Next Generation. Poland, British Council 2021

www.britishcouncil.org/
research-policy-insight
Next Generation
Poland
May 2021
www.britishcouncil.org/
research-policy-insight
Next Generation
Poland

This research should only
be the start of listening
to young people and
acting with them.
‘’

Authors
Sound Connections
Jennifer Raven
Lawrence Becko
Centrala
Alicja Kaczmarek
Stocznia
Jan Herbst
Agata Gołasa
Contributors
Next Generation Poland Academic
Task Force
Dr Roch Dunin-Wąsowicz (LSE)
Dr Piotr Godzisz (Birmingham City University)
Dr Kinga Goodwin (UCL)
Dr Anna Horolec (University of Warsaw)
Dr Jakub Jablonowski (University of Exeter)
Katarzyna Malinowska (University of Warsaw)
Dr Joanna Schmidt (Poznan University of Economics)
Dr Bartlomiej Walczak (University of Warsaw)
Jan J Zygmuntowski (Instrat)
Next Generation Poland Young Advisers
Nawojka Liwia Ciborska
Antonina Lewandowska
Marta Marsicka
Pola Plaskota
Michał Sienicki
Aneta Ślęczek
British Council
James Perkins, Senior Research Adviser, UK
Julia Plachecka, Projects and Partnerships
Manager, Poland
Ewa Puzdrowska, Head of Education and
Society, Poland
Christine Wilson, Head of Research, UK
Disclaimer
The views expressed are those of the authors and
contributors based on extensive consultation and
review of relevant studies and literature, and do not
necessarily reflect those of the British Council.
Acknowledgements

Contents
Forewords 4
Executive summary 6
A ‘post-transformation’ generation 6
Self-reliance and opportunity in the face of adverse conditions 6
A generation experiencing social polarisation 7
Recommendations for a better future 8
Chapter 1 Introducing the research 9
1.1 About Next Generation research 9
1.1.1 What is Next Generation? 9
1.1.2 Purpose 9
1.1.3 Who was involved? 9
1.2 Methodology 10
1.2.1 Sample and approach 10
1.2.2 Research aims and objectives 10
1.2.3 Research instruments 10
1.2.4 Research advisers 13
1.2.5 Assumptions, considerations and limitations 14
1.2.6 Beyond the research 14
1.3 Young Poles in context 15
1.3.1 The Polish context 15
1.3.2 Previous research into young adults in Poland 17
Chapter 2 Main findings 21
Preview: Main findings 21
2.1 Theme 1: Experience and attitudes: aspirational optimists,
facing new emotional and generational challenges 22
2.1.1 More satisfied in the private realm 22
2.1.2 Aspirational, self-reliant and flexible 24
Spotlight: Achieving happiness and success 30
2.1.3 Emotional discontent and complex challenges 32
2.1.4 Under-prepared by education 34
2.2 Theme 2: Engagement and outlook: Digitally savvy and globally minded,
with mixed feelings towards their country and the wider world 35
2.2.1 Globally minded and digitally literate 35
2.2.2 Connected to their country but lacking influence 36
2.2.3 Pessimistic about domestic and global affairs 36

Micro-study: Digital activism among young adults 42
2.3 Theme 3: Voice, view and values: Disenchanted
democrats with polarised views 45
2.3.1 Lacking influence in politics but hoping for change 45
2.3.2 Polarised in views and values 49
2.3.3 Demands for personal economic freedoms and public spending 50
Chapter 3 Differences among young Poles 53
3.1 Gender differences 53
3.2 Differences between younger and older age groups 54
3.3 Differences in education, employment status and income level 56
3.4 Geopolitical differences between cities, towns and rural areas 56
Spotlight: Mapping regional differences 58
Chapter 4 Recommendations and conclusion 61
4.1 Main recommendations 61
4.2 Further suggestions and next steps 64
4.2.1 Research activities 64
4.2.2 Research topics 64
Bibliography 66
Appendix 1 Details of Academic Task Force
members and Young Advisers 68
Appendix 2 Social media research – observed
Facebook groups in more detail 70
Appendix 3 Notes on the mapping methodology
used in Chapter 3 73

I am delighted to introduce Next
Generation Poland.
This is the first in-depth examination of Poland’s youth
since the outbreak of Covid-19. The research was
conducted against the backdrop of this intensifying
pandemic, as well as divisive elections and the
largest street protests in the country since the fall of
communism. It brings us the views and voices of those
who will be responsible for rebuilding Poland from the
rubble of Covid-19 and finding a path through current
political and social dislocation.
The youth population in Poland is fascinatingly complex,
and in places seemingly contradictory. They are
simultaneously internationally minded and globally
aware, but happiest within their home. They are proud
of their country, though sceptical about its political
system. Most of all this report shows a drive in Poland’s
young people that puts ‘ambition, skill and hard work’
at the centre of a successful life. Young people know
that they are experiencing a better quality of life
than their parents, and the report communicates
their anxiety about making the most of this and not
wasting their chances.
This is fascinating in its own right, and we hope it
will be useful to stakeholders across Poland, the
UK and beyond. But it is also vital information for
the British Council and it will inform and guide our
work for the years ahead.
Our role is to build connections, understanding
and trust between people in the UK and Poland
through arts and culture, education and the English
language. A central objective for us is to design and
run programmes that meet the needs and aspirations
of young people, and support their personal, social
and economic development, and promote open and
inclusive societies. The British Council’s work in Poland
always starts with partnerships and results in mutually
beneficial outcomes. This report helps us respond
precisely to what we hear from those we want to
connect with the most.
Forewords
The youth population in
Poland is fascinatingly
complex, and in places
seemingly contradictory.
‘’
A fascinating and accessible read, Next Generation
Poland joins a suite of reports conducted across the
world, and offers interesting comparisons particularly
with other recent European studies. Young Poles, like
their UK, Irish, German and Italian counterparts, are
digitally savvy and find their news almost exclusively
online, but are also wise enough to interrogate it.
There’s a shared absence of faith in their political
systems, and a dissatisfaction with the education
offered to them – particularly a strong feeling that it is
not equipping them with the right skills for the jobs of
the future.
Yet social engagement is rising – this is not an apathetic
generation. Like their European counterparts, young
Poles are concerned about employment opportunities,
but also have high expectations of the kind of work
they want to do. Against the trend in Europe, social
and family ties seem to be strengthening in Poland,
and religious belief is high even if churchgoing is in
decline. There is a troubling theme emerging about
the challenges young people face around mental
health and drug abuse. This is surely a call to action.
This report has tracked views across the most
extraordinary year most of us will ever live through.
I would like to thank the teams at Sound Connections,
Centrala and Stocznia, the Academic Task Force and
Young Advisers, as well as our British Council team,
who worked hard together and separately to bring this
report to you. The support of the British Embassy in
Warsaw has been invaluable, and we thank them.
I hope you enjoy this report as much as I have, and that
you return to it in your ‘need to know’ moments. All that
it teaches us will echo in our work in the months and
years to come.
Colm McGivern
Director Poland, British Council
4 Next Generation Poland

The world is changing more quickly
than ever before.
Increasingly polarised worldviews, a widening gap in
living standards and economic opportunities, multiple
challenges to liberal democracies, the acceleration
of social media as a news source, the climate
emergency and continuing conflicts worldwide: these
all characterise our experience of the 21st century so
far. However, an additional factor has emerged in this
dynamically changing landscape – and it is one that
gives hope.
In fact, a global uprising of humanity has begun before
our very eyes – one which proves that civil societies
are becoming increasingly active. Mass protests on
virtually all continents are fighting – on a daily basis –
for the improvement of labour market conditions, for
environmental protection, for the rights of women and
minorities, and for more ethical and equitable access to
the opportunities of digital. These protests point to the
urgent need to create a different, better tomorrow, with
us young people increasingly becoming the face of that
tomorrow.
The best possible tomorrow will not be created without
dialogue and mutual respect, and that includes decision
makers and wider society listening seriously to the
voices of young people today. This could include public
forums and consultations, and assessment of the work
of formal and informal nongovernmental organisations
with youth networks. Above all, however, young people
not only should but must be involved in the process of
creating the best possible change – after all, our future
and that of the next generations is at stake.
The report in front of you is a compendium of
information about the hopes and concerns of the
younger generation in Poland today. It is a vital
collection of data and insight, showing the lived realities
of the grassroots in all their complexity. I hope that
the publication will become an important roadmap in
your way of thinking about the future, and prove that
listening to the world of today is crucial for the creation
of a better tomorrow.
Antonina Lewandowska
Future Leader, British Council 2019
Activist, Feminist, Sex Educator Young people must be
involved in the process
of creating the best
possible change.
‘’
5
Next Generation Poland

