Paper_InterestGroupsEnergyLobbies_04:2015

1

CLIMATE
AND
ENERGY
DEBATE
AT

EU
LEVEL:
INTEREST
GROUPS

INVOLVED.

By
Edoardo
Costa

20149806

Universiteit
Antwerpen

2014-‐2015

Master
Politieke
Wetenschappen

Seminar
Paper

Interest
Groups

2

INTRODUCTION
There is no question about the need to increase the production of renewable energy
in the European Union context for several crucial reasons. First of all, from an
environmental point of view the advantages connected with a reduction of
greenhouse gas emissions and other harmful substances must be taken into
account. Furthermore, looking at the increasingly unstable geopolitical context a
diversification of the sources of energy supply means the possibility to increase the
energy, and thus political, security; let alone the reduction of the dependence on
imported fossil fuels countries, most of all allocated in unstable areas as the Middle
East or in Russia. Last but not least an increasing production of renewable energy
could be reflected in the creation of new jobs, thus in economic and social benefits.
In that sense, the first important proposal -a renewable energy target of 20% by
2020- was adopted by the European Council in March 2007 and was later an
important part of the legislative package on climate and energy adopted by the
European Council and European Parliament in December 2008 (Gullberg, 2013).
With this package member states decided to adopt the so called “20-20-20” targets
that set three key objectives for 2020:
-A 20% reduction in EU greenhouse gas emissions from 1990 levels;
-Raising the share of EU energy consumption produced from renewable resources to
20%;
-A 20% improvement in the EU's energy efficiency. (European Commission, 2015)
Even if this process is still going on, the 23 October 2014 the EU leaders agreed on
an even more ambitious policy framework for climate and energy.
They agreed of a greenhouse gas reduction target of at least 40% compared to 1990

3

and a 27% renewable energy production by 2030.
Even if, as stated by the Commission, “This 2030 policy framework aims to make the
European Union's economy and energy system more competitive, secure and
sustainable” (European Commission, 2015), the stakeholder’s reaction was different.
In effect it seems to let unsatisfied both environmentalists, renewable and
conventional energy producers. While environmentalists and renewable energy
producers complain against the mediocre achievements of the new framework
compared with the last one, the old industry’s position is against the new targets.
Although the increasing of renewable energy production is a living matter, that has
obtained a central role in the current international debate, Europe has experienced an
expansion of the renewable energy industry in the last decades and this process
seems to go on. Inasmuch political influence is often associated with economic
importance, the increasing economic relevance of this sector entail an increasing of
its political power. Despite that, it requires significant financial support to increase its
competitiveness compared to traditional energy sources (Pach-Gurgul, 2014) as the
gap with the conventional energy industry is still far away to be bridged. The aim of
this article is to analyze which actors are involved in the renewable energy
debate at the EU level, which strategies do they use and why. To this end, I’ve
analyzed the European Transparency Register and I’ve created a dataset where I’ve
inserted the interest groups that under my research are more active on this topic. I’ve
investigated what are their point of view on the debate and I’ve used the previous
literature on interest groups to analyze which are their strategies and why do they
use some instead of others.

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OVERVIEW OF THE INTEREST GROUPS INVOLVED
In order to identify which interests are represented into the climate and energy
package debate and furthermore which interest groups represent the renewable
energy industry I’ve analyzed the EU transparency register.
This register is a common effort made by the European Commission and European
Parliament to increase transparency of influence (Nic Copeland , 2013). As described
on the transparency register’s web page: the EU institutions interact with a wide
range of groups and organizations representing specific interests. This is a legitimate
and necessary part of the decision-making process to make sure that EU policies
reflect citizens' real needs.
At the moment around 5700 organizations are registered and they range across a
wide variety of categories, from consultancies and law firms to NGOs and academic
organisations, think tanks and religious entities (Nic Copeland , 2013). I’ve conducted
my analysis with the aim to find which kind of interest groups are involved on the
renewable energy debate. Typing different keywords (annex) I’ve identified 38
interest groups and I’ve found, looking at their goals and main initiatives, that most of
theme are associations (17), companies and group (10) and NGOs (7). Even if it is
an essential tool it is doubtless that the register is not perfect, for example it is
criticized by transparency campaigners and interest group representatives about the
access of non-registered organizations to EU institutions (Nic Copeland , 2013), thus
an analysis based on it could not be fully comprehensive but it already grasps an
important portion of the interest organizations active on the subject.
There are several definition of Interest groups, according with Beyers it is possible to

