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Dr Matt Maycock
Understanding Masculinities
Monday 1st Feb 10- 12 am
QMU
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Class overview
All too often the word gender is still perceived as static, binary and synonymous with “women”. The theory of
hegemonic masculinity will be critiqued by drawing on the work on Anderson and colleagues to show the
relevance of inclusive masculinity in understanding changing perceptions of what it means to be male in a
world of social media with accompanying fluid gender and sex identities.
This class will draw on examples of research in Nepal and Scotland to give an overview to some of the key
issues in gender, men and equality. In particular, prisons will be considered as sites in which both hegemonic
and inclusive masculinities exist and intertwine.
Learning Outcomes. By the end of this session students will be able to:
 Recognise and distinguish conceptual models of masculinities
 Appreciate the importance of including masculinity into gender analysis
 Critically analyse theoretical perspectives on masculinity: hegemonic masculinity and inclusive masculinity
 Recognise the challenges and benefits of working with masculinities in practice.
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Class overview
Theories of masculinity
→ Hegemonic masculinity (Connell, 1995, 2015)
→ Inclusive masculinity (Anderson, 2009, 2016)
Example one - Masculinity and migration in Nepal
Example two - Masculinity within Scottish prisons
Transgender people’s experiences of prison and complicating links between
male bodies and masculinity
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What are or is masculinity?
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Some (American) views on masculinity
(https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=R_MlHvif0tk&feature=emb_
title&ab_channel=As%2FIs )
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theories of masculinity
1) Hegemonic Masculinity, Raewyn Connell (2005, 2015)
Please watch this until 2:16
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OYboMmQS0tU&feature=e
mb_title&ab_channel=Engagingmen
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Hegemonic Masculinity
“hegemonic masculinity” - a form of masculinity that is
dominant in society, establishes the cultural ideal for what it is
to be a man, silences other masculinities, and combats
alternative visions of masculinity.
Hegemonic masculinity’ is a concept that draws upon the
ideas of Gramsci. It refers to the dynamic cultural process
which guarantees (or is taken to guarantee) the dominant
position of men and the subordination of women.
hegemonic masculinity - rejection of the idea that all men are
the same
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Hegemonic Masculinity Cont…
a change from the concept of masculinity to the concept of
masculinities
allows meaningful distinction between different collective
constructions of masculinity and identification of power
inequalities among these constructions.
Masculinities:
→ Are actively constructed (not biologically determined)
→ Are dynamic- change over time
→ Have negative impacts- be tough don’t cry, can lead to disengagement,
health problems, aggression, overwork and lack of emotional
responsiveness.
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Criticisms (V. Seidler)
Leaves gender roles, and in particular patriarchy unchallenged
Leaves out personal and emotional perspectives- emotional lives of
men ignored.
“There is a danger of creating a fixed category of ‘abusing men,’
rather than learning how pregnancy invokes unresolved emotional
feelings in men”
Is often applied to research quite uncritically
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theories of masculinity
2) Inclusive Masculinity, Eric Anderson (2009, 2016)
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Inclusive Masculinity, Eric Anderson (2009)
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RvwJ5Dhffjc&t=93s&ab_channel=HoneyBadgerRadio
Please watch this video until 2 minutes.
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Eric Anderson’s theory of Inclusive Masculinity describes changes in the ways some
men conceive of and enact their masculinity. Employing ethnographic methods
and “social-feminist thinking” (14)
Inclusive masculinity, like hegemonic masculinity, frames gender (partially) in
terms of power relations. However, it suggests a shift toward a more egalitarian
conception of masculinity and a less rigidly vertical notion of hierarchy
Anderson claims that “university-attending men are rapidly running from the
hegemonic type of masculinity that scholars have been describing for the past 25
years” (4).
Inclusive Masculinity (2009)
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Connell’s definition of “hegemonic masculinity”—emerges as insufficient for
describing “the complexity of what occurs as cultural homohysteria
diminishes.” To rectify this shortfall, Anderson proposes “inclusive masculinity
theory,” his own “new social theory” (7).
homohysteria “describes the fear of being homosexualized,”
diminishing “homohysteria,” which Anderson defines as combining “a culture
of homophobia, femphobia, and compulsory heterosexuality” (7).
Inclusive Masculinity
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Criticisms (de Boise, 2014)
Misread hegemonic masculinity to be a type of person as opposed to a web or matrix of
configuration
Assumes that hegemonic masculinity is inflexible and doesn’t adapt to periods of low
homohysteria
Assumes a singular dominant ideal, but Connell uses a multidimensional understanding of
gender
Claims of a ‘decline’ homophobia and homohysteria are questioned; can levels of
prejudice be objectively established; are acts like same-sex kissing indicative of attitudes,
is homophobia is really as insignificant as inclusive masculinity claims.
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QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION IN SMALLER
GROUPS
• What are the main differences between Anderson and Connell’s theories of masculinity?
• What is the hegemonic masculine position in your community/area/life?
• Who occupies the hegemonic masculine position at QMU?
• How are masculinities changing within the University context?
• Do inclusive masculinities exist at QMU, if so in what forms?
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APPLYING MASCULINITY EXAMPLE 1 - research ON MODERN
SLAVERY far-west Nepal
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Fieldwork far-west Nepal 2009, 2011, 2012, 2018
Yearlong initial PhD fieldwork in Nepal:
Three month language training and key informant interviews
Nine months in two fieldsites
Follow up field visits over the following nine years
My thesis addressed the the following research questions:
How have the links between Kamaiya bodies and Kamaiya masculinities changed
following freedom?
How are working patterns changing following freedom, and what implications does
this have for Kamaiya masculinities?
What are the Implications of modernity for Kamaiya masculinities in family
settings?
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Methods
Household survey
Life History interviews
Participant observation
→ I wore clothes similar to my research participants and made a conscious effort not to
display conspicuous signs of consumption.
→ I tried to behave like the men of my age at both fieldwork sites as far as possible. On
occasion this involved doing the work that the men in Kampur were involved in, although
this did not include driving a rickshaw as the rickshaw drivers found the idea ridiculous.
→ I took part in various agricultural and hunting activities.