Like all research conducted in the series, Next
Generation Poland set out to explore the experiences
of young adults – in this case, those aged 18–30 – at
a critical moment in their nation’s history. Poland is
undergoing a period of political change marked by
antagonism with the EU and controversy over policies
concerning the rights of women, sexual minorities and
migrants, which has led some to suggest that Poland
is increasingly becoming a socially divided country.
Unlike other Next Generation studies – and
unbeknownst to the researchers when the work was
being devised – this research would be conducted
entirely online during the global Covid-19 pandemic,
the severity of which only became clear as the
project began.
While the pandemic – and the restrictions which
followed – dramatically changed how the research
was carried out, it appears to have had less impact
than anticipated on the results themselves. Although
the events surrounding Covid-19 were a constant
presence, survey respondents and focus group
participants were able to look beyond the immediacy
of the crisis and share with us their views on longer-
standing issues, as well as their hopes and fears for
the future.
To that effect, this report is both framed by the
pandemic and transcends it. We encourage readers
to consider the findings and recommendations in
that light.
A ‘post-transformation’ generation
The first chapter of the report outlines the sociopolitical
and economic transformation that Poland has
experienced over the last three decades, before
sharing a range of contextual data and findings about
the young population from previous studies.
The young adults surveyed in this research are the first
generation to grow up in a post-communist Poland,
which, in the space of just 30 years, has transitioned
to a free market economy, NATO membership and EU
accession. As such, their experience of, and attitudes
toward, life are both shaped by, and markedly different
to, that of their parents’ generation.
Self-reliance and opportunity in
the face of adverse conditions
The second chapter outlines the main findings of the
research, revealing a generation that is optimistic about
their private lives and their own futures, but pessimistic
about the public realm, the world of work and the plight
of their country – and indeed the world. They aspire to
independence and financial security, satisfying work,
strong relationships and good social connections.
However, they experience undercurrents of emotional
discontent and anxiety in the face of the complexities
of modern life, and face a variety of challenges and
limiting factors, including an education they perceive as
inadequate, a lack of affordable housing, the prevalence
of alcohol and drug abuse, and a lack of job offers.
The pandemic has led to further negative effects on
their lives.
They are a digitally savvy generation – they are at home
in the digital realm and very comfortable using, and
interacting via, new technologies. While they eschew
more traditional information sources in favour of the
internet and social media, they are nonetheless wary
of fake news and its consequences.
In general, they feel connected to both their country
and the wider world, with many describing themselves
as global citizens. They consider themselves to be more
tolerant and progressive than previous generations,
but they are pessimistic about the impact they can
have when it comes to domestic and global affairs. They
are divided when it comes to the benefits of European
integration, migration and globalisation – some believe
these are overwhelmingly positive phenomena, while
others fear a range of negative consequences for
themselves and their country. While many would like
to emigrate to countries such as the UK, Germany
and the US, others wish to build a life in Poland.
Whatever their preference, they largely feel they lack
power to shape the future. A majority state they have
little influence in the political and civic realms and
that their voices are seldom heard. While they are
overwhelmingly in favour of democracy, many feel
disinterested in formal politics and they are divided
in their affiliations and alignments.
Executive summary

They are a generation polarised in their political,
religious and social views and values – the most divisive
issues being the rights of women and sexual minorities,
as well as immigration and relations with the EU. Despite
these differences, they share a desire for more personal
economic freedom, more public spending and more
effective governance, which they hope will lead to a
more tolerant society in future.
A generation experiencing
social polarisation
This generation is entering adulthood at a time
when Polish society appears to be fracturing along
particular social and regional lines. The generation
we encountered express views which vary depending
on their age, gender, level of education, employment
status and geographical location.
There appears to be an intra-generational shift
occurring within this age group, opening up new
perspectives for policymaking. The younger age range
of 18- to 24-year-olds is revealed to be more satisfied
with life but less sure of their direction. They are more
globally minded, value arts and culture, and are keen
to emigrate. They tend to hold liberal views on sex
education and the rights of sexual minorities, but are
less likely to feel heard by those in power.
Their older counterparts (aged 25–30) are less civically
engaged but more likely to call for change. They feel
that they have more voice and influence, and have
higher expectations for their careers and financial
situation, but tend to be less tolerant towards minorities.
There are also striking differences between men
and women across the population. Young Polish women
are more satisfied with life overall but acknowledge a
broader range of societal problems, including those
associated with Covid-19. They tend to support the
rights of sexual minorities and are in favour of sex
education, but are less open to immigration. They are
more vocally democratic, favouring EU membership
– but they are less likely to feel heard.
In contrast, men are more likely to feel proud of
Poland and its history, and to express concerns about
loss of national identity. They tend to support greater
autonomy for Poland, and are less likely to favour EU
membership. They are less likely to support the rights
of sexual minorities, and more likely to feel they can
influence events around them.
Cross-cutting these themes are further divisions
based on education level, income and location.
There is a correlation between higher levels of
education, employment and life satisfaction. Higher
earners with higher-level qualifications – who more
often live in cities – are more likely to participate in
cultural activities, express democratic values and show
concern for environmental and humanitarian causes.
Higher earners, in particular, are more likely to feel that
they are heard by politicians and institutions, and that
politics addresses the issues that matter to them.
Meanwhile, those with lower education and lower
earners – and particularly those living in small towns
and rural areas – are more pessimistic and more likely
to emigrate, while valuing stability, family and their
Catholic faith. They feel worst hit by the pandemic, but
more able to affect their local communities, calling for
better investment in infrastructure and connectivity.
More in-depth mapping, shared towards the end of
Chapter 3, illustrates a divide across Poland, which
mirrors a national split which has been widely discussed
in public discourse over the last five years – with
respondents in the north and west of the country tending
towards a liberal outlook, and those in the southern
and eastern regions holding more traditional values.
Right Using public transport
during the Covid-19 pandemic.
Cracow, January 2021
7

Recommendations for a better future
The report concludes with a series of recommendations
informed by young adults themselves which focus on
five main areas.
1. Economic reform: enabling more personal
economic freedom by reducing regulation and
taxes, encouraging greater entrepreneurialism
among young people and ensuring high-quality
job opportunities are available to all.
2. Public spending and policy reform: increasing
public spending on health and social care to remove
barriers to attaining significant life goals and
financial stability, including drug and alcohol abuse
and mental health challenges. A more general
refocusing of public policy on the needs of younger
generations, for example to address the pressures
of the housing market and to tackle global issues
that concern them, such as climate change.
3. Educational reform: reimagining and reforming
education away from its theoretical traditions
towards a more open system which encourages
greater sensitivity and tolerance, by teaching
life skills, ethics and empathy, providing careers
advice and sex education, promoting diversity
and discussion, and valuing volunteering and
cultural participation.
4. Participation: encouraging greater participation
and collective action to refresh politics and civil
society, by promoting youth governance, direct
democracy and activism, as well as harnessing
the resources of youth organisations and digital
platforms to support the building of confidence,
agency and trust among young people and across
wider society.
5. Tolerance and freedom: promoting greater
tolerance and freedom through the above actions
and by galvanising the nongovernmental
organisation and non-profit sector to promote
greater dialogue and celebrate difference and
diversity in Polish society.
The report concludes with a series of additional
recommendations for further research and policy
discussion, including consultation, mapping and
profiling on topics including identity and voice, quality
of life and emotional health, digital development,
emigration, globalisation and climate change.
We believe that further research, exploration and
discussion of these questions and suggestions will
enable policymakers, communities and young adults
themselves to take this initial research and analysis to
the next stage of its evolution. The aim is to catalyse
conversation and ultimately drive policy change that
supports younger generations to fulfil their potential
as creative, fulfilled and active citizens in Poland, in line
with the overarching aims of the Next Generation series.
Left Protests following the
judgment of the Constitutional
Court on abortion in Poland.
Katowice, 26 October 2020

1.1 About Next Generation research
1.1.1 What is Next Generation?
Next Generation is a global British Council research
series focusing on young people, usually aged 18–30,
living in countries that are experiencing a period of
significant change. The research programme has
now been running for over a decade and has amplified
the voices of young people in over a dozen different
countries around the world.
The British Council created Next Generation based
on a belief that it is important to listen to, and engage
with, young people not just because they are the next
generation of influencers, leaders and shapers of their
countries’ futures, but also because they have the
capacity to create change and make a difference to
their societies in the present.
In particular, Next Generation examines the conditions
that support young people to become creative, fulfilled
and active citizens. This involves looking at themes such
as education, employment and lifestyle, as well as their
values and beliefs. The research seeks to understand
their hopes and fears for their country, and the extent
to which young people engage with the wider world
beyond their country’s borders.
1.1.2 Purpose
At the heart of this series is a commitment to exploring
youth voice and choice, with a view to achieving three
main aims:
1. understanding young people’s attitudes and
aspirations, and how the changes around them
shape their life choices and worldview
2. amplifying youth voice by putting their views and
ideas front and centre
3. supporting better youth policymaking by ensuring
their voices are represented in decisions that may
have lasting implications on their lives.
Next Generation Poland is the latest edition in the
series and has been written during a time of political
and social change in the country, and against a
backdrop of turbulent global events, most notably
the rapidly escalating climate crisis and the Covid-19
pandemic. The study seeks to analyse the conditions
that support young people and allow them to reach
their potential as fulfilled, productive and active citizens.
The recommendations that conclude the report are
intended to promote discussion and policy change.
1.1.3 Who was involved?
The research has been commissioned by the British
Council’s Research and Policy Insight Team working in
close collaboration with the British Council in Poland.
The research has been led, delivered and produced
by a bilingual UK–Polish partnership comprising:
• Jennifer Raven and Lawrence Becko (Sound
Connections, UK)
• Alicja Kaczmarek (Centrala Space, UK)
• Jan Herbst and Agata Gołasa (Stocznia, Poland).
The partnership has been privileged to be guided and
advised by two expert task forces:
• academic advisers: an expert panel of researchers
based at major universities in Poland and the UK
• young adult advisers: a group of six young
leaders who are advocating for change and
progress in Poland.
Chapter 1
Introducing the research
At the heart of this
series is a commitment
to exploring youth voice
and choice.
‘’
9