5

define them using three characterizing factors: first of all they are actors that show a
minimum level of organization, secondly they make efforts in order to influence
policy outcome in a specific direction that satisfied their political interests and finally
they pursue their goals through frequent (formal or) informal interactions with
politicians and bureaucrats. (Beyers at all, 2008). From my sample of interest
organizations I’ve decided to investigate what are the positions and strategies of two
different business association, one from the renewable energy sector and the other
one from the conventional energy sector.
ENERGY PRODUCTION AT EU-LEVEL
As reported by EREC (European Renewable Energy Council), un umbrella
organization of the major European renewable energy industry, trade and research
associations, when the renewable energy industry started lobbying in 2004 for a
renewable energy target it had a turnover of €10 billion and employed 200,000
people. Five years later it had increase the number of employees to 550,000 for a
business of 70 billion while nowadays it as an annual economic activity of more than
€130 billion and more than 1 million employees. (EREC, 2015) All these data
express an incredible growth of this sector in the past years and thus an increase of
renewable energy industry’s lobbying capability on EU energy and climate policies.
However, this sector is still small if compare, for example, with the conventional
energy industry that in 2006 had already a turnover of €830 billion (Eurostat, 2015).
Moreover, the other weak points of the renewable energy industry are the typical
small and medium size of its companies and the distribution of them in the European
area. The wind industry for example employs the 75% of its workers in its three

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“pioneers” countries -Germany, Denmark and Spain- and although other EU
Members States are now catching up, the three-quarters of the jobs are allocated in
few countries (Wind at work, EWEA, 2009).
At this purpose I’ve found interesting to analyze what are and what were the lobbying
strategies of the most important wind industry association at the EU level, the
European Wind Energy Association (EWEA), and of one of the most important
conventional energy association, EURELECTRIC. The objective of EWEA is to
facilitate national and international policies and initiatives that strengthen the
development of European and global wind energy markets, infrastructure and
technology in order to achieve a more sustainable and cleaner energy future. (This
association) act as a single European voice to promote, through the joint efforts of its
members, the best interest of the wind energy sector (EWEA, 2015). In the interest
groups literature one of the most important distinction is between public and business
organizations as well as diffuse and specific interests, this kind of association from
my point of view is a busyness association with specific interests that in its lobbying
activity stressed its social role in order to gain more access to policymakers.
EURELECTRIC has the same purpose, but represent other interests that probably
can collide with the former ones and with the new energy and climate frameworks. It
is a sector association representing the common interests of the electricity industry at
pan-European level. In line with its mission, EURELECTRIC seeks to contribute to
the competitiveness of the electricity industry, to provide effective representation for
the industry in public affairs.
As indicated in the Overview of the electricity production and use in Europe (ENER
038) - published in Decembre 2014 the gross electricity generation in 2012 was still

7

dominated by fossil fuels for almost one half (48%) while the second place was
occupied by nuclear energy sources (27%), thus the electricity industry is still
dominated buy conventional energies and we can expect EURELECTRIC to have a
different position on the energy an climate package in respect to EWEA and maybe
to adopt different lobbying strategies.
LITERATURE ON INTEREST GROUPS
As defined by Gullberg, interest groups exert lobbying pressure with institutionalized
or non-institutionalized contacts and activities directed at decision makers in an
attempt to influence public policy outcome (Gullberg, 2009). Interest groups can
adopt different strategies but previous literature generally distinguishes between
insider and outsider strategies. The differences between these two strategies are that
while the former concerns formal and informal networking with policymakers and
bureaucrats, the latter regards media strategies such as press release and articles or
the mobilization of constituencies, for example through petitions or demonstrations
(Beyers at all, 2008). Obviously, it is harder to identify what are the real direct
contacts between lobbyists and policymakers because often they are informal and
happens “behind the door” while outsider strategies are more evident. Normally,
best-established busyness interest groups are specialized in inside strategies but
when their policy monopoly comes under pressure they may use outside strategies in
order to defend their interests (Beyers at all 2008). In this paper I’ve tried to analyze
the evolution of the energy and climate legislative proposal and the different position
of the two interest groups during the years. As argued by Baumgarther and Leech the
policy environment in which proposals are formulated affects interest groups’

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preference attainment (Baumgartner and Leech 1998). For this reason, in order to
understand why the Union decided to make such a deep change on its energy and
climate policies I think it is important to analyze which was the context when they
were adopted.
Eventually, I’ve decided to focus on the formal institutionalized contacts with
policymakers and on the outside strategies of the two interest organizations to
identify what were their position, what were their reactions and how they tried to
influence this political process during the first years as well as recently.
LOBBYING STRATEGIES
In every lobbying competition there are different factors that can influence the
outcome of a policy debate. Policymakers need expertise and information and one of
the main explanatory factor of an interest group’s ability to gain access is its
capability to produce and supply these public goods (Bowen, in Gullberg, 2013).
Furthermore, every interest group has to face a large number of challenges that do
not depend directly on its action such as, for example, environmental interests,
development concerns or the pressure of international trade negotiations. On the
European context there are different legislative steps and some are more
approachable than other. The early stages of EU policy-making offer the best policy
influence opportunities for interest groups. During this phase stakeholders are
formally invited to express their preferences and provide policy input based on their
interests and expertise (Bouwen, in Gullberg, 2013). The early agenda-setting stage
and the consultation period organized by the European Commission (EC) are the
most favorable points of the policy-making process during which interest

9

organizations can affect the content of European legislation (Bunea, in Gullberg
2013).
EU 2020 DEBATE
In the matter of energy and climate policies it is possible to see the influence of the
renewable energy sector since the beginning of the legislative process. In January
2004 the possibility to increase the production of renewable energy was presented in
a position paper with the title “Renewable Energy Target for Europe- 20% by 2020”
published by EREC. This organization gathers the most important renewable energy
association and EWEA was one of the founding member and a member until 2013.
The opportunity to increase the renewable energy sector was presented as the
solution to several challenges that were in the spotlight at that time as the global
warming and the reduction of the dependence on energy imports and the increasing
of security supply (EREC, 2004). Furthermore, in another position paper entitled “The
share of renewable energy in the EU”, the energy strategy was presented as in the
European interest and the paper stressed its technically and economically feasibility.
However, official consultation with stakeholders were included in the policy making
process through public consultations on the Energy Green Paper and the Strategic
European Energy Review between March and September 2006 (Gullberg, 2013). The
different interest groups participated in those public consultations and in forums set
up by the Commission in which they exposed their different positions and concerns.
Renewable energy lobbyists expressed all their support on the new targets and they
tried to influence the Commission in order to make them even more ambitious, while
the conventional energy groups expressed their doubts on it. Apparently,

10

EUROELECTRIC is in favor of more sustainability and, as described on its website,
they “are strongly committed to reducing carbon emission and meeting EU’s climate
targets for 2020 and its 2050 climate vision”. Despite that, at the time of the first
proposal it was one of the strongest opponents of the new target approach among
the conventional energy groups expressing all its skepticism during the consultations.
It stressed the risk that such targets could have been against the liberalized energy
market and the possibility that they could have not been cost-effective (Gullberg,
2013). Usually interest groups try to combine inside strategies with outside strategies
in order to have more influence and get more access on policymakers.
EUROELECTRIC tried to change the focus of attention from the supply side to the
demand side publishing a report entitled “Pathways to carbon-neutral electricity” in
which it called for a “market-based approach”. Furthermore, the society’s president of
that time Lars. G Josefsson said at the European parliament that: “The key to
Europe's low-carbon future will be on the demand side, where a paradigm shift is
needed away from direct use of fossil fuels to energy-efficient electric systems –
including electric road vehicles and electric heat pumps”. Obviously, this report was
criticized by the renewable energy groups, which refused the report’s assumption that
the renewables would have accounted to just 14% of the energy demand in 2020
instead of the 20% committed by the EU renewables directive. (ENDS, 2015)
From the other side, the renewable industry sector was no less so in the debate
offering expertise and information to policymakers through statistics and market data
and influencing the discussion and the public opinion through position papers and
media. Every year EWEA publishes an annual report that contains all the activities of
the organization and the research data through which they explain what they expect