→ I took part in the social life, which posed various difficulties for me.
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Positionality
As Reinharz (1997) indicates, researchers have multiple identities apart from those
associated with being a researcher; mine include being white, Welsh, heterosexual, male
and, at the time, unmarried.
My positionality through the various identities I brought to the research – my gender, race,
class etc. – influenced both how I collected data and its interpretation (Mullings, 1999)
My position constituted both an advantage and a disadvantage. West (2003) found that
being positioned as an ‘outsider’ brought certain benefits in his research with victims of
torture in Mozambique’s war for independence. It allowed some of his research subjects to
discuss issues that they found it difficult to speak about with members of their community.
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My home for nine months…
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Participant Observation - Going ‘hunting’
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Migration in Nepal
In 2001, 760,000 people had officially migrated out of Nepal, 77 per
cent of whom had gone to India (Central Bureau of Statistics, 2002).
Migration is strongly gendered in Nepal, around 90% of those who
migrate are men
Seddon et al (2000) estimate that between 0.5-1.3 million Nepalis
temporarily migrate to India.
Data in South Asia is problematic – particularly between Nepal and
India due to the open border
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Gendered Experiences of Migration
Facilitates new performances of (Indian) masculinity
→ In the place where men migrate
→ Also in villages when men return
Potential for mimicry and the learning of new masculine styles and
performances
Money
→ Diversification of income
→ Migration and ‘breadwinning’
Certain aspects of (sexual) freedom
Exciting and new
Anonymity
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Problems associated with migration
Frequent exploitation and mistreatment
Isolating – often no or limited support network
Often limited family history of movement
Low and instable pay
Pressure of remittances
Familial expectation to move as they were men
‘Success’ through migration difficult to achieve
Migration has not questioned the link between hard work and successful manliness amongst the bonded labourers
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APPLYING MASCULINITY EXAMPLE 2 - Prison masculinities in
Scotland (post-doc)
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Prison masculinities
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Prison masculinities
Please watch this video until 2:30
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GGklV6RD4uE&feature=e
mb_title&ab_channel=HuffPost
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Prison masculinities
In (largely male) prisons environments, there are performances of masculinity that are structured in
hierarchical ways in reference to both orthodox/hegemonic' and 'inclusive' masculinities
Orthodox/ hegemonic
masculinity
" inclusive form of masculinity
based on social equality for gay
men, respect for women, and racial
parity and one in which... men bond
over emotional intimacy"
(Anderson, 2008, 604)
"masculine performance labelled as
orthodox attempts to approximate the
hegemonic form of masculinity, largely
by devaluing women and gay men."
(Anderson, 2005, 338) (Bourdieu,
1998) (Connell, 1995)
Inclusive
masculinity
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Prison is an ultramasculine world where nobody
talks about masculinity. (Sabo et al 2001, 3)
…a hegemonically defined hypermasculine and
heteronormative environment with an abundance
of alpha males, sexism, and violence. (Jenness and
Fenstermaker, 2013, 13)
…prison facilities are a
particular kind of institutional
setting, one that actively resists
the diversity of masculine
practices and identities.
(Curtis, 2014, 121)
…places of great humour and playfulness, of
friendship and camaraderie, of educational
enlightenment, of successful therapeutic
intervention. (Jewkes, 2013, 14).
in their mutual support and encouragement,
it was also possible to discern sublimated
forms of intimacy. Certainly, the vivid and
joyful ways in which prisoners engaged in
collective exercise, and the sheer amount of
physical horseplay among younger prisoners,
pointed to submerged emotional sentiments.
(Crewe et al, 2013, 11)
Orthodox/ hegemonic
prison masculinities
Inclusive
Prison masculinities
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FIT FOR LIFE
Developing a health promotion programme
for male prisoners
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• A healthy lifestyle programme, 2-3 hour sessions delivered weekly for 10 weeks
• Fit for LIFE covers topics such as healthy eating, portion control, increasing physical activity, reducing sedentary
time etc
• Fit for LIFE the latest behaviour change techniques, such as goal setting, self-monitoring - stressing prisoner
agency
• Fit for LIFE is delivered by trained Prison officers and outside football/sports coaches
• Fit for LIFE is participative and focused on peer-supported learning
• Fit for LIFE encourages positive male banter to facilitate
discussion and group bonding
• Fit for LIFE is now being delivered in all prisons in Scotland
WHAT IS FIT FOR LIFE?
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Method 1. A scoping review was undertaken to identify lifestyle programmes on healthy living interventions
(weight loss, PA etc…) used with prison populations.
Method 2. Observations: Delivery sessions of the prototype Fit for Life programme were observed, audio-
recorded, and field notes taken.
Method 3. Focus groups/interviews were conducted with prisoners. Participants who completed/did not
complete the programme were asked for their views on the strengths/ shortcomings of the programme.
Method 4. Interviews with staff who delivered the programme sought their views on the
strengths/shortcomings of the Fit for Life programme.
Method 5. Independent before-and-after measures, questionnaires, bloods and urine with follow up to 12
months
METHODS
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Orthodox masculinities in the context of the
Fit for Life programme
I can understand aboot guys being
apprehensive an’ that, ken I think when,
especially wi’ everybody else in the hall, ken,
an’ you’re goin’ and they’re goin’ “aye, goin’
tae fat club,” an’ a’ this carry on, ken whit I
mean? So I could imagine people being
apprehensive aboot it, eh. (Prison A - P2)
I was hammering everybody fae the word go.
I'm the sort o' person, see once I get up there I
don't like anybody beating me, you know?
Determined an' that, you know? (Prison B - P11)
Ken what I mean? I’ll par—ken, I’ll... I’ll take—I’ll
partake in anythin’ eh? And as I say when, ken
when I got there I was like that, ‘right, fair enough.’
I mean you’re only putting your view forward. I
mean we’re in a hostile situation here, eh? And
people dinnae want tae speak forward in case the
boy, “he’s a fucking idiot,” excuse my French.
