Playback theatre & Race research report_FINAL

School of Human and Community
Development
Department of Psychology
Honours 2010
Research Report
Chelsey May Orsmond
0605549A
22nd
October 2010

Evaluating a playback theatre performance in relation to perceptions of race and racism
amongst students at Wits University
Chelsey May Orsmond
A research project submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of BA
Honours Psychology in the Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand,
Johannesburg, 22ndOctober 2010.

DECLARATION
I declare that this research project is my own, unaided work. It has not been submitted before for any
other degree or examination at this or any other university.
____________________________
Chelsey May Orsmond
22nd
day of October, 2010.

ABSTRACT
The purpose of this study was to evaluate a playback theatre performance as a possible form of
intervention in terms of its ability to create a comfortable space to explore the perceptions of race
and racism at Wits University. In order to do this, a playback theatre performance was set-up for
14 students of varied races from Wits University. Using formative evaluation, focus groups were
held after the playback theatre performance in order to evaluate the impact and outcomes of the
performance. The findings highlighted the ways in which the aesthetic elements in the playback
theatre performance such as the actors, humor and silences contributed towards the types of
stories told and the way in which they were told: against a backdrop of whiteness. Moreover, the
findings illustrated that playback theatre as an anti-racist practice created an encouraging space
for students to share victim stories of race and racism. However, as South Africa has a
complicated history of race and racism, it was questioned whether stories of ‘the other’ can be
explored in a playback theatre setting. The playback theatre performance also yielded positive
and emotional responses from the student participants; however, talk about race and racism
appeared to be ‘progressive’ and thus intellectualized to a certain degree. Ways of improving
playback theatre as an anti-racist intervention are offered in order to possibly improve the forum
to further address race and racism.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to say a humongous thank-you to my inspirational supervisor Professor Brendon
Barnes who provided his time, effort and knowledge every step of the way during the research
process.
A big thank you to Warren Nebe and Kathy Barolsky for helping me organize the playback
theatre performance and allowing me into the playback theatre family. Thank you very much to
the playback team for being interested and dedicating your time and energy into what I was
attempting to explore in this research report.
A massive thank-you to all the participants who took part in this study. Your knowledge and
insights are greatly appreciated.
Lastly, thank-you to my family, friends and others who supported me this year and encouraged
me to keep going until the last sweat droplet fell from my forehead.

TABLE OF CONTENTS
TITLE PAGE
DECLARATION
ABSTRACT
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION........................................................................................................................1
1.1 RACISM IN TERTIARY INSTITUTIONS...............................................................................................2
1.2 INTERVENTIONS SPECIFIC TO RACISM............................................................................................9
1.3 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK ............................................................................................................13
1.4 RESEARCH AIM.......................................................................................................................................19
1.5 RESEARCH OBJECTIVES......................................................................................................................19
CHAPTER TWO: METHODS ................................................................................................................................20
2.1 STUDY DESIGN ........................................................................................................................................20
2.2 SAMPLE AND SAMPLING......................................................................................................................21
2.3 PROCEDURE OF GATHERING DATA ................................................................................................22
2.3.1 PRE-INTERVENTION....................................................................................................................22
2.3.2 THE PLAYBACK THEATRE INTERVENTION........................................................................23
2.3.3 POST INTERVENTION..................................................................................................................24
2.4 DATA ANALYSIS......................................................................................................................................25
2.5 ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS...............................................................................................................26
CHAPTER THREE: RESULTS AND DISCUSSION ...........................................................................................29
3.1 PLAYBACK THEATRE AS PROVIDING AN ENABLING ENVIRONMENT.................................29
3.2 PLAYBACK THEATRE AS AN ANTI-RACIST PRACTICE IN ITS ABILITY TO
ADDRESS RACISM .................................................................................................................................39
3.3 STRENGTHS AND LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY..........................................................................49
CHAPTER FOUR: CONCLUSION........................................................................................................................52
REFERENCE LIST: ................................................................................................................................................56
APPENDICES............................................................................................................................................................60

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CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION
Although there is much literature and research, in many fields, that discuss the reasons for and
outcomes of racism, there seems to be less literature focused on addressing and/or combating
racism (Pedersen, Walker & Wise, 2005; Finchilescu, 2010). This is specifically apparent for
tertiary institutions in post-apartheid South Africa, where race and racism is rife (Soudien et
al., 2008). The aim of this study is to evaluate the impact and outcomes of a playback theatre
performance- an improvisational and interactive form of theatre founded by Jonathan Fox- in
relation to perceptions of race and racism amongst students at Wits University.
Addressing racism is imperative in a South African University context as racism reflects
negative notions of the past, existing as a reminder of the inequalities as well as a lack of
reconciliation between different races (Finchilescu et al., 2007). Past race related studies and
interventions, globally and in South Africa, have attempted to address perceptions of race and
racism in order to understand the phenomenon in general as well as in tertiary institutions.
However, these studies and interventions have over-looked an important aspect of race and
racism: a safe space where people of different races can engage in dialogue revolving around
perceptions of race and racism (Pederson, Walker & Wise, 2005). Playback theatre has the
potential not only to create a dialogical space, but to promote diversity within a space through
the sharing of stories- as stories are the source material of playback theatre performances
(Salas, 2000). For this reason, this study will evaluate a playback theatre performance as a
possible form of intervention in terms of its ability to construct a comfortable space to explore
the perceptions of race and racism at Wits University

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1.1 Racism in tertiary institutions
There have been global and South African studies in tertiary institutions that have, to
varying degrees, investigated perceptions of race and racism in general as well as amongst
students. Globally, surveys and questionnaires are popular forms of data collection in
tertiary institutions, with results focused around perceptions and experiences of race and
race discrimination on campus. For example, in studies by Ancis et al. (2000) and Marcus
et al. (2003), the former found that African American students generally reported negative
experiences with regards to race relations and the latter demonstrated that subtle forms of
racism were more prevalent than overt forms of racism. From a qualitative point of view,
global studies have used methods such as focus group interviews, individual interviews,
discourse analysis and critical race theory in order to look at perceptions of race and
racism. Studies of this nature include Bell (2003) and Bonilla-Silva and Forman (2008).
The former (based on its results) highlighted the potential of storytelling as an anti-racist
teaching, while the latter highlighted the denial and the silence of white people when it
came to racial discourse. Furthermore, the study illustrated the nature of ‘colour blind
racism’ which has been examined since the 1960’s. This type of racism fits into new racial
ideology, insinuating that racial discourse and ‘talk’ is avoided altogether in diverse
settings (Bobo et al., in Bonilla-Silva & Forman, 1997).
The purpose of mentioning these studies is to firstly, highlight that there have been global
studies conducted in order to find out more on the topic of race and racism in general as
well as within tertiary institutions. This is a strong indicator that racism is prevalent in

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general and specifically in tertiary institutions on a global level. This further emphasizes
the need for anti-racist interventions. Secondly, to elaborate on Bell’s (2005) study, it is
emphasized that stories are powerful and useful ways “to explore socially constructed
racial positions and to understand the thoughts and assumptions they generate and
reinforce” (Bell, 2005, p.23). Furthermore Bell (2005) suggests imagining “the kind of
story that recognizes and celebrates our diversity while embracing our common humanity”
(Bell, 2005, p.24). Playback theatre aims to enforce exactly this: storytelling as a means of
embracing diversity by illustrating the common humanity that exists between individuals
(Fox, 2007).
Stories, as a performative tool, have been used throughout the ages as a medium of
expression for personal and social transformation (Fox, 2007). As part of the Critical Race
Theory genre exists storytelling, counterstorytelling, and analysis of narrative (Delgado &
Stefancic, 2000). Critical Race theory is mentioned here in order to attempt to describe
and/or place playback theatre as a possible means for allowing the engagement of
individuals in race dialogue. However, playback theatre takes a step further in that stories
are not only expressed to an interviewer and /or researcher (as in Bell’s (2005) study) but in
a space with a group of people, catering for diverse or specific groups (Dauber & Fox,
1999). In addition to this, the actors and facilitators of playback theatre apply drama
methods (mentioned later) to literally spontaneously play back an individuals’ story in
order to achieve understanding, empathy and a therapeutic effect in a group setting (Salas,
2000; Blatner, 2007). Based on what playback theatre aims to achieve, a safe and creative
space appears to be a major advantage. The space is usually created by a trained

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conductor/facilitator and trained actors, promoting a safe and creative environment.
Playback Theatre has and is currently used worldwide with an estimated 100 000 people
using playback theatre, demonstrating the “need for creating a sense of community in the
modern world” (Fox, 2007, p.6).
However, there is a lack of empirical evidence evaluating a playback theatre performance
in general as well as in relation to the theme of race and racism. In a recent interview with
the founder of playback theatre, Jonathan Fox highlighted that playback theatre had “35
years of experience but relatively little effective evaluation” further emphasizing that
evaluation would be the “next big task” (J. Fox, personal communication, May 6, 2010).
Due to this, this study aims to evaluate a playback theatre performance specifically focused
on race relations and racism amongst students at Wits University.
In South Africa, because of colonialism and apartheid, the history of tertiary institutions
project a system of racism and race discrimination, hence it is imperative to transform the
South African University System (De la Rey, 2001). Studies pertaining to perceptions of
race and racism in South African tertiary institutions focus on possible reasons for current
racism as well as suggesting possible interventions to promote social change around the
topic. For example, Finchilescu (2010) investigated “the role of prejudice and meta-
stereotypes in producing the intergroup anxiety experienced in a simulated context” using
an internet chat room to obtain data (Finchilescu, 2010, p.335). The study was of a
quantitative nature and used participants from three different Universities over a period of