1.2 Methodology
1.2.1 Sample and approach
The Next Generation series follows a mixed-methodology
approach to gathering data. The methodology and
sample size vary slightly between countries. Next
Generation reports typically include a desk-based
literature review and a national survey with a diverse
segment of the young population covering both urban
and rural locations. We surveyed 2,000 young adults
aged 18–30 across Poland, and ran focus groups
attended by a further 92 participants. We conducted
four stages of research:
1. a literature review summarising relevant quantitative
and qualitative research about younger people in
Poland
2. the Next Generation Survey, a national online
questionnaire tailored especially for Poland
3. a series of 12 interactive focus group interviews
(FGIs)
4. research into civic participation on social media
among young adults.
1.2.2 Research aims and objectives
Five main themes and corresponding research
questions guided our methodology.
1. Experience: what is young adults’ sense of their
own lives? What is their lifestyle? What do they
experience day-to-day? What forms of culture and
entertainment do they enjoy? How do they feel their
life compares to that of their parents and peers?
How optimistic are they about the future?
2. Civic engagement: what is their engagement in the
civic, economic, social and democratic life of Poland,
and what are their aspirations on influencing their
community, country and wider world? What do they
make of changes in Polish society and how does this
affect their social and civic engagement?
3. Attitudes and perspectives:
a. Navigating the world – what are their primary
sources of information? How do they navigate
news and social media? Who do they trust?
b. Global outlook – what are young people’s
attitudes towards other countries, their
experience of other countries and cultures
(through education, travel, etc.) and their sense
of nationalism or internationalism? How do they
see the relationship, now and in the future,
between Poland and the UK, the EU and the
wider world?
4. Voice: do young adults feel their voices are being
heard by their elders, by leaders, by the media and
opinion formers?
5. Policy needs: what policies are needed to support
young people across Poland in achieving their
potential as creative, fulfilled and active citizens?
What are their priority issues, fears, concerns and
aspirations?
Alongside these questions, we collected data on
demographics (including age and gender), geographical
location, level of education, employment status and
household composition.
1.2.3 Research instruments
Literature review
A literature review was conducted in two parts,
the first being a review of existing research reports
focused primarily on quantitative data, describing
demographics, social and economic living conditions,
and attitudes of young adults in Poland.
The findings of the literature review informed the design
of the survey questions, providing context and a clear
reference point for interpretation of data collected
during the Next Generation Survey. In particular, the
literature review guided us on which questions needed
to be asked, and which could already be answered. In
each section, we focused on the phenomena and social
processes which related most closely to young adults
aged 18–30.
Wherever possible, we tried to show the changes in
time, the differences between young adults and people
of other age categories, as well as the contrast between
Poland and other European Union countries (which, at
the time, still included the UK). Creating the study, we
used both official data (mainly compiled by Eurostat and
Statistics Poland), as well as the results of Polish and
international surveys carried out in Poland such as the
European Value Survey, European Social Survey and
Global Entrepreneurship Monitor.

A particular challenge was the fact that the 18–30 age
group which was of interest to us is not often specified
in research and the development of official data.
Where possible (for example, where source data was
available), we processed the data ourselves to gain a
clearer picture of the sample age group. Where only
processed data was available, we tried to consider the
information which related to the age category most
similar to the 18–30 age group. Therefore, in some
cases, the information relates to 16- to 26-year-olds or
18- to 34-year-olds, rather than the target sample of
18- to 30-year-olds.
A second report explored the key topics and current
trends in research on younger people in Poland. The
qualitative literature review examined current topics
from interdisciplinary discussions and research about
young Poles. It drew on over a dozen different research
papers and seminar reviews, and covered topics
including:
• youth and popular culture
• the psychosocial condition of young people
• young people entering adult life late
• the impact of the internet
• education
• global outlook and international integration
• gender and sexuality
• youth voice.
This review provides only a snapshot of current
thinking and topics which are part of an ever-evolving
exploration of young people’s behaviours and attitudes.
The literature reviews were conducted in May 2020 and
updated in January 2021 shortly before the production
of the final draft of this report.
Next Generation Survey
The Next Generation Survey was conducted using
the CAWI method – an online questionnaire filled out
independently by the respondent – on the Opinie.pl
panel between 25 August and 8 September 2020. The
reported sample size is N=2,000 and is representative
for the population of people aged 18– 30 years old in
Poland, with respect to age group, gender, size of
settlement and education. The survey represents the
views of a diverse range of respondents, gender-
balanced, living across different geographies (urban
and rural) and with varying levels of education and
income. The median interview was 22 minutes.
A challenge that emerged during the fieldwork was
conducting the survey among men aged 25–30 years
old, living in rural areas and cities with fewer than
50,000 residents, especially those with lower education
and elementary vocational education. This group
was less responsive than the total population. Fewer
responses were received from this group than one
could expect from the population structure. Therefore,
during the data analysis stage, data was weighed
additionally to reach the intended structure. The
demographic structure of the sample was provided
in table form with detailed answers to all questions,
cross-sectioned according to the structure.
Focus group interviews
A total of 12 FGIs were conducted, each lasting two
hours, with a combined total of 92 participants. Due to
the Covid-19 pandemic, all the focus groups took place
online. Each group was facilitated by two moderators
based on a pre-prepared guide. The recruitment criteria
were designed so that they reflect the socio-geographic
variation of every group, as follows:
• size of the place of residence:
– large city (more than 500,000): two locations
– Warsaw and Cracow
– small city (fewer than 50,000): two locations
– Lowicz and Skarzysko Kamienna
– rural areas: two locations in smaller towns from
the Lodzkie region and from the Swietokrzyskie
region. During the recruitment we made sure
that none of the locations are solely commuter
satellites to a larger city
• two age groups: 18–24 and 25–30
• higher education and elementary or secondary
(general or vocational) education
• working, studying and those neither working
nor studying.
11

The FGIs began with scene-setting, ground rules
and a warm-up using Dixit cards,1
before exploring:
• how younger people see themselves – participants
were asked to imagine a planet inhabited by young
Poles or to describe Poland to a stranger from
another world
• what it means to have a good life and what the
challenges are – participants were invited to share
their views on Mentimeter2
and the responses were
explored further by the moderator, and followed by
questions about achieving life goals, barriers faced,
the role of education, living abroad, and a specific
question to gauge perceptions of the UK
• their vision of the future and commitment to change
– participants were split into two breakout groups
and asked to imagine Poland in 20 years’ time, future
relations with other countries and with the EU, who
is responsible for making change happen and how
responsible and engaged they themselves felt in
making change, what issues the government should
address and the extent this support is needed
1 Dixit cards are illustrated playing cards (taken from a French card game created by Jean-Louis Roubira). They were used in FGIs as a facilitation
tool to prompt personal reflection and discussion among participants.
2 Mentimeter is a digital app used to gather and present real-time feedback. Mentimeter was used during FGIs to gather feedback from
participants.
• their voice in the public realm and whether they
speak with their own voice – participants were asked
whether their voices are heard and whether they
recognise anyone speaking with their voice about
matters that are important to them.
Social media research
A focused micro-study was carried out looking at
young people’s digital engagement in civic, economic,
social and democratic life, as well as their aspirations
regarding influencing their community, the country and
the wider world. As the online environment is often the
first choice for younger people when self-organising, it
enabled us to access information and insights which we
would not be able to gather through more conventional
research instruments. The research focused specifically
on Facebook, which is used by almost 90 per cent of
Poland’s social media users (Hootsuite, 2020).
Focus group locations
Figure 1 Places of residence of FGI participants
project,
dpop.org
Large city
Small city
Rural areas
Urban areas (night city
lights, 2016*)
Regional boundaries
*Satellite data provided
by WorldPop project,
University of Southampton,
www.worldpop.org
Warsaw
Lowicz
Rural areas
Lodzkie region
Skarzysko
Kamienna
Rural areas
Swietokrzystkie region
Cracow

We observed the posting of information about
ongoing activity, events and communication between
members and followers by young activists and
movements in Poland. A total of 17 Facebook groups
underwent a detailed observation between 15 October
and 5 November 2020. We observed groups that were
directed specifically at young adults, as well as general
groups, in which a significant number of members were
(or appeared to be) aged 18–30, and which touched on
topics relevant to them. The study only covered groups
that were visible in the Facebook search bar.
In our choices, we were driven by research among
young people and we checked what groups were
connected to fan pages of popular initiatives, and
which groups come up when searching for specific
phrases or topics. We aimed to research a diverse
range of viewpoints, and consequently the sample
frequently included groups with extreme views. The
study focused on a varied spectrum of groups and
took a qualitative, rather than quantitative, approach.
We looked at activism among younger Poles and
studied the patterns their activism took, to gain an
understanding of the social and civic issues affecting
young Poles and the changes they are hoping or
expecting to see. We asked:
• What are the main areas of online activism
in Poland?
• What topics do activists raise?
• What is important to them? What are their
beliefs or presuppositions? What forms of
action do they adopt?
• How do they talk about them? What emotions
are engaged?
We carried out two research activities.
1. We identified important young activists and social
movements using desk research and expert opinion
from within the Stocznia team, as well as research
on the popularity of different groups, and ensuring
that people, groups or organisations selected for
analysis were diverse in terms of their agendas
(for example, a mix of liberal and conservative).
2. We analysed profiles of selected organisations,
movements and activists, based on systematic
review of the posted content (topics, discussions
and reactions), allowing us to create a list of issues
that are important to young people and what
changes they expect in relation to them.
1.2.4 Research advisers
Academic Task Force
The Academic Task Force is a group of nine researchers
working in Poland and the UK. Members bring a balanced
spread of knowledge and expertise in academic and
research practices, and represent a variety of fields,
including social and political sciences, cultural studies,
research into young people, migration, culture, urban
studies, and psychology.
The Academic Task Force members offered advisory
support and expert input during the Next Generation
Poland research, attending three meetings: one
at the start, one mid-way and one during the final
stages of the project. By scrutinising and inputting
into the research process, the Academic Task Force
ensured rigour, provided sense-checking and brought
fresh perspectives. Details of the members can be
found in Appendix 1.
Young Advisers
The advisers are a team of young Poles representing a
range of interests and causes, who provided a critical
voice and young adult perspective on the research, as
well as working with the research partners to create the
recommendations contained in this report.
The six members represent a variety of groups, come
from different geographical regions and have diverse
areas of interest, from climate change and women’s
rights to democracy and the arts. The group took part
in three facilitated meetings:
1. an orientation introducing them to the research and
presenting the results of the Next Generation Survey
2. a session based on the FGIs to offer them an
immersive insight into the research process
3. a final session in which they generated
recommendations based on the findings of the
research programme, which are reproduced below.
13

The involvement of young adults as advisers is
indicative of our core belief in young people’s right
to have a say and influence decisions that affect their
lives. This approach is in keeping with the ethos of Next
Generation studies which always seek to foreground
and amplify young people’s voices in the research
process, giving them a platform to influence policy
and discourse at a critical time in their nation’s history.
See Appendix 1 for further details.
1.2.5 Assumptions, considerations
and limitations
Assumed understanding of the Polish context
This report assumes a basic level of understanding
of Poland’s political, social and economic history
and context, particularly its dramatic transition from
membership of the Eastern Bloc to its post-communist
ascension to the European Union during the last three
decades. In ‘Young Poles in context’, right, we have
summarised the most important milestones along this
journey and offered some insight into the impact the
transition has had on Polish society and the daily lives
of young Poles.
The young adults who have shared their views during
this research programme were all born in the aftermath
of the collapse of the Soviet Union – their parents lived
in and experienced communist Poland, but the 18- to
30-year-olds interviewed here have not. Instead, they
have grown up in a transitioning society and economy
characterised by relentless and unprecedented change.
The findings should therefore be considered through
this lens to best appreciate their meaning and
significance.
Conducting research during the Covid-19 pandemic
The research was originally planned to incorporate
extensive in-person interaction, both among the
researchers and advisers and with the research
subjects themselves during the series of FGIs. The
programme began on the eve of the pandemic and
the first phase of lockdowns in the UK and Poland.
A contingency plan for online delivery was drafted and,
as it became clear the pandemic was unlikely to recede
within the timeframe of the research, the decision was
made to move the programme online, leaving open the
option of carrying out some research in person during
the autumn of 2020, should conditions improve.
Young Poles have grown
up in a transitioning
society characterised
by relentless change.
‘’
As the UK, Poland and much of Europe entered a
‘second wave’ in September, the decision was made
to carry out all remaining research online. This meant
that many of the people involved in this programme
were not able to meet in person, and the situation
also created new challenges in terms of facilitating
FGIs and recruiting young adult advisers. Despite these
unexpected challenges, the research team and advisers
were able to meet frequently via video calls and kept in
touch through email.
Working digitally also led to some improved outcomes
– the academic advisers meeting together, whether they
were in the UK or Poland, rather than in person with a
smaller group in their respective countries of residence.
Ultimately, all targets were met and we were still able to
gather high-quality data to standards we would have
expected if working with a mixed online and offline
approach. However, readers should have the context of
the global pandemic in mind when reading this report.
1.2.6 Beyond the research
In addition to the work carried out under the research
programme, the British Council in Poland’s team identified
approximately 200 nongovernmental organisations
(NGOs) working with and for young people and young
adults across Poland. The organisations were approached
and informed about the research, with a view to raising
their interest in the process and gathering opinions
and experiences related to their own work with
younger people.
The British Council in Poland received positive
responses from a range of organisations operating at
local, national and international level, including the
Centre for Civic Education, Polish-American Freedom
Foundation, Foundation for Good Education, Youth
Climate Strike, Association for Creative Initiatives ‘ę’,
Erasmus Student Network, Eurodesk, Eurydice, Institute
for Educational Research, Demagog Association,
Love Does Not Exclude Association, Rural Development
Foundation and Comenius Foundation for Child
Development.

Interested parties were invited to join a stakeholder
meeting in November 2020 to discuss the preliminary
results of the Next Generation Survey. Attendees
included Arte Ego Foundation, Cooperacja Foundation,
Rural Development Foundation, Schuman Foundation
and Love Does not Exclude Association, along with
researchers representing the Institute for Educational
Research. Further stakeholder meetings are planned
for 2021, with a view to organisations supporting the
dissemination of findings once this report is published.
1.3 Young Poles in context
1.3.1 The Polish context
Poland is a country of more than 312,000 square
kilometres (over 120,000 square miles) with a
population of over 38.5 million people, making it
the fifth most populous country in the European
Union. Its capital and largest city is Warsaw.
The Polish state is held to have originated in the
tenth century, around the time of its adoption of
Catholicism (Lukowski Zawaszki, 2001). In the 1500s,
the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth was established
and became one of the most populous nations in
Europe. After several centuries of decline and partition,
Poland regained independence in 1918 but, during
the Second World War, was invaded by Nazi Germany
and then the Soviet Union, becoming a member of
the Eastern Bloc and signatory of the Warsaw Pact
until 1989.
Today, Poland is a representative democracy, headed
by a president who is elected by popular vote every
five years.
Growing up during the transformation
Today’s young adults are defined in this report as those
born between 1990 and 2002, the eldest having been
born just after the fall of communism in Poland. This
generation has come of age during a period of dramatic
economic and political change.
On 1 January 1990, the Polish government introduced a
far-reaching and radical economic reform programme,
with the aim of transitioning from a centrally steered
economy to a free market approach and privatisation.
The changes saw Poland transform from a bankrupt
economy to a liberal democracy, but the rapid and
unpredictable nature of the transition had a dramatic
effect on Polish society (Johnson Loveman, 1995).
Shared experience of Soviet life, with its highly
controlled systems, led many Poles to distrust and
distance themselves from state structures. For many,
this was a time of rapid growth and empowerment,
characterised by increasing individualism and
entrepreneurship. However, others – including the
younger generation at the time – struggled to adapt
to the demands of the new capitalist system and
experienced disillusion, despair and helplessness.
By 1994, Poland had applied for membership of the
European Union and joined NATO in 1999, but by the
early 2000s, data from Statistics Poland shows that
unemployment among those aged 15–24 had reached
40 per cent. Despite its successful accession to the EU
in 2004, Poland remained one of the poorest countries
in Europe and over two million Poles emigrated to other
countries in the mid-2000s, with the largest numbers
travelling to the UK and Germany – although this had
the effect of reducing unemployment in Poland itself.
Following EU accession, Poland began to experience
increasing economic prosperity and, as of 2019, had the
sixth highest nominal GDP in the EU (Eurostat, 2020a),
with what are considered high standards of living, by
global standards.
Social change and civic engagement
When considering the findings below and examining the
attitudes and perspectives of young Poles, it should be
noted that definitions of social class in Poland differ to
those in Western European, post-Imperial countries, and
especially the UK. Under Soviet domination, discussion
of class was banned, returning to public discourse only
after 1989. There is some evidence of class differences
in Poland – mostly attributable to differences in wealth
– but this is still the subject of debate.
Right Counting votes during the 2020
presidential elections
15

As such, we deliberately chose not to investigate class
in detail during this research. Instead, we have focused
on more clearly identifiable differences and markers –
those of gender, age, educational level, employment
status and geographical location.
Attitudes towards civic engagement also differ and
should be taken into account when considering the
findings and recommendations. New legislation,
introduced from 1990 onwards, allowed for intensive
growth of the third sector in Poland. The first years of
the 1990s were marked by rapid growth in the number
of non-profit organisations, with the establishment of
over 20,000 organisations, increasing five-fold over
the next 30 years to more than 100,000 active
organisations (Gumkowska Herbst, 2005).
However, the availability of formal opportunities for
participation and volunteering has not necessarily
translated into changes in attitudes towards civic
engagement. Low levels of social trust among Poles
became a new norm and the number of people involved
in organisations reduced drastically, as evidenced by
data from the European Social Survey. Until the mid-
2010s, engagement remained much lower than
average European levels (Podemski, 2014).
Recent developments and polarisation
Since 2015, Poland has been governed by the
Law and Justice Party (PiS), who have pursued a
conservative agenda which has seen immigration
and the rights of sexual minorities becoming contested
topics in Polish public discourse and is, according to
some commentators, contributing to a growing
ideological, cultural and geographical divide between
the more liberal, urbanised North and West and the
more traditionalist, religious and rural South and East
(the Guardian, 2019, 2020a).
Parliamentary elections in 2019 returned the
incumbents to power, while a closely contested
presidential election during the summer of 2020 –
mid-way through the Next Generation Poland research
– also delivered a PiS member to power. Following news
of a planned re-interpretation of the constitution which
would result in a near-total ban on abortion, autumn
was marked by the largest mass demonstrations in
Poland since the uprisings that toppled the communist
regime of the 1980s. Up to a million people were
thought to have taken to the streets, led by the
grassroots women’s movement Ogólnopolski Strajk
Kobiet (All-Polish Women’s Strike) and defying a
government ban on protests (the Guardian, 2020b).
In a recent poll, just under 15 per cent of young adults
aged 18–24 and ten per cent of 25–34-year-olds stated
that they had taken part in one demonstration, while
less than ten per cent of 18- to 24-year-olds, and just
over the same figure of 25- to 34-year-olds, took part in
more than one. Over 55 per cent of 18- to 34-year-olds
did not participate but said they supported the protests,
compared to an average of just over 20 per cent saying
they did not (Polityka, 2020).
At the same time, the declaration of so-called ‘LGBT-
free’ zones in a number of towns across Poland led to
condemnation from the European Commission (the
Guardian, 2020c). The protests came to encompass
calls for full judicial independence and greater
separation of church and state, as well as wider support
for the rights of women and sexual minorities, before
the worsening impact of the Covid-19 pandemic led to
an inevitable shutdown of activities. The constitutional
changes which were the subject of the protests were
eventually introduced in January 2021.
The Next Generation Poland research was carried out
against this backdrop: over 2,000 young adults were
surveyed before the protests and over 90 took part in
FGIs while they were happening. This means that the
developments were not reflected in the survey design,
but were discussed by a number of participants during
the focus groups. The idea of a divided Poland is
examined further in the third chapter of this report,
which explores differences in gender, age, education,
employment and geography among the young adult
population.