(Prison A - P11)
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Inclusive masculinity within the context of the Fit for Life
programme
I think it was a part of—it was being a part of
a group. On the outside I’m a lone person. I’m
no’ part of any group. So see learning in a
group, and interacting wi’ people, and
speaking to people in the group that kept me
motivated as well. (Prison A - P11)
it was important for me tae, for me tae do my
thing and for me tae tell people that they was
doing good at their thing, and encouraging them
and pushing them and stuff like that. (Prison A -
P3)
Well you’re having a laugh wi’ people and it’s
like yous are losing a wee bit o’ weight an’
you’re kinda like, it’s just you’re no’ coming an’
you’re no’ like if you’re coming tae the gym,
it’s like you’re no’ the fattest person in the
gym. So you’re here and yous are all kinda
fat, yous are all here for the same reason.
(Prison B - P3)
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Orthodox to Inclusive masculinity - Group dynamics
I think it was a part of—it was being a part of a
group. On the outside I’m a lone person. I’m
no’ part of any group. So see learning in a
group, and interacting wi’ people, and
speaking to people in the group that kept me
motivated as well. I mean I enjoyed the
group. It’s one of the biggest things I’ll take
away fae it has been involved in the group.
(Prison A - P11)
...you dinnae want tae be yourself, ‘cause you
just single yoursel’ oot, ken whit I mean? As I say
you can put yourself the gither as a team an’ you
take it on as a team, ken whit I mean? An’ you
support each other through it. (Prison A - P2)
Yeah, there was two lads in particular that
were like really taking the piss an’ I didn’t
enjoy that bit. No-one had control over them.
D’you know what I mean? But other than that
everything went really, really well. (Prison B -
P5)
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How does the prison context shape men’s bodies?
“…distributing individuals, fixing them in space, classifying them, extracting from them the maximum in
time and forces, training their bodies, coding their continuous behaviour… constituting on them a body of
knowledge that is accumulated and centralized.” (Foucault, 1979, 231)
“in the sports Hall of Varoic Prison [in Spain], a situated accomplishment of gender identity takes place that
is directly related to notions of hegemonic masculinity that are
intimately bound to the production of hard, powerful and assertive
bodies.” (Martos-García et al., 2009, 91)
“(T)here are many guises of hardness, which, inside and outside the
prison culture, illustrate various ways of expressing masculinity from
the honourable to the perverse. Being hard can mean that the individual
is toned, strong, conditioned, fit not weak, flabby, or out of shape.
A hard man cares for and respects his body.” (Sabo, 1994, 165-166).
EMBODIED PRISON MASCULINITIES
Weightlifters, Old Folsom Prison, 1998
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Well they [young prisoners] try to
big their selves up to look like
they’ve got more than they have
(PRISON B – P12)
MUSCULARITY, SHAPE AND SIZE
You want everybody tae go intae a
prison an' they all want tae dae
the weights, they a’ want tae get
big an' strong. That's what they all
want tae dae. (Prison B P11)
I actually get people that go
like that, “oh how long did it
take you to get that [large]
size?” Guys were all wanting
to get like me, and like as big
as me kinda thing. (Prison B-
P1)
The alpha male culture is alive and kicking. Well,
you do have your gym bunnies that, you know,
the bigger muscles you've got the more of a
man you are. And that's quite prevalent here [in
prison]. (PRISON A – P2)
Weightlifting Iowa
State Prison, 1956
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Some people don't care aboot
themselves 'cause they're in the
jail, they've hit rock bottom.
(Prison A - P7)
EMBODIMENT & CHANGES TO BODIES AND APPEARANCE
When I lost weight I kind o'... I
like tae keep my strength up an’ I
felt as if when I was losing my
weight that I was losing my
strength as well, that my strength
was falling away. (Prison B - P11)
I think people in general do take a lot more
care of themselves nowadays and it happens
more in prison. So you're not automatically
in inverted commas 'a poof' if you use face
cream and keep yourself clean and... yeah.
(Prison A - P4)
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How do you all reflect on the debate about transgender people in custody?
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TRANSGENDER PEOPLE’S EXPERIENCES OF CUSTODY
• I have recently been working on a project that extends my earlier projects on prison masculinities to
consider the experiences of transgender people in custody.
• This has resulted in me recently interviewing 11 transgender people in custody (there were 17 transgender
people in custody in total in June 2019, out of a total population of 8200), 11 women and I will soon be
interviewing 11 men and staff about their views on transgender identities and gender more widely in prison
• Through discussing various aspects of being a transgender person in custody as well as transitioning in and
prior to custody, themes such as management in custody, HMP Downview, searching, risk, vulnerability
and transphobia in custody are examined.
• There emerges a desire to be searched, share cells and be treated in the ways that are seen as the norm for
people in custody of the same gender. Cumulatively the experiences of this group of people in custody
illustrate the challenges, opportunities, joy and frustrations of everyday life living as a transgender person
in custody in Scotland.
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LITERATURE
In a recent literature review of research on transgender people in people in England and Wales
(Gorden et al. , 2017), indicates that:
“…existing research (discussed in this literature review) indicating that transgender
people in prison are significantly more likely to experience more problems than other
prison populations.” (2017, 11)
More specifically, this review highlights three areas of concern within the published research
relating to transgender people in custody in England and Wales:
“…this helped to identify three key areas that represent specific issues for transgender
people in prison: placement in the prison establishment; victimisation and treatment; and
healthcare provisions.” (2017, 13)
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POLICY CONTEXT
In 2014 the SPS introduced a policy relating to transgender people in custody and gender
identity more widely; ‘Gender Identity and Gender Reassignment Policy for those in our
Custody’. The policy seeks to:
…ensure that individuals who identify as transgender people or who intend to undergo,
are undergoing or have undergone gender reassignment receive respect and fairness at all
times from the Scottish Prison Service. (SPS, 2014, 5)
The SPS policy has been subject to some criticism (Murray & Blackburn, 2019, Women and Girls
Scotland, 2019), in particular that it might put vulnerable women in custody at risk of sexual
assault. In particular Women and Girl Scotland state that the SPS:
…failed to assess the impact of this policy on female prisoners (Women and Girls in
Scotland, 2019, 20)
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HMP DOWNVIEW
I don't think that’s right. I don't believe they
should move to make transgender wings, or
particular wings just for transgender
prisoners. It's singling people out, like they
say, right you're transgender, you go to a
transgender wing. It's creating a…what’s
that word I'm looking for…segregation. It's
like segregating us, in a way. (Participant
seven)
Trans males and trans
females? See that would be
perfect for me. See if it was
somebody like that…but see in
here obviously sometimes
like… It’s understanding, I
mean they’re going through
the same as me. (Participant
four)
You’re sort of saying, right,
well, you’re transgender,
you’ve got to stay over
there. They’re normal and
they stay over there like,
you know. I mean, the only
way we’d learn is by
interacting. (Participant
eight)
HMP Downview (a female closed category prison in England) opened a wing
specifically to house transgender people in custody in March 2019.