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five years. The results of the study concluded that prejudice and meta-perceptions, meta-
stereotypes (“I think you do not like me, so I do not like you” and vice versa relationship)
in general, are extreme barriers inhibiting inter-racial relations amongst students
(Finchilescu, 2010, p. 347). Many studies globally and in South Africa (such as the
aforementioned study) have focused on intergroup relations looking at the contact
hypothesis, prejudice, meta-perceptions and rejection sensitivity (Finchilescu, 2010).
Although elements of meta-perceptions are useful in attempting to explain and understand
perceptions of racism, it is also necessary to focus on the South African context of race as
well as the context of individual participants in order to understand perceptions of race and
racism on a different level. In this study, playback theatre attempts to create a context for
individual students from diverse backgrounds to come together and share their perceptions
of race and racism (Dauber & Fox, 1999).
In another South African study Leibowitz et al. (2007) used a chat room as a virtual space
for students of different races to communicate in order to observe racial interactions. The
study was of a qualitative nature, using discourse analysis and thematic content analysis in
order to gather data from the virtual space created for students from different universities to
communicate. The communication revolved around drawings drawn in a workshop prior to
the virtual environment interaction. The purpose of the drawings were to elicit
communication around peoples’ different “communities, life trajectories and images of
themselves as future professionals” (Leibowitz et al., 2007, p. 706). The results of the study
highlighted the following strategies of avoidance of contact: “denial of the existence of
difference, denial of the impact of the past, acceptance of the impact of the past, guilt,

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appreciation of the strengths of the other, and taking responsibility for shaping the future”
(Leibowitz et al., 2007, p.715).
Relative to racial segregation in particular, Finchilescu et al. (2007) looked at racial
segregation on campus in relation to eight reasons for avoidance of contact between
students of different races. The study was conducted qualitatively, using an internet based
questionnaire to collect data. The results illustrated that reasons for racial segregation were
“found to vary as a function of race” (Finchilescu, 2007, p. 720). The reasons to choose
from in the questionnaire revolved around themes of ‘language’, ‘interests’, ‘dissociation’,
‘behaviour’, ‘race issues’, ‘culture’, ‘rejection’ and ‘social economic status’ (Finchilescu,
2005). Comparative to racial segregation, Alexander (2007) penetrated a dining hall,
allocated as a segregated space, to observe the space as “a means of re-instating racial
barriers and boundaries between groups” (Alexander, 2007, p.739). Overall, the results
emphasized the resilience of racial segregation when physical segregated spaces were
intruded (Alexandar, 2007).
The aforementioned studies in South Africa have been mentioned to illustrate, firstly the
presence of racism and secondly the different methods used in investigating racism
amongst students in tertiary institutions. The study conducted by Alexander (2007) went as
far as providing a possible intervention and solution for combating racial segregation.
Although Alexander (2007) managed to break physical racial boundaries, there was no
evidence of crossing personal boundaries in terms of providing a comfortable space for the

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subjects of the study to express their experience of having their segregated space invaded.
Due to this, there was no opportunity to gain strong insight into the subjects’ personal
world when it came to perceptions of race and racism. The value of playback theatre in this
study is that it has the ability to relate to individuals as a group on a personal level (Dauber
& Fox, 1999). Furthermore, playback theatre encourages individuals to express their
personal insights and perceptions of race and racism. This is achieved through drama
techniques to be mentioned later.
Overall, the studies mentioned above operate on a quantitative level which may not allow
direct interaction with participants or a full understanding of participants’ answers when it
comes to finding out about perceptions of race and racism. Alternatively, the studies
address the topic of race and racism using focus group interviews, internet chat rooms as
spaces for interracial contact, an internet based questionnaire and/or individual interviews
to draw information of race and racism from participants. Additionally many studies focus
on preconceptions of previously mentioned intergroup relation concepts as primary ways of
understanding race and racism. It is not my intention to say that these studies are not
important or interesting, but rather to suggest that other strategies are necessary in order to
find out about perceptions of race and racism and, importantly, begin to combat the
underlying issues of racism in tertiary institutions. Moreover, suggested interventions
and/or ways of addressing racism in order to combat the roots of racism are necessary for
future research (Bhavnani, Mirza & Meetoo, 2005).

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Bulmer & Solomos (2004), highlight that there has been “a retreat by researchers into
abstracted theoretical debates and discourses” as well as a retreat away from empirical
research methods when it comes to researching race and ethnicity (p.6). Research agenda’s
on the related topic have become textual and theory driven due to a trend that researchers
and scholars follow in the field: developing “more sophisticated theorizations of key
concepts and ideas” (Bulmer & Solomos, 2004, p.9). Furthermore, as mentioned in
previous studies, research on race and ethnicity has begun to focus much on quantitative
methods, which create barriers and possibly obstacles between the researcher and
participants (Bulmer & Solomos, 2004). Bulmer & Solomos (2004), move on to suggest
that research on race and racism needs to address “the impact of racism in real life
situations”, refocusing research agenda’s that allow for a more thorough exploration on
social relations and institutions (p.10). The research agenda of this study attempts to do
exactly this by using playback theatre as a means of exploring the impact of racism through
a firsthand experience of real people’s stories.
In South Africa, the recent release of the Report of the Ministerial committee on
Transformation and Social Cohesion and the Elimination of Discrimination in Public
Higher Education Institutions (2008), placed racism in tertiary institutions firmly in the
spotlight. The report was commissioned following the racist Reitz residence incident at the
University of the Free-State (Soudien et al., 2008). The report confirms a strong need for
interventions in universities in South Africa with regard to discrimination, racism in
particular. The racism within tertiary institutions exists amongst students on campus, in
recreational activities, residence spaces and within general campus spaces (Soudien et al.,

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2008). A ‘culture of silence’ encapsulates students’ everyday activities in their relevant
University space (Soudien et al., 2008). Although there are policies (for example, the white
paper 3: a programme for the transformation of higher education) concerned with the
transformation within Universities in South Africa, there is a problem with their
implementation (Soudien et al., 2008). The problem of implementation may be attributed to
“poor dissemination of information pertaining to policy, limited awareness of policies, a
lack of awareness of roles and responsibilities pertaining to implementation that flow from
the policies, and a lack of institutional will” (Soudien et al., 2008, p.14). As complimentary
yet dissimilar to policies, creating structured environments for appropriate dialogue
revolving around perceptions of race and racism is a smaller yet necessary step in order to
challenge racial tensions and possible prejudice between students (Guerin, 2003; Soudien
at al., 2008; Hill & Augoustinos, 2001).
1.2 Interventions specific to Racism
The types of anti-racist interventions in general take form as legal policy change
reformulations, cultural workshops, counseling, truth reconciliation commissions,
information campaigns, advertising campaigns, and through the media (books and
television) (Guerin, 2003; Paluck &Green, 2009).
Well known strategies of anti-racist interventions are those that address intergroup contact
(Paluck & Green 2009). Most intergroup relations strategies focus on eradicating
stereotypes as opposed to addressing the actual stereotypes (Simpson & Yinger, 1973). In

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order to reduce stereotypes, it is necessary for interventions to increase knowledge,
awareness and understanding on a cognitive level (Hill & Augoustinos, 2001). Open, yet
structured, environments are necessary for individuals, belonging to different racial groups,
to be able to engage in dialogue relating to race and racism (Bell, 2003; Guerin, 2003). The
primary aim of this study is not to eradicate stereotypes but rather to allow space for the
expression of dialogue surrounding potential stereotypes. The dialogue in playback theatre
is not strictly cognitive dialogue but rather an imaginative dialogue encapsulated in the
“realm of story, image, emotion, and physical action” (Salas, 2005). This imaginative
dialogue aids in creating a safe space for expressing stories on the potentially sensitive
topic of race and racism.
According to Bhavnani et al. (2005), in order to reduce racism, open and honest
communication is essential. Bhavnani et al. (2005) suggest that more empirical research is
necessary to effectively identify appropriate interventions related to racism, emphasizing
the need to look at interventions on a micro-level and then moving onto a macro-level
(Bhavnini et al., 2005). In the context of racism, a micro-level intervention would aim to
address racism amongst individuals directly affected by racism (Duncan et al., 2007). A
bottom-up approach may be synonymous with a micro-level intervention in that the
approach aims to evoke social change starting with the individuals who may be directly
involved or affected by racism in this case. On the other hand, a macro-level intervention
would aim at policy changes in order to address racism (Duncan et al., 2007). A macro-
level intervention may be synonymous with a top-down approach in that the approach is
usually directed at individuals who have legislative influence and power. It is significant to