11

from the institutions (EWEA 2008,2009,2010). It only needs a quick read of one of
them to understand the positive position of this organization regarding the EU 2020
strategy. In the 2008 report they even said that “For the wind power sector, the
Renewable Energy Directive part of the legislative package was what everyone had
been waiting for”. And still, in the same report, it stressed that the role of EWEA is to
push for appropriate and effective legislation in order to permit to its sector to
increase (EWEA, 2009). Furthermore looking at the 2009 report it is clear to
understand that they also used a combination of inside and outside strategies to
increase they access on policymakers. Using their words, they were present in all the
key energy and climate debates, meeting with decision makers and influencing
European policy. They organized their biggest annual European Wind Energy
Conference ever and they were regularly quoted in the media (EWEA, 2009). Looking
at the EWEA response to public consultation it is possible to see the effort of this
interest group to pressure policymakers for even more ambitious goals. For example,
in in its response to public consultation towards a new strategy for Europe 2011-
2020, the main focus was on the implementation of the 2009 Renewable Energy
Directive in order to increase competitiveness, energy security and fight climate
changing at the European level. Even though the pressure by the renewable energy
industry began early in the decision-making process, as argued by Gullberg, it is not
possible to conclude that the industry exerted influence in the sense that it caused
the EU to adopt a renewable energy target that it would not have been adopted if the
industry had not lobbied early (Gullberg, 2013). The attention to climate change and
renewable energy production was high at the time of the first proposal while the
financial crisis had not yet fully developed. Furthermore, this proposal saw the

12

support of several of the main countries, most of all the support of Germany and its
Chancellor Angela Merkel that in that time was called the “climate chancellor”.
However, even if probably the ambitious 2020 goals were not only approved because
of the strong capability of renewable energy interest groups to make pressure to
policymakers, what is clear is that certainly the renewable energy sector did not miss
the opportunity to push its proposals when the policy window was open (Gullberg,
2013).
EU 2030 DEBATE
Regarding the recent debate, the EU 2030 framework was approved by EU leaders
the last 23th October. They agreed of a greenhouse gas reduction target of at least
40% compared to 1990 and to increase the share of renewable energy consumption
to at least 27%. The European Council endorsed these targets, which are binding at
the EU level (European Commission, 2015). Even if the new targets seem to be more
ambitious compared to the previous ones, they faced several critiques both from the
renewable and conventional producers. Obviously, they have different position on
them. While renewable energy producers complain against the mediocre
achievements, the old industry still protest against the new targets. If the agreement
of a binding EU target of an at least 40% reduction in greenhouse gas emissions by
2030 is to be welcomed for most of the stakeholders, the most critique regards the
much less ambitious energy efficiency target of 27% by 2030 that is even minor
compared with the at least 30% target promised by president Junker during his
confirmation hearing at the Parliament (ENDS, 2015). EUROELECTRIC, regarding to
the new climate and energy framework has expressed severe criticism. The main

13

message of the association in response to the European Commission’s consultation
in 2013 can be summarized by the words of its Secretary General Hans ten Berge:
“Inefficient policies today are unnecessarily raising costs for businesses and
consumers. The EU cannot afford to continue down this road” (EUROELECTRIC,
2015). Still, one of the most critiques by the conventional energy interest group was
against the distortion of the liberalized market. As they said in an interview, subsidies
for mature renewable energy technologies must be phased out. The trade association
urged the EU executive to take action against many renewable energy subsidies “well
before 2020” inasmuch they argued that they are distorting energy market and they
could endanger security of supply (ENDS, 2015). Furthermore, EUROELECTRIC
together with other conventional energy producer like IETA today are lobbying in
order to achieve a “mandatory and harmonized” EU compensation measures to fully
offset the costs of the EU emissions trading scheme (ETS) to industry (ENDS, 2015).
The ETS is a system that works by putting a limit overall emissions from high-emitting
industry sector. The paradox, in this situation, is that the renewable energy sector is
equally disappointed with the new EU targets although in a completely different way.
The wind energy association stressed the weaknesses of the 27% target and its first
comment after the publishing of the new package was that: “The EU commission has
turned its back on jobs, leadership and energy security”. Furthermore a spokesman
of EWEA in an interview for ENDS (Europe’s environmental news and information
service) has expressed all the concerns of the association and has warned that the
markets in southern and eastern Europe are “likely to come to a standstill” as a result
of revised support schemes. In effect, the European Commission had called for an
efficiency goal of 30% but this goal was reduce to 27% and after the opposition of

14

some countries such as the United Kingdom the new target will not be binding at
national level but only at EU level (Euractive, 2015).
CONCLUSIONS
What is clear after this research is that the interests of the two groups are strongly
related to the EU energy and climate legislative outcomes and that they use all the
tools at their disposal in order to get access on policymakers and to influence their
decisions. For what concern their strategies, what result is that they both combine
inside and outside strategies with the aim to increase their political power and to
defend their interests. First, they supply expertise and information through their
reports or by institutionalized contact with key political and administrative elites as by
the European Commission consultations. Secondly, when they see their interests to
be threatened they combine inside strategies with outside strategies and through
different media channels (such as interviews, press release or opinion papers) they
try to increase their influence. What also is clear is that the policy environment in
which proposals are formulated affects interest groups’ preference attainment. In a
first time the favorable context has seen the full support of the renewable energy
sector and a shy and hidden protest by the conventional one. However, with the
evolving of the legislative process, and probably because of the increasingly
weakening of the European economy, the voice of the conventional energy interest
group, in this case the voice of EUROELECTRIC has become more aggressive and
in the same time the renewable energy sector has to change its behavior and
strategies to defend its interest.

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17

ANNEX

EUROPEAN
TRANSPARENCY
REGISTER

NAME INTEREST GROUP TYPE kayword
Estonian Renewable Energy
Association (EREA)
Trade and business associations “renewable energy”
German Renewable Energy
Federation (BEE)
EUREC- The association of
European Renewable Energy
Research Centres (EUREC)
European Forum for Renewable
Energy Sources (EUFORES)
Non-governmental organisations “renewable energy”
Portuguese Renewable Energy
Association (APREN)
Trade unions and professional
associations
“renewable energy”
Renewable Energy Association Trade, business & professional
associations
European Biomass Industry
Associaton
Trade, business & professional
associations
European Geothermal Energy
Council
European Renewable Energies
Federation asbl
European Small Hydropower
Association
associations
Akuo Energy Companies & groups “renewable energy”

18

ECOHZ AS Companies & groups “renewable energy”
BKK AS Companies & groups “renewable energy”
ENEL SpA Companies & groups “renewable energy”
Euroheat & Power Trade and business associations “renewable energy”
European Landowners'
Organization asbl
Non-governmental organisations “renewable energy”
European Wind Energy
Association
Fortum Oyj Companies & groups “renewable energy”
Hydro Equipment
International Hydropower
Association
Confederation of Danish
Industry
trade/professional associations “energy package”
European Anti Poverty Network Non-governmental organisations “energy package”
Turboden Companies & groups “energy package”
Sandbag Climate Campaign Non-governmental organisations “EU 2020”

19

Axpo Holding AG Companies & groups “EU 2020”
Dow Europe Companies & groups “EU 2020”
EnR network informal network “2020 renewable energy”
Ecofys Netherlands B.V. Professional consultancies “2020 renewable energy”
Energy Cities Non-governmental organisations “2020 renewable energy”
Alliance for Rural Electrification Trade, business & professional
associations
“2020 renewable energy”
Carbon Recycling International
ehf.
Companies & groups “2020 renewable energy”
Enel Green Power S.p.A. Companies & groups “2020 renewable energy”
Energy Globe Foundation GmbH Non-governmental organisations “2020 renewable energy”
Finnish Energy Industries -
Energiateollisuus ry
associations
“2020 renewable energy”
EURELECTRIC aisbl Trade, business & professional
associations
“electricity”
European Solar Thermal
Electricity Association
associations
“electricity”
European Association of the
Electricity Transmission and
Distribution Equipment and
Services Industry
associations
“electricity”

20

RECS International Non-governmental organisations “electricity”

KEYWORDS

KEYWORDS N°
“2020
renewable
energy” 8
“electricity”
4
“energy
package” 3
“EU
2020” 3
“renewable
energy” 20
Grand
Total 38

TYPE
OF
INTEREST
GROUPS
INVOLVED
ON
THE
DEBATE

TYPE N°
Companies
&
groups 10
informal
network 1
NGO 7
Professional
consultancies 1
Trade
and
business
associations 17
Trade
unions
and
professional
associations 1
trade/professional
associations 1
Grand
Total 38

21

FIGURE
1:
INTEREST
GROUPS
INVOLVED
ON
THE
DEBATE

Companies*&*groups*
informal*network*
NGO*
Professional*consultancies*
Trade*and*business*associa<ons*
Trade*unions*and*professional*associa<ons*
trade/professional*associa<ons*

Paper_InterestGroupsEnergyLobbies_04:2015

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