Journal of Personality and Social Psychology
1997, Vol. 73, No. 4, 805-815
Copyright 1997 by the American Psychological Association, Inc.
0022-3514/97/$3.00
Multidimensional Inventory of Black Identity:
A Preliminary Investigation of Reliability and Construct Validity
Robert M. Sellers, Stephanie A. J. Rowley, Tabbye M. Chavous, J. Nicole Shelton, and Mia A. Smith
University of Virginia
The present study presents preliminary evidence regarding the reliability and validity of the Multidi-
mensional Inventory of Black Identity (MIBI). The MIBI consists of 7 subscales representing 3
stable dimensions of African American racial identity (Centrality, Ideology, and Regard). Responses
to the MIBI were collected from 474 African American college students from a predominantly
African American university (n = 185) and a predominantly White university (n = 289). As the
result of factor analysis, a revised 51 -item scale was developed. Evidence was found for 6 subscales.
The Public Regard subscale was dropped because of poor internal consistency. Interscale correlations
suggest that the MIBI is internally valid. Relationships among the MIBF subscales and race-related
behavior suggest that the instrument has external validity. Descriptive statistics for the revised MIBI
are provided for the entire sample as well as by school.
Racial identity is one of the most heavily researched aspects
of African Americans' psychological lives. Racial identity has
been associated with a number of phenomena including self-
esteem (Hughes & Demo, 1989; Parham & Helms, 1985; Row-
ley, Sellers, Chavous, & Smith, 1996), academic performance
(Baldwin, Duncan, & Bell, 1987; Chavous, 1996; Taylor,
Casten, Flickinger, Roberts, & Fulmore, 1994), preference for
same-race counselor (Morten & Atkinson, 1983; Parham &
Helms, 1981), and career aspirations (Helms & Piper, 1994;
Parham & Austin, 1994). Despite the prolific nature of this
literature, relatively little consensus exists, beyond the belief
that racial identity plays an important role in the lives of African
Americans. It is unclear, however, as to what the nature of that
role may be. Some theorists (Fordham & Ogbu, 1986; Penn,
Gaines, & Phillips, 1993) have argued that strong identification
with their racial group can place African Americans at risk for
adverse effects associated with the stigma attached to being
Black, whereas others have argued that a strong identification
with being African American is a protective factor against rac-
ism (Azibo, 1992; Baldwin, 1980). One reason for the equivo-
cal nature of the literature is that there has been no consensus
on either the conceptualization or the measurement of racial
identity for African Americans. Because of the use of different
Robert M. Sellers, Stephanie A. J. Rowley, Tabbye M. Chavous, J.
Nicole Shelton, and Mia A. Smith, Department of Psychology, University
of Virginia. Stephanie A. J. Rowley is now at the Department of Psychol-
ogy, University of North Carol ...
C A S E S T U D YBlack Identity in Bimcial BlackWhitePe.docxclairbycraft
Two biracial college students who identify as Black took different paths to achieve their racial identities. Jacqueline refuses to be exclusively Black and had a non-racial personal identity early on. Adolphus wished he was exclusively Black and struggled with identity issues. While they reached similar Black identities, the meanings and consequences differed based on their unique biracial experiences. The study examines how monoracial Black identity models may not fully capture biracial identity development.
Comparison of Three Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure Models: A Confirmatory...AJHSSR Journal
ABSTRACT: This article investigates whether the MEIM can measure and identify the ethnic identity of
multiple groups at a time. It also explores whether the MEIM contains a two factor or three factor subscale.
Further, this article examines which version of the MEIM is best suited for measuring ethnic identity.
Discussion regarding a comparison of models by Roberts, Sobansky, and Yap is presented. Additionally, the
study indicates that the Yap et al. bi-factor model is the best fit to the data. The least two fitted models, the
Roberts et al Model and Sobansky et al Model have marginal results, which suggest the consideration of some
model adjustments to make the models more defensible. Finally, the article shows that among the three MEIM
models used (Roberts, Sobansky, and Yap), that the Yap et al. bi-factor model is best suited for measuring
ethnic identity as it is the only model that achieves the criteria for non-significant χ2 and satisfactory Fit Indexes
for both groups--African American and Black American.
KEYWORDS: Identity, Ethnicity, Black Women, African American
This document discusses research on how racial identity, self-esteem, and stereotype threat may influence the academic performance of African American university students. Studies showed no significant relationships between racial identity and academic performance, self-esteem and academic performance, or racial identity and self-esteem. The document also discusses how providing information about negative stereotypes of African American academic abilities did not significantly impact students' self-esteem compared to those who did not receive this information.
Color-Blind Racial IdeologyTheory, Training, and Measurement.docxdrandy1
Color-Blind Racial Ideology
Theory, Training, and Measurement Implications in Psychology
Helen A. Neville University of Illinois at Urbana–Champaign
Germine H. Awad University of Texas at Austin
James E. Brooks and Michelle P. Flores University of Illinois at Urbana–Champaign
Jamie Bluemel Chicago School of Professional Psychology
Synthesizing the interdisciplinary literature, we character-
ize color-blind racial ideology (CBRI) as consisting of two
interrelated domains: color-evasion (i.e., denial of racial
differences by emphasizing sameness) and power-evasion
(i.e., denial of racism by emphasizing equal opportunities).
Mounting empirical data suggest that the color-evasion
dimension is ineffective and in fact promotes interracial
tension and potential inequality. CBRI may be conceived as
an ultramodern or contemporary form of racism and a
legitimizing ideology used to justify the racial status quo.
Four types of CBRI are described: denial of (a) race, (b)
blatant racial issues, (c) institutional racism, and (d) White
privilege. We discuss empirical findings suggesting a rela-
tionship between CBRI and increased racial prejudice,
racial anger, and racial fear. Implications for education,
training, and research are provided.
Keywords: color-blind racial ideology, racism, racial be-
liefs, prejudice, discrimination
The question of whether the United States has movedbeyond race and racism is one that scholars havegrappled with for decades. For some, President
Barack Obama’s ascension into the White House in 2008
marked the beginning of a new “postracial” era in which
issues of race and racial discrimination are memories of a
not-too-distant past. After all, such people argue, if a Black
American man could be elected twice to the highest office,
then the country has transcended its racial past. Scholars
have provided sharp analyses countering the legitimacy of
a postracial or color-blind America after Obama’s first
election (e.g., Alexander, 2010; Cha-Jua, 2009; Wise,
2010). Public opinion polls provide further empirical sup-
port for these analyses (e.g., Agiesta & Ross, 2012; Hutch-
ings, 2009). Some findings suggest that White adults’
views on racial policies changed very little between 1998
and the election of President Obama (Hutchings, 2009),
while others indicate an actual increase in explicit and
implicit anti-Black racial prejudice since his historic elec-
tion (Agiesta & Ross, 2012). Thus, even though a Black
American man twice has been elected president, we have
actually witnessed an increase in anti-Black prejudice, sug-
gesting that race still matters in U.S. society.
Psychology has a rich history of research designed to
understand and describe the changing expressions of racial
beliefs, including the highly contested notion of racial color
blindness. In the 1990s, the American Psychological As-
sociation (APA; 1997) published a pamphlet answering the
question: Can— or Should—America Be Color-Blind? Us-
ing research from soc.
Color-Blind Racial IdeologyTheory, Training, and Measurement.docxcargillfilberto
Color-Blind Racial Ideology
Theory, Training, and Measurement Implications in Psychology
Helen A. Neville University of Illinois at Urbana–Champaign
Germine H. Awad University of Texas at Austin
James E. Brooks and Michelle P. Flores University of Illinois at Urbana–Champaign
Jamie Bluemel Chicago School of Professional Psychology
Synthesizing the interdisciplinary literature, we character-
ize color-blind racial ideology (CBRI) as consisting of two
interrelated domains: color-evasion (i.e., denial of racial
differences by emphasizing sameness) and power-evasion
(i.e., denial of racism by emphasizing equal opportunities).
Mounting empirical data suggest that the color-evasion
dimension is ineffective and in fact promotes interracial
tension and potential inequality. CBRI may be conceived as
an ultramodern or contemporary form of racism and a
legitimizing ideology used to justify the racial status quo.
