Framing an Appropriate Research Question 6b9b26d93da94caf993c038d9efcdedb.pdf
QMU 2024 - Masculinities.pptx
1. Dr Matt Maycock
Monash University, Melbourne
Understanding Masculinities
30th January 2024
QMU
2. I would like to acknowledge the lands on which we all meet today and
recognise that sovereignty was never ceded. I would like to specifically
acknowledge that the Wurundjeri and Boon Wurrung people, communities
of the Kulin Nation, are the ongoing custodians of the lands where I stand.
I pay my respects to the Wurundjeri and Boon Wurrung Elders and their
past, present and future communities and to all Indigenous students with
us today.
3. Class overview
All too often the word gender is still perceived as static, binary and synonymous with “women”. The theory of
hegemonic masculinity will be critiqued by drawing on the work on Anderson and colleagues to show the
relevance of inclusive masculinity in understanding changing perceptions of what it means to be male in a
world of social media with accompanying fluid gender and sex identities.
This class will draw on examples of research in Nepal and Scotland to give an overview to some of the key
issues in gender, men and equality. In particular, prisons will be considered as sites in which both hegemonic
and inclusive masculinities exist and intertwine.
• Learning Outcomes. By the end of this session students will be able to:
Recognise and distinguish conceptual models of masculinities
Appreciate the importance of including masculinity into gender analysis
Critically analyse theoretical perspectives on masculinity: hegemonic masculinity and inclusive masculinity
Recognise the challenges and benefits of working with masculinities in practice.
4. Class overview
• Theories of masculinity
• Hegemonic masculinity (Connell, 1995, 2015)
• Inclusive masculinity (Anderson, 2009, 2016)
• Example one - Masculinity and migration in Nepal
• Example two - Masculinity within Scottish prisons
• The gender-binary and transgender people’s experiences of
prison and complicating links between male bodies and
masculinity
6. Some (American) views on masculinity
(https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=R_MlHvif0tk&f
eature=emb_title&ab_channel=As%2FIs )
7. theories of masculinity
1) Hegemonic Masculinity, Raewyn
Connell (2005, 2015)
Please watch this until 2:16
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OYb
oMmQS0tU&feature=emb_title&ab_cha
nnel=Engagingmen
8. Hegemonic Masculinity
• “hegemonic masculinity” - a form of masculinity that is dominant
in society, establishes the cultural ideal for what it is to be a man,
silences other masculinities, and combats alternative visions of
masculinity.
• Hegemonic masculinity’ is a concept that draws upon the ideas of
Gramsci. It refers to the dynamic cultural process which
guarantees (or is taken to guarantee) the dominant position of
men and the subordination of women.
• hegemonic masculinity - rejection of the idea that all men are the
same
9. Hegemonic Masculinity Continued…
• a change from the concept of masculinity to the concept of
masculinities
• allows meaningful distinction between different collective
constructions of masculinity and identification of power inequalities
among these constructions.
• Masculinities:
• Are actively constructed (not biologically determined)
• Are dynamic- change over time
• Have negative impacts- be tough don’t cry, can lead to
disengagement, health problems, aggression, overwork and lack
of emotional responsiveness.
10. Criticisms (V. Seidler)
• Leaves gender roles, and in particular patriarchy unchallenged
• Leaves out personal and emotional perspectives- emotional lives
of men ignored.
• “There is a danger of creating a fixed category of ‘abusing men,’
rather than learning how pregnancy invokes unresolved
emotional feelings in men”
• Is often applied to research quite uncritically
12. Inclusive Masculinity, Eric Anderson
(2009)
• https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RvwJ5Dhffjc&t=93s&ab_channel
=HoneyBadgerRadio
• Please watch this video until 2 minutes.
13. • Eric Anderson’s theory of Inclusive Masculinity describes changes in the
ways some men conceive of and enact their masculinity. Employing
ethnographic methods and “social-feminist thinking” (14)
• Inclusive masculinity, like hegemonic masculinity, frames gender
(partially) in terms of power relations. However, it suggests a shift
toward a more egalitarian conception of masculinity and a less rigidly
vertical notion of hierarchy
• Anderson claims that “university-attending men are rapidly running
from the hegemonic type of masculinity that scholars have been
describing for the past 25 years” (4).