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Performances of masculinity by transgender men
in custody
I was like I will leather them. And they
were like, aye, but you’re a boy at the end
of the day. I was like, I don’t give a fuck.
Especially when I start testosterone I will
become a lot more aggressive as well,
know what I mean. Aye, so if somebody
looks at me the wrong way, what are you
fucking looking at you dafty, and then
that’s like when I’ll start fighting with
them and all that.
(transgender man)
It's just the way it is. Men have got
that masculinity thing, they're that
macho, and they just can't see,
somebody born within that gender
and changing, they just can't their
head round it. I would say, I'm not
stigmatising men, men don't talk a
lot about things, they won't discuss
problems as much, they won't talk
about things like that. Whereas
women will, women will sit and talk
about their problems, about what’s
going on, but guys just don't, it just
doesn’t happen the same.
(transgender woman)
See it wouldn’t have changed
anything because it’s not going to
teach me a lot how to be a proper
man because I’m in with females,
know what I mean. What I’ve been
looking for is to be like a proper
man and like… They do treat me
like a male but sometimes it feels
as though they don’t because
they’ve got me in a female prison –
what else am I meant to do in a
female…well, in a female hall. See
like a proper man…I don’t know
what that means, but like just like
any ordinary men would do. Like I
feel more comfortable spending
time with guys than I do with
females. (transgender man)
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Searching
Searching is a central part of prison life (Balfour, 2018), with all people in custody and their cells
searched on a regular basis.
Because they did go out their way to
make sure that, like, when I was
getting searched, and whatever it was,
obviously in the male estate, it was
still male officers searching me. They
made sure that I was comfortable, and
that I wasn’t scared, and they went a
long way to support me. (Participant
one)
But I think behind closed
doors they had huge issues
and with who was supposed
to search me. I think there
was an outright refusal from
female members of staff to
search me. (Participant seven)
What I found is that I was
never getting searched, ever.
So, you know, which yeah I
guess as a prisoner, I suppose,
I mean yeah, that’s fine. I
mean it’s not to do with
getting searched or not
getting searched. It was just
the fact that, I felt that it was
different [from the ways other
people in custody were being
searched]. (Participant three)
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• A gender and context sensitised health promotion intervention has the potential to facilitate engagement with a cohort of hard to
reach and disadvantaged men in a secure setting.
• Masculinity has shaped the planning and the experience of engagement in the Fit for Life programme.
• Understanding the sorts of bodies prisoners aspire to, is critical in understanding motivations for participation in interventions such as
Fit for LIFE
• There are many, often contradictory implications for masculinities in taking part in programmes to enhance health and wellbeing.
Programmes such as Fit for Life have the potential to enhance more inclusive forms of masculinity.
• Performances of both hegemonic/orthodox and inclusive forms of masculinity were evident amongst men who took part in the Fit for
Life programme.
• The Fit for LIFE programme is now being rolled out to all prisons in Scotland, led by prison gym staff.
• Transgender people have unique insights into performances of gender
CONCLUSIONS
Please get in touch at any time at:
mmaycock001@dundee.ac.uk

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Understanding Changing Masculinities

  • 1. Page dundee.ac.uk Dr Matt Maycock Understanding Masculinities Monday 1st Feb 10- 12 am QMU 1
  • 2. Page dundee.ac.uk Class overview All too often the word gender is still perceived as static, binary and synonymous with “women”. The theory of hegemonic masculinity will be critiqued by drawing on the work on Anderson and colleagues to show the relevance of inclusive masculinity in understanding changing perceptions of what it means to be male in a world of social media with accompanying fluid gender and sex identities. This class will draw on examples of research in Nepal and Scotland to give an overview to some of the key issues in gender, men and equality. In particular, prisons will be considered as sites in which both hegemonic and inclusive masculinities exist and intertwine. Learning Outcomes. By the end of this session students will be able to:  Recognise and distinguish conceptual models of masculinities  Appreciate the importance of including masculinity into gender analysis  Critically analyse theoretical perspectives on masculinity: hegemonic masculinity and inclusive masculinity  Recognise the challenges and benefits of working with masculinities in practice.
  • 3. Page dundee.ac.uk Class overview Theories of masculinity → Hegemonic masculinity (Connell, 1995, 2015) → Inclusive masculinity (Anderson, 2009, 2016) Example one - Masculinity and migration in Nepal Example two - Masculinity within Scottish prisons Transgender people’s experiences of prison and complicating links between male bodies and masculinity
  • 5. Page dundee.ac.uk Some (American) views on masculinity (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=R_MlHvif0tk&feature=emb_ title&ab_channel=As%2FIs )
  • 6. Page dundee.ac.uk theories of masculinity 1) Hegemonic Masculinity, Raewyn Connell (2005, 2015) Please watch this until 2:16 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OYboMmQS0tU&feature=e mb_title&ab_channel=Engagingmen
  • 7. Page dundee.ac.uk Hegemonic Masculinity “hegemonic masculinity” - a form of masculinity that is dominant in society, establishes the cultural ideal for what it is to be a man, silences other masculinities, and combats alternative visions of masculinity. Hegemonic masculinity’ is a concept that draws upon the ideas of Gramsci. It refers to the dynamic cultural process which guarantees (or is taken to guarantee) the dominant position of men and the subordination of women. hegemonic masculinity - rejection of the idea that all men are the same
  • 8. Page dundee.ac.uk Hegemonic Masculinity Cont… a change from the concept of masculinity to the concept of masculinities allows meaningful distinction between different collective constructions of masculinity and identification of power inequalities among these constructions. Masculinities: → Are actively constructed (not biologically determined) → Are dynamic- change over time → Have negative impacts- be tough don’t cry, can lead to disengagement, health problems, aggression, overwork and lack of emotional responsiveness.