Four types of CBRI are described: denial of (a) race, (b)
blatant racial issues, (c) institutional racism, and (d) White
privilege. We discuss empirical findings suggesting a rela-
tionship between CBRI and increased racial prejudice,
racial anger, and racial fear. Implications for education,
training, and research are provided.
Keywords: color-blind racial ideology, racism, racial be-
liefs, prejudice, discrimination
The question of whether the United States has movedbeyond race and racism is one that scholars havegrappled with for decades. For some, President
Barack Obama’s ascension into the White House in 2008
marked the beginning of a new “postracial” era in which
issues of race and racial discrimination are memories of a
not-too-distant past. After all, such people argue, if a Black
American man could be elected twice to the highest office,
then the country has transcended its racial past. Scholars
have provided sharp analyses countering the legitimacy of
a postracial or color-blind America after Obama’s first
election (e.g., Alexander, 2010; Cha-Jua, 2009; Wise,
2010). Public opinion polls provide further empirical sup-
port for these analyses (e.g., Agiesta & Ross, 2012; Hutch-
ings, 2009). Some findings suggest that White adults’
views on racial policies changed very little between 1998
and the election of President Obama (Hutchings, 2009),
while others indicate an actual increase in explicit and
implicit anti-Black racial prejudice since his historic elec-
tion (Agiesta & Ross, 2012). Thus, even though a Black
American man twice has been elected president, we have
actually witnessed an increase in anti-Black prejudice, sug-
gesting that race still matters in U.S. society.
Psychology has a rich history of research designed to
understand and describe the changing expressions of racial
beliefs, including the highly contested notion of racial color
blindness. In the 1990s, the American Psychological As-
sociation (APA; 1997) published a pamphlet answering the
question: Can— or Should—America Be Color-Blind? Us-
ing research from soc.
Do We Overemphasize the Role of Culture in the Behavior ofRa.docxpetehbailey729071
This document discusses evidence of a cultural (mis)attribution bias in American psychology, which is the tendency to overemphasize the role of culture in explaining the behaviors and cognitions of racial/ethnic minorities, while underemphasizing the influence of culture on white individuals. Through two studies, the authors investigate this bias by examining over 400 psychological research articles and surveying 361 psychologists. The results provide evidence that culture is more often cited as influencing minorities, while psychological factors are more often cited for whites. This bias can constrain psychological explanations and treatment by viewing minorities primarily through a cultural lens, rather than considering other important influences.
C A S E S T U D YBlack Identity in Bimcial BlackWhitePe.docxclairbycraft
Two biracial college students who identify as Black took different paths to achieve their racial identities. Jacqueline refuses to be exclusively Black and had a non-racial personal identity early on. Adolphus wished he was exclusively Black and struggled with identity issues. While they reached similar Black identities, the meanings and consequences differed based on their unique biracial experiences. The study examines how monoracial Black identity models may not fully capture biracial identity development.
Comparison of Three Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure Models: A Confirmatory...AJHSSR Journal
ABSTRACT: This article investigates whether the MEIM can measure and identify the ethnic identity of
multiple groups at a time. It also explores whether the MEIM contains a two factor or three factor subscale.
Further, this article examines which version of the MEIM is best suited for measuring ethnic identity.
Discussion regarding a comparison of models by Roberts, Sobansky, and Yap is presented. Additionally, the
study indicates that the Yap et al. bi-factor model is the best fit to the data. The least two fitted models, the
Roberts et al Model and Sobansky et al Model have marginal results, which suggest the consideration of some
model adjustments to make the models more defensible. Finally, the article shows that among the three MEIM
models used (Roberts, Sobansky, and Yap), that the Yap et al. bi-factor model is best suited for measuring
ethnic identity as it is the only model that achieves the criteria for non-significant χ2 and satisfactory Fit Indexes
for both groups--African American and Black American.
KEYWORDS: Identity, Ethnicity, Black Women, African American
This document discusses research on how racial identity, self-esteem, and stereotype threat may influence the academic performance of African American university students. Studies showed no significant relationships between racial identity and academic performance, self-esteem and academic performance, or racial identity and self-esteem. The document also discusses how providing information about negative stereotypes of African American academic abilities did not significantly impact students' self-esteem compared to those who did not receive this information.
Color-Blind Racial IdeologyTheory, Training, and Measurement.docxdrandy1
Color-Blind Racial Ideology
Theory, Training, and Measurement Implications in Psychology
Helen A. Neville University of Illinois at Urbana–Champaign
Germine H. Awad University of Texas at Austin
James E. Brooks and Michelle P. Flores University of Illinois at Urbana–Champaign
Jamie Bluemel Chicago School of Professional Psychology
Synthesizing the interdisciplinary literature, we character-
ize color-blind racial ideology (CBRI) as consisting of two
interrelated domains: color-evasion (i.e., denial of racial
differences by emphasizing sameness) and power-evasion
(i.e., denial of racism by emphasizing equal opportunities).
Mounting empirical data suggest that the color-evasion
dimension is ineffective and in fact promotes interracial
tension and potential inequality. CBRI may be conceived as
an ultramodern or contemporary form of racism and a
legitimizing ideology used to justify the racial status quo.
Four types of CBRI are described: denial of (a) race, (b)
blatant racial issues, (c) institutional racism, and (d) White
privilege. We discuss empirical findings suggesting a rela-
tionship between CBRI and increased racial prejudice,
racial anger, and racial fear. Implications for education,
training, and research are provided.
Keywords: color-blind racial ideology, racism, racial be-
liefs, prejudice, discrimination
The question of whether the United States has movedbeyond race and racism is one that scholars havegrappled with for decades. For some, President
Barack Obama’s ascension into the White House in 2008
marked the beginning of a new “postracial” era in which
issues of race and racial discrimination are memories of a
not-too-distant past. After all, such people argue, if a Black
American man could be elected twice to the highest office,
then the country has transcended its racial past. Scholars
have provided sharp analyses countering the legitimacy of
a postracial or color-blind America after Obama’s first
election (e.g., Alexander, 2010; Cha-Jua, 2009; Wise,
2010). Public opinion polls provide further empirical sup-
port for these analyses (e.g., Agiesta & Ross, 2012; Hutch-
ings, 2009). Some findings suggest that White adults’
views on racial policies changed very little between 1998
and the election of President Obama (Hutchings, 2009),
while others indicate an actual increase in explicit and
implicit anti-Black racial prejudice since his historic elec-
tion (Agiesta & Ross, 2012). Thus, even though a Black
American man twice has been elected president, we have
actually witnessed an increase in anti-Black prejudice, sug-
gesting that race still matters in U.S. society.
Psychology has a rich history of research designed to
understand and describe the changing expressions of racial
beliefs, including the highly contested notion of racial color
blindness. In the 1990s, the American Psychological As-
sociation (APA; 1997) published a pamphlet answering the
question: Can— or Should—America Be Color-Blind? Us-
ing research from soc.
Color-Blind Racial IdeologyTheory, Training, and Measurement.docxcargillfilberto
Color-Blind Racial Ideology
Theory, Training, and Measurement Implications in Psychology
Helen A. Neville University of Illinois at Urbana–Champaign
Germine H. Awad University of Texas at Austin
James E. Brooks and Michelle P. Flores University of Illinois at Urbana–Champaign
Jamie Bluemel Chicago School of Professional Psychology
Synthesizing the interdisciplinary literature, we character-
ize color-blind racial ideology (CBRI) as consisting of two
interrelated domains: color-evasion (i.e., denial of racial
differences by emphasizing sameness) and power-evasion
(i.e., denial of racism by emphasizing equal opportunities).
Mounting empirical data suggest that the color-evasion
dimension is ineffective and in fact promotes interracial
tension and potential inequality. CBRI may be conceived as
an ultramodern or contemporary form of racism and a
legitimizing ideology used to justify the racial status quo.
Four types of CBRI are described: denial of (a) race, (b)
blatant racial issues, (c) institutional racism, and (d) White
privilege. We discuss empirical findings suggesting a rela-
tionship between CBRI and increased racial prejudice,
racial anger, and racial fear. Implications for education,
training, and research are provided.
