” This statement clearly demonstrates a difficult hurdle in many athletes
psyche. Another added, “I had to endure some sort of rehabilitation or therapy…during
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18. the times I should have been getting stronger … and better…instead, I was getting back
to where I was.” These athletes equivocated injury to a competitive disadvantage.
African-American players were, however, more likely to report physical
challenges related to race. Maybe the most significant disparities of this study appeared
in this line of questioning. The white players often attributed their success to their
knowledge, skills, and hard work and their shortcomings to natural ability. The black
players noted a double standard as it pertains to performance as well as a general lack of
opportunities to showcase their abilities. Three of the five white interviewees specifically
described their “God-given” ability as a detriment to their success, overcome only by
intangible qualities. It is important to note, that all three also mentioned that they learned
competitiveness through this perceived shortcoming. “If you’re black in baseball, you
have to be better…a white guy with the same exact tools (skills), he’ll get the job…it’s
just the way it is,” notes on black player. Another black player adds, “(Black players)
were always looking for ways to set themselves apart (from the white players).” Finally,
a black player comments about trying to advance his career, “I am constantly trying to
find places to play…my options are limited.” It would seem that black players view
exposure as only part of the problem as it relates to advancement in the world of baseball.
Arguably the most intriguing line of questioning centered on the context of
baseball in the community. Once again, race did not seem to have a great deal of
influence on the nature of the answer, positive or negative. The responses did, however,
include a large spectrum of opinions as to the responsibility of an athlete’s role within the
community and family.
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19. Those who believed more should be done to promote the sport of baseball, or
sports in general, cited their own accountability or responsibility to their respective
community. One white player states, “I think MLB (Major League Baseball) should try
to get involved. African-Americans have a proud history in MLB. Losing them is a blow
to the sport.” Another added, “…to an extent, it’s good to have an effort…like the RBI
(Reviving Baseball in the Inner Cities) program…I don’t think it’s necessary to get a
higher number just because.” A black player had a much more active response,
I would encourage more to get involved, absolutely. I think the community needs
to revisit the opportunities…because I’m interested in it, I can be a positive influence. I
think sports are important to African-American culture…if they’re open-minded about
playing baseball…whatever keeps them out of trouble.
Finally, a black player sums up the issue, “…(race) isn’t the issue, economics is.”
Continuing on, he adds,
(Baseball) has gone global…when I was growing up, baseball is what kids did…
now they look at basketball or football…(and now) there is more competition with Latino
and Asian markets. (MLB) organizations can do more…players have no loyalty to cities,
but the organization is still there.
Regardless of race, the issue of getting black youths involved does not seem to present a
pressing concern from within or from outside the sport. Promoting sports in general, or
some positive community involvement seems to be the consensus response.
Those who did not feel that promoting the sport of baseball in African-American
communities was necessary cited the importance of personal interest and the essentiality
of the love of the game. Two of the five black interviewees expressed the notion that
playing baseball was a personal choice, one that was arrived at through family
encouragement, or more importantly, personal enjoyment. They both believed that
‘pushing’ the sport does not benefit the participants. One interesting comment by a black
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20. player was, “The black players from the 70’s and 80’s didn’t get involved in coaching…
overall there is less good black coaching.” He went on to say, “I can’t make a career out
of coaching black kids, there’s no money there…I don’t want to coach my son…I want
him to have his own baseball experience.” These statements imply that the trend of
diminishing participation is unlikely to reverse itself in this generation.
Several white players were less diplomatic in their assessments. “I don’t
understand why you would have to ‘push’ a sport on someone…if they’re not
interested…” avers one white player. Another white player contends, “At the risk of
feeding stereotypes…basketball is cheaper, more individualistic, and their friends are
playing.” He continues, “…this is probably more a reflection of the communities in
which they live, than a conscious decision.” Another white player expresses a similar
thought, “…a great deal of instruction comes from one’s father…with the rising number
of absentee fathers… makes it difficult to introduce the sport of baseball to the next
generation.” He also observes, “Participation rates are mirroring MLB…there is an
overall lack of role models from within the game, unlike basketball or football.” It is not
reasonable to consider these comments as ignorant or racist, but merely observant in
nature. Furthermore, it is likely that as the sample size increases, many people would
echo these sentiments.
CONCLUSIONS
Clearly there are limitations to each study, and there are questions unanswered by
each theory. A comprehensive study of the backgrounds of collegiate and professional
players would be required to determine the validity of the competing theories could be
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21. debunked. It would seem that there is a wide variety of explanations, all with some
merit, for the occupational segregation in baseball. Both Sack and Margolis agree on
this finding. No research exists to definitively prove that African-Americans possess any
genetic advantage over whites in this area, and even if it did, there is no proof that the
social contexts would not succumb to this advantage (Margolis, 1999). Another
intriguing argument is that, for many African-Americans, channeling efforts into sports is
much more rewarding (financially) than academics or some other area of strength
(Leonard, 1998). The years of peering through the glass ceiling have enabled African-
American youths to develop athletic talents for the mere fact that it represents a more
realistic opportunity of equality.
Research on overt racism, as previously described, is often easier to obtain,
although less plentiful. The desire to be ‘politically correct’ and the practice of surface
tolerance shrouds many racist attitudes. Institutional racism seems as much a part of
baseball as any other social institution. In contrast, examples of tacit racism are much
more difficult to unmask and quantify, however, these incidents are also much more
available.
LIMITATIONS AND REMARKS
There are several limitations to this study. First, is the small sample size. I
cannot claim that the responses I obtain will be representative of all black baseball
players and all white players, or even of college baseball players of either race. However,
I can look for patterns and speculate about how frequently they are found in the larger
population. I will suggest follow-up quantitative studies that could help determine the
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22. prevalence of different patterns in the population. Finally, this study is focusing
predominantly on African-Americans, mainly because of the history of prejudice against
African-Americans. It is possible Latin Americans and Asian Americans have different
experiences and emotions (positive and negative) concerning this issue.
Notably absent in much sport sociology research are the ‘country club’ sports like
golf and tennis. It is probably fair to conclude that white male privilege underlies these
sports due to the contextual placement of these sports in American culture. Tiger Woods
created a stir when he won the Masters at Augusta Country Club at the age of twenty.
Not only did Woods stun the golf world because of his age, but also the juxtaposition of
his victory at a country club that did not allow minority members initiated much debate
over race in sports. The Williams sisters (Venus and Serena) in tennis have created an
economic entity where they represent women as well as African-Americans as successful,
confident, and at times, brazen citizens. In each case, athletics has transcended them to a
position not normally associated with African-Americans. As unfortunate as it may be,
sports and crime are the visual representations of African-Americans in mainstream
media and culture. African-Americans are equally affected by these images, so much so
that in many cases these images become a self-fulfilling prophecy, or even a cultural trait.
Once again, the issue of socio-economic status comes into the equation, possibly as the
strongest factor of choice of sports. As a result of these challenges, American
communities promote community involvement and personal investment to ensure a
competitive playing field in this era of modern sports.
22

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