Inclusive Masculinity (2009)
14. • Connell’s definition of “hegemonic masculinity”—emerges as
insufficient for describing “the complexity of what occurs as cultural
homohysteria diminishes.” To rectify this shortfall, Anderson
proposes “inclusive masculinity theory,” his own “new social
theory” (7).
• homohysteria “describes the fear of being homosexualized,”
• diminishing “homohysteria,” which Anderson defines as combining
“a culture of homophobia, femphobia, and compulsory
heterosexuality” (7).
Inclusive Masculinity
15. Criticisms (de Boise, 2014)
• Inclusive masculinity theory misread’s hegemonic masculinity to be a type of person
as opposed to a web or matrix of configuration
• Assumes that hegemonic masculinity is inflexible and doesn’t adapt to periods of low
homohysteria
• Assumes a singular dominant ideal, but Connell uses a multidimensional
understanding of gender
• Claims of a ‘decline’ homophobia and homohysteria are questioned; can levels of
prejudice be objectively established; are acts like same-sex kissing indicative of
attitudes, is homophobia is really as insignificant as inclusive masculinity claims.
16. QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION IN SMALLER GROUPS
• What are the main differences between Anderson and Connell’s theories of
masculinity?
• What is the hegemonic masculine position in your community/area/life?
• Who occupies the hegemonic masculine position at QMU?
• How are masculinities changing within the University context?
• Do inclusive masculinities exist at QMU, if so in what forms?
18. Fieldwork far-west Nepal 2009, 2011, 2012, 2018, 2022
Yearlong initial PhD fieldwork in Nepal:
Three month language training and key informant interviews
Nine months in two fieldsites
Follow up field visits over the following thirteen years
My thesis addressed the the following research questions:
• How have the links between Kamaiya bodies and Kamaiya
masculinities changed following freedom?
• How are working patterns changing following freedom, and
what implications does this have for Kamaiya masculinities?
• What are the Implications of modernity for Kamaiya
masculinities in family settings?
19. Mixed Methods
Household survey
Life History interviews
Participant observation
• I wore clothes similar to my research participants
and made a conscious effort not to display
conspicuous signs of consumption.
• I tried to behave like the men of my age at both
fieldwork sites as far as possible. On occasion this
involved doing the work that the men in Kampur
were involved in, although this did not include
driving a rickshaw as the rickshaw drivers found
the idea ridiculous.
• I took part in various agricultural and hunting
activities.
• I took part in the social life, which posed various
difficulties for me.
Freed and landed Kamaiya
house, Kailali, 2022
20. Positionality
• As Reinharz (1997) indicates, researchers have multiple identities apart from those
associated with being a researcher; mine include being white, Welsh, heterosexual, male
and, at the time, unmarried.
• My positionality through the various identities I brought to the research – my gender,
race, class etc. – influenced both how I collected data and its interpretation (Mullings,
1999)
• My position constituted both an advantage and a disadvantage. West (2003) found that
being positioned as an ‘outsider’ brought certain benefits in his research with victims of
torture in Mozambique’s war for independence. It allowed some of his research subjects
to discuss issues that they found it difficult to speak about with members of their
community.
27. Migration in Nepal
• In 2001, 760,000 people had officially migrated out of Nepal, 77
per cent of whom had gone to India (Central Bureau of Statistics,
2002).
• Migration is strongly gendered in Nepal, around 90% of those
who migrate are men
• Seddon et al (2000) estimate that between 0.5-1.3 million Nepalis
temporarily migrate to India.
• Data in South Asia is problematic – particularly between Nepal
and India due to the open border
28. Gendered Experiences of Migration
• Facilitates new performances of (Indian) masculinity
• In the place where men migrate
• Also in villages when men return
• Potential for mimicry and the learning of new
masculine styles and performances
• Money
• Diversification of income
• Migration and ‘breadwinning’
• Certain aspects of (sexual) freedom
• Exciting and new
• Anonymity
29. Problems associated with migration
• Frequent exploitation and mistreatment
• Isolating – often no or limited support network
• Often limited family history of movement
• Low and instable pay
• Pressure of remittances
• Familial expectation to move as they were men
• ‘Success’ through migration difficult to achieve
• Migration has not questioned the link between hard work and successful manliness amongst
the bonded labourers
32. Quick questions about prison…
• What are your perceptions of what prison is like?
• What prison TV and films (if any) do you like and why?
• What sorts of masculinities do you think there are in gender-binary
world of prison?
34. Prison masculinities
Please watch this video until 2:30
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GGkl
V6RD4uE&feature=emb_title&ab_chann
el=HuffPost
35. Prison masculinities
In (largely male) prisons environments, there are performances of masculinity that are structured in
hierarchical ways in reference to both orthodox/hegemonic' and 'inclusive' masculinities
Orthodox/ hegemonic
masculinity
" inclusive form of masculinity
based on social equality for gay
men, respect for women, and racial
parity and one in which... men bond
over emotional intimacy"
(Anderson, 2008, 604)
"masculine performance labelled as
orthodox attempts to approximate the
hegemonic form of masculinity, largely
by devaluing women and gay men."
(Anderson, 2005, 338) (Bourdieu,
1998) (Connell, 1995)
Inclusive
masculinity
36. Prison is an ultramasculine world where nobody
talks about masculinity. (Sabo et al 2001, 3)
…a hegemonically defined hypermasculine and
heteronormative environment with an abundance
of alpha males, sexism, and violence. (Jenness and
Fenstermaker, 2013, 13)
…prison facilities are a
particular kind of institutional
setting, one that actively resists
the diversity of masculine
practices and identities.
(Curtis, 2014, 121)
…places of great humour and playfulness, of
friendship and camaraderie, of educational
enlightenment, of successful therapeutic
intervention. (Jewkes, 2013, 14).
in their mutual support and encouragement,
it was also possible to discern sublimated
forms of intimacy. Certainly, the vivid and
joyful ways in which prisoners engaged in
collective exercise, and the sheer amount of
physical horseplay among younger prisoners,
pointed to submerged emotional sentiments.
(Crewe et al, 2013, 11)
Orthodox/ hegemonic
prison masculinities
Inclusive
Prison masculinities
38. • A healthy lifestyle programme, 2-3 hour sessions delivered weekly for 10 weeks
• Fit for LIFE covers topics such as healthy eating, portion control, increasing physical activity, reducing sedentary
time etc
• Fit for LIFE the latest behaviour change techniques, such as goal setting, self-monitoring - stressing prisoner
agency
• Fit for LIFE is delivered by trained Prison officers and outside football/sports coaches
• Fit for LIFE is participative and focused on peer-supported learning
• Fit for LIFE encourages positive male banter to facilitate
discussion and group bonding
• Fit for LIFE is now being delivered in all prisons in Scotland
WHAT IS FIT FOR LIFE?
39. • Method 1. A scoping review was undertaken to identify lifestyle programmes on healthy living
interventions (weight loss, PA etc…) used with prison populations.
• Method 2. Observations: Delivery sessions of the prototype Fit for Life programme were observed, audio-
recorded, and field notes taken.
• Method 3. Focus groups/interviews were conducted with prisoners. Participants who completed/did
not complete the programme were asked for their views on the strengths/ shortcomings of the
programme.
• Method 4. Interviews with staff who delivered the programme sought their views on the
strengths/shortcomings of the Fit for Life programme.
• Method 5. Independent before-and-after measures, questionnaires, bloods and urine with follow up to 12
months
METHODS
40. Orthodox masculinities in the context of the
Fit for Life programme
I can understand aboot guys being
apprehensive an’ that, ken I think when,
especially wi’ everybody else in the hall, ken,
an’ you’re goin’ and they’re goin’ “aye, goin’
tae fat club,” an’ a’ this carry on, ken whit I
mean? So I could imagine people being
apprehensive aboot it, eh. (Prison A - P2)
I was hammering everybody fae the word go. I'm
the sort o' person, see once I get up there I don't
like anybody beating me, you know? Determined
an' that, you know? (Prison B - P11)
Ken what I mean? I’ll par—ken, I’ll... I’ll take—I’ll
partake in anythin’ eh? And as I say when, ken when
I got there I was like that, ‘right, fair enough.’ I mean
you’re only putting your view forward. I mean we’re
in a hostile situation here, eh? And people dinnae
want tae speak forward in case the boy, “he’s a
fucking idiot,” excuse my French. (Prison A - P11)
41. Inclusive masculinity within the context
of the Fit for Life programme
I think it was a part of—it was being a part of
a group. On the outside I’m a lone person. I’m
no’ part of any group. So see learning in a
group, and interacting wi’ people, and
speaking to people in the group that kept me
motivated as well. (Prison A - P11)
it was important for me tae, for me tae do my
thing and for me tae tell people that they was
doing good at their thing, and encouraging them
and pushing them and stuff like that. (Prison A -
P3)
Well you’re having a laugh wi’ people and it’s
like yous are losing a wee bit o’ weight an’
you’re kinda like, it’s just you’re no’ coming an’
you’re no’ like if you’re coming tae the gym,
it’s like you’re no’ the fattest person in the
gym. So you’re here and yous are all kinda
fat, yous are all here for the same reason.