Keywords: color-blind racial ideology, racism, racial be-
liefs, prejudice, discrimination
The question of whether the United States has movedbeyond race and racism is one that scholars havegrappled with for decades. For some, President
Barack Obama’s ascension into the White House in 2008
marked the beginning of a new “postracial” era in which
issues of race and racial discrimination are memories of a
not-too-distant past. After all, such people argue, if a Black
American man could be elected twice to the highest office,
then the country has transcended its racial past. Scholars
have provided sharp analyses countering the legitimacy of
a postracial or color-blind America after Obama’s first
election (e.g., Alexander, 2010; Cha-Jua, 2009; Wise,
2010). Public opinion polls provide further empirical sup-
port for these analyses (e.g., Agiesta & Ross, 2012; Hutch-
ings, 2009). Some findings suggest that White adults’
views on racial policies changed very little between 1998
and the election of President Obama (Hutchings, 2009),
while others indicate an actual increase in explicit and
implicit anti-Black racial prejudice since his historic elec-
tion (Agiesta & Ross, 2012). Thus, even though a Black
American man twice has been elected president, we have
actually witnessed an increase in anti-Black prejudice, sug-
gesting that race still matters in U.S. society.
Psychology has a rich history of research designed to
understand and describe the changing expressions of racial
beliefs, including the highly contested notion of racial color
blindness. In the 1990s, the American Psychological As-
sociation (APA; 1997) published a pamphlet answering the
question: Can— or Should—America Be Color-Blind? Us-
ing research from soc.
Do We Overemphasize the Role of Culture in the Behavior ofRa.docxpetehbailey729071
This document discusses evidence of a cultural (mis)attribution bias in American psychology, which is the tendency to overemphasize the role of culture in explaining the behaviors and cognitions of racial/ethnic minorities, while underemphasizing the influence of culture on white individuals. Through two studies, the authors investigate this bias by examining over 400 psychological research articles and surveying 361 psychologists. The results provide evidence that culture is more often cited as influencing minorities, while psychological factors are more often cited for whites. This bias can constrain psychological explanations and treatment by viewing minorities primarily through a cultural lens, rather than considering other important influences.
This document outlines a research study examining the relationships between Afrocentricity, racial/ethnic identity, and agentic identity in people of African descent. The study will assess these concepts using questionnaires measuring levels of transformative awareness and conceptualization of Afrocentricity, as well as the widely used CRIS-2 racial identity scale. It hypothesizes that higher levels of transformative awareness and more accurate conceptualizations of Afrocentricity can predict stronger agentic identities and internalized racial identities. The methodology section describes plans to administer the questionnaires and CRIS-2 to a sample of 400 Black adults, then use canonical correlation analysis and structural equation modeling to analyze the data and test the hypotheses. The study aims to provide
Black Males, Social Imagery, and the Disruption of Pathological IdentitiesJonathan Dunnemann
Throughout the history of the U.S., racialized groups have often had their experiences profoundly shaped by social imagery in ways that have created tremendous hardships in the quest for
self-actualization and a healthy sense of self.
The purpose of this article is to shed light on the manner in which Black males have been one of the primary victims of negative social imagery and how the remnants of these constructions continue to have contemporary influences, ....
Special Anniversary SectionThe Social Psychology of Sex an.docxwilliame8
Special Anniversary Section
The Social Psychology of Sex and
Gender: From Gender Differences
to Doing Gender
Stephanie A. Shields
1
and Elaine C. Dicicco
1
The social psychology of gender is a major, if qualified,
success story of contemporary feminist psychology. The
breadth and intellectual vigor of the field is reflected in the
following six commentaries in the broadly defined area of
the Social Psychology of Gender which were commissioned
for this third of four 35th anniversary sections to feature brief
retrospectives by authors of highly cited PWQ articles.
Our goal in this section’s introduction is to provide a brief
history of the development of this area, placing the articles
described in the commentaries into this historical context.
The six articles in this special section, individually and taken
together, identify significant turning points in the social psy-
chology of gender. We focus on how, within a few brief
years, the study of gender in psychology underwent massive
transformation.
1
The social psychology of gender has grown to become a
thriving, scientifically sound research theme that encom-
passes a wide variety of topics and questions. The story of
how this came to be has been told from a number of perspec-
tives (e.g., Crawford & Marecek, 1989; Deaux, 1999;
Rutherford, Vaughn-Blount, & Ball, 2010; Unger, 1998).
Here, we focus on how, from psychology of gender’s murky
beginnings in early 20th century Freudian personality theory
and even deeper roots in androcentric paternalism of 19th
century science (Shields, 1975, 1982; Shields & Bhatia,
2009), feminist psychologists have shaped how sex and gen-
der are scientifically defined, theorized, and studied. Over the
course of the second half of the 20th century, feminist psy-
chologists challenged psychology’s long-standing equation
of female with defect and the psychology of gender with cat-
aloging sex differences (Marecek, Kimmel, Crawford, &
Hare-Mustin, 2003; Rutherford & Granek, 2010).
We identify three intertwined streams of investigation
from which the contemporary psychology of gender grew:
(a) research focusing on gender identity as a feature of per-
sonality, (b) research on behavioral sex differences, and (c)
research on gender roles and the study of gender in social
context. We interweave into this story how each of the six
key articles highlighted in this special section illustrate turn-
ing points in that history. We then describe the critical
importance of networks and mentors toward making the
research reported in those articles possible. We conclude
with our thoughts on future directions in the social psychol-
ogy of gender.
Three Streams of Research
Personality and Gender Identity
Sigmund Freud’s visit to the United States in 1909 (at G.
Stanley Hall’s invitation) was a signal moment for both Freu-
dian and American psychology. Although many American
scientists were disdainful of Freud’s ideas, he found a c.
SOC 120-Research Proposal Part III_Including Extra Credit_Lisa CamarilloLisa Camarillo
This document outlines a research proposal examining how social identity and acceptance by mono-racial groups affects bi-racial individuals' self-acceptance and self-esteem. The proposal will use surveys and interviews at colleges to understand bi-racial individuals' experiences. Quantitative data will analyze demographics and qualitative data will explore questions about racial identity and belonging. The researcher will analyze themes in interviews and apply social identity and critical race theories to understand effects of marginalization on bi-racial individuals' identities.
Reaction to Non-Cognitive ability, College Learning.docxmakdul
Reaction to “Non-Cognitive ability, College Learning, and Student Retention”
Marilyn D. Lovett
Florida A&M University
I found the idea of measuring non-cognitive ability intriguing. However, I did not get said measurement in this article. The literature review does not seem to support what the researchers say occurred with the SE2 program. While the policy emphasized rewarding effort with grades, such research was not mentioned in the literature review. As a result, I was not sure how effort was measured. The authors mentioned information in the “sociology literature” but I believe examining psychological literature might have made for a more sound argument. I also wondered if students of African descent were in any of the studies mentioned in the literature review.
In the methodology section, the authors stated that the SE2 policy was developed “to improve student performance by increasing study skills and the preparedness of the students” (Gray & Swinton, 2017, p. 67). However, I do not understand how that would have increased preparedness. I also was not clear on the equations used to answer the research questions, but that is probably because I am not familiar with the Cox proportional hazard model.
There were a couple of times throughout the article that mentioned some information being “available upon request.” I appreciated that because it is a nod toward transparency in research. It reminded me about the replication program touted by the Association for Psychological Science in which researchers are invited to upload their data for other researchers to replicate. I noticed that Table 4 had no non-cognitive skills recorded. I wondered why cognitive and non-cognitive skills could not be increased simultaneously when the authors stated that the SE2 policy “helps those students with unmeasured non-cognitive skills, while potentially harming some of the students with higher measured cognitive skills” (Gray & Swinton, 2017, p. 74). This brought me back to wondering why non-cognitive skills were not operationalized in the first place.