  • 9. Page dundee.ac.uk Criticisms (V. Seidler) Leaves gender roles, and in particular patriarchy unchallenged Leaves out personal and emotional perspectives- emotional lives of men ignored. “There is a danger of creating a fixed category of ‘abusing men,’ rather than learning how pregnancy invokes unresolved emotional feelings in men” Is often applied to research quite uncritically
  • 10. Page dundee.ac.uk theories of masculinity 2) Inclusive Masculinity, Eric Anderson (2009, 2016)
  • 11. Page dundee.ac.uk Inclusive Masculinity, Eric Anderson (2009) https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RvwJ5Dhffjc&t=93s&ab_channel=HoneyBadgerRadio Please watch this video until 2 minutes.
  • 12. Page dundee.ac.uk Eric Anderson’s theory of Inclusive Masculinity describes changes in the ways some men conceive of and enact their masculinity. Employing ethnographic methods and “social-feminist thinking” (14) Inclusive masculinity, like hegemonic masculinity, frames gender (partially) in terms of power relations. However, it suggests a shift toward a more egalitarian conception of masculinity and a less rigidly vertical notion of hierarchy Anderson claims that “university-attending men are rapidly running from the hegemonic type of masculinity that scholars have been describing for the past 25 years” (4). Inclusive Masculinity (2009)
  • 13. Page dundee.ac.uk Connell’s definition of “hegemonic masculinity”—emerges as insufficient for describing “the complexity of what occurs as cultural homohysteria diminishes.” To rectify this shortfall, Anderson proposes “inclusive masculinity theory,” his own “new social theory” (7). homohysteria “describes the fear of being homosexualized,” diminishing “homohysteria,” which Anderson defines as combining “a culture of homophobia, femphobia, and compulsory heterosexuality” (7). Inclusive Masculinity
  • 14. Page dundee.ac.uk Criticisms (de Boise, 2014) Misread hegemonic masculinity to be a type of person as opposed to a web or matrix of configuration Assumes that hegemonic masculinity is inflexible and doesn’t adapt to periods of low homohysteria Assumes a singular dominant ideal, but Connell uses a multidimensional understanding of gender Claims of a ‘decline’ homophobia and homohysteria are questioned; can levels of prejudice be objectively established; are acts like same-sex kissing indicative of attitudes, is homophobia is really as insignificant as inclusive masculinity claims.
  • 15. Page dundee.ac.uk QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION IN SMALLER GROUPS • What are the main differences between Anderson and Connell’s theories of masculinity? • What is the hegemonic masculine position in your community/area/life? • Who occupies the hegemonic masculine position at QMU? • How are masculinities changing within the University context? • Do inclusive masculinities exist at QMU, if so in what forms?
  • 16. Page dundee.ac.uk APPLYING MASCULINITY EXAMPLE 1 - research ON MODERN SLAVERY far-west Nepal
  • 17. Page dundee.ac.uk Fieldwork far-west Nepal 2009, 2011, 2012, 2018 Yearlong initial PhD fieldwork in Nepal: Three month language training and key informant interviews Nine months in two fieldsites Follow up field visits over the following nine years My thesis addressed the the following research questions: How have the links between Kamaiya bodies and Kamaiya masculinities changed following freedom? How are working patterns changing following freedom, and what implications does this have for Kamaiya masculinities? What are the Implications of modernity for Kamaiya masculinities in family settings?
  • 18. Page dundee.ac.uk Methods Household survey Life History interviews Participant observation → I wore clothes similar to my research participants and made a conscious effort not to display conspicuous signs of consumption. → I tried to behave like the men of my age at both fieldwork sites as far as possible. On occasion this involved doing the work that the men in Kampur were involved in, although this did not include driving a rickshaw as the rickshaw drivers found the idea ridiculous. → I took part in various agricultural and hunting activities. → I took part in the social life, which posed various difficulties for me.
  • 19. Page dundee.ac.uk Positionality As Reinharz (1997) indicates, researchers have multiple identities apart from those associated with being a researcher; mine include being white, Welsh, heterosexual, male and, at the time, unmarried. My positionality through the various identities I brought to the research – my gender, race, class etc. – influenced both how I collected data and its interpretation (Mullings, 1999) My position constituted both an advantage and a disadvantage. West (2003) found that being positioned as an ‘outsider’ brought certain benefits in his research with victims of torture in Mozambique’s war for independence. It allowed some of his research subjects to discuss issues that they found it difficult to speak about with members of their community.