(Prison B - P3)
42. Orthodox to Inclusive masculinity - Group
dynamics
I think it was a part of—it was being a part of a
group. On the outside I’m a lone person. I’m
no’ part of any group. So see learning in a
group, and interacting wi’ people, and
speaking to people in the group that kept me
motivated as well. I mean I enjoyed the
group. It’s one of the biggest things I’ll take
away fae it has been involved in the group.
(Prison A - P11)
...you dinnae want tae be yourself, ‘cause you
just single yoursel’ oot, ken whit I mean? As I say
you can put yourself the gither as a team an’ you
take it on as a team, ken whit I mean? An’ you
support each other through it. (Prison A - P2)
Yeah, there was two lads in particular that
were like really taking the piss an’ I didn’t
enjoy that bit. No-one had control over them.
D’you know what I mean? But other than that
everything went really, really well. (Prison B -
P5)
43. How does the prison context shape men’s bodies?
“…distributing individuals, fixing them in space, classifying them, extracting from them the maximum in
time and forces, training their bodies, coding their continuous behaviour… constituting on them a body of
knowledge that is accumulated and centralized.” (Foucault, 1979, 231)
“in the sports Hall of Varoic Prison [in Spain], a situated accomplishment of gender identity takes place that
is directly related to notions of hegemonic masculinity that are
intimately bound to the production of hard, powerful and assertive
bodies.” (Martos-García et al., 2009, 91)
“(T)here are many guises of hardness, which, inside and outside the
prison culture, illustrate various ways of expressing masculinity from
the honourable to the perverse. Being hard can mean that the individual
is toned, strong, conditioned, fit not weak, flabby, or out of shape.
A hard man cares for and respects his body.” (Sabo, 1994, 165-166).
EMBODIED PRISON MASCULINITIES
Weightlifters, Old Folsom Prison, 1998
44. Well they [young prisoners] try to
big their selves up to look like
they’ve got more than they have
(PRISON B – P12)
MUSCULARITY, SHAPE AND SIZE
You want everybody tae go intae a
prison an' they all want tae dae
the weights, they a’ want tae get
big an' strong. That's what they all
want tae dae. (Prison B P11)
I actually get people that go
like that, “oh how long did it
take you to get that [large]
size?” Guys were all wanting
to get like me, and like as big
as me kinda thing. (Prison B-
P1)
The alpha male culture is alive and kicking. Well,
you do have your gym bunnies that, you know,
the bigger muscles you've got the more of a
man you are. And that's quite prevalent here [in
prison]. (PRISON A – P2)
Weightlifting Iowa
State Prison, 1956
45. Some people don't care aboot
themselves 'cause they're in the
jail, they've hit rock bottom.
(Prison A - P7)
EMBODIMENT & CHANGES TO BODIES AND APPEARANCE
When I lost weight I kind o'... I
like tae keep my strength up an’ I
felt as if when I was losing my
weight that I was losing my
strength as well, that my strength
was falling away. (Prison B - P11)
I think people in general do take a lot more
care of themselves nowadays and it happens
more in prison. So you're not automatically
in inverted commas 'a poof' if you use face
cream and keep yourself clean and... yeah.
(Prison A - P4)
46. Is gender a binary, and how does gender
relate to sex?
In small groups, please discuss the following questions:
• Where do you see the gender binary in play?
• What do you think are the links between sex and gender?
• To what extent do male bodies correspond to masculinities?
47.
48. How do you all reflect on the debate about
transgender people in custody?
48
49. TRANSGENDER PEOPLE’S EXPERIENCES OF CUSTODY
I have recently been working on a project that extends my earlier projects on prison masculinities to consider
the experiences of transgender people in custody.
This has resulted in me recently interviewing 11 transgender people in custody (there were 17 transgender
people in custody in total in June 2019, out of a total population of 8200), 11 women and I will soon be
interviewing 11 men and staff about their views on transgender identities and gender more widely in prison
Through discussing various aspects of being a transgender person in custody as well as transitioning in and
prior to custody, themes such as management in custody, HMP Downview, searching, risk, vulnerability and
transphobia in custody are examined.
There emerges a desire to be searched, share cells and be treated in the ways that are seen as the norm for
people in custody of the same gender. Cumulatively the experiences of this group of people in custody
illustrate the challenges, opportunities, joy and frustrations of everyday life living as a transgender person in
custody in Scotland.
Over the coming years I will be working on trans folks across Australian prisons, focusing on developing a
model of continuity of care.
50. LITERATURE
In a recent literature review of research on transgender people in people in England and Wales
(Gorden et al. , 2017), indicates that:
“…existing research (discussed in this literature review) indicating that transgender
people in prison are significantly more likely to experience more problems than other
prison populations.” (2017, 11)
More specifically, this review highlights three areas of concern within the published research
relating to transgender people in custody in England and Wales:
“…this helped to identify three key areas that represent specific issues for transgender
people in prison: placement in the prison establishment; victimisation and
treatment; and healthcare provisions.” (2017, 13)
51. POLICY CONTEXT
In 2014 the SPS introduced a policy relating to transgender people in custody and gender
identity more widely; ‘Gender Identity and Gender Reassignment Policy for those in our
Custody’. The policy seeks to:
…ensure that individuals who identify as transgender people or who intend to undergo,
are undergoing or have undergone gender reassignment receive respect and fairness at
all times from the Scottish Prison Service. (SPS, 2014, 5)
The SPS policy has been subject to some criticism (Murray & Blackburn, 2019, Women and Girls
Scotland, 2019), in particular that it might put vulnerable women in custody at risk of sexual
assault. In particular Women and Girl Scotland state that the SPS:
…failed to assess the impact of this policy on female prisoners (Women and Girls in
Scotland, 2019, 20)
A new policy was released in 2023, to mixed reviews and responses
52. HMP DOWNVIEW
I don't think that’s right. I don't believe they
should move to make transgender wings, or
particular wings just for transgender
prisoners. It's singling people out, like they
say, right you're transgender, you go to a
transgender wing. It's creating a…what’s
that word I'm looking for…segregation. It's
like segregating us, in a way. (Participant
seven)
Trans males and trans
females? See that would be
perfect for me. See if it was
somebody like that…but see in
here obviously sometimes
like… It’s understanding, I
mean they’re going through
the same as me. (Participant
four)
You’re sort of saying, right,
well, you’re transgender,
you’ve got to stay over
there. They’re normal and
they stay over there like,
you know. I mean, the only
way we’d learn is by
interacting. (Participant
eight)
HMP Downview (a female closed category prison in England) opened a wing
specifically to house transgender people in custody in March 2019.
53. Performances of masculinity by transgender men
in custody
I was like I will leather them. And they
were like, aye, but you’re a boy at the end
of the day. I was like, I don’t give a fuck.
Especially when I start testosterone I will
become a lot more aggressive as well,
know what I mean. Aye, so if somebody
looks at me the wrong way, what are you
fucking looking at you dafty, and then
that’s like when I’ll start fighting with
them and all that.
(transgender man)
It's just the way it is. Men have got
that masculinity thing, they're that
macho, and they just can't see,
somebody born within that gender
and changing, they just can't their
head round it. I would say, I'm not
stigmatising men, men don't talk a
lot about things, they won't discuss
problems as much, they won't talk
about things like that. Whereas
women will, women will sit and talk
about their problems, about what’s
going on, but guys just don't, it just
doesn’t happen the same.
(transgender woman)
See it wouldn’t have changed
anything because it’s not going to
teach me a lot how to be a proper
man because I’m in with females,
know what I mean. What I’ve been
looking for is to be like a proper
man and like… They do treat me
like a male but sometimes it feels
as though they don’t because
they’ve got me in a female prison –
what else am I meant to do in a
female…well, in a female hall. See
like a proper man…I don’t know
what that means, but like just like
any ordinary men would do. Like I
feel more comfortable spending
time with guys than I do with
females. (transgender man)
54. Searching
Searching is a central part of prison life (Balfour, 2018), with all people
in custody and their cells searched on a regular basis.
Because they did go out their way to
make sure that, like, when I was
getting searched, and whatever it was,
obviously in the male estate, it was
still male officers searching me. They
made sure that I was comfortable, and
that I wasn’t scared, and they went a
long way to support me. (Participant
one)
But I think behind closed
doors they had huge issues
and with who was supposed
to search me. I think there
was an outright refusal from
female members of staff to
search me. (Participant seven)
What I found is that I was
never getting searched, ever.
So, you know, which yeah I
guess as a prisoner, I suppose,
I mean yeah, that’s fine. I
mean it’s not to do with
getting searched or not
getting searched. It was just
the fact that, I felt that it was
different [from the ways other
people in custody were being
searched]. (Participant three)
55. Gender and Covid-19
The impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic have gone far beyond the pandemic itself.
In addition to the increasing number of COVID-19 deaths, the pandemic has deepened social and economic inequalities.
These indirect impacts have been compounded by pervasive gender inequalities, with profound consequences, especially
for women, girls, and people of diverse gender identities.
There has been an escalation in gender-based violence within households, increasing risk of child marriages and female
genital mutilation, and an increased burden of unpaid care work, with impacts on mental health.
Communities of people affected by HIV are, again, at the crossroads of injustice and targeted discrimination. Measures to
control the pandemic have reduced access to essential health and social welfare services, including sexual and reproductive
health services, reduced employment and labour force participation, and decimated many household incomes.
Here again, women have borne the brunt of marginalisation, particularly those working in the informal sector.
Intersectionality analyses have highlighted the inextricable effects of poverty, racial discrimination, harmful gender norms,
and limited agency and opportunities for women, especially already marginalised women, even when they represent most
of the front-line health workers. (Fisseha, et al, 2021) 55
56. Gender and Covid-19
Additionally, some media analysis has suggested that the response to the Covid-19
pandemic was gendered, and that female led countries responded ‘better’ to the
pandemic (Henley, Jon, 2020). However, upon further analysis gender emerges as less
formative than initially indicated in some aspects of the response:
Exploring the relationship between the gender of leaders and legislators and the timing
of stay-at-home orders, school closures, and coordinated public information campaigns,
we find no statistical evidence supporting popular claims in the media. (Aldrich AS,
Lotito NJ, 2020, 960)
Although these authors did find some evidence linking the degree of gender parity in
legislatures to the policy of closing schools within the context of the response to the Covid-
19 pandemic, which has obvious gendered repercussions. There is also a growing body of
literature that indicates that the Covid-19 pandemic has both stopped, and across some
measures further exacerbated pre-pandemic gender inequalities (Fisher, A. N., & Ryan, M.
K., 2021).
56
57. A gender and context sensitised health promotion intervention has the potential to facilitate engagement with a cohort of hard to reach
and disadvantaged men in a secure setting.
Masculinity has shaped the planning and the experience of engagement in the Fit for Life programme.
Understanding the sorts of bodies prisoners aspire to, is critical in understanding motivations for participation in interventions such as Fit
for LIFE
There are many, often contradictory implications for masculinities in taking part in programmes to enhance health and wellbeing.
Programmes such as Fit for Life have the potential to enhance more inclusive forms of masculinity.
Performances of both hegemonic/orthodox and inclusive forms of masculinity were evident amongst men who took part in the Fit for Life
programme.
The Fit for LIFE programme is now being rolled out to all prisons in Scotland, led by prison gym staff.
Transgender people have unique insights into performances of gender
Gender analysis is critical in all areas of research, including the Covid-19 pandemic
CONCLUSIONS
A little background to migration in Nepal – there are a number of studies focusing on migration to the Gulf, but this wasn’t relevant in the fieldsites in which I worked.
Despite this there is very little research that considers masculinity and migration.
In this presentation and the paper on which it is based focuses experientially on the links between masculinity and migration, I don’t really consider in much detail the reasons for it. During my fieldwork I met many men who migrated at different stages in their lives and for a very wide range of reasons.
Certainly straight after 2000, there was some migration, due in part to the fact that this group were suddenly able to migrate.
But the type of length of migration was (and is) restricted by limited economic means.
These men are going to India, so certain Indian masculinities are having a major influence on these men – Bollywood and associated products and marketing efforts are highly valued.
As a consequence of migration men were able to project a certain vision of success through consumption. Osella Osella – consumption. This is despite the harsh realities of migration – something I consider shortly
I was able to observe a number of men come back to the village – where goods, and particularly clothes from India were viewed with some reverence.
Part of the appeal of migration for these men were that when in India they were no longer Kamaiya – they were simply poor Nepali men
I talk about this at some length – I was told many stories of exploitation – non-payment etc…
Many of the men talked of the pressure to sent certain amounts of money back, often a young man from a certain family was chosen as the person to migrate – this put a lot of pressure on him.
*Towards the end of the programme fidelity declined noticeably (I have removed this as a bullet on slide but you could just say it instead)
I have also taken out coaches from the 4th bullet as we haven’t mentioned anything about external coaches before this.
*Towards the end of the programme fidelity declined noticeably (I have removed this as a bullet on slide but you could just say it instead)
I have also taken out coaches from the 4th bullet as we haven’t mentioned anything about external coaches before this.
*Towards the end of the programme fidelity declined noticeably (I have removed this as a bullet on slide but you could just say it instead)
I have also taken out coaches from the 4th bullet as we haven’t mentioned anything about external coaches before this.
*Towards the end of the programme fidelity declined noticeably (I have removed this as a bullet on slide but you could just say it instead)
I have also taken out coaches from the 4th bullet as we haven’t mentioned anything about external coaches before this.
Men living within prisons experience many context-specific challenges to their mental and physical well-being, which are often compounded by lifetime disadvantage that makes the adoption of healthier practices particularly difficult.
The prevalence of overweight/obesity among male prisoners in the UK is ‘unacceptably high’ (even though previous substance misuse can lower BMI for some prisoners).
Despite being given opportunities to eat healthily and take part in PA, many prisoners choose not to do so, and they are less likely to achieve recommended minimum PA guidelines than non-incarcerated men.
National recommendations suggest using prison settings to promote PA, healthy eating and wellbeing.
The development of the Fit for LIFE (FFL) programme investigates the potential for FFIT to be adapted to a novel setting (prisons) and new target group (prisoners). The prevalence of overweight/obesity among male prisoners in the UK is ‘unacceptably high’. Despite being given opportunities to eat healthily and take part in PA, many prisoners choose not to do so, and they are less likely to achieve recommended minimum PA guidelines than non-incarcerated men. In this paper I outline a range of consequences of taking part in the FFL programme, focusing on changes to weight and body image.
Read through inclusion and exclusion criteria.
Elevated BP = systolic≥160mmHg and/or diastolic≥100mmHg (I’ve taken off slide)
This give a sense of the sorts of prisoners we were trying to attract to the programme, although participants did not have to meet all three inclusion criteria.
Read through inclusion and exclusion criteria.
Elevated BP = systolic≥160mmHg and/or diastolic≥100mmHg (I’ve taken off slide)
This give a sense of the sorts of prisoners we were trying to attract to the programme, although participants did not have to meet all three inclusion criteria.
Read through inclusion and exclusion criteria.
Elevated BP = systolic≥160mmHg and/or diastolic≥100mmHg (I’ve taken off slide)
This give a sense of the sorts of prisoners we were trying to attract to the programme, although participants did not have to meet all three inclusion criteria.
Read through inclusion and exclusion criteria.
Elevated BP = systolic≥160mmHg and/or diastolic≥100mmHg (I’ve taken off slide)
This give a sense of the sorts of prisoners we were trying to attract to the programme, although participants did not have to meet all three inclusion criteria.