Multiculturally Sensitive Mental Health Scale (MSMHS):
Development, Factor Analysis, Reliability, and Validity
Ruth Chu-Lien Chao and Kathy E. Green
University of Denver
Effectively and efficiently diagnosing African Americans’ mental health has been a chronically unre-
solved challenge. To meet this challenge we developed a tool to better understand African Americans’
mental health: the Multiculturally Sensitive Mental Health Scale (MSMHS). Three studies reporting the
development and initial validation of the MSMHS were conducted with African American student
samples. First, an exploratory factor analysis of an initial item pool yielded 5 factors assessing subscales
of perceived racism, depression, well-being, anxiety, and suicidal thoughts. Second, a confirmatory factor
analysis supported the MSMHS’s 5-dimensional factor structure. Third, test–retest reliability, internal ...
Chapter 4Understanding Racism, Prejudice, and White Privilege4-WilheminaRossi174
Chapter: 4
Understanding Racism, Prejudice, and White Privilege4-1Defining and Contextualizing Racism
4-1
Hoyt Jr. (2012) defines racism as “a particular form of prejudice defined by preconceived erroneous beliefs about race and members of racial groups.” It is supported simultaneously by individuals, the institutional practices of society, and dominant cultural values and norms. Racism is a universal phenomenon that exists across cultures and tends to emerge wherever ethnic diversity and perceived or real differences in group characteristics become part of a struggle for social power. In the case of the United States, African Americans, Latinos/as, Native Americans, and Asian Americans—groups that we have been referring to as people of color—have been systematically subordinated by the white majority.
There are four important points to be made initially about racism:
· Prejudice and racism are not the same thing. Prejudice is a negative, inaccurate, rigid, and unfair way of thinking about members of another group. All human beings hold prejudices. This is true for people of color, as well as for majority group members. But there is a crucial difference between the prejudices held by whites and those held by people of color. whites have more power to enact their prejudices and therefore negatively impact the lives of people of color than vice versa. The term racism is used in relation to the racial attitudes and behavior of majority group members. Similar attitudes and behaviors on the part of people of color are referred to as prejudice and discrimination (a term commonly used to mean actions taken on the basis of one’s prejudices). Another way of describing this relationship is that prejudice plus power equals racism.
· Racism is a broad and all-pervasive social phenomenon that is mutually reinforced at all levels of society.
· Institutional racism involves the manipulation of societal institutions to give preferences and advantages to whites and at the same time restrict the choices, rights, mobility, and access of people of color.
· Cultural racism is the belief that the cultural ways of one group are superior to those of another. Cultural racism can be found both in individuals and in institutions. In the former, it is often referred to as ethnocentrism. Jones (2000) mentioned that historical insults, societal norms, unearned privilege, and structural barriers are all aspects of institutional racism.
· People tend to deny, rationalize, and avoid discussing their feelings and beliefs about race and ethnicity. Often, these feelings remain unconscious and are brought to awareness only with great difficulty.
· When young children hear the stories of people of color, they tend to feel deeply and sincerely with the storyteller. “I’m really sorry that you had to go through that” is the most common reaction of a child. By the time one reaches adulthood, however, the empathy is often gone. Instead, reactions tend to involve minimizing, justifying ...
Exploring cases of ethnic and racial disparities in theAlexander Decker
This document summarizes research on theories of ethnicity and race and perspectives on inequalities based on ethnicity and race. It discusses three main theoretical approaches to understanding ethnicity and race: primordialist theories which see ethnic identity as fixed at birth, instrumental theories which view ethnicity as something that can be manipulated for political or economic ends, and constructivist theories which see ethnic identity as fluid and constructed in social contexts. It also examines functionalist and conflict perspectives on inequalities, with functionalism focusing on assimilation and pluralism, and conflict theory emphasizing how dominant groups use power to divide groups along racial and ethnic lines for their own benefit.
Communication and StereotypicalImpressionsPatrick C. Hug.docxclarebernice
Communication and Stereotypical
Impressions
Patrick C. Hughes
Texas Tech University, Lubbock, Texas, USA
John R. Baldwin
Illinois State University, Normal, Illinois, USA
This study examined the relationship s between specific communica-
tion behaviors and overall perceptions of Black and White commu-
nicators and sought to replicate the findings of Leonard and Locke.
Eighteen communication behaviors were identified in the literature
representin g ‘‘Black’’ and ‘‘White’’ communication. Black (N = 105)
and White (N = 159) respondents recalled a past interaction with a
racial ‘‘other’’ and completed a two-part questionnaire regarding
these behaviors and overall impressions of the other. Pearson
correlations were used to answer seven hypotheses regarding these
behaviors and impressions. Individual communication behaviors
were associated with several negativ e race-type impressions,
suggesting that macrolevel interpretation s between interracial speak-
ers may be problematic. Results also suggest that the exact order
of stereotypes=perceptions might change from place to place,
depending on how the instrument is used, and may be influenced
by interpersonal interaction.
KEYWORDS interracial communication, stereotypes , communica-
tion style
`̀I s interracial communication possible?’’ Leonard and Locke (1993) suggest commu-nication stereotypes are a key piece of the interracial relations puzzle. If this is thecase, the outlook for interracial communication in the twenty-first century is dis-
couraging. For example, a survey found that 76% of African Americans felt that Whites
are insensitive to people, 76% felt that Whites do not want to share with non-Whites, and
79% believed that Whites see themselves as superior and able to boss others around
(Minorities,1994). Many felt that `̀ Whites are insensitive to other people and have a long
history of bigotry and prejudice’’and that `̀ Whites control power and wealth in America’’
The authors are grateful to the editor and two anonymous reviewers for their
helpful comments.
Address correspondence to Patrick C. Hughes, Department of Communication
Studies, Texas Tech University, Lubbock, TX 79409, USA. E-mail: [email protected]
The HowardJournal of Communications, 13:1137128, 2002
Copyright # 2002 Taylor & Francis
1064-6175/02 $12.00 + .00
DOI: 10.1080=10646170290089 917 113
(Minorities, 1994, p. A14). While many may either confirm or challenge the existence of
such perceptions, we cannot deny that stereotypes among racial and ethnic groups con-
tinue to be prevalent in the United States.
Stereotyping is an impediment to effective interracial communication (Barna, 1994;
Boyd,1993; Waters, 1992) and yet seems to be a natural part of the communication process,
as categoriz ation is needed to make sense of our world (Stephan, 1985). The existence and
propagation of these stereotypes themselves are inherently communicative, as it is com-
munication that creates, perpetuates, or contests stereotypes. ...
This document discusses how sexual identity development in African American adolescent females is influenced by rap music videos. It explores how the hypersexualized and one-dimensional portrayals of black women in many videos can create a dilemma for black girls in establishing their own identities. The document analyzes research showing that black girls often compare their bodies to the unrealistic "perfect" bodies portrayed in videos and view many rappers as reinforcing stereotypes about black female sexuality. It argues that more research is needed to understand how music videos may exploit prejudices against black women and to help black girls build resilience and a strong sense of self.
Chapter One
Why Asian American Sexual Politics?
In 2000, two white men and a white woman in Spokane, Washington, specifically targeted
Japanese women in an elaborately planned scheme to kidnap, rape, sodomize, and torture them
and to videotape the whole ordeal. According to police reports, the rapists had a sexual
fantasy about and fixation with young Japanese women. The three assailants believed that the
Japanese women were submissive.[1] In just one month, the predators abducted five Japanese
exchange students, ranging in age from eighteen to twenty. Motivated by their sexual biases
about Asian women, all three used both their bodies and objects to repeatedly rape—vaginally,
anally, and orally—two of the young women for over seven hours.[2] One of the attackers
immediately confessed to searching only for Japanese women to torture and rape; eventually,
all pled guilty and were convicted.[3]
In 2004, American Idol, the most watched TV series in the Nielsen ratings and the only
program to have been number one for seven consecutive seasons,[4] premiered the season with
an episode that showcased twenty-one-year-old William Hung singing a rendition of Ricky
Martin’s “She Bangs.” The episode was a collection of the most “talentless” of those who
auditioned, and it was if Hung was crowned the “king.” His inability to carry a tune, dance to
the beat, or exude any sex appeal made the video go viral on the Internet, and viewers were
laughing at him, not with him. He was a perfect fit for the unflattering racial stereotype of the
asexual, nerdy Asian American man. Across the blogosphere, race scholars and Asian
American men were bemoaning the perpetuation of the racist stereotyping and yet another
instance where Asian American men are emasculated in American media.