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acknowledge the importance of policies as a step for promoting transformation of race
relations in tertiary institutions in South Africa, however, a micro-level intervention
(bottom-up approach) may compliment if not improve macro-level (top-down approach)
interventions of this nature (Soudien et al., 2008). Playback theatre may be classified as a
micro-level intervention because it is directly aimed at individuals in a group setting.
Furthermore playback theatre has the potential to serve as a successful intervention.
Bhavnani et al. (2005) illustrate that an intervention focused on race and racism may appear
successful, however, a closer observation yields a disconnection between the causes and
effects of racism. For example, although there are policies (macro-level interventions)
emphasizing equality and the need for equal opportunity, this does not mean that the root
causes of inequality are being addressed (Bhavnani et al., 2005). In order for successful
outcomes for race interventions, it is important to tackle “the ‘why’, the ‘what’ and the
‘how’ in its specific context” (Bhavnani et al., 2005). This study attempts to look at the
‘why’, the ‘what’ and the ‘how’ by firstly offering playback theatre as a means to
expressing the ‘why’ and the ‘what’. Moreover, using focus groups for the evaluation of
playback theatre may yield information as to ‘how’ to further address racism and its
different causes, in order to possibly combat it.
The main point thus far is that race related studies and interventions exist; however, they
are ultimately broad and unspecific. More importantly, very few focus on creating enabling
environments to talk about race and racism, hence avoiding tackling the root causes as well

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as the effects of racism on different individuals. Although playback theatre is not
specifically labeled as an intervention, this study proposes a playback performance as a
prospective anti-racist intervention based on its strengths mentioned up until now as well as
in the next section of this work. In order to frame playback theatre more succinctly it is
important to attempt to fit it into already defined anti-racist interventions.
Playback theatre as a possible anti-racist intervention may fit into the following already
defined anti-racist practices: multicultural anti-racism, psychological anti-racism and
radical anti-racism (Bonnett, 2000). Independently anti-racism may be defined as “a
discourse of change” (Bonnett, 2000, p. 89). Multicultural anti-racism focuses on
celebrating cultural diversity as a way of affirming diversity and enabling empathy,
understanding and acceptance of different cultures (Bonnett, 2000). Psychological anti-
racism focuses on addressing attitudes of race and racism. Firstly, psychological anti-racist
practices may take form in raising awareness of racism by raising consciousness and
creating a form of cathartic relief for individuals experiencing racism. Secondly,
“psychological racism is concerned with how individuals and groups internalize and ‘feel’
racism” (Bonnett, 2000, p.101). The latter overlaps with multicultural anti-racism in order
to allow for the “assertion of positive racial images” (Bonnett, 2000, p.101). Although
psychological anti-racism is useful, it insinuates a focus on only one racial group in terms
of providing catharsis and/or asserting positive racial images. The focus of playback theatre
as an anti-racist intervention draws from the above; however, it aims to include different
racial groups in order to hear different sides of the story.

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Lastly, radical anti-racism aims to critique social practices and/or the structures of
institutions that implicitly contain racism. The critique takes form as questioning,
deconstructing and challenging “the presence of racism within society” (Bonnett, 2000,
p.104). Since this study is dealing with participants within a tertiary institution, there is a
possibility for the dialogue in the playback theatre performance to focus on the presence of
racism within a tertiary institution, which could loosely categorize playback as similar to a
radical anti-racist practice. However, since playback theatre is an independent practice it
does not fit into any of the above categories but rather is similar to each of the above
mentioned anti-racist practices.
1.3 Theoretical Framework
Playback Theatre was developed by Jonathan Fox in 1973 in the United States of America
(Fox, 2007). Playback theatre is an improvisational and interactional form of theatre. The
phenomenon has been used in a variety of settings in a variety of countries as a catalyst for
social change (Fox, 2007). Playback theatre aims to transform individuals and social
groups in a group setting and space, possessing the ability to draw people closer in order to
see their common humanity as well as the common ground that exists between them (Fox,
2007). Although playback theatre is not traditionally labeled as an intervention, it does
have the potential to act as a creative intervention.
The theoretical frameworks important in understanding this study are Applied drama,
Psychodrama and Drama therapy, all of which Playback Theatre draws from (Salas, 2000).

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It is important to note that playback theatre was developed independently of these; however
the phenomenon shares similarities with the above mentioned frameworks. Applied drama
is a creative tool that creates an enabling environment for dialogue with regards to themes
such as race relations and racism. There are many types of applied drama; however, the
underlying aim of applied drama is to use various drama techniques to interact with
audiences and/or participants in order to evoke social change where inequalities exist. A
recurring theme in applied drama is the notion of redefining the present for the future,
acknowledging history yet finding ways through drama and storytelling to look forward
towards the future (Nicholson, 2005). Applied drama aims to transform communities
(usually at a bottom up/ grassroots level approach), through drama, drawing “attention to
reveal the hidden stories of a community” (Prentki and Preston, 2009, p.9). Although
applied drama is not stated as a medium of which playback theatre draws from, playback
theatre fits under the broad umbrella of applied drama as they both aspire towards the same
goals using different techniques of drama (J. Fox, personal communication, May 6, 2010).
The purpose of mentioning applied drama as a part of playback theatre’s theoretical
framework is to further contextualize the bigger picture of playback theatre.
Playback theatre specifically draws from a psychodrama and drama therapy perspective
(Salas, 2000). Psychodrama developed by Jacob Moreno Levi, is a non clinical type of
psychotherapy that combines drama and social interaction, focusing on helping people
“develop skills in communications, self awareness, and problem solving” (Blatner, 2007,
p.153). Drama Therapy stems from Psychodrama, both focusing on techniques such as
spontaneity, improvisation and role playing as therapeutic tools to deal with various issues

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in group settings (Johnson, 2000; Blatner, 2007). Playback theatre, like drama therapy aims
to create a distance for participants by allowing participants to watch their stories being re-
enacted as opposed to letting them act out their own stories (Fox, 2004).
Methodologically speaking, playback Theatre uses “personal stories as its source material”
to create a sense of community (Fox, 2007, p.3). The ritual framework of playback theatre
is simple. There are four actors and a conductor (facilitator) present on stage or in the
‘stage area’. Each playback theatre session has a specific theme. After an extensive warm-
up and build-up, participants are invited to share stories in relation to the specific theme
(Fox, 2007). The facilitator acts as the mediator between the audience/participants and the
actors. The stories are acted out by the actors in very specific ways (playing back the
participant’s story), allowing for reflection and projection of one’s own story as well as
others’ stories in a non-threatening way (Blatner, 1988).
The ultimate value a playback theatre intervention has is that it has the ability to raise
consciousness of individuals as a group in a safe, creative space. Furthermore, in the
context of this study playback theatre has the ability to provoke dialogue around
perceptions of race and racism as it allows a space for empathy and distance at the same
time (Fox, 2004). This is a very important element in this study. Because conversations
about race and racism may be a sensitive topic, playback theatre will be useful to create
conversations in a ‘safe’ manner so as to not provoke hostility between participants.
Moreover, based on the theoretical frameworks (mentioned above) in which playback

16
theatre draws from, the phenomenon will be useful to yield responses from the participants
in this study in an assumed comfortable and creative space, hopefully easing and/or
breaking possible racial tensions in an appropriate, mature manner. Easing and/or breaking
possible racial tensions may allow for conversation to emerge in such a way as to address
racism.
It is significant to mention the importance of context of an individual playback theatre
performance. As mentioned previously, playback theatre uses stories as its source material.
The way in which the conductor probes short and long stories and the order in which he/she
does this further constitutes as contributing to the ritual of a playback performance
(Adderley, 2004). Furthermore, the re-enactments of the stories in between are also a part
of the ritual of a playback theatre performance (Adderley, 2004). Involved in creating the
ritual is providing a ‘sacred space’ where the ritual of playback theatre can take place. The
space is also deemed as a safe space in which serious topics can be addressed in a safe,
constructive manner (Adderley, 2004). The conductor has the duty of creating this space by
how he/she frames a performance. Because the audiences of playback theatre performances
are different every time, the framing may change in order to suit the specific audience at
hand (Adderley, 2004). This makes the outcomes of each performance different every time,
hence it being virtually impossible to generalize the outcomes of one group of participants
to another. However, this study aims to reduce this by using university students of different
races and ethnicities who may present stories that affect the larger student population.

17
Another important contextual element which may contribute to the outcomes of the
playback performance in this study are the beliefs and attitudes of the performers as well as
the conductor (Adderley, 2004). If the aforementioned individuals have not sufficiently
addressed their own feelings towards race and racism, the whole performance will change
in such a way as to possibly decrease participants’ willingness to participate (Adderley,
2004). In order to create an appropriate context for participants to share, the Drama for Life
playback theatre Company are currently in a process of training around the theme of South
African race and identity.
Although much anecdotal evidence on playback theatre performances focuses on
perceptions of race and racism, there is not much evidence on the evaluation of the
performances as an intervention. The closest and perhaps most vigorous attempt at
evaluating a playback theatre performance may be seen in a doctoral thesis conducted by
Rea Dennis in 2004.
Dennis (2004) focused on exploring audience members’ responses, engagement and
experience to a once-off community based playback performance, specifically investigating
why audience members are compelled to share their stories. The main goal of the study was
to specifically explore the ritual framework of playback theatre in relation to the
environment that playback theatre creates. The study took on an ethnographic approach,
gathering data through participant observations as well as informal and individual
interviews. The study revolved around several once off playback theatre performances

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conducted in Brisbane by the Brisbane Playback Theatre company. The themes of the
performances, to name a few, revolved around sexuality, refugee experiences and mental
health.
Dennis (2004) interviewed selected participants of the playback performances over a period
of a year, specifically focusing on playback theatre as a metaphor for community. The
overarching finding of Dennis’ (2004) study illustrated that the ritual framework of
playback theatre “provides audience members with an opportunity to see themselves and to
see The Other” (Dennis, 2004, p.6). Furthermore, the ritual framework of playback theatre
was a metaphor for community in that the space allowed for people to gather, listen to
stories, explore and gain a better understanding of other people (Dennis, 2004).
Although Playback theatre originates in an American context, it has been applied in many
other countries in many different settings. To observe it in a South African context or any
other context is appropriate because of its use of stories. Stories are universal and have the
ability to create identification as well as empathy amongst different individuals as well as
groups on a larger scale (Fox, 2004). Moreover, playback theatre is suitable for this study
because it is able to set up a space specific to participants of this study through the
aforementioned techniques which constitute as the ritual of playback theatre. Finally, it is
necessary to see how and where playback theatre (as a micro-level intervention) may
contribute or fit in with macro-level interventions when it comes to the topic of perceptions
of race and racism in tertiary institutions.

19
1.4 Research Aim
To evaluate the impact and outcome/s of a playback theatre performance on perceptions of
race and racism amongst students at Wits University
1.5 Research Questions
1.5.1 What contributes towards creating an enabling environment in a playback theatre
performance that focuses on perceptions of race and racism?
1.5.2 What are the implications of playback theatre as an anti-racist practice in a tertiary
institution?

20
CHAPTER TWO: METHODS
2.1 Study Design
This study was conducted qualitatively using formative evaluation (Patton, 1980) to
evaluate an already existent playback theatre performance conducted by the Drama for
Life Playback Theatre Company. The Drama for Life Playback Theatre Company has
been running for 2 years. During the research process of this study, the group was in the
midst of training specifically around the theme of race, racism and South African
identity.
This study was dedicated to using qualitative methods as these methods allowed
intricate insight into how the participants at Wits University make sense of and interpret
their experiences of race relations and racism (Liamputtong & Ezzy, 2005). Taking a
qualitative stance also allowed the researcher to observe the different social contexts of
the individuals in the study, which was necessary in understanding their perceptions of
race and racism (Liamputtong & Ezzy, 2005).
“Formative evaluation serves the purpose of improving a specific program…” by
evaluating whether a program had an impact on participants as well as the outcome/s of
the program (Patton, 1980, p. 156). Evaluators using formative evaluation “want to help
improve human endeavours” (Patton, 1980, p.156). Formative evaluations rely
predominantly on the process of specific interventions, not generalizing findings

21
beyond the context in which one is working. Furthermore, formative evaluations focus
on the process of an evaluation as opposed to whether the intervention yielded a
defined before and after result (Patton, 1980). Formative evaluation was appropriate for
this study in that it provided an opportunity to assess the impact as well as the outcomes
of the playback theatre performance.
2.2 Sample and Sampling
The desired sample for this study was the University of Witwatersrand students of
different races. Their ethnicity and nationality varied as a diversity of different races
was necessary for this study in order to observe different and/or perhaps similar
perceptions of race and racism. The only requirement of the sample was that the
students have been attending Wits University for more than one year. The exclusion of
students who have not been at Wits University for more than one year was primarily
because they may not have had time to observe and/or notice race relations and possible
racism around campus. In relation to gender, the sample included a balance of males
and females.
The sampling strategy used in this study was a combination of convenience sampling
and snowball sampling, which are both categorized under purposeful sampling (Patton,
1980). Numerous students from Wits University were asked to participate in the study
in the anticipation of acquiring at least 18 participants. These students were fellow
students whom the researcher is acquainted with. The acquaintances of the researcher

22
were invited to participate in this study verbally as well as through social networking
internet sites-demonstrating convenience sampling. Each acquaintance who confirmed
their participation were asked to nominate one of their friends, preferably of another
race and gender, to participate in the study- demonstrating snowball sampling. The final
sample consisted of 14 Wits students, 12 of whom were gathered using convenience
sampling and 2 of whom were gathered via snowball sampling. Moreover, 8
participants’ were female and 6 were male. 7 of the participants are currently enrolled
in Honours in Psychology, 5 of the participants are currently Dramatic Arts students, 1
participant is completing a Masters Degree in Anthropology and the final participant is
completing an Honours degree in Linguistics. The age range of the participants ranged
between the ages of 22 and 29 years of age. The race/ethnicity of the participants
varied. The participants consisted of 5 black participants, 4 white participants, 3 Indian
participants and 2 coloured participants with varying ethnicities such as Zambian
combined with Scottish roots. The aforementioned race categories merely highlight the
participants’ race as previously classified in the old South Africa to illustrate a racially
varied sample. Lastly, 7 participants had previously experienced playback theatre
whereas 7 participants had not experienced playback theatre.
2.3 Procedure of data gathering
2.3.1 Pre-intervention
During the early stages of the research process, the researcher had the privilege of
interviewing the founder of Playback Theatre, Jonathan Fox. The interview was

23
conducted on the 6th
of May 2010 during Jonathan’s brief visit from New York to
South Africa. The purpose of the interview was for the researcher to gain a better
understanding of playback theatre by speaking to the founder himself. Furthermore, the
researcher attended a full day playback theatre workshop conducted by Jonathan Fox,
which provided a degree of experiential insight into playback theatre as a form of
applied drama.
Warren Nebe (the Head of the Drama department at Wits) and Kathy Barolsky (head of
the drama for life playback theatre company) were approached in order to organize a
playback theatre performance revolving around the theme of perceptions of race and
racism at Wits University. Permission was given by Mr. Nebe regarding the actual
performance as well as the necessary space for the focus groups to be held subsequent
to the playback theatre performance (see Appendix D). Mr. Nebe and Miss Barolsky
were informed about the overall study and after much deliberation it was agreed that
the playback theatre performance was to take place on the 27th
of July 2010 at 7:00PM
in The Wits School of Arts, room 107.
2.3.2 The Playback Theatre Intervention
Prior to the performance the researcher and the participants met at 6:00PM at the Wits
Theatre in order to introduce the participants to one another and for the researcher to
build some sort of rapport with the participants. This meeting also served the purpose of
an ice breaker as many of the participants did not know each other. Prior to the ice

24
breaker, the participants were asked to go through the participant information sheet and
sign consent forms to, a) participate in the study and b) allow for the tape recording of
the focus groups in the post intervention phase (see Appendix A and B,). Once this was
completed, the participants were asked to get into pairs and find out the name of their
partner as well as something that their partner wants the rest of the group to know about
them. Once this was completed, each pair was given a chance to introduce this
information to the rest of the group; each person introducing information about their
partner as opposed to themselves. The aforementioned introduction was developed by
the researcher. It is important to note that there are usually ice breakers in the playback
theatre setting before the actual performance begins. However, in this specific
performance the ice breaker was not implemented. Reasons as to why the ice-breaker
was not implemented are unknown.
After the brief introduction, it was re-emphasized that participation in the Playback
Theatre Performance is purely voluntary. At 7:00PM the participants made their way to
room 107 at the Wits School of Arts to attend the Playback Theatre performance. The
performance lasted approximately one and a half hours.
2.3.3 Post-intervention data collection
After the performance the participants were delegated to one of three 40 minute focus
groups which were held as a means of evaluating the playback performance (see
appendix E for interview guide). The first focus group consisted of four participants

25
and was held in U218 in Umthombo building (Psychology Department). This group
congregated on Wednesday the 28th
of July 2010 at 2:30PM. The second group was
held immediately after the first group at 4:00PM and the third group was held on
Monday the 2nd
of August 2010 at 4:45 PM (both in U218). Each focus group was tape
recorded in order to ensure accuracy in the reporting of the data. Using focus groups
was necessary in order to observe how individual views and perceptions of race and
racism were articulated in a collective group setting (Fosey, Harvey, McDermott &
Davidson, 2002).
The point of having focus groups after the playback theatre performance was to
evaluate the effectiveness and the outcomes of the performances with regards to
perceptions of race and racism. In order to do this, strategies ascribed to formative
evaluation have been used. The evidence of using formative evaluation is reflected in
the questions asked and the topics probed during the focus group interviews.
2.4 Data Analysis
The data of this study was transcribed and analysed using Braun and Clarke’s (2006)
six phases of thematic content analysis. Specifically, inductive thematic content
analysis was used in order to extract latent themes from the collected data. This was an
appropriate measure of analysis for this study in that it is the “foundational method for
qualitative analysis” and using inductive thematic content analysis as opposed to
theoretical analysis allowed the data to be coded “without trying to fit it into a pre-

26
existing coding frame, or the researchers analytic preconceptions” (Braun & Clarke,
2006, p.85). The researcher was aware of the importance of constant reflexivity
throughout the analyzing and transcribing process, especially since the topic was
relative to the researcher’s own environment and experiences at Wits University.
Therefore, the process of thematic content analysis was a continuous and vigorous
process, addressing and re-addressing the themes that arose (Braun & Clarke, 2006).
2.5 Ethical considerations
Despite the participants being young and perhaps further removed from apartheid, the
notion of race dialogue may still be a sensitive topic, even for people who want to
converse in such a topic. In this case, it was important for the researcher to recommend
alternative sources of advice and support to the participants in the participant
information sheet (see appendix A).
As the researcher is a white female student at Wits University it was important for the
researcher to try to remain objective, aware and reflexive of her own views of race and
racism. Also, it was important for her to not attempt to change the participant’s views
but to rather observe them. Furthermore, it is important to highlight potential biases
related to the race of the researcher. Participants’ responses during the focus group
interviews were perhaps altered or exaggerated according to the race of the researcher.
In order to lessen these potential biases, it was important for the researcher to probe

27
certain statements or perceptions of race and racism that arose during the focus group
interviews.
Although anonymity and confidentiality is ideal, both could not be fully guaranteed to
the participants. Anonymity confers that the participants’ names and identities will
remain anonymous in the final written research report. Anonymity could be guaranteed
in the written research report; however the researcher and members of each focus group
may know participants’ names and identities, hence anonymity could not be fully
granted but rather attempted in order to protect participants from potential prejudice. It
was important to let the participants know that confidentiality of information provided
in the focus group interview recordings is ensured, as only the researcher and research
supervisor will have access to these. However, confidentiality may be threatened as
other group members in the focus group interviews have access to each others’
verbalized experiences. Participants were informed of this possibility in their
participant information sheet. Participants were provided with a participant information
sheet, a consent form agreeing to participate in the study and a consent form allowing
for the tape recording of the focus group interviews (see Appendices A, B and C) . The
tape recordings will be destroyed when this research report has been passed.
Participation was definitely optional and participants were free to withdraw from the
study at any point without any prejudice. Once the research report is passed, feedback
will be provided to all the participants. This will be done by providing a verbal

28
summary to the participants. Furthermore, if requested, participants will receive a copy
of the research report subsequent to its completion. This is entirely optional.
With regard to the playback theatre group, verbal feedback and a written summary will
be provided for the group in order for the group to reflect on their performance process.
This will serve as part of the formative evaluation process in order to provide potential
ways in which the group could improve or alter their techniques for perhaps different
and/or better responses to playback theatre. Furthermore, the feedback will hope to
serve the purpose of providing positive reinforcement for the groups’ efforts.

29
CHAPTER THREE: RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
The purpose of this chapter is to provide the findings of the formative evaluation of the
playback theatre performance in relation to perceptions of race and racism amongst
students at Wits University. This will be done in accordance to the responses provided by
the student participants in the focus groups subsequent to the playback theatre
performance. In order to do this, the first section of the analysis will focus on the
intervention process in terms of the responses revolving around playback theatre as an
enabling environment to talk about race and racism. The second section of the analysis
will focus on the influence of the playback theatre intervention on the participants’ lives
thereafter in relation to the effectiveness of playback theatre as an anti-racist practice in
its ability to address racism.
3.1 Playback Theatre as providing an enabling environment
The overall aim of playback theatre is to form a safe, creative space in order to achieve
understanding and empathy amongst audience members (Salas, 2000; Blatner, 2007).
This section of the analysis will focus on the different aspects contributing to the
playback theatre environment of this specific study. These aspects include: the actors,
humor, the conductor, silences, the types of stories expressed and whiteness as a
backdrop. Each of these aspects appeared to have played a role in shaping the experience
of the playback theatre performance. Extract 1 illustrates how a participant (teller) was
able to see his story in a different way after going through the process of sharing his story

30
and having it played back to him. In addition, what contributed to the different
perspective was the way in which the playback theatre actors interpreted the teller’s story.
Extract 1
Participant 6: …I thought about my issues before, um, but because when you sort of think about it
it’s kind of scatter brained there’s many different like ideas you’re tryna put together. But
constructing it like, for an audience and then seeing it played back to you kind of gives it some
sort of coherence as a narrative, and I found it personally helpful because I could almost see it in
its entirety. And, that was really really helpful. Um, and I think that the artists who put it together
as well did, did quite a good job. They were quite intuitive about, um, what you were saying and
they paid quite a lot of attention to like details as well.
Participant 5: And I think also what you’re not saying. I think that that also translated quite well
across.
Elements of psychodrama, as a potential framework of playback theatre, allows for the
reflection and projection of one’s own story (Blatner, 1988). By seeing his story played
back to him, participant 6 had gained a different insight into his story. The way the actors
interpreted and relayed his story back to him allowed for adequate reflection and
projection of his own story. Furthermore, the way the actors grasped parts of participant
6’s story demonstrated their focus and attention towards the story. In this sense the ritual
of playing back a story was adequate in creating an enabling space because of the
attentiveness and intuition of the actors.
An important element that may supplement a comfortable space in the playback theatre
setting is humor (Meixner, 2009; Salas, 1999). Humor in playback theatre has the
potential to hurt or heal (Meixner, 2009; Salas, 1999). Furthermore, humor in playback
theatre may leave participants entertained without acknowledging the underlying

31
dynamics of the story (Salas, 1999). Extract 2 and 3 illustrate perhaps different functions
of humor in the playback performance relevant to this study.
Extract 2
Particpant 14…the one thing which has always been present in all the presentations I’ve seen is
with the sense of play, it kind of lightens it, you know where, um, but I mean yes, I also agree.
There were times where I thought, ‘ooh, that’s a little bit edgy’ and a little bit patronizing. But, if
it’s, I mean, but at the same time I saw this, um, without hesitation, where you have these
moments where things that can be a little bit sensitive get lightened enough so that we can we can
look back at them sort of ((inaudible)), um so that it’s not so personal. You know. I mean let’s say
I told a story about my mix or my my-((laughter)), you know and let’s say there’s still some
baggage attached to it, but after I see it, you know, it kind of lightens it and we can start looking at
it at the core. You know. And I think that’s where its real power lies.
Participant 14 highlighted how he saw humor as patronizing at times during the
performance yet helpful at other times. The interpretation by the actors of parts of
participants’ stories was seen as patronizing by several participants in that there was a
stereotypical judgment made by the actors. However, these stereotypes produced laughter
amongst the audience. This laughter/humor may have been useful in easing or breaking
racial tensions amongst participants, however, the humor/laughter may have also
offended several participants. When it comes to race relations, it is necessary to address
stereotypes as opposed to trying to eradicate them as intergroup relations studies aim to
do (Simpson & Yinger, 1973). As expressed by participant 14, perhaps by laughing at
stereotypes lightens their meaning. In essence, the playback performance created an
enabling space using humor to lighten potential hurtful stereotypes. However, several
participants suggested that humor may have been patronizing for others, not for them
personally.

32
In contrast to the above, Extract 3 highlights that humor may have created too much of an
entertaining environment, potentially ignoring the underlying meaning/s of the issue of
racism and racial segregation.
Extract 3
Participant 4: I think it’s coz of the, well I I thought it was really entertaining, which I thought was
weird, I’ve never really seen playback before, so like for me there was a huge split between
listening to personal stories, finding them really interesting, really getting into it and that I loved
and that’s what made me, the the actual stories made me be self-reflective. But then there was this
other split where there were like comic moments on the stage, which I loved, I enjoyed that but
there, it didn’t really, there was no meeting point exactly unless, like you said I know on a more
superficial level but it was more like um, it, there I really felt like okay they’re they’re entertainers
and they’re entertaining me now and I’m passive and I’m gonna watch kinda thing, you know, um.
Extract 3 indicates that humor as an entertainment device may have created a superficial
environment to talk about a potentially serious theme, which should be reflected upon.
The actors were seen as entertainers and as separate from the audience which is not part
of the ritual of playback theatre. In this light, the actors created a safe space by using
humor to lighten potentially hurtful content; however, this humor may have contributed
to the passivity of the audience.
During the playback theatre performance there were long silences between the conductor
requesting moments or stories and the audience response to the conductor. This could be
attributed to perhaps the superficial atmosphere created by humor. However, Extract 4
indicates that the silence may have been reflective of the difficult topic at hand: racism.
Extract 4
Participant 11: Hmmm, ya, for me, ya, you know I’ve had to attend all the playback performances,
this one was really different in terms of sharing stories, there was a lot of silence, a lot as

33
compared to other playback performances and it speaks to the theme and to the issues that was
being- because it’s not an easy issue, it’s not something people just go out there and say.
The way in which the conductor probes short and long stories and the order in which
he/she does this constitutes as the ritual of a playback performance. The conductor has
the duty of creating the ritualistic space by how he/she frames a performance (Adderley,
2004). Although the conductor appeared comfortable with the silences, some of the
participants reported that the silences were uncomfortable. Participant 11 (Extract 4)
illustrates that the silences highlighted the difficulty in talking about race and racism. The
discomfort expressed by several participants indicates that they did not want the silences
to be there, demonstrating the potential unwillingness to talk about race and racism.
Extract 5
Particpant1: ...but um I think I was just feeling like, ‘Geez, somebody needs to say something, you
know, so I did.
In Extract 5, Participant 1 decided to tell a story just to break the uncomfortable silence.
This may be seen as a paradox in that the silence during the playback performance (seen
as reflective of the theme of race and racism) was broken in order to tell a story about
race and identity. This leaves one to question the authenticity of what is being said to
break the silences when it comes to talking about race and racism. If race and racism in
this context is spoken about only to break the awkward silences, it is necessary to
question what is not being said regarding race and racism even when racism is the topic
of conversation or the topic for stories in the playback theatre context.