  • 26. Page dundee.ac.uk Migration in Nepal In 2001, 760,000 people had officially migrated out of Nepal, 77 per cent of whom had gone to India (Central Bureau of Statistics, 2002). Migration is strongly gendered in Nepal, around 90% of those who migrate are men Seddon et al (2000) estimate that between 0.5-1.3 million Nepalis temporarily migrate to India. Data in South Asia is problematic – particularly between Nepal and India due to the open border
  • 27. Page dundee.ac.uk Gendered Experiences of Migration Facilitates new performances of (Indian) masculinity → In the place where men migrate → Also in villages when men return Potential for mimicry and the learning of new masculine styles and performances Money → Diversification of income → Migration and ‘breadwinning’ Certain aspects of (sexual) freedom Exciting and new Anonymity
  • 28. Page dundee.ac.uk Problems associated with migration Frequent exploitation and mistreatment Isolating – often no or limited support network Often limited family history of movement Low and instable pay Pressure of remittances Familial expectation to move as they were men ‘Success’ through migration difficult to achieve Migration has not questioned the link between hard work and successful manliness amongst the bonded labourers
  • 29. Page dundee.ac.uk APPLYING MASCULINITY EXAMPLE 2 - Prison masculinities in Scotland (post-doc)
  • 31. Page dundee.ac.uk Prison masculinities Please watch this video until 2:30 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GGklV6RD4uE&feature=e mb_title&ab_channel=HuffPost
  • 32. Page dundee.ac.uk Prison masculinities In (largely male) prisons environments, there are performances of masculinity that are structured in hierarchical ways in reference to both orthodox/hegemonic' and 'inclusive' masculinities Orthodox/ hegemonic masculinity " inclusive form of masculinity based on social equality for gay men, respect for women, and racial parity and one in which... men bond over emotional intimacy" (Anderson, 2008, 604) "masculine performance labelled as orthodox attempts to approximate the hegemonic form of masculinity, largely by devaluing women and gay men." (Anderson, 2005, 338) (Bourdieu, 1998) (Connell, 1995) Inclusive masculinity
  • 33. Page dundee.ac.uk Prison is an ultramasculine world where nobody talks about masculinity. (Sabo et al 2001, 3) …a hegemonically defined hypermasculine and heteronormative environment with an abundance of alpha males, sexism, and violence. (Jenness and Fenstermaker, 2013, 13) …prison facilities are a particular kind of institutional setting, one that actively resists the diversity of masculine practices and identities. (Curtis, 2014, 121) …places of great humour and playfulness, of friendship and camaraderie, of educational enlightenment, of successful therapeutic intervention. (Jewkes, 2013, 14). in their mutual support and encouragement, it was also possible to discern sublimated forms of intimacy. Certainly, the vivid and joyful ways in which prisoners engaged in collective exercise, and the sheer amount of physical horseplay among younger prisoners, pointed to submerged emotional sentiments. (Crewe et al, 2013, 11) Orthodox/ hegemonic prison masculinities Inclusive Prison masculinities
  • 34. Page dundee.ac.uk FIT FOR LIFE Developing a health promotion programme for male prisoners
  • 35. Page dundee.ac.uk • A healthy lifestyle programme, 2-3 hour sessions delivered weekly for 10 weeks • Fit for LIFE covers topics such as healthy eating, portion control, increasing physical activity, reducing sedentary time etc • Fit for LIFE the latest behaviour change techniques, such as goal setting, self-monitoring - stressing prisoner agency • Fit for LIFE is delivered by trained Prison officers and outside football/sports coaches • Fit for LIFE is participative and focused on peer-supported learning • Fit for LIFE encourages positive male banter to facilitate discussion and group bonding • Fit for LIFE is now being delivered in all prisons in Scotland WHAT IS FIT FOR LIFE?
  • 36. Page dundee.ac.uk Method 1. A scoping review was undertaken to identify lifestyle programmes on healthy living interventions (weight loss, PA etc…) used with prison populations. Method 2. Observations: Delivery sessions of the prototype Fit for Life programme were observed, audio- recorded, and field notes taken. Method 3. Focus groups/interviews were conducted with prisoners. Participants who completed/did not complete the programme were asked for their views on the strengths/ shortcomings of the programme. Method 4. Interviews with staff who delivered the programme sought their views on the strengths/shortcomings of the Fit for Life programme. Method 5. Independent before-and-after measures, questionnaires, bloods and urine with follow up to 12 months METHODS
  • 37. Page dundee.ac.uk Orthodox masculinities in the context of the Fit for Life programme I can understand aboot guys being apprehensive an’ that, ken I think when, especially wi’ everybody else in the hall, ken, an’ you’re goin’ and they’re goin’ “aye, goin’ tae fat club,” an’ a’ this carry on, ken whit I mean? So I could imagine people being apprehensive aboot it, eh. (Prison A - P2) I was hammering everybody fae the word go. I'm the sort o' person, see once I get up there I don't like anybody beating me, you know? Determined an' that, you know? (Prison B - P11) Ken what I mean? I’ll par—ken, I’ll... I’ll take—I’ll partake in anythin’ eh? And as I say when, ken when I got there I was like that, ‘right, fair enough.’ I mean you’re only putting your view forward. I mean we’re in a hostile situation here, eh? And people dinnae want tae speak forward in case the boy, “he’s a fucking idiot,” excuse my French. (Prison A - P11)
  • 38. Page dundee.ac.uk Inclusive masculinity within the context of the Fit for Life programme I think it was a part of—it was being a part of a group. On the outside I’m a lone person. I’m no’ part of any group. So see learning in a group, and interacting wi’ people, and speaking to people in the group that kept me motivated as well. (Prison A - P11) it was important for me tae, for me tae do my thing and for me tae tell people that they was doing good at their thing, and encouraging them and pushing them and stuff like that. (Prison A - P3) Well you’re having a laugh wi’ people and it’s like yous are losing a wee bit o’ weight an’ you’re kinda like, it’s just you’re no’ coming an’ you’re no’ like if you’re coming tae the gym, it’s like you’re no’ the fattest person in the gym. So you’re here and yous are all kinda fat, yous are all here for the same reason. (Prison B - P3)