These two examples demonstrate the racial stereotyping of Asians and Asian Americans.
The perpetrators in Spokane, Washington, used racist stereotypes to pick their targets. While
both being racially “othered,” Asian and Asian American women have been constructed as
sexually exotic docile bodies while men have been racially “castrated.” These constructions
created a complicated racialized Asian American sexual politics affected by racist-gendered
constructions but also “home-culture” expectations. The vignettes and analysis shared in this
book are an attempt to look at the nuanced way that constructions can operate in the lives of
some Asian Americans.
Feminist scholars argue that women's sexuality is socially shaped in ways that sustain men's
social and political dominance. I extend this feminist scholarship and argue that Asian
American sexuality is socially shaped in ways that maintain social and political dominance for
whites, particularly white men. I want to set this stage with the assertions made by Patricia
Hill Collins in her seminal work, Black Sexual Politics.[5] Collins defines sexual politics as
Chou, Rosalind S.. Asian American Sexual Politics : The Construction of Race, G.
1) The document examines the relationship between sexual identity and sexual well-being in female heterosexual university students. It measures sexual identity using dimensions of exploration, commitment, synthesis and sexual orientation.
2) Results from surveys of 293 female students found that higher levels of exploration and commitment to sexual identity predicted greater sexual well-being. However, other aspects like synthesis and sexual orientation were not predictive of well-being.
3) The study applies concepts of identity formation from Erikson's psychosocial theory to develop a multidimensional model of sexual identity beyond just sexual orientation. This framework considers how clearly defined and integrated a person's sense of themselves as a sexual being relates to their overall wellness.
Four studies tested whether cultural values moderate the content of gender stereotypes. Specifically, they tested if male stereotypes more closely align with core cultural values (individualism vs collectivism) than female stereotypes. In Studies 1 and 2, Americans rated men as less collectivistic than women, whereas Koreans rated men as more collectivistic than women. Study 3 found that bicultural Korean Americans gave different ratings depending on the language and cultural frame. Study 4 analyzed gender stereotype data across 26 nations, finding that views of traits as masculine correlated with how individualistic or collectivistic a culture was. Together, the studies provide support for the hypothesis that cultural values influence the content of gender stereotypes.
This document summarizes key concepts about gender, sex, and sexuality from a college sociology lecture. It distinguishes between sex (biological attributes) and gender (social/cultural attributes). It discusses gender as a social construction and explores gender roles, stereotypes, and identity. It also covers sexual orientation, theories of sexuality (essentialism, social constructionism, queer theory), and LGBTQ identities. Racial and ethnic categories from US Census data are analyzed, showing how they have changed over time. The impacts of racism, prejudice and discrimination are summarized.
Running Head Racial DiscriminationHouston 6Racial Discrim.docxcharisellington63520
Running Head: Racial Discrimination
Houston 6
Racial Discrimination
Final Project Milestone Two: Article Critique
Johnathen Houston
PSY-216-Q1822
Dr. Liza Smith
10/25/15
Objective Analysis
The article that is well about racism has been well represented in the article’s content. The title that is about the gender and socio-economic differences in the experiences of African Americans is well elaborated in the article. This is because, within the article, the experiment that was done was major to try and find out about how men and women are mistreated on the different socioeconomic environment (Adler, 2000).
Within the introduction, the purpose that is basing on the health effects of racism is well elaborated. Considering the be an exploration on the method to which the investigation will be done through different socioeconomic position such as education, financial and employment status, the prediction of the title is captured well in the introduction of the article.
The discussion is relevant. It is relevant in essence that, it is that we can understand to which discriminations done in the offices that most of the officers operate. The discussion is further relevant given the fact statistical methods have been sued to do the experiment (Barg, 2005).Using the exact figure makes not only a thorough but an actual result to be relied upon.
Using a sample size of 144 people to me is underemphasizing of the discrimination in the states. Given the number of people living in the US are many, a better number of participants would have been used. The issue of the socio-emotional prospect is less emphasized. It should have been made so clear that, in the United States and the United Kingdom, it is in this set ups that moist of the discrimination occur. Limiting the age made the age made the experiment a little bit less factual as the result should have focused more on a range of age like, for instance, the socioeconomic discrimination on young people is not much pronounced as that for the aged people who are workplaces. New York City only should not have been the only place to make the data valid.
The authors’ statements are very clear. It is clear in the sense that, most of the assumptions made are what happens exactly in the field. It is ambiguous for the data to claim that the modest size could have been used which could not limit the sample size. It is of the essence to not that, in an analysis, depending on the population, is a small size can be very useful in making an assumption.
The authors want to validate different assumption his research. First of all, there is an assumption that Africans are a threat to security and as a form of discrimination; they must be frisked very well as in the care of Joan. The author assumes that in most of the cases of racism, men are the target of racism, and they are the ones who are affected more. The third assumption by the author is that the socioeconomic status of the society is not consistent and is sub.
1. Sociology has made several contributions to the study of race, including approaches that examine racial formation, identification, politics, conflict, culture, boundaries, resistance, disadvantage, privilege, and intersections of race with other identities.
2. Key questions addressed by different sociological approaches to race include how racial hierarchies are organized and reproduced, who is considered "other", and how marginalized groups find and exercise power.
3. Approaches like racial conflict theory and intersectional theory examine how race interacts with other social divisions like class, gender, and sexuality to shape oppression and privilege.
WILLIAM ALLAN KRITSONIS was recognized as the Central Washington University Alumni Association Distinguished Alumnus for the College of Education and Professional Studies. He was honored by the Texas National Association for Multicultural Education as Professor, Scholar, and Pioneer Publisher for Distinguished Service to Multicultural Research Publishing. The ceremony was held at Texas A&M University-College Station. He was inducted into the prestigious William H. Parker Leadership Academy Hall of Honor. He was an Invited Visiting Lecturer at the Oxford Round Table at Oriel College in the University of Oxford, United Kingdom. Dr. Kritsonis was a Visiting Scholar at Columbia University’s Teacher College in New York, and Visiting Scholar in the School of Education at Stanford University, Palo Alto, California.
This document examines cultural masculinity and the concept of machismo in Latin cultures. It defines masculinity and machismo, and discusses how they are influenced by both biological and cultural factors. Machismo in Latin societies emphasizes traits like assertiveness, strength, and providing for one's family. However, immigration and acculturation to Western societies have created struggles with masculine identity for Latino men. This can result in stress, aggression, and mental health issues as masculine roles change.
This document provides background information for a study that examines how the dialect used in a first-person account of sexual violence affects perceptions of the victim. It reviews literature on features of African American Vernacular English (AAVE) and Standard American English, as well as research on how language ideologies and respectability influence perceptions of sexual violence victims. The study aims to determine if victims are attributed more or less responsibility depending on whether their account is written in AAVE or Standard English. It describes how two fictional accounts were constructed for an online survey, one in each dialect, with no other identifying details about the victim provided.
Race Culture and EthnicityLakisha PhillipsAshfor.docxcatheryncouper
Race: Culture and Ethnicity
Lakisha Phillips
Ashford University
ANT 101 Introduction to Cultural
April/28/2014
Race: Culture and Ethnicity
Introduction
Over years, research work has been done on numerous aspects of the race. Some of the research work has shown that there is exists a strong correlation between the cultural aspect as well as the ethnicity when the race of an individual is brought into consideration. From an emic perspective, one can view intricate aspects of race such as culture and ethnicity as a way of life. In short, one views their race as the main contributing factor as to why they behave, think of others, perceive other cultures as well as treat others. From an etic perspective, other people view different races differently depending on the general feelings. When taking an external perspective of racial issues, culture and ethnicity plays a very crucial role.
The topic chosen for study is: Race. This is covered in chapter three of the study text. More specifically Chapter Three analyses race and ethnicity as an offshoot of biology and culture.
Article 1: Betancourt, H., & Lopez, S. R. (1993). The study of culture, ethnicity, and race in American psychology. American Psychologist, 48(6), 629.