1.3.2 Previous research into young
adults in Poland
A review of previous research was conducted in order
to help frame, and provide context for, the analysis
of the Next Generation Poland research that follows
in Chapter 2. The following information is drawn from
a wide variety of research not conducted by this team
and is provided to better illustrate the context in
which the Next Generation research was carried out.
Demography
In Poland, as in other post-communist countries, there
have been significant demographic changes since
the political transformation in 1989. On the one hand,
life expectancy is increasing (from 1980 to 2018, it
has increased by eight years); on the other, the birth
rate has dropped significantly to a level which does
not ensure generational replacement, meaning the
number of births will be too small to sustain the current
population level. As a consequence, the age structure
of the population and the percentage of young adults
is changing.
After a period of growth in the years 2000–10, which
was the result of the post-Second World War ‘baby
boomer’ generation’s children entering into adulthood,
there has been a decline in the share of young adults in
the population. In 2018, 18- to 29-year-olds constituted
just under 15 per cent of the population of Poland.
Existing demographic studies show that even if Polish
people started having more children now, a significant
decrease in the country’s population would still be
inevitable. According to Statistics Poland, in 2050, the
Polish population will fall from 38.3 million to between
32.1 and 36.3 million. The demographic structure of
the country will also change – the median age in 2018
was 41, and it is predicted to be almost 50 in 2050.
Polish society will go from being one of the youngest
in the EU to one of the oldest (Eurostat, 2020b).
Identity and social attitudes
Identity and attitude are important areas of exploration
in the Next Generation Poland research itself. Previous
research into these areas reveals that the current
generation of young Poles is neither homogeneous
nor united – their attitudes are diverse and polarisation
exists (Boni, 2018). Research has found that there
are five distinct ‘tribes’ among young Poles and that,
across these groups, there is more division than unity
(Brzozowska-Brywczyńska, 2018).
The internet is an important space for young people,
and they see no divide between the ‘real’ world and
the virtual world – their experience of the internet is
interwoven with daily activities (Batorski et al., 2018).
Mental health issues are prevalent and poor mental
health is fueled by worries and fears in relation to global
and local issues (OKO Press, 2019). According to data
from the Polish Supreme Audit Office in 2017, there is
limited mental health support and infrastructure.
Discussion about gender and sexuality among young
Poles has been characterised using three ‘dimensions’
of emancipation: how gender is discussed in schools,
women’s emancipation movements, and young people
struggling for freedom of expression in relation to
different sexual orientations (Youth Observatory,
2020a). There is progress towards emancipation,
freedom of choice and equality of rights, though all
areas are facing increasing barriers as a result of
emerging political narratives in Poland. Issues relating
to gender, the growing subjective awareness of
women and the rights of sexual minorities are gaining
importance in public debate, but the issues continue
to divide and polarise society, including the younger
generation, as will be demonstrated by the Next
Generation Poland research itself.
Family life and housing
Despite over 50 per cent of younger people still
favouring the so-called ‘nuclear family’ model (CBOS,
2019), non-traditional family models are becoming more
accepted among younger adults – relationships are
formalised less often, and children are born later. Our
own analysis of data from the European Social Survey
reveals that over 80 per cent of young adults accept
the idea of living with a partner outside of marriage.
The housing situation facing young Poles is challenging
(Deloitte, 2019): homes are often unaffordable based
on typical Polish salaries and difficult to access, which
results in 60 per cent of 18- to 34-year-olds living with
their parents, according to data from the European
Social Survey. Consequently, young people in Poland
are ‘entering adulthood’ later than previous generations
in terms of the five criteria of maturity:
1. entering the labour market
2. moving out of the family home
3. running their own household
4. getting married
5. having a child (Wiszejko-Wierzbicka
Kwiatkowska, 2016).
17

As will be seen, the struggle for affordable housing is
also borne out in the Next Generation Poland research,
where lack of affordable housing ranked as the biggest
challenge facing young adults today.
Education, employment and emigration
Since 1989 there has been a significant educational
boom, leading to the development of a private higher
education sector. At the same time, the value of higher
education diplomas is decreasing. Significant trends
relating to Polish education in recent years include:
• undergraduate and doctoral studies gaining
popularity, while master’s studies lose popularity
• continuing educational inequality – if young people’s
parents didn’t attend university then they are also
far less likely to attend university, while young
people from higher-status families strive to secure
educational advantage through prestigious
education at elite schools
• a continuing ‘brain drain’ caused by emigration
from some regions (Długosz, 2018).
The unemployment rate, according to the Labour
Force Survey, stood at three per cent as of September
2020. However, the corresponding value for 15- to
24-year-olds stood at 13 per cent (Central Statistical
Office, 2020). Fewer Poles emigrate, though young
people are still relatively open to migration. Younger
people in Poland rarely work while studying, and have
a positive attitude towards entrepreneurship – findings
that are echoed in the Next Generation research.
Poland, the EU and beyond
Young Poles are broadly pro-European, but they do
not fully share the values they associate with the
European community and feel more connected with
the nation state than the EU. Young Poles are divided
on support for the EU: on the one hand, there is a ‘silent
majority’ that largely supports EU membership and, on
the other, a ‘determined minority’ who are not in favour
of European integration (Niemczycki, 2018). Research
suggests that young people who support the EU find it
difficult to define what the EU means to them, whereas
eurosceptics present consistent and comprehensive
arguments against EU integration – these views are
most visible on social media.
3 The British Council’s soft power perceptions survey, run every two years.
(Publication forthcoming. See also www.britishcouncil.org/research-policy-insight/insight-articles/attractive-of-them-all).
Young adults tend to be optimistic about their own
future. For the most part, they believe that they will
live better lives than their parents’ generation, although
they also see a range of threats to the world and
humanity.
According to data from Pew Research Centre in 2018,
they fear Russia more than global warming and support
close relations with the United States (Young Europe,
2017). Polish society shows a positive attitude towards
people in the UK, who rank as one of the most liked
nations. However, recent British Council research
suggests that other Western states, such as Canada
and Ireland, are seen by young Poles as more attractive
and trustworthy than the UK.3
According to this research, the United States is
considered the most attractive country overall to young
people in Poland, followed by Spain and Japan, while
the UK is in tenth place, below Ireland. While the UK
ranks second for attractiveness as a place to study
and joint fourth as a place to do business or trade, it
is seen less favourably as a source of arts and culture
(ranking ninth) or as a place to visit (ranking joint 14th).
It does, however, rank first in demonstrating respect
and tolerance for those of different faiths and beliefs,
for its education system, and for valuing diversity.
Youth voice and engagement
Data from the European Social Survey reveals a low
level of interest in politics among younger Poles, a
low degree of involvement in political activity, and a
lower sense of agency in comparison to older Poles.
Data also reveals a low level of trust in others and in
institutions: a study by CBOS (2019) revealed that while
close family members and friends were trusted by over
90 per cent of Poles, ‘people in general’ were trusted
by only by 23 per cent. Young Poles favour online
sources of information when compared to traditional
media, but distrust social media. There is a low level
of civic engagement, though this is growing slowly
(CBOS, 2019).

One researched area of youth voice looks at young
intellectual elites, who, through editorial offices of
magazines and publishing houses, speak on public
matters on behalf of a larger group of young people.
Influential young intellectual elites are also common in
cultural institutions, universities, research centres, the
media and NGOs. Young intellectuals are reluctant to
participate in politics – instead, their recommendations
take the form of meta-political messages and ideas,
which although important, may not be translated into
practice (Kulas, 2018).
The fight against climate change is one of the clearest
examples of young people’s civic engagement, though
the scale of these movements in Poland is still relatively
small (Youth Observatory, 2020b). Youth climate
movements are characterised by keeping distance
from the world of politics, including scepticism towards
the concept of a ‘green deal’ for Poland. Young people
feel frustrated at older generations who they feel have
neglected the climate issue. Young activists feel rage,
anger and frustration about the situation, and think
changing climate awareness is critical. Their fundamental
values are telling the truth, acting now, and persuading
and involving others – and they feel morally obliged to
save the world. Young climate activists see the need to
look for older allies because, in their view, they cannot
make change alone.
The fight against climate
change is one of the
clearest examples of
young people’s civic
engagement.
‘’
The research that follows will explore the complex
identities of young Poles and reveal a range of
differences in their views and values. It will discuss the
range of challenges and pressures facing this generation,
from domestic issues in Poland itself – for example, in
the housing market or the political system – to existential
global changes, such as those relating to migration and
the climate. These questions will intersect with themes
such as equality of opportunity, the effectiveness of
formal education, the benefits of emigration, and the
rights of women and sexual minorities, to reveal a
generation divided along multiple lines but united by
an overarching aspiration for freedom and tolerance.
Right Engineers in Cracow
19

Preview: Main findings
The research findings of the Next Generation Survey
and FGIs have been organised under three broad
themes.4
1. Experience and attitudes – aspirational
optimists, facing new emotional and
generational challenges
Young Poles are optimistic about their private lives and
their own futures. They aspire to independence and
financial security, satisfying work, strong relationships
and good social connections. However, they experience
undercurrents of emotional discontent and anxiety in
the face of the complexities of modern life, and face
a variety of challenges and limiting factors, including
an education they perceive as inadequate, a lack of
affordable housing, prevalence of alcohol and drug
abuse, and a lack of job offers. The pandemic has led
to further negative effects on their lives.
2. Engagement and outlook – digitally
savvy, global citizens with mixed feelings
towards Poland and the wider world
Young Poles are extremely comfortable operating
in the digital realm. They feel connected to both
their country and the wider world. They consider
themselves to be more tolerant and progressive
than previous generations, but they are pessimistic
about their impact when it comes to domestic and
global affairs. They are divided when it comes to
the benefits of European integration, emigration
and globalisation.
3. Voice, views and values – disenchanted
democrats with polarised views
Young Poles feel they lack influence in the political
and civic realm, but they hope for change. They are
pro-democracy, but many feel disinterested in formal
politics. They are polarised in their political, religious
and social views and values. Despite this, they share
a desire for more personal economic freedom, more
public spending and more effective governance, which
they hope will lead to a more tolerant society in future.
Chapter 2
Main findings
Young Poles are
optimistic about their
private lives and their
own futures.
‘’
4 Note: The breakdowns presented in Figures 3, 4 and 6
to 11 do not always add up to exactly 100 per cent
due to rounding
21

2.1 Theme 1: Experience and
attitudes: aspirational optimists,
facing new emotional and
generational challenges
2.1.1 More satisfied in the private realm
Responding to the Next Generation Survey, just over
40 per cent of young adults report feeling satisfied
in their lives, with the majority reporting significantly
higher life satisfaction in their private lives than they do
when discussing the public and professional domain.
Highest satisfaction was expressed towards family (at
just over 60 per cent), friends and acquaintances (just
over half) and health (just under half). In contrast, under
a third expressed satisfaction about their place in
society and just one-fifth with their careers.
Over two-thirds cited a good marriage or relationship
as the most important factor for a happy life, although
the majority say they are not attached to traditional
family models or gender roles, as evidenced in research
by CBOS and the European Social Survey. Just over
half cited financial security as an important factor,
compared to less than five per cent who cited
contributing to their local community.
Just over 40 per cent
of young adults report
feeling satisfied in
their lives.
‘’

Which of these factors are most important for happiness in life in your
opinion? Pick a maximum of three that are most important to you.
Figure 2 The building blocks of a happy life, as perceived by young people
0% 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100
Good marriage or relationship
Financial security
Having a job you love
Having children
Owning a house/flat
Having a circle of close friends
Travelling to and experiencing many
countries and cultures
Having a wide array of life experiences
Moving out of parents’ home
Giving back to the community
Other
68%
53%
39%
34%
34%
26%
15%
14%
6%
1%
3%
23

2.1.2 Aspirational, self-reliant and flexible
Young Poles are optimistic about their own lives,
opportunities and futures, especially when compared
to their parents’ generation, who they perceive as less
motivated and progressive, which correlates with wider
research on this topic conducted by PEW Research
Centre in 2018.
Just under 75 per cent of respondents to the Next
Generation Survey believe that their overall quality
of life is better than the quality of life of their parents,
especially in terms of their educational opportunity,
personal freedom, health, income or career prospects.
Meanwhile, 60 per cent of respondents stated that they
believe the coming years will be very good or quite
good for them.
A majority felt their life goals were achievable: over
90 per cent of respondents felt that having children
was attainable, while over 85 per cent felt having
a good marriage or relationship was within reach.
Around three-quarters believe that financial security,
foreign travel and a job you love are achievable, while
just under 60 per cent felt that home ownership will
be possible, compared to less than 25 per cent who
did not.
Table 1 Attainability of life goals
Which of the following life goals are attainable?
Having children 91%
Having a circle of close friends 90%
Having a wide array of life experiences 87%
Having a good marriage or relationships 86%
Moving out of parents’ home 82%
Giving back to the community 78%
Travelling to/experiencing lots of
different countries and cultures
77%
Having a job you love 75%
Owning a house/flat 75%
Having financial security 73%
Young Poles perceive
their parents’ generation
as less motivated and
progressive.
‘’

How attainable are these things
for a person such as you?
Figure 3 Key life goals and their relative attainability
Having a wide array of life experiences
Having financial security
Travelling to/experiencing lots of
different countries and cultures
Moving out of parents’ home
Having a job that you love
Having a good marriage or relationship
Owning a house/flat
Giving back to the community
Having a circle of close friends
Having children
2%
3%
3%
5%
4%
3%
6%
2%
1%
3%
39% 37%
55%
37%
41%
49%
34%
39%
23%
26% 35%
27%
2%
11%
16% 2% 4%
33% 7% 2%
28% 13%
19% 7% 4%
27% 25% 2%
20%
38% 17% 6%
3%
17% 3%
42%
9%
19%
17%
13%
17%
9%
16%
15%
29%
6%
4%
u Definitely not achievable u Rather unachievable u Rather achievable
u Definitely achievable u Already achieved this u Hard to say
23% 1%
25

What young Poles
deem important varies
according to their
current life stage.
‘’
Ambition, skill and hard work are seen as the main
factors for a successful life by approximately 80 per
cent of respondents. They see this life phase as critical
to their future success and happiness: they believe it is
important to find the right path but feel it is necessary
to experiment, try different jobs and meet new people
first. They do not identify as a uniform group, echoing
recent academic research into young people’s identities
(Boni, 2018). They express differences in lifestyle, life
choices, goals, values, worldview, financial situation and
interests. What they deem important varies according
to their current life stage and whether they have
children or not.
Table 2 Main contributors to success
What are the key factors that contribute
to success in life?
Ambition 82%
Your abilities 78%
Hard work 78%
Connections 65%
Luck 63%
Education 59%
Coming from a wealthy family 44%
Left Athlete at Wroclaw
Marathon, 2010

Listed are different conditions that some believe may be important for success in life.
Please answer if you think they are critical, very important, moderately important, not
so important or meaningless.
Being ambitious
Abilities
Being hard working
Having good connections
Being lucky
Receiving a good education
Having educated parents
Being heterosexual
Coming from a wealthy family
Having political links
Being male
Being born in a big city
Religious denomination
3%2%2%
4%2%2%
3%2%
5%
29%
28%
21%
9%
6%
19% 25%
13%
5% 11%
16%
6%
2%
39%
44%
32%
23%
22%
26%
35%
20%
12%
29%
21% 33%
20%
22% 27%
11%
13%
12%
7% 4%2%
8% 4%3%
9% 5%2%
19% 14% 2%
38% 7%
11% 2%
21% 16% 5%
5%
20%
24% 3%
38% 4%
43%
34%
46%
36%
35%
38%
21%
10%
31%
16%
26%
31%
6%
Figure 4 Main factors contributing to success in life and their relative importance
u Critical u Very important u Moderately important
u Not so important u Meaningless u Hard to say
27

This is a time when you can try
out lots of things, see what’s what.
Whether you like something or not.
For example, this is the time for
changing careers, trying various
job positions and various sectors.
You can try to change course.
FGI 1, 25–30, large city, higher education, working
‘’
I think that the most visible attribute
is that young people are so bold
nowadays, they are always looking
for their path in that boldness.
Even if they have a plan, they are
fine changing that plan in the whim
of the moment, they are not afraid
of new things either, they are very
bold and open-minded.
FGI 6, 18–24, small city, still in education
‘’
Focus group participants expressed a strong sense
of agency with respect to shaping their own lives and
futures. Younger ages and those living in big cities with
higher education tended to be the most optimistic,
valuing motivation and perseverance. Those living in
smaller towns and rural areas, and those facing greater
financial challenges, also expressed that if you work
hard enough you can achieve your goals.
Respondents expressed a flexible view of how their life
might turn out – they perceive a range of opportunities
and pathways, rather than a singular model or way
of life. In their view, you take responsibility for what
your own life looks like – and they believe this is a
fundamental freedom. Importantly, these choices
cannot be imposed on them by other people, especially
not older generations. Even those pursuing a more
‘traditional’ path accept that others may choose to
live differently to them.

Spotlight
Achieving happiness
and success
The following factors determining success and happiness were identified
among focus group participants:
1
Attaining independence and a
basic level of financial stability
Money is seen as the means to achieving
independence, though not as a key to
happiness in itself. Young adults want to be able
to pay their bills, have some disposable income,
and be able to survive without a job for a period
of time, if necessary. Many would like to be able
to buy their own home.
Older respondents and higher earners have
higher expectations compared to those living
in rural areas and those doing lower-paid jobs.
Those who are wealthier or more financially
secure more often describe financial status
in terms of large purchases and luxury goods,
while those in less favourable financial
situations focus more on clothing differences.
Over half of participants interviewed consider
themselves middle class, defining class in
terms of wealth, education and profession.
One’s regional background and upbringing
were seen to be an important factor for having
a good start in life, with many citing a tension
between balancing your own aspirations
with those of your family, as well differing
perceptions of people from urban and rural
areas (explored further in Chapter 3).
2
Availability of and access
to satisfying work
While all focus group participants felt work
was an important driver of happiness, they
broadly fell into two different groups.
The first group feel that work is an important
source of fulfilment that must align with
one’s passions and potential in life, enabling
growth and giving purpose, as well as providing
important benefits such as comfortable working
conditions and healthcare. This segment
described boring, routine jobs in very negative
terms. This view was prevalent among those
with higher education and those living in large
cities. Some young adults that were yet to enter
the job market stated they were unable to find a
job that met their expectations.
A second segment see work principally as a
source of income. These respondents value
a steady income and greater stability over
interesting work or personal fulfilment. Many
still emphasise the importance of a good
working atmosphere with friendly co-workers.
Respondents in this grouping tend to have a
secondary or vocational education and live
in smaller towns and rural areas. However,
whatever their background, as respondents
get older, they become more pragmatic and
are less likely to talk about work in terms of
passion and fulfilment. Those who had started
their own family saw this is as their primary
source of fulfilment in life.