  • 39. Page dundee.ac.uk Orthodox to Inclusive masculinity - Group dynamics I think it was a part of—it was being a part of a group. On the outside I’m a lone person. I’m no’ part of any group. So see learning in a group, and interacting wi’ people, and speaking to people in the group that kept me motivated as well. I mean I enjoyed the group. It’s one of the biggest things I’ll take away fae it has been involved in the group. (Prison A - P11) ...you dinnae want tae be yourself, ‘cause you just single yoursel’ oot, ken whit I mean? As I say you can put yourself the gither as a team an’ you take it on as a team, ken whit I mean? An’ you support each other through it. (Prison A - P2) Yeah, there was two lads in particular that were like really taking the piss an’ I didn’t enjoy that bit. No-one had control over them. D’you know what I mean? But other than that everything went really, really well. (Prison B - P5)
  • 40. Page dundee.ac.uk How does the prison context shape men’s bodies? “…distributing individuals, fixing them in space, classifying them, extracting from them the maximum in time and forces, training their bodies, coding their continuous behaviour… constituting on them a body of knowledge that is accumulated and centralized.” (Foucault, 1979, 231) “in the sports Hall of Varoic Prison [in Spain], a situated accomplishment of gender identity takes place that is directly related to notions of hegemonic masculinity that are intimately bound to the production of hard, powerful and assertive bodies.” (Martos-García et al., 2009, 91) “(T)here are many guises of hardness, which, inside and outside the prison culture, illustrate various ways of expressing masculinity from the honourable to the perverse. Being hard can mean that the individual is toned, strong, conditioned, fit not weak, flabby, or out of shape. A hard man cares for and respects his body.” (Sabo, 1994, 165-166). EMBODIED PRISON MASCULINITIES Weightlifters, Old Folsom Prison, 1998
  • 41. Page dundee.ac.uk Well they [young prisoners] try to big their selves up to look like they’ve got more than they have (PRISON B – P12) MUSCULARITY, SHAPE AND SIZE You want everybody tae go intae a prison an' they all want tae dae the weights, they a’ want tae get big an' strong. That's what they all want tae dae. (Prison B P11) I actually get people that go like that, “oh how long did it take you to get that [large] size?” Guys were all wanting to get like me, and like as big as me kinda thing. (Prison B- P1) The alpha male culture is alive and kicking. Well, you do have your gym bunnies that, you know, the bigger muscles you've got the more of a man you are. And that's quite prevalent here [in prison]. (PRISON A – P2) Weightlifting Iowa State Prison, 1956
  • 42. Page dundee.ac.uk Some people don't care aboot themselves 'cause they're in the jail, they've hit rock bottom. (Prison A - P7) EMBODIMENT & CHANGES TO BODIES AND APPEARANCE When I lost weight I kind o'... I like tae keep my strength up an’ I felt as if when I was losing my weight that I was losing my strength as well, that my strength was falling away. (Prison B - P11) I think people in general do take a lot more care of themselves nowadays and it happens more in prison. So you're not automatically in inverted commas 'a poof' if you use face cream and keep yourself clean and... yeah. (Prison A - P4)
  • 43. Page dundee.ac.uk How do you all reflect on the debate about transgender people in custody? 43
  • 44. Page dundee.ac.uk TRANSGENDER PEOPLE’S EXPERIENCES OF CUSTODY • I have recently been working on a project that extends my earlier projects on prison masculinities to consider the experiences of transgender people in custody. • This has resulted in me recently interviewing 11 transgender people in custody (there were 17 transgender people in custody in total in June 2019, out of a total population of 8200), 11 women and I will soon be interviewing 11 men and staff about their views on transgender identities and gender more widely in prison • Through discussing various aspects of being a transgender person in custody as well as transitioning in and prior to custody, themes such as management in custody, HMP Downview, searching, risk, vulnerability and transphobia in custody are examined. • There emerges a desire to be searched, share cells and be treated in the ways that are seen as the norm for people in custody of the same gender. Cumulatively the experiences of this group of people in custody illustrate the challenges, opportunities, joy and frustrations of everyday life living as a transgender person in custody in Scotland.
  • 45. Page dundee.ac.uk LITERATURE In a recent literature review of research on transgender people in people in England and Wales (Gorden et al. , 2017), indicates that: “…existing research (discussed in this literature review) indicating that transgender people in prison are significantly more likely to experience more problems than other prison populations.” (2017, 11) More specifically, this review highlights three areas of concern within the published research relating to transgender people in custody in England and Wales: “…this helped to identify three key areas that represent specific issues for transgender people in prison: placement in the prison establishment; victimisation and treatment; and healthcare provisions.” (2017, 13)
  • 46. Page dundee.ac.uk POLICY CONTEXT In 2014 the SPS introduced a policy relating to transgender people in custody and gender identity more widely; ‘Gender Identity and Gender Reassignment Policy for those in our Custody’. The policy seeks to: …ensure that individuals who identify as transgender people or who intend to undergo, are undergoing or have undergone gender reassignment receive respect and fairness at all times from the Scottish Prison Service. (SPS, 2014, 5) The SPS policy has been subject to some criticism (Murray & Blackburn, 2019, Women and Girls Scotland, 2019), in particular that it might put vulnerable women in custody at risk of sexual assault. In particular Women and Girl Scotland state that the SPS: …failed to assess the impact of this policy on female prisoners (Women and Girls in Scotland, 2019, 20)
  • 47. Page dundee.ac.uk HMP DOWNVIEW I don't think that’s right. I don't believe they should move to make transgender wings, or particular wings just for transgender prisoners. It's singling people out, like they say, right you're transgender, you go to a transgender wing. It's creating a…what’s that word I'm looking for…segregation. It's like segregating us, in a way. (Participant seven) Trans males and trans females? See that would be perfect for me. See if it was somebody like that…but see in here obviously sometimes like… It’s understanding, I mean they’re going through the same as me. (Participant four) You’re sort of saying, right, well, you’re transgender, you’ve got to stay over there. They’re normal and they stay over there like, you know. I mean, the only way we’d learn is by interacting. (Participant eight) HMP Downview (a female closed category prison in England) opened a wing specifically to house transgender people in custody in March 2019.