Thesis statement: “This study assessed the relationship between culture, ethnicity and various issues surrounding race as carried out by the American Psychology Association.” (Betancourt &Lopez, 1993).
Analysis of the article
Article 1 summarizes the key facts from the research done by the American Psychology Association about the interconnection between culture, ethnicity and an array of other factors driven by race. In the groups of individuals studied, there are a number of the explanatory variables and factors which point at congruence of the effects compelled by culture, ethnicity and as well as racial factors. The psychological effect is furthered by an apparent confusion in conceptual differentiation of culture and ethnicity. As defined, culture focuses on way of life as a result of habits and behaviors picked from the environment around us. Alternatively, this could be as a result of the way we do things and this ends up making us different from other people in terms of how we think, conduct ourselves, learn, worship and interact with others. Ethnicity matters stem from our roots. The roots, in this case, could mean our originality and family trees. The research work goes to on to cross examine how different social variables play an important part in shaping of different cultural perspectives. This is how the social cultural perspectives are bought into play.
Article 2: Glenn, E. N. (2009). Unequal freedom: How race and gender shaped American citizenship and labor. Harvard University Press.
Thesis statement: “This study assessed the roots of unequal freedom in terms of how gender and race have shaped the citizenship and labor.” (Glenn, 2009)
Analysis of the article
Race and ethnicity have crea ...
•Reflective Log•Your reflective log should include the.docxtawnyataylor528
•
Reflective Log
•
Your
reflective
log
should include the following
•
What was your role within the business simulation company?
Demonstrate how you used the resources critically to make decisions
while you were running the company.
.
•The philosophers Thomas Hobbes and John Locke disagreed on the un.docxtawnyataylor528
•The philosophers Thomas Hobbes and John Locke disagreed on the understanding of political authority, with Locke taking what is commonly called the “liberal” view. Choose a side (be brave perhaps; take a side you actually disagree with). Using the writings of each given in our class text or at the Websites below, make your case for the side you chose and against the other side. Identify one (1) modern situation in the world where these issues are significant.
Philosophers Debate Politics
•Chapter 24 (pp. 768-9)
•Hobbes: text at
http://oregonstate.edu/instruct/phl302/texts/hobbes/leviathan-contents.html
;
Summary at http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/hobbes-moral/; also
http://jim.com/hobbes.htm
•Locke: text at http://www.thenagain.info/Classes/Sources/Locke-2ndTreatise.html; General
background of the concept at
http://www.digitalhistory.uh.edu/teachers/lesson_plans/pdfs/unit1_12.pdf
.
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The social psychology of gender is a major, if qualified,
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Reaction to Non-Cognitive ability, College Learning.docxmakdul
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I found the idea of measuring non-cognitive ability intriguing. However, I did not get said measurement in this article. The literature review does not seem to support what the researchers say occurred with the SE2 program. While the policy emphasized rewarding effort with grades, such research was not mentioned in the literature review. As a result, I was not sure how effort was measured. The authors mentioned information in the “sociology literature” but I believe examining psychological literature might have made for a more sound argument. I also wondered if students of African descent were in any of the studies mentioned in the literature review.
In the methodology section, the authors stated that the SE2 policy was developed “to improve student performance by increasing study skills and the preparedness of the students” (Gray & Swinton, 2017, p. 67). However, I do not understand how that would have increased preparedness. I also was not clear on the equations used to answer the research questions, but that is probably because I am not familiar with the Cox proportional hazard model.
There were a couple of times throughout the article that mentioned some information being “available upon request.” I appreciated that because it is a nod toward transparency in research. It reminded me about the replication program touted by the Association for Psychological Science in which researchers are invited to upload their data for other researchers to replicate. I noticed that Table 4 had no non-cognitive skills recorded. I wondered why cognitive and non-cognitive skills could not be increased simultaneously when the authors stated that the SE2 policy “helps those students with unmeasured non-cognitive skills, while potentially harming some of the students with higher measured cognitive skills” (Gray & Swinton, 2017, p. 74). This brought me back to wondering why non-cognitive skills were not operationalized in the first place.
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samples. First, an exploratory factor analysis of an initial item pool yielded 5 factors assessing subscales
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Hoyt Jr. (2012) defines racism as “a particular form of prejudice defined by preconceived erroneous beliefs about race and members of racial groups.” It is supported simultaneously by individuals, the institutional practices of society, and dominant cultural values and norms. Racism is a universal phenomenon that exists across cultures and tends to emerge wherever ethnic diversity and perceived or real differences in group characteristics become part of a struggle for social power. In the case of the United States, African Americans, Latinos/as, Native Americans, and Asian Americans—groups that we have been referring to as people of color—have been systematically subordinated by the white majority.
There are four important points to be made initially about racism:
· Prejudice and racism are not the same thing. Prejudice is a negative, inaccurate, rigid, and unfair way of thinking about members of another group. All human beings hold prejudices. This is true for people of color, as well as for majority group members. But there is a crucial difference between the prejudices held by whites and those held by people of color. whites have more power to enact their prejudices and therefore negatively impact the lives of people of color than vice versa. The term racism is used in relation to the racial attitudes and behavior of majority group members. Similar attitudes and behaviors on the part of people of color are referred to as prejudice and discrimination (a term commonly used to mean actions taken on the basis of one’s prejudices). Another way of describing this relationship is that prejudice plus power equals racism.
· Racism is a broad and all-pervasive social phenomenon that is mutually reinforced at all levels of society.
· Institutional racism involves the manipulation of societal institutions to give preferences and advantages to whites and at the same time restrict the choices, rights, mobility, and access of people of color.
· Cultural racism is the belief that the cultural ways of one group are superior to those of another. Cultural racism can be found both in individuals and in institutions. In the former, it is often referred to as ethnocentrism. Jones (2000) mentioned that historical insults, societal norms, unearned privilege, and structural barriers are all aspects of institutional racism.
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Communication and Stereotypical
Impressions
Patrick C. Hughes
Texas Tech University, Lubbock, Texas, USA
John R. Baldwin
Illinois State University, Normal, Illinois, USA
This study examined the relationship s between specific communica-
tion behaviors and overall perceptions of Black and White commu-
nicators and sought to replicate the findings of Leonard and Locke.
Eighteen communication behaviors were identified in the literature
representin g ‘‘Black’’ and ‘‘White’’ communication. Black (N = 105)
and White (N = 159) respondents recalled a past interaction with a
racial ‘‘other’’ and completed a two-part questionnaire regarding
these behaviors and overall impressions of the other. Pearson
correlations were used to answer seven hypotheses regarding these
behaviors and impressions. Individual communication behaviors
were associated with several negativ e race-type impressions,
suggesting that macrolevel interpretation s between interracial speak-
ers may be problematic. Results also suggest that the exact order
of stereotypes=perceptions might change from place to place,
depending on how the instrument is used, and may be influenced
by interpersonal interaction.
KEYWORDS interracial communication, stereotypes , communica-
tion style
`̀I s interracial communication possible?’’ Leonard and Locke (1993) suggest commu-nication stereotypes are a key piece of the interracial relations puzzle. If this is thecase, the outlook for interracial communication in the twenty-first century is dis-
couraging. For example, a survey found that 76% of African Americans felt that Whites
are insensitive to people, 76% felt that Whites do not want to share with non-Whites, and
79% believed that Whites see themselves as superior and able to boss others around
(Minorities,1994). Many felt that `̀ Whites are insensitive to other people and have a long
history of bigotry and prejudice’’and that `̀ Whites control power and wealth in America’’
The authors are grateful to the editor and two anonymous reviewers for their
helpful comments.
Address correspondence to Patrick C. Hughes, Department of Communication
Studies, Texas Tech University, Lubbock, TX 79409, USA. E-mail: [email protected]
The HowardJournal of Communications, 13:1137128, 2002
Copyright # 2002 Taylor & Francis
1064-6175/02 $12.00 + .00
DOI: 10.1080=10646170290089 917 113
(Minorities, 1994, p. A14). While many may either confirm or challenge the existence of
such perceptions, we cannot deny that stereotypes among racial and ethnic groups con-
tinue to be prevalent in the United States.