Spotlight: Achieving happiness and success
3
Strong relationships
and social ties
All groups talked about personal relationships
with partners, family and friends as important
drivers of happiness, providing safety and
support, a sense of belonging and preventing
loneliness. Again, respondents could be
separated into two broad camps which appear
to correlate with wider research on young
people’s identities (Brzozowska-Brywczyńska,
2018).
• Those who focus on having a satisfying
relationship and good friends, for whom
family ties and starting one’s own family may
be less important – again this grouping tend
to live in big cities and have higher career
aspirations.
• Those who see family as primary, providing
stability, safety and support, who value
frequent intergenerational meetings and
traditional celebrations, and who intend
to have children themselves if they do not
already – this grouping are more likely to
live in smaller towns.
4
Other factors
A small number of people mentioned the
importance of good health, although mental
health – which has been the subject of wider
research recently – was not mentioned in the
FGIs. Others talked about having a passion
beyond work as an important source of
personal satisfaction, for example making music
or travelling. The majority actively participate
in culture and consume entertainment.
Giving to causes is also common – the Next
Generation Survey found that over half of
young adults make donations to charities,
humanitarian, religious and environmental
organisations, and educational institutions.
However, during the FGIs only one group –
those neither working nor studying – talked
about volunteering or helping others, which
they described in terms of generating ‘good
karma’. These respondents tended to be living
at home and were being supported by parents
while weighing up career paths, perhaps
affording them time and capacity to volunteer
and help others.
Left Football supporters
watch KGHM Zaglebie Lubin vs
LKS Lodz in the Polish premier
league. Lubin, 19 June 2020
31

2.1.3 Emotional discontent and
complex challenges
Despite an overarchingly optimistic outlook on their
own lives, young Poles clearly experience undercurrents
of emotional discontent and anxiety when navigating
what they see as an increasingly complex reality.
Less than half of young adults who took the Next
Generation Survey reported feeling positive emotions
on a regular basis.
Shame regarding financial issues was reported by over
half of respondents, and over half also reported being
treated unfairly, either based on their age or their views,
a response that was especially common amongst the
younger age group. Respondents feel that there is
more pressure on them to navigate their reality than
on previous generations, and that older generations
do not understand this. They feel they must make an
extensive range of difficult decisions from a young
age and not all feel prepared for this.
Indeed, the sense of individual optimism and desire
for independence described above is countered by
a number of challenges and limiting factors that
might prevent them from achieving their goals.
I think that in these times,
you can be whoever you
want. Which is great on
one hand, but on the other
hand, not everyone has
an idea about what they
will be doing.
FGI participant, 18–24, small city,
still in education
‘’
We suddenly need to face the world
that’s surrounding us. It’s a very
grown-up world and I think it’s hard
for many people. Many people just
waste their life a bit, because they
make the wrong decisions.
FGI participant, 18–24, small city, still in education
‘’

Which of the topics listed do you
consider significant challenges or
problems for people your age in
Poland? Choose all that apply.
Figure 5 Significant challenges or problems perceived by young adults in Poland
Societal pressure from peers/
people your own age
Access to affordable housing
0% 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100
Societal pressure from older generations
(e.g. parents, grandparents)
Drug/alcohol abuse
Domestic abuse
Lack of employment opportunities
Emigration
Inability to make a living
Lack of access to basic health services
Job quality (career/promotion prospects)
Lack of access to sexual education
Environmental issues, pollution
Lack of influence on political decisions
Lack of access to sexual healthcare
Mental health issues
Societal pressure from the media (e.g.
movies, TV, magazines, internet)
Access to quality education
Violent crime
Immigration
Loss of national identity
Access to public transport
38%
38%
44%
47%
49%
52%
58%
58%
60%
35%
38%
34%
34%
31%
31%
30%
28%
26%
17%
12%
13%
33

On average 60 per cent of young adults cited the
biggest problems facing their generation as a lack of
affordable housing, alcohol and drug abuse, and a lack
of job offers. Women see a broader range of challenges
than men, highlighting issues with access to medical
care, a lack of sex education, lack of psychological
support, addiction, a lack of job offers and promotion
prospects, financial challenges, social pressures,
domestic abuse and environmental issues.
When it comes to having their own place to live, many
young adults cite high rents, low wages and difficulty
accessing credit. Others fear they will not achieve their
goals of independence without parental support. This
appears to echo the wider picture for young adults in
Poland, 60 per cent of whom live with parents until their
30s, according to data from the European Social Survey.
They also worry about job security – they tend to set
high expectations for themselves which can be difficult
to meet, particularly for those in higher education and
living in large cities. There was also a concern about
reconciling professional and personal goals, such as
raising a family, with some believing this could be
unachievable. This appears to lead to a certain amount
of pressure and feelings of self-blame when optimistic
expectations are not met, resulting in anxieties about
being ‘overtaken’ or left behind, particularly among
those living in rural areas.
Everything is hard today, school,
work, self-growth, training – it’s
all hard now, so you need to work
twice as hard at it.
FGI participant, 25–30, large city, higher
education, working
‘’
Meanwhile, the Covid-19 pandemic triggered mixed
reactions ranging from boredom and loneliness (around
40 per cent of respondents) to enjoyment of spending
time at home (just over 35 per cent). The pandemic
was raised by participants in all 12 focus groups,
usually citing its negative impact emotionally
(generating anxiety and anger) and financially
(loss of stability and security).
Participants voiced being afraid of losing their jobs or
not finding work, and perceived a loss of independence
and personal freedom, for example due to social
distancing and lower activity levels. Those living in rural
areas felt worst hit, feeling cut off from normal life and
losing income due to reductions in public transport
restricting their access to nearby economic centres.
Health was mentioned less often, but concerns were
expressed with regards to the Polish health service’s
capacity to care for those with more serious illnesses.
Before this situation with Covid
there was a certain [ability to realise
a person’s goals], but currently I’m
less certain, because there are
scares about a financial crisis and
other matters … we will see how it
will be.
FGI participant, 25–30, rural area, secondary/
vocational, working/still in education
‘’
2.1.4 Under-prepared by education
The majority report feeling unprepared for life
by their education. The Polish education system
is perceived to be too rigid and overly focused on
theoretical teaching, rather than providing what are
seen as useful skills and advice needed in the job
market, for example starting a business, completing
tax returns, creative problem solving and foreign
languages. Young adults also want training in a range
of life skills and social skills, for example mortgage
advice, sex education, relationships, managing stress
and career guidance. Those who had received a
vocational (or technical) education were the only
group who felt equipped for their working lives. Wider
research has found that master’s studies are losing
popularity – perhaps reflecting a growing desire to
enter the job market sooner (Długosz, 2018).
Despite this overarchingly negative view, some
respondents mentioned personal experiences
that were more positive and some felt that
Polish education is of a high standard, versatile
and reliable.

The education system is definitely
ineffective, because they don’t have
any ways in which they help young
people find their way later in life.
FGI participant, 25–30, large city, higher
education, working
‘’
School doesn’t teach us at all how to
connect, how to function in relation
with others. We don’t have any basic,
psychological information on this
topic, and I think that school is the
place where we should be learning
that. Not everyone learns these
things at home, and it shows later on.
‘’
2.2 Theme 2: Engagement and
outlook: Digitally savvy and globally
minded, with mixed feelings towards
their country and the wider world
2.2.1 Globally minded and digitally literate
The majority of this age group are globally minded
citizens who embrace open borders and international
travel. They feel they live in a different reality to people
older than them: one that is centred on technology
and digital engagement, a finding borne out in wider
research on young people’s online engagement
(Batorski et al., 2018). Their worldview is no longer
shaped by a dominant news outlet or medium, and the
internet and social media make it easier for them to
compare themselves to their peers around the world.
They perceive new opportunities in the digital realm
that they believe their parents or grandparents cannot
conceive. However, it should also be noted that they feel
less attached to the virtual world than they perceive
those younger than them to be.
Social media is the most popular source of information,
while traditional media are used by less than a quarter
of the younger population. Over 75 per cent expressed
distrust towards sources of information and believe
fake news is an issue, which is in line with data collected
by Eurobarometer. However, they feel they have the
skills to critically evaluate information and don’t believe
everything they hear or read, preferring to cross-
reference multiple sources and come to their own
conclusions. Despite this, some respondents bemoaned
the lack of reliable information on offer.
Some older people keep thinking
about life being better all these
years ago. Our picture is different.
Because we’re a democracy,
because the borders are open and
because there’s internet, television
and the like … we have a different
perspective on the surrounding
reality than others.
FGI participant, 25–30, secondary/vocational,
working
‘’
I’m sure we’ve all been there –
you hear something, then it turns
out to be nonsense … One research
says this, another research says
that. Because of such situations,
our generation has become quite
suspicious and we need to check
things thoroughly before we believe
them. We need to see ourselves to
actually believe something.
FGI 10, 18–24, small city, NEET
‘’
35

2.2.2 Connected to their country
but lacking influence
Young adults feel a closer connection to Poland than
to their regions or towns. Over 65 per cent feel proud
to be Polish (particularly proud of Polish history, the
landscape, cuisine and patriotism), but a majority also
report feeling like they don’t belong anywhere and
very few are proud of developments since 1989.
They generally believe themselves to be more
tolerant than previous generations – a feeling that
transcends age, gender and geography. They are
open to change and feel they can adapt to the volatile
world they live in. They also believe they are more
independently minded than previous generations:
they are ready to challenge the status quo and, if
necessary, to undermine it. They are not concerned
about being judged by others and are able to fight
to defend their views – a finding that resonates with
the time the focus groups were conducted, which
saw mass protests across the country.
However, there is a prevalent belief among 80 per
cent of young adults that they have little impact
and influence on government, institutions and
corporations. They are more likely to believe they
can affect people they know personally, such as
co-workers, friends, parents or guardians. In the year
before the survey, only seven per cent participated
in a protest and only 25 per cent stated that they had
signed petitions. Only five per cent had contacted
politicians in local or central government. The survey
suggests that less than five per cent of young adults
have run for office or registered with a political party,
while over 75 per cent rejected the idea of being
actively involved in politics in future.
2.2.3 Pessimistic about domestic
and global affairs
Despite their individual optimism and global outlook,
the majority are pessimistic about the future of
Poland, the EU and the world. A little under two-
fifths of respondents believe the coming years will
be good for Poland or the EU. Less than 15 per cent
are optimistic about the future of the world. Younger
respondents tended to be more pessimistic than
their older counterparts. These findings are in stark
contrast to young people’s stated optimism about
their own lives and futures (see above).
Left Women protest in
Wroclaw. The poster reads
‘Poland is a woman’. 23
October 2020
36 Next Generation: Poland

How strongly, if at all, do you feel connected to …
Your family
Poland
Your region
Your city/town/village
Your peers
People sharing the same
musical tastes as you
Your gender
People supporting the same
sports teams as you
Your social class (people of similar
social position to you)
Your professional group
The EU
People who share your political views
People of the same ethnic
background as you
People who wear the same brands as you
2% 2%
3%
10%
12% 3%
12%
8% 3%
18%
19%
16%
15%
25%
23%
25%
34%
39%
38%
38%
38%
31%
34%
31%
30%
28%
8%
25%
24%
30%
46%
25%
18%
18% 3%
14%
10% 6%
31%
23%
8% 8%
8%
5%
9%
9% 9%
8% 8%
6% 11%
15% 5% 10%
16%
22%
29%
30%
35%
35%
7%
29%
38%
40% 9%
39% 23%
36%
34%
40%
Figure 6 Young people’s sense of connectedness
u Not at all u Not so much u To some extent u Very much so u Hard to say
37

The European Union
Feelings of connection to one’s peers, one’s town
or region, and to the EU were weaker among survey
respondents compared to feelings of connection
to Poland, despite 65 per cent being in favour of
EU membership and further integration, and only
15 per cent against. Co-operation with the EU was
seen primarily in terms of economic benefits, which
were generally held to be positive (echoing wider
research across the population into perceptions
of the EU, conducted for Young Europe in 2017).
As well as direct financial support, the advantages
of being part of a larger economic block that could
compete with other economic powers were highlighted.
Freedom of movement across open boards was
largely seen as positive and advantageous.
Many believe that further integration will lead to
greater tolerance, openness and progress. These
groupings value the legal protections afforded by
membership (for example, protections for sexual
minorities), and some feel that the interests of the
wider European community should be placed above
those of individual countries. Women were more
likely than men to be in favour of further integration.
However, only a small number of survey respondents
believed Poland occupies a strong position in Europe.
On the other side of the debate, some expressed that
they felt EU membership was not profitable and that
Poland is paying in too much money, for example to
bail out countries like Greece. There were sceptical
voices regarding the Euro, which some felt would
raise prices and lower living standards.
Some feel that Poland is not treated as an equal
partner by larger countries such as Germany and
France. Even when broadly in favour of membership,
those on this side of the debate perceive a threat to
Poland’s autonomy and believe the EU should not
interfere with Polish policies and laws, or impose
standards for education or equal opportunities.
These respondents fear losing their Polish national
identity, traditions, history and language. Some
expressed anti-migrant and anti-refugee sentiments.
Men were more likely to perceive threats of
membership and to support greater autonomy.
A further group of respondents opted for the middle
ground, believing that it is important to reconcile the
interests of both sides of the debate. This position
became somewhat more problematic when attempting
to reconcile competing views on migration or the rights
of sexual minorities. However, most participants on
both sides were opposed to the idea of withdrawal
from the EU.
Emigration
A substantial majority (70 per cent) would consider
emigrating for work, particularly to Germany, the
UK, the Netherlands, Norway and the US. Several
focus group participants were actively considering
leaving Poland to work abroad, with the most common
motivation being better financial prospects, although
it was felt that this is currently not attractive enough
for many people. Cultural exploration and personal
reasons were also cited as motivations to leave.
Barriers to emigrating include close ties to family
and wanting to start a family in Poland. Some who
had already worked abroad and returned expressed
that they had missed Poland, their friends, the
landscape, the ability to communicate in their native
language and a sense of belonging. Perceived
challenges in the destination country include cultural
differences or discrimination, language barriers, and
diminished financial prospects due to the relative
strength of the Polish economy in recent years.
Prospects are better abroad …
For example, Poland doesn’t have
that flair, as in, nobody wants things
to look beautiful. Here, things need
to be functional, always on a budget.
Obviously, the salaries in the West
are so much better. I have been
abroad already, and I loved it, felt
better than in Poland. You feel
bolder there because the people
are more positive. That’s why I
felt better.
FGI participant, 25–30, large city, NEET
‘’

I remember being in Germany,
visiting my brother. I liked that
country! But you start missing
Poland after some time. The prices
are also becoming the same. As
for the salaries, they have gotten
so similar. I can make the same
money in Poland and in Germany,
only in Germany I’m all alone.
FGI participant, 18–24, large city, secondary/
vocational education, working
‘’
As described, social attitude surveys have found
favourable views towards the British among Poles.
However, focus group participants expressed a range
of differing opinions about emigrating to the UK.
Many felt the UK was somewhere earnings are high,
and where temporary migration enables people to
save money to be used back home later. The standard
of living was also perceived to be higher. Other drivers
for emigrating to the UK included knowledge of English
and the presence of a large Polish diaspora community.
However, many felt that emigrating was no longer
as economically beneficial as it used to be, pointing
to a high cost of living (meaning saving would be
difficult) and an overcrowded job market. There were
also concerns about being treated with less respect.
While some thought the UK’s multiculturalism was a
clear benefit, others expressed misgivings, associating
diversity with crime and a lack of security. The weather
and its impact on mental health was also cited as a
reason not to emigrate to the UK.
The UK’s exit from the EU was widely seen as a cause
for concern amongst survey respondents, whilst in
the focus groups, it was referred to only occasionally.
Those who referred to it saw it as a sign of political and
social instability. Others stated that the UK seemed to
be ‘burnt out’ and in a ‘mess’. Others saw Brexit as a
symbol of Britain closing itself to the world and not
accepting people from outside its borders.
The British do not praise their
government actions either,
especially now with this Brexit, right,
as first everyone just voted to leave
the EU and then protested that they
did not really know what they voted
for, because they were cheated by
their government. They themselves
are so politically unstable at this
point that, for me, this is certainly
no example of a good country in
which I would like to live.
FGI participant, 25–30, small city, higher, working
‘’
I would not like to go to Great
Britain. For me it is also a country
that’s already burnt out … I am not
quite comfortable with working in
their mess. Although in Poland it is
not better.
‘’
The global context
Young adults are divided over the benefits of
globalisation. While almost half consider its effects
positive, only a quarter believe it has a positive impact
on the natural environment.
39

In recent times the world has become more interconnected. Money, people, cultures, jobs
and industries all move more easily between countries. All things considered, do you think
this has had a positive or negative effect on …
Figure 7 Attitudes towards globalisation reported in the Next Generation Survey
Your own life Your local area Poland The planet/natural
environment
100
90
80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0%
u Very positive
u Rather positive
u Neither negative nor positive
10% 8% 10%
6%
23%
11%
6%
13%
5%
6%
7%
2%
5%
6%
2%
5%
37% 36%
37%
21%
33%
29%
42%
41%
u Rather negative
u Very negative
u Hard to say
Right Protest against restrictions
on women’s rights. Poznan,
September 2016

Climate change was the most commonly cited global
threat by survey respondents (just under 40 per cent),
followed by economic instability and military conflict
(just under 25 per cent), surveillance, nuclear weapons,
growing social inequality and the spread of disease
(all just over 20 per cent). It should be noted that only
focus group participants from big cities mentioned
climate change. Wider research indicates that the
scale of climate advocacy in Poland is still relatively
small, despite engendering strong feelings in those
who are engaged (Youth Observatory, 2020b).
Young adults are least worried about energy
shortages, artificial intelligence, the state of
democracy and overpopulation.
Table 3 Key challenges reported by young people
What are the greatest global threats we face
(multiple choice)?
Climate change 38%
Economic instability 24%
Military conflict 24%
Mass electronic surveillance 22%
Nuclear weapons 21%
Growing social inequality 21%
Spread of disease 20%
Automation and mass joblessness 18%
Fake news 18%
Global terrorism 17%
Mass migration 13%
Population growth 11%
The state of democracy 11%
Artificial intelligence 10%
Energy scarcity 5%
Mass migration
Population growth
The state of democracy
Artificial intelligence
Energy scarcity
41

Micro-study
Digital activism among
young adults
To better understand young Poles’ online
engagement and participation, additional
research was conducted on digital activism.
Given that Facebook is the most widely used
social media platform among younger people in
Poland, the research focused on 17 Facebook
groups, all of which underwent detailed
observation for one month between October
and November 2020.
The study only covered groups visible in the
Facebook search bar. Good representation
of various viewpoints was sought, which
means the research includes some groups
who displayed extreme views. Six groups are
exclusively for young people, whereas others
include significant numbers of young people.
The groups are described in more detail in
Appendix 2.
Young people’s groups
1. Young political activists (2,200 members,
mostly students).
2. Liberal-minded young people (800
members, mostly students with liberal
and LGBT+ connections).
3. Young libertarian nationalists (1,000
members, politically affiliated with a right-
wing nationalist and eurosceptic profile).
4. Young liberals (2,000 members,
pro-European and liberal).
5. Young politicians (200 members,
local activists).
6. Young anti-fascists (3,700 members,
anti-nationalist, anti-racist, inclusive).
All ages, including significant
numbers of young people
7. Self-help group for all (107,000 members
of all ages, Covid-19 support focus and
over 150 regional sub-groups).
8. Group for young climate activists
(2,100 members).
9. Climate change for all group
(1,200 members of all ages).
10.Political climate change advocacy group
(11,800 members of all ages).
11. Everyday climate protection group (35,500
members of all ages).
12.Education reform group (700 members,
public group focused on education reform).
13.Equal rights advocacy group (1,600
members of all ages, supporting the
rights of LGBT+ people).
14.Anti-LGBT+ group (6,700 members of all
ages, ostensibly researches ‘culture and
spiritual heritage’ but mostly focused on
anti-LGBT+ and anti-abortion campaigning).
15.Women’s rights advocacy group (100,000
members, supports reproductive rights
of women).
16.Anti-abortion group (700 members, sub-
section of a Catholic anti-abortion group).
17. Covid-19 sceptics group (17,100 members
who believe Covid-19 is a conspiracy).

Next Generation. Poland, British Council 2021

Next Generation. Poland, British Council 2021

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