  • 48. Page dundee.ac.uk Performances of masculinity by transgender men in custody I was like I will leather them. And they were like, aye, but you’re a boy at the end of the day. I was like, I don’t give a fuck. Especially when I start testosterone I will become a lot more aggressive as well, know what I mean. Aye, so if somebody looks at me the wrong way, what are you fucking looking at you dafty, and then that’s like when I’ll start fighting with them and all that. (transgender man) It's just the way it is. Men have got that masculinity thing, they're that macho, and they just can't see, somebody born within that gender and changing, they just can't their head round it. I would say, I'm not stigmatising men, men don't talk a lot about things, they won't discuss problems as much, they won't talk about things like that. Whereas women will, women will sit and talk about their problems, about what’s going on, but guys just don't, it just doesn’t happen the same. (transgender woman) See it wouldn’t have changed anything because it’s not going to teach me a lot how to be a proper man because I’m in with females, know what I mean. What I’ve been looking for is to be like a proper man and like… They do treat me like a male but sometimes it feels as though they don’t because they’ve got me in a female prison – what else am I meant to do in a female…well, in a female hall. See like a proper man…I don’t know what that means, but like just like any ordinary men would do. Like I feel more comfortable spending time with guys than I do with females. (transgender man)
  • 49. Page dundee.ac.uk Searching Searching is a central part of prison life (Balfour, 2018), with all people in custody and their cells searched on a regular basis. Because they did go out their way to make sure that, like, when I was getting searched, and whatever it was, obviously in the male estate, it was still male officers searching me. They made sure that I was comfortable, and that I wasn’t scared, and they went a long way to support me. (Participant one) But I think behind closed doors they had huge issues and with who was supposed to search me. I think there was an outright refusal from female members of staff to search me. (Participant seven) What I found is that I was never getting searched, ever. So, you know, which yeah I guess as a prisoner, I suppose, I mean yeah, that’s fine. I mean it’s not to do with getting searched or not getting searched. It was just the fact that, I felt that it was different [from the ways other people in custody were being searched]. (Participant three)
  • 50. Page dundee.ac.uk • A gender and context sensitised health promotion intervention has the potential to facilitate engagement with a cohort of hard to reach and disadvantaged men in a secure setting. • Masculinity has shaped the planning and the experience of engagement in the Fit for Life programme. • Understanding the sorts of bodies prisoners aspire to, is critical in understanding motivations for participation in interventions such as Fit for LIFE • There are many, often contradictory implications for masculinities in taking part in programmes to enhance health and wellbeing. Programmes such as Fit for Life have the potential to enhance more inclusive forms of masculinity. • Performances of both hegemonic/orthodox and inclusive forms of masculinity were evident amongst men who took part in the Fit for Life programme. • The Fit for LIFE programme is now being rolled out to all prisons in Scotland, led by prison gym staff. • Transgender people have unique insights into performances of gender CONCLUSIONS
  • 51. Please get in touch at any time at: mmaycock001@dundee.ac.uk

Editor's Notes

  1. A little background to migration in Nepal – there are a number of studies focusing on migration to the Gulf, but this wasn’t relevant in the fieldsites in which I worked. Despite this there is very little research that considers masculinity and migration.
  2. In this presentation and the paper on which it is based focuses experientially on the links between masculinity and migration, I don’t really consider in much detail the reasons for it. During my fieldwork I met many men who migrated at different stages in their lives and for a very wide range of reasons. Certainly straight after 2000, there was some migration, due in part to the fact that this group were suddenly able to migrate. But the type of length of migration was (and is) restricted by limited economic means. These men are going to India, so certain Indian masculinities are having a major influence on these men – Bollywood and associated products and marketing efforts are highly valued. As a consequence of migration men were able to project a certain vision of success through consumption. Osella Osella – consumption. This is despite the harsh realities of migration – something I consider shortly I was able to observe a number of men come back to the village – where goods, and particularly clothes from India were viewed with some reverence. Part of the appeal of migration for these men were that when in India they were no longer Kamaiya – they were simply poor Nepali men
  3. I talk about this at some length – I was told many stories of exploitation – non-payment etc… Many of the men talked of the pressure to sent certain amounts of money back, often a young man from a certain family was chosen as the person to migrate – this put a lot of pressure on him.
  4. *Towards the end of the programme fidelity declined noticeably (I have removed this as a bullet on slide but you could just say it instead) I have also taken out coaches from the 4th bullet as we haven’t mentioned anything about external coaches before this.
  5. *Towards the end of the programme fidelity declined noticeably (I have removed this as a bullet on slide but you could just say it instead) I have also taken out coaches from the 4th bullet as we haven’t mentioned anything about external coaches before this.
  6. *Towards the end of the programme fidelity declined noticeably (I have removed this as a bullet on slide but you could just say it instead) I have also taken out coaches from the 4th bullet as we haven’t mentioned anything about external coaches before this.
  7. *Towards the end of the programme fidelity declined noticeably (I have removed this as a bullet on slide but you could just say it instead) I have also taken out coaches from the 4th bullet as we haven’t mentioned anything about external coaches before this.
  8. Men living within prisons experience many context-specific challenges to their mental and physical well-being, which are often compounded by lifetime disadvantage that makes the adoption of healthier practices particularly difficult. The prevalence of overweight/obesity among male prisoners in the UK is ‘unacceptably high’ (even though previous substance misuse can lower BMI for some prisoners). Despite being given opportunities to eat healthily and take part in PA, many prisoners choose not to do so, and they are less likely to achieve recommended minimum PA guidelines than non-incarcerated men. National recommendations suggest using prison settings to promote PA, healthy eating and wellbeing.
  9. The development of the Fit for LIFE (FFL) programme investigates the potential for FFIT to be adapted to a novel setting (prisons) and new target group (prisoners). The prevalence of overweight/obesity among male prisoners in the UK is ‘unacceptably high’. Despite being given opportunities to eat healthily and take part in PA, many prisoners choose not to do so, and they are less likely to achieve recommended minimum PA guidelines than non-incarcerated men. In this paper I outline a range of consequences of taking part in the FFL programme, focusing on changes to weight and body image.
  10. Read through inclusion and exclusion criteria. Elevated BP = systolic≥160mmHg and/or diastolic≥100mmHg (I’ve taken off slide) This give a sense of the sorts of prisoners we were trying to attract to the programme, although participants did not have to meet all three inclusion criteria.
  11. Read through inclusion and exclusion criteria. Elevated BP = systolic≥160mmHg and/or diastolic≥100mmHg (I’ve taken off slide) This give a sense of the sorts of prisoners we were trying to attract to the programme, although participants did not have to meet all three inclusion criteria.
  12. Read through inclusion and exclusion criteria. Elevated BP = systolic≥160mmHg and/or diastolic≥100mmHg (I’ve taken off slide) This give a sense of the sorts of prisoners we were trying to attract to the programme, although participants did not have to meet all three inclusion criteria.
  13. Read through inclusion and exclusion criteria. Elevated BP = systolic≥160mmHg and/or diastolic≥100mmHg (I’ve taken off slide) This give a sense of the sorts of prisoners we were trying to attract to the programme, although participants did not have to meet all three inclusion criteria.