Stereotyping is an impediment to effective interracial communication (Barna, 1994;
Boyd,1993; Waters, 1992) and yet seems to be a natural part of the communication process,
as categoriz ation is needed to make sense of our world (Stephan, 1985). The existence and
propagation of these stereotypes themselves are inherently communicative, as it is com-
munication that creates, perpetuates, or contests stereotypes. ...
This document discusses how sexual identity development in African American adolescent females is influenced by rap music videos. It explores how the hypersexualized and one-dimensional portrayals of black women in many videos can create a dilemma for black girls in establishing their own identities. The document analyzes research showing that black girls often compare their bodies to the unrealistic "perfect" bodies portrayed in videos and view many rappers as reinforcing stereotypes about black female sexuality. It argues that more research is needed to understand how music videos may exploit prejudices against black women and to help black girls build resilience and a strong sense of self.
Chapter One
Why Asian American Sexual Politics?
In 2000, two white men and a white woman in Spokane, Washington, specifically targeted
Japanese women in an elaborately planned scheme to kidnap, rape, sodomize, and torture them
and to videotape the whole ordeal. According to police reports, the rapists had a sexual
fantasy about and fixation with young Japanese women. The three assailants believed that the
Japanese women were submissive.[1] In just one month, the predators abducted five Japanese
exchange students, ranging in age from eighteen to twenty. Motivated by their sexual biases
about Asian women, all three used both their bodies and objects to repeatedly rape—vaginally,
anally, and orally—two of the young women for over seven hours.[2] One of the attackers
immediately confessed to searching only for Japanese women to torture and rape; eventually,
all pled guilty and were convicted.[3]
In 2004, American Idol, the most watched TV series in the Nielsen ratings and the only
program to have been number one for seven consecutive seasons,[4] premiered the season with
an episode that showcased twenty-one-year-old William Hung singing a rendition of Ricky
Martin’s “She Bangs.” The episode was a collection of the most “talentless” of those who
auditioned, and it was if Hung was crowned the “king.” His inability to carry a tune, dance to
the beat, or exude any sex appeal made the video go viral on the Internet, and viewers were
laughing at him, not with him. He was a perfect fit for the unflattering racial stereotype of the
asexual, nerdy Asian American man. Across the blogosphere, race scholars and Asian
American men were bemoaning the perpetuation of the racist stereotyping and yet another
instance where Asian American men are emasculated in American media.
These two examples demonstrate the racial stereotyping of Asians and Asian Americans.
The perpetrators in Spokane, Washington, used racist stereotypes to pick their targets. While
both being racially “othered,” Asian and Asian American women have been constructed as
sexually exotic docile bodies while men have been racially “castrated.” These constructions
created a complicated racialized Asian American sexual politics affected by racist-gendered
constructions but also “home-culture” expectations. The vignettes and analysis shared in this
book are an attempt to look at the nuanced way that constructions can operate in the lives of
some Asian Americans.
Feminist scholars argue that women's sexuality is socially shaped in ways that sustain men's
social and political dominance. I extend this feminist scholarship and argue that Asian
American sexuality is socially shaped in ways that maintain social and political dominance for
whites, particularly white men. I want to set this stage with the assertions made by Patricia
Hill Collins in her seminal work, Black Sexual Politics.[5] Collins defines sexual politics as
Chou, Rosalind S.. Asian American Sexual Politics : The Construction of Race, G.
1) The document examines the relationship between sexual identity and sexual well-being in female heterosexual university students. It measures sexual identity using dimensions of exploration, commitment, synthesis and sexual orientation.
2) Results from surveys of 293 female students found that higher levels of exploration and commitment to sexual identity predicted greater sexual well-being. However, other aspects like synthesis and sexual orientation were not predictive of well-being.
3) The study applies concepts of identity formation from Erikson's psychosocial theory to develop a multidimensional model of sexual identity beyond just sexual orientation. This framework considers how clearly defined and integrated a person's sense of themselves as a sexual being relates to their overall wellness.
Four studies tested whether cultural values moderate the content of gender stereotypes. Specifically, they tested if male stereotypes more closely align with core cultural values (individualism vs collectivism) than female stereotypes. In Studies 1 and 2, Americans rated men as less collectivistic than women, whereas Koreans rated men as more collectivistic than women. Study 3 found that bicultural Korean Americans gave different ratings depending on the language and cultural frame. Study 4 analyzed gender stereotype data across 26 nations, finding that views of traits as masculine correlated with how individualistic or collectivistic a culture was. Together, the studies provide support for the hypothesis that cultural values influence the content of gender stereotypes.
This document summarizes key concepts about gender, sex, and sexuality from a college sociology lecture. It distinguishes between sex (biological attributes) and gender (social/cultural attributes). It discusses gender as a social construction and explores gender roles, stereotypes, and identity. It also covers sexual orientation, theories of sexuality (essentialism, social constructionism, queer theory), and LGBTQ identities. Racial and ethnic categories from US Census data are analyzed, showing how they have changed over time. The impacts of racism, prejudice and discrimination are summarized.
Running Head Racial DiscriminationHouston 6Racial Discrim.docxcharisellington63520
Running Head: Racial Discrimination
Houston 6
Racial Discrimination
Final Project Milestone Two: Article Critique
Johnathen Houston
PSY-216-Q1822
Dr. Liza Smith
10/25/15
Objective Analysis
The article that is well about racism has been well represented in the article’s content. The title that is about the gender and socio-economic differences in the experiences of African Americans is well elaborated in the article. This is because, within the article, the experiment that was done was major to try and find out about how men and women are mistreated on the different socioeconomic environment (Adler, 2000).
Within the introduction, the purpose that is basing on the health effects of racism is well elaborated. Considering the be an exploration on the method to which the investigation will be done through different socioeconomic position such as education, financial and employment status, the prediction of the title is captured well in the introduction of the article.
The discussion is relevant. It is relevant in essence that, it is that we can understand to which discriminations done in the offices that most of the officers operate. The discussion is further relevant given the fact statistical methods have been sued to do the experiment (Barg, 2005).Using the exact figure makes not only a thorough but an actual result to be relied upon.
Using a sample size of 144 people to me is underemphasizing of the discrimination in the states. Given the number of people living in the US are many, a better number of participants would have been used. The issue of the socio-emotional prospect is less emphasized. It should have been made so clear that, in the United States and the United Kingdom, it is in this set ups that moist of the discrimination occur. Limiting the age made the age made the experiment a little bit less factual as the result should have focused more on a range of age like, for instance, the socioeconomic discrimination on young people is not much pronounced as that for the aged people who are workplaces. New York City only should not have been the only place to make the data valid.
The authors’ statements are very clear. It is clear in the sense that, most of the assumptions made are what happens exactly in the field. It is ambiguous for the data to claim that the modest size could have been used which could not limit the sample size. It is of the essence to not that, in an analysis, depending on the population, is a small size can be very useful in making an assumption.
The authors want to validate different assumption his research. First of all, there is an assumption that Africans are a threat to security and as a form of discrimination; they must be frisked very well as in the care of Joan. The author assumes that in most of the cases of racism, men are the target of racism, and they are the ones who are affected more. The third assumption by the author is that the socioeconomic status of the society is not consistent and is sub.
1. Sociology has made several contributions to the study of race, including approaches that examine racial formation, identification, politics, conflict, culture, boundaries, resistance, disadvantage, privilege, and intersections of race with other identities.
2. Key questions addressed by different sociological approaches to race include how racial hierarchies are organized and reproduced, who is considered "other", and how marginalized groups find and exercise power.
3. Approaches like racial conflict theory and intersectional theory examine how race interacts with other social divisions like class, gender, and sexuality to shape oppression and privilege.
WILLIAM ALLAN KRITSONIS was recognized as the Central Washington University Alumni Association Distinguished Alumnus for the College of Education and Professional Studies. He was honored by the Texas National Association for Multicultural Education as Professor, Scholar, and Pioneer Publisher for Distinguished Service to Multicultural Research Publishing. The ceremony was held at Texas A&M University-College Station. He was inducted into the prestigious William H. Parker Leadership Academy Hall of Honor. He was an Invited Visiting Lecturer at the Oxford Round Table at Oriel College in the University of Oxford, United Kingdom. Dr. Kritsonis was a Visiting Scholar at Columbia University’s Teacher College in New York, and Visiting Scholar in the School of Education at Stanford University, Palo Alto, California.