34
Although there were moments shared by white participants during the playback theatre
performance, none of the white participants shared long stories of their experiences of
race and/or racism. There was a general silence from white participants when it came to
sharing stories. A study conducted by Bonilla-Silva and Forman (2008) found that there
was denial and silence of white people when it came to racial discourse amongst college
students. In this current study, several white participants expressed their naivety when it
came to issues of race and racism. This may be due to a denial of racism, however, in this
specific playback theatre context, the silence of the white participants may have had
something to do with the types of stories told by tellers.
The types of stories told during the playback theatre performance were ‘victim stories’
where the teller had been a victim of racism. Extract 6 portrays how many of the
participants interpreted the types of stories shared.
Extract 6
Participant 13: Well, like I think like the main thing, people were like mainly the stories that came
out were when people had felt like their race had been harm doing to them , like them being
judged ...((inaudible))... their race, but never the other way around, you know.
Particpant 14: Ya.
Participant 13: You, know. This is interesting, like, it’s way easier in that setting to give stories
like that, you know. Like, it seemed like everyone was tolerant and accepting of those
circumstances.
Participant 13, a white female, indicates that victim stories seemed to be more applicable
in the playback theatre setting. One of the aims of applied drama (part of the framework
of playback theatre) is to evoke social change where inequalities exist through

35
transforming communities by drawing “attention to reveal the hidden stories of a
community” (Nicholson, 2005; Prentki and Preston, 2009, p.9). Relative to the types of
stories shared during the playback theatre performance, the playback theatre performance
appeared to lack provision for perpetrator stories to be expressed. Furthermore, the space
catered for victim stories; the victims being done wrong by the idea of whiteness. For the
purpose of this discussion, whiteness may be defined as a dominant or privileged idea
synonymous with the predominant ‘Western’ world that we live in. Being a white person
may, by default, categorize one as existing in the realm of ‘whiteness’. When it comes to
unpacking experiences of disempowerment and struggle in South Africa, the experiences
of being white tends to be normalized and invisibilized (Shefer & Ratele, 2006).
Furthermore, being white may be associated with being the perpetrator since the history
of whiteness during Apartheid has negative connotations. In this study, several white
participants expressed their guilt as they, naturally being white are by default associated
with the idea or the backdrop of whiteness: the perpetrator.
Extract 7 illustrates a participants’ thoughts on the backdrop of whiteness.
Extract 7
Participant 2:...For me I sort of feel like, we can’t escape it because look if if a black person is
gonna talk about race, they’re gonna talk about what a white person has done to them, if a white
person’ gonna talk about race they’re gonna about what a black person has done to them, so the
binaries are just there…
Extract 7 indicates that white people are and can also be victims of racism, just as black
people may be. This suggests that there may be other reasons for the silence of the white

36
participants. Extract 8 illustrates participant 4’s reason as a white participant for not
sharing a story.
Extract 8
Participant 4: Well, for me like, I must say, like, it did cross my mind, um, once, not that I had the
feeling that no-one would want to listen, but I just it’s almost like, well you’re white, what do you
have to complain about, I mean you probably haven’t experienced any you know, and the, the
story I did actually want to share was actually because that, um, I dated a, a coloured guy in high
school for three years, so it was more a, like, it was just- I was just gonna say something about the
silence racism-SILENT racism that I experienced with just evil looks, like really dirty, evil looks,
walking together hand in hand, it was just, it was, it took it took a lot out of me but it’s, see it’s not
it’s not really my story , like I’ve never been, you know, attacked in a a RACIST sort of way, so
um, not that I don’t think it’s silent racism is is any you know, any less intrusive into your life, or-
but ya, I did I did, it did cross my mind, once, thinking you know, I wanna share this, but at the
same time, you know, I’m sure there are other more interesting stories to tell, well almost because
you know, I’m white, you know, what, I haven’t haven’t suffered under any sort of-
Extract 8 illustrates a white participant not feeling that her story is important. This may
be explained in relation to the potential feeling of guilt in terms of being white and telling
a ‘victim story’ of racism. Indirectly, denying one’s own story of race or racism may be
seen as a form of denial that racism even exists. The idea of whiteness as a backdrop for
stories to be told against may have also inhibited participant 4 from telling her story.
Participant 9 expresses his thoughts of whiteness as backdrop.
Extract 9
Participant 9: I like what Bell, she makes an interesting point about not talking about racism
because it’s not actually racism, it’s like white supremacy, if you really wanna look at-because the
reason why you have black/white or the reason why you have black is because some local people
decided they’re gonna call themselves white and everyone else is the ‘other’. So that’s why you
always kind of having that-so you even have black people that can be acting white supremacists,
you know, people at the restaurant that were you know…
Dennis’ (2004) study illustrates that the ritual framework of playback theatre “provides
audience members with an opportunity to see themselves and to see The Other” (Dennis,

37
2004, p.6). Ironically, the ‘other’ in the context of the playback theatre performance of
this current study may be seen as white people or perpetrators of racism (as defined by
whiteness). White participants may be seen as ‘the other’ in this context because they
may associate themselves with the idea of whiteness. However, the idea of whiteness, as
illustrated in Extract 9 by participant 9 may be seen as a western or colonialist idea
applicable to other races too.
In the playback theatre performance relevant to this study, the fact that white people
could not tell stories of racism perhaps made them ‘the other’ in this specific context.
However, in contrast to Dennis’ (2004) study, ‘the other’ was not directly explored in this
study. Although this playback theatre performance created an enabling space to tell
certain stories about race related experiences, it is necessary to question whether there is
space to explore ‘the other’ in a playback theatre setting when ‘the other’ has become
normalized and invisibilized.
This section has highlighted the different aspects which contributed towards the
environment of the playback theatre performance in the context of talking about race and
racism. The actors’ interpretation of the playing back of stories had a positive effect in
the space as this allowed for the reflection and projection of stories told, creating
empathy and understanding amongst the audience members. Humor contributed towards
the playback theatre space in such a way that yielded different reactions from participants
in the study. It was found that humor can either lighten heavy stories, or potentially create

38
a superficial atmosphere where participants may have felt patronized by the way humor
was used by the actors during the playing back of moments or stories. Furthermore, in
relation to creating a superficial atmosphere, humor in playback theatre may produce an
entertaining atmosphere: potentially ignoring the underlying meanings of the issues of
race and racism.
The silences in the playback theatre performance were seen as reflective of the difficulty
of the topic of racism presented. Moreover, it is necessary to question what is not said in
the playback theatre environment when silences are broken in urgency in order to avoid
the awkwardness of the silences. When it came to the silence of white participants, this
silence was closely related to the types of stories told during the playback performance:
‘victim stories’ told against the backdrop of whiteness. The implications of the stories
being told against a backdrop of whiteness created a silence amongst white participants.
The fact that the types of stories told were not perpetrator stories (regardless of race) or
stories about being white perhaps changes the definition of ‘The other’ in a playback
theatre setting. This illuminates the question of which stories are valued in the playback
theatre setting and whether there is space to acknowledge stories pertaining to ‘The
Other’.

39
3.2 Playback theatre as an anti-racist practice in its ability to address racism
This section of the analysis will focus on the influence of the playback theatre
intervention on the participants’ lives, following the intervention, in relation to the
effectiveness of playback theatre as an anti-racist practice. This will be done by firstly
focusing on playback theatre as an anti-racist intervention in terms of its potential in
probing thoughts revolving around racial segregation in terms of reasons for and potential
solutions to addressing racism on campus. Secondly, playback theatre as an anti-racist
practice will be explored in relation to the responses to the playback theatre performance.
These responses include naivety, the experience of race as ideal and the disappointment
that may follow, the difficulty of overcoming racism, emotional after effects and students
being ‘progressive’.
Focusing specifically on playback theatre as an anti-racist intervention for Wits students,
there was a general acknowledgement of racial segregation on campus indicating a need
for anti-racist interventions. Participant 7 in Extract 10 below suggests that racial
segregation on campus may be due to one’s choice to mix with their own culture as this is
what they are comfortable with when it comes to relating to people. However, participant
7 goes on to suggest that many students couldn’t be bothered to mix with other races or
try to find something in common with a person of another race.

40
Extract 10
Participant 7:…you have these people, I mean you have groups of people that have their culture in
common and things like that and I mean if the division is still there because you are culturally
different to me, and maybe that’s what you, you get along with that, that’s what you have in
common so you sort of stick together. I find that it’s very much, and it is like this on campus as
much as you don’t want it to be, you have people who, they, it’s not because you have nothing in
common with me that I’m not going to sit there, it’s because I haven’t even tried to find anything
in common with you because I think everybody can have something in common with one another.
It’s just that the unwillingness to even try find it…. And it’s not even maybe that they’re scared to
try- I don’t think that they care to try-it’s just like well, ‘why should I?
A study conducted by Leibowitz et al. (2007) highlighted the following strategies for
avoidance of contact employed by students in a South African tertiary institution: “denial
of the existence of difference, denial of the impact of the past, acceptance of the impact
of the past, guilt, appreciation of the strengths of the other, and taking responsibility for
shaping the future” (Leibowitz et al., 2007, p.715). Another study conducted by
Finchilescu et al. (2007) provided reasons (as themes on a questionnaire) for racial
segregation on campus. These reasons revolved around: ‘language’, ‘interests’,
‘dissociation’, ‘behaviour’, ‘race issues’, ‘culture’, ‘rejection’ and ‘social economic
status’ (Finchilescu, 2007).
Many of the above strategies correlate with the findings of this study directly or
indirectly, however, as illustrated in Extract 10, racial segregation is reduced to not
wanting to find something in common with a person of another race. This may have
much to do with the history and structure of Wits University as a previously white
University. Due to Apartheid, Universities in South Africa project a system of racism and
racial segregation (De la Rey, 2001).

41
Although there are University policies (the white paper 3: a programme for the
transformation of higher education) there appears to be a suggestion (by participant 2 in
Extract 11) for perhaps more micro-level interventions (Soudien et al. , 2008; Duncan et
al., 2007).
Extract 11
Participant 2:Um, I think it’s absolutely crucial that, especially for a country like South Africa to,
to- and then obviously talking about Wits specifically, you know because it’s just like a
microcosm of society out there: it’s absolutely crucial that that race is is on the agenda and that it’s
not just, it’s not just another subject or another you know, put on a corner , I think it’s central
debate, that that must confront each and every one of us... So it’s not, it’s not just left to a
workshop on diversity or a transformation workshop or a playback performance you know
because that’s just isolating it, and we’re not doing much about it so I think it’s if if the
University’s serious about it then it must be from the first year …by the time that you leave this
place, you know, you must be, you know, have a certain understanding or view of what race is,
you know. So I think it’s absolutely crucial.
Participant 2, in Extract 11, stresses the importance of racial integration, especially on
campus. Playback theatre as well as other micro-level interventions may isolate other
students from experiencing forums where racism is the topic of conversation.
Furthermore, as suggested by the report conducted by Soudien et al. (2008), racism and
racial discrimination in tertiary institutions in South Africa need to be addressed directly
through the system, apart from policy.
In this section thus far, reasons for and potential solutions to racial segregation on
campus have been explored in relation to comments expressed by the students subsequent
to the playback theatre performance. Playback theatre as an anti-racist intervention has
illustrated its potential in probing thoughts revolving around racial segregation in terms
of reasons for and potential solutions to addressing racism on campus. The next part of

42
the discussion aims to frame playback theatre as an anti-racist practice in relation to the
responses to the playback theatre performance. These responses include naivety, the
experience of race as ideal and the disappointment that may follow, the difficulty of
overcoming racism, emotional after effects and students being ‘progressive’.
Extract 12 illustrates Participant 5’s naïve perceptions of race and racism prior to the
playback theatre performance.
Extract 12
Participant 5: I was, I mean I’ve lived in this back door of this beautiful bubble of like rainbow
nation and everything like that. I still believe in it very much so but I just, I didn’t think it was that
bad.
Participant 5, amongst others, expressed that they did not know that the stories told by
victims of racism really existed anymore. In this light, the playback theatre performance
promoted a sense of awareness when it came to speaking about race and racism. This
may be seen as a positive outcome of the playback theatre performance.
Extract 13 illustrates a participants’ experience of race in the playback theatre setting in
terms of how race was portrayed as ideal in the way it was played out and acted out by
the actors.
Extract 13
Participant 2: The playback performance, I mean, like I said earlier, it’s, it’s they’re certain
aspects, I think it was, it wasn’t PLANNED, they didn’t really plan it, but when they were playing
certain characters, there was, there was a time when a black person played a white person, where a

43
white person played an Indian person, you know it was, it was for a moment that, it was perfect
you know, it was, nobody thought about it, you know, it wasn’t stereotypical at all…So I think
that maybe that’s how we probably should get in and out of our race, you know: fluid in terms our
understanding of it and how we play OUT race, you know. That’s, from that that perspective, you
know, I thought it was interesting you know. Ya.
The way the actors expressed race, as ‘ideal’, reflects another aim of playback theatre: to
draw people closer in order to see their common humanity as well as the common ground
that exists between them (Fox, 2007). In terms of understanding race and racism,
participant 2 illustrates how he grasped or thought about the idea of race, or rather how
race should be played out in daily lives.
Bulmer & Solomos (2004) suggest that research on race and racism needs to address “the
impact of racism in real life situations” (p.10). The playback theatre performance took
real life stories of students’ situations and played them back to them, the actors taking on
different races to their own. This appears to be an innovative way of addressing race in
that race is nullified by the actors, which may allow for the exploration of race in
different avenues. However, the portrayal of race as ideal may have consequences.
Extract 14 and 15 illustrate the consequences and after effects that the playback theatre
performance had on these participants.
Extract 14
Participant 1:-as idealistic as ((participant 2 laughing)), as it is to you know, have people playing it
like how it was, to also I mean, I mean now that you’re saying that, I didn’t think, ‘ah that
person’s supposed to be white and they’re supposed to be playing this or this person’s playing an
Indian character or whatever, you know, like in that moment it’s like all ideal but, you know,

44
when I left it’s like, ah okay, well...we’re going back to our real world and you know, it is what it
is.
Participant 1 expressed a sense of disappointment when she had to go back to the real
world subsequent to the playback performance. During the playing back of Participant
10’s story, the actors built a mountain out of their props in order to demonstrate the
difficulty with trying to overcome race. Extract 15 further expresses Participant 1’s
disappointment as she (with the input of participant 3) illustrates that trying to overcome
racism and racial differences is like trying to overcome participant 10’s mountain.
Extract 15
Particpant 3: Particpant 10’s mountain?
Participant 1: Yes. Kinda, ya! That kinda thing, you know is, is something that you just not, I
don’t think gonna be able to overcome.
It may be necessary or useful for playback theatre, as an anti-racist intervention, to
consider how to explore and perhaps shift the idea of race as ideal (in this context) to the
outside world. This in turn may aid in addressing and shifting perceptions of race and
racism within as well as outside of the playback theatre setting. Furthermore, this may
decrease or at least address the negative emotions that participants’ may be left with.
Extract 16
Particpant 3: …on the note on how deep playback goes, I think what happens in playback is that it
captures, it captures elements that are very intense and it tears open the wounds or the hurt or the
issues but it leaves them gaping... Um, so, it rips it rips you open but what do you do with it then
you know…
In Extract 16, participant 3 experienced much emotion after the playback theatre
performance. Although this is not traditionally part of playback theatre, it may be useful

45
to consider the emotional consequences of playback theatre performances that address
race and racism. This includes positive consequences such as playback theatre being able
to create awareness (as expressed in Extract 12 by participant 5). Considering the positive
consequence of playback theatre on individual’s lives may be necessary in working
towards stretching the positivity beyond the playback theatre setting.
Thus far, mixed feelings have been portrayed in relation to the participants’ responses to
the performance. Participant 10 (Extract 17 below) acknowledges that playback theatre
was a suitable place in order to express emotions.
Extract 17
Particpant 10:…I think I’ve realized that um, ((inaudible)), what he said um, there should, there
probably should be, this should be done more often for us to get used to it, because we hardly get
these democratic forums, that interests your feelings about race. When we talk about race, it’s
either we talk to my fellow, you know, people, not to strangers, not to-ya, it’s complete strangers,
it’s not anything that you can just-OR sometimes we just talk about it at an intellectual level,
which is not necessarily what we practice, maybe we just do it because it’s academic. It, it doesn’t
get down to our real emotions, our real everyday experiences.
Playback theatre as an anti-racist practice was appropriate as it allowed for emotions
pertaining to the theme of race and racism to be expressed through narrative as opposed
to being intellectualized. However, as insinuated in Extract 11 (mentioned earlier) and
mentioned above in Extract 17, in order to address race and racism on campus it would
be important to provide these types of forums more frequently.
In order to describe playback theatre in relation to traditional anti-racist practices, it was
suggested that playback theatre fits somehow into the following realms of anti-racist

46
practices: multicultural anti-racism, psychological anti-racism and radical anti-racism
(Bonnett, 2000). Multicultural anti-racism focuses on celebrating cultural diversity as a
way of affirming diversity and enabling empathy, understanding and acceptance of
different cultures (Bonnett, 2000). In relation to the playback performance, playback
theatre did not appear to necessarily achieve what multicultural anti-racism aims to do in
that not all races shared their stories. Furthermore, not all types of stories were shared.
Although the playback setting consisted of a diverse number of races and ethnicities,
there was little evidence of diversity. Furthermore, empathy as a major element necessary
in the outcome of the playback theatre performance was definitely evident in this study
(Fox, 2004). However; it is questionable whether the audience members may have
empathized with a storyteller who told a story of them as a perpetrator or a storyteller
who openly expressed negative stereotypes that they held against other races.
Psychological anti-racist practices are useful to focus on one racial group in terms of
providing catharsis and/or asserting positive racial images of that group (Bonnett, 2000).
The focus of playback theatre as an anti-racist intervention draws from the above,
however, it aims to include different racial groups in order to hear different sides of the
story. Although it was important and necessary to hear the stories expressed in the
playback performance, there was not really a portrayal of different sides of any story as
the stories told were only victim stories.

47
From the playback theatre performance of this study, it seems like playback theatre may
be similar to radical anti-racism. This type of anti-racist practice aims to critique social
practices and/or the structures of institutions that implicitly contain racism. Extract 18
illustrates how students being critical or being progressive about addressing race and
racism is not necessarily progressive in itself.
Extract 18
Participant 8: Mmm (4). I just wanna say something about that, ...((inaudible))..., the composition
of the audience and also like the framework it holds as well. Like I mean, obviously it being
essentially a, a formal event at a university, so you know what I mean-and university students, you
know, all, you know, well read or whatever and educated and, you know, equipped with critical
thinking and all trying to be quite linear progressive ((laughter)) ne, feeling you know, skeptical
about the idea of race you know, you know what I mean, you know, in terms of the, the audience
ya. It was very notable that people were trying to be, to be progressive ((laughter)).
Extract 18 insinuates that students during the playback theatre performance were trying to
be progressive or critical about racism. This has important implications for the types of
stories told during the playback theatre performance (mentioned in the previous section)
as well as the way race is talked about amongst students. Although playback theatre
provided a forum for emotions to be expressed, perhaps the fact that students are
intellectuals may have contributed towards the ‘victim stories’ told as well as the way
that the stories were told against a backdrop of whiteness.
Playback theatre as an anti-racist practice may encounter complications when attempting
to address race and racism amongst students. It is difficult to pin point whether
approaching racism in this instance is complicated because students may intellectualize
racism or whether the actual structure and space of playback theatre, although producing
an enabling environment, allows for anything more than a space for ‘victim stories’.

48
Extract 19 highlights that something is lost when speaking about race and racism in a
diverse race/ethnicity group. This may be due to students intellectualizing race, however
the extract below illustrates that it is difficult to pinpoint or even know what is lost during
discourse with racially diverse groups.
Extract 19
Particpant 13: Now even, now like, in our psyc class, we had like a, a racial, like just like a mini
little like workshop and then you know different people, like black people in the class were saying
they only say something in front of an all black race, and like, ya, our lecturer was just saying like
you know if you went to a braai and there were only white people, then you went to a braai and
there were only black people, like you know, different things would probably be thrown around,
and then throw one other person in, and then it’s like-
Participant 14: Big shit.
Participant 13 and 14 ((simultaneously)): Ya.
Participant 13: You can talk about it but SOMETHING, you lose some-, I dunno what, ya.
Participant 14: And and, I think, I think that’s it in terms of this research is, what is that
something. Like because we have like right now, we can all relate to it, but we can’t name it.
Playback theatre as an anti-racist intervention in this study has allowed for the
exploration of racism amongst students in order to attempt to address racism.
Furthermore, playback theatre has opened up avenues and suggestions for what future
research on race and racism could potentially focus on: finding out what is lost when race
discourse arises in diverse groups. Finding this out may be a stepping stone towards
breaking racial tensions amongst students as well as amongst other groups of South
African people.

49
3.3 Strengths and Limitations of the study
A strength of this study is that the sample was highly relevant in the context of this
study because the participants were students who spend much of their time on campus.
Furthermore, there was a balance in the sample of students who had or had not
experienced playback theatre beforehand. In terms of evaluating the process, using
formative evaluation not only evaluated the impact of the playback performance, but
the outcomes of the overall process too. Using qualitative methods in this study allowed
a greater insight into the responses of the playback theatre performance. Furthermore,
using focus groups in order to gather these responses was useful to look into the way
that racism is thought about as well as talked about amongst University students.
In order to observe potential strengths and weaknesses of this study, it is necessary to
observe to what degree this study yielded credibility, transferability, dependability and
confirmability (Guba, 1981). In terms of the playback theatre context in which the
study was carried out, the credibility may have been threatened due to the fact that there
was no ice breaker in the actual playback theatre venue. This may have affected the
responses of the audience during the playback theatre performance. Furthermore, this
may have contributed towards the silences experienced during the performance.
Although I constructed a separate ice-breaker prior to the playback theatre
performance, the actual ice-breaker usually conducted in the playback setting is part of
the ritual of playback theatre. Having the icebreaker in the playback theatre
performance may have eased the participants into the actual setting and style of how

50
playback theatre works. This aforementioned threat may influence the transferability of
the study because the responses of the participants in this specific study may be
completely different to other groups of students in terms of the types of stories told. In
contrast to this, the transferability may be quite strong when looking at the responses of
the students as critical intellectual thinkers. However, the students as being critical,
intellectual thinkers seemed to guide the way in which race and racism was played out
in the playback theatre performance as well as talked about in the focus groups. This
may be a weakness of the study in that the different ways of talking about racism were
perhaps ignored and/or avoided because students appear to have a tendency to
intellectualize racism.
If this study had to be replicated with other students, it may be possible to find the same
trend in terms of the intellectual way students might think about race and racism. This
may also illustrate strong dependability. However, dependability would vary in terms of
the playback theatre space. The playback theatre space of one performance could be
completely different to another as the ritual of playback theatre cannot be repeated
regardless of whether the same or similar participants were used. In terms of
confirmability, this is always difficult due to the nature of qualitative research being
quite subjective. A potential threat that may have influenced participant’s responses
would be due to the fact that the majority of the sample were familiar with the
researcher and vice versa. In order to account for this, the researcher did not openly
participate in the playback theatre performance and during the focus groups the
researcher steered away from having an opinion of what the participants expressed.

51
Furthermore, during the focus groups, the researcher encouraged participants to talk
amongst themselves when answering a question as opposed to focusing on the
researcher only.

52
CHAPTER FOUR: CONCLUSION
In order to evaluate the playback theatre performance the following research questions
were constructed: 1. What contributes towards creating an enabling environment in a
playback theatre performance that focuses on perceptions of race and racism; and 2. What
are the implications of playback theatre as an anti-racist practice in a tertiary institution?
The findings for question 1 highlighted the following as potential contributors towards
shaping the playback theatre environment in this study: the actors, humor, the conductor,
silences, the types of stories expressed and whiteness as a backdrop. The function of the
actors, humor and silences contributed aesthetically towards creating a space for the types
of stories told. The playback theatre performance space allowed victims to express their
experiences of racism. In this sense the stories were told against a backdrop of whiteness,
whiteness as a negative association with the Western, colonialist idea. The implications
of the types of stories told did not allow a space for perpetrator stories to be told.
Furthermore, the white participants, as associated with whiteness experienced guilt when
it came to expressing their stories of race whether they were a perpetrator or not.
Perpetrators and whiteness (as well as being white) were portrayed as ‘the other’ in this
playback theatre performance.
It was found that although the playback theatre performance created an encouraging
space through the elements mentioned above, there appears to be contradictions as well

53
as uncertainties when it comes to knowing exactly what the above elements function to
do, for example humor. Furthermore, due to South Africa’s complicated past of race and
racism, perhaps it is necessary for playback theatre as an anti-racist practice to address
who ‘the other’ may be in each context in order to allow for all stories to be expressed.
Findings from question 2 illustrate the impact that the playback theatre performance had
on the participants’ lives. Playback theatre created awareness in terms of probing
different thoughts and reactions from participants when it came to thinking about reasons
for and solutions to addressing racism on campus. In terms of a form of intervention,
playback theatre alone is not effective. It was suggested that in order to address racism on
campus at Wits University, effort must be made (through consistent interventions and
address) to promote an understanding of how race operates and functions. Another
finding was that the playback theatre performance created awareness that racism still
exists quite strongly in society today. Furthermore, playback theatre was seen as an
appropriate democratic forum to allow for the emotional expression of race related
dialogue. In order for playback theatre to improve as a forum to express stories of race
and racism, it may be necessary to have focus group discussions or a debriefing session
subsequent to the performance in order to explore ways of understanding how race and
racism operates and functions.
The playing back of stories in the playback performance was seen to portray race
interactions as ideal in the way the actors interacted. This yielded feelings of

54
disappointment in that after the performance, the participants were left to address reality.
The difficulty and challenge of overcoming racism was also expressed. Moreover, several
participants’ were left with negative emotions. Although playback theatre performances
are once-off events, it appears necessary to take into consideration the consequences of
the performances especially pertaining to race relations and racism. Whether responses be
negative or positive, this study illustrates that it is necessary for playback theatre as an
anti-racist practice to address the consequences of individual performances in order to
perhaps provide an ongoing forum to address and re-dress race and racism amongst
students. Perhaps a dialogical space after the performance (as part of the ritual of
playback theatre) would allow for uncomfortable or distressing emotions to be addressed.
It was found that university students tend to be critical thinkers: aiming to be progressive
when it comes to addressing race and racism. This may have allowed for victim stories to
be told against a backdrop of whiteness. Furthermore, this illustrates the tendency for
race to be intellectualized by students. Another finding highlighted that something is lost
when it comes to speaking about race and racism in diverse groups. It may be useful for
future research to address what is lost when racially diverse groups (students or not)
gather together to talk about race.
This study has illustrated that playback theatre as an anti-racist practice is capable of
creating a safe, creative environment to speak about race and racism. In order for
playback theatre to improve as a forum, it may be necessary to engage stories of ‘the

55
other’ in the context of race and racism. This may include divulging in perpetrator stories
and exploring who in the audience may represent ‘the other’, encouraging ‘the other’ to
voice their stories in order to break tensions and move forward in the dialogue of race and
racism.
Based on the findings of this study, it may be useful for future research revolving around
playback theatre and/or race and racism amongst students, to address the following
questions:
• Who is ‘the other’ when it comes to talking about race and racism (amongst
University students)?
• How can stories of ‘the other’ be addressed in a playback theatre performance,
which aims to extract stories of race and racism?
• In what ways could playback theatre promote a further understanding of how race
and racism operates and functions (amongst University students)?
• How could playback theatre as a forum address the emotional consequences
subsequent to the playback theatre performance?
• What is lost during conversation when racially diverse groups gather together to
talk about race and racism?

Playback theatre & Race research report_FINAL

Playback theatre & Race research report_FINAL

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