This document examines cultural masculinity and the concept of machismo in Latin cultures. It defines masculinity and machismo, and discusses how they are influenced by both biological and cultural factors. Machismo in Latin societies emphasizes traits like assertiveness, strength, and providing for one's family. However, immigration and acculturation to Western societies have created struggles with masculine identity for Latino men. This can result in stress, aggression, and mental health issues as masculine roles change.
This document provides background information for a study that examines how the dialect used in a first-person account of sexual violence affects perceptions of the victim. It reviews literature on features of African American Vernacular English (AAVE) and Standard American English, as well as research on how language ideologies and respectability influence perceptions of sexual violence victims. The study aims to determine if victims are attributed more or less responsibility depending on whether their account is written in AAVE or Standard English. It describes how two fictional accounts were constructed for an online survey, one in each dialect, with no other identifying details about the victim provided.
Race Culture and EthnicityLakisha PhillipsAshfor.docxcatheryncouper
Race: Culture and Ethnicity
Lakisha Phillips
Ashford University
ANT 101 Introduction to Cultural
April/28/2014
Race: Culture and Ethnicity
Introduction
Over years, research work has been done on numerous aspects of the race. Some of the research work has shown that there is exists a strong correlation between the cultural aspect as well as the ethnicity when the race of an individual is brought into consideration. From an emic perspective, one can view intricate aspects of race such as culture and ethnicity as a way of life. In short, one views their race as the main contributing factor as to why they behave, think of others, perceive other cultures as well as treat others. From an etic perspective, other people view different races differently depending on the general feelings. When taking an external perspective of racial issues, culture and ethnicity plays a very crucial role.
The topic chosen for study is: Race. This is covered in chapter three of the study text. More specifically Chapter Three analyses race and ethnicity as an offshoot of biology and culture.
Article 1: Betancourt, H., & Lopez, S. R. (1993). The study of culture, ethnicity, and race in American psychology. American Psychologist, 48(6), 629.
Thesis statement: “This study assessed the relationship between culture, ethnicity and various issues surrounding race as carried out by the American Psychology Association.” (Betancourt &Lopez, 1993).
Analysis of the article
Article 1 summarizes the key facts from the research done by the American Psychology Association about the interconnection between culture, ethnicity and an array of other factors driven by race. In the groups of individuals studied, there are a number of the explanatory variables and factors which point at congruence of the effects compelled by culture, ethnicity and as well as racial factors. The psychological effect is furthered by an apparent confusion in conceptual differentiation of culture and ethnicity. As defined, culture focuses on way of life as a result of habits and behaviors picked from the environment around us. Alternatively, this could be as a result of the way we do things and this ends up making us different from other people in terms of how we think, conduct ourselves, learn, worship and interact with others. Ethnicity matters stem from our roots. The roots, in this case, could mean our originality and family trees. The research work goes to on to cross examine how different social variables play an important part in shaping of different cultural perspectives. This is how the social cultural perspectives are bought into play.
Article 2: Glenn, E. N. (2009). Unequal freedom: How race and gender shaped American citizenship and labor. Harvard University Press.
Thesis statement: “This study assessed the roots of unequal freedom in terms of how gender and race have shaped the citizenship and labor.” (Glenn, 2009)
Analysis of the article
Race and ethnicity have crea ...
Similar to Journal of Personality and Social Psychology1997, Vol. 73, N.docx (20)
•Reflective Log•Your reflective log should include the.docxtawnyataylor528
•
Reflective Log
•
Your
reflective
log
should include the following
•
What was your role within the business simulation company?
Demonstrate how you used the resources critically to make decisions
while you were running the company.
.
•The philosophers Thomas Hobbes and John Locke disagreed on the un.docxtawnyataylor528
•The philosophers Thomas Hobbes and John Locke disagreed on the understanding of political authority, with Locke taking what is commonly called the “liberal” view. Choose a side (be brave perhaps; take a side you actually disagree with). Using the writings of each given in our class text or at the Websites below, make your case for the side you chose and against the other side. Identify one (1) modern situation in the world where these issues are significant.
Philosophers Debate Politics
•Chapter 24 (pp. 768-9)
•Hobbes: text at
http://oregonstate.edu/instruct/phl302/texts/hobbes/leviathan-contents.html
;
Summary at http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/hobbes-moral/; also
http://jim.com/hobbes.htm
•Locke: text at http://www.thenagain.info/Classes/Sources/Locke-2ndTreatise.html; General
background of the concept at
http://www.digitalhistory.uh.edu/teachers/lesson_plans/pdfs/unit1_12.pdf
.
•From the first e-Activity, examine two (2) economic effects that yo.docxtawnyataylor528
•From the first e-Activity, examine two (2) economic effects that you believe the Iranian elections have on other countries that are currently allies with this nation. Provide a rationale for your response.
•Suggest two (2) factors that make the United States, Saudi Arabia, and the European Union allies on the world stage of politics. Provide two (2) pieces of evidence to support your rationale.
.
• What are the NYS Physical Education Standards, and how do they ali.docxtawnyataylor528
• What are the NYS Physical Education Standards, and how do they align with the National PE standards?.
• What is adaptive physical education? Are there a set of standards? If so, what are they?
• Create a chart or table listing each set of standards, and show their alignment.
.
• Choose a health problem in the human population. Some examples i.docxtawnyataylor528
• Choose a health problem in the human population. Some examples include cardiovascular disease, diabetes, cancer of a specific organ, an infectious disease, etc.
• Describe the biological and physiological aspects of the health problem and potential chemical treatments or pathways that are affected.
• Discuss the natural progression of chronic diseases, or the natural history of infectious or exposure-related illnesses.
• What are the potential outcomes of the disease (recovery or death), and what leads to those potential outcome(s)?
• The paper should be at least 975 words in length.
• Include a list of references in APA format, including the information used from the modules.
.
•Key elements to GE’s learning culture include active experimentat.docxtawnyataylor528
•Key elements to GE’s learning culture include active experimentation and action-based learning, as the talented people GE attracts and recruits apply themselves to unravel the most challenging problems of the future. GE leaders are evaluated on how well they guide the professional growth of their people, providing counsel and goal setting. Leaders are responsible for ensuring functional competence and overall business excellence of their teams, in an operating climate that emphasizes unyielding integrity.
•Use GE’s website write a 3-4 page (body of the paper should be 3-4 pages) paper discussing how training, development, and learning programs have contributed to GE’s success Review the following information about GE’s Training and Development to help get you started:
Leadership and Learning Programs – to go to the website click on the links below
•Entry-level Leadership Programs:
GE's Corporate Entry-level Leadership Programs offer recent college graduates prized development opportunities that combine real-world experience with formal classroom study. Through a series of rotating assignments — typically over a period of two years — young professionals receive accelerated professional development, world-class mentors, and global networking that cuts across GE's businesses.
•Experienced Leadership Programs:
Experienced professionals who wish to accelerate their careers find fitting opportunity in our Experienced Leadership Programs. The programs position high-potential talent in collaboration with some of the top innovators in their fields, offering intensive on-the-job development in the areas of Corporate Audit, Human Resources and Sales and Marketing.
•John F. Welch Leadership Development Center:
At GE, learning is a cultural force and Crotonville is its epicenter. For more than 50 years, the legendary John F. Welch Leadership Center has been at the forefront of real-world application for cutting-edge thinking in organizational development, leadership, innovation and change. Established in 1956, the 53-acre corporate learning campus was the first of its kind in the world.
The Crotonville campus attracts the world's brightest and most influential minds in academia and business. Every year, for thousands of our people from entry-level employees to our highest-performing executives, a journey to Crotonville is something of a pilgrimage — a transformative learning experience that, for many, becomes a defining career event.
.
• This summative assessment can be completed in class or at any .docxtawnyataylor528
• This summative assessment can be completed in class or at any other convenient location.
• Students are required to complete this task using digital tools and ensure to submit in an acceptable format, e.g. .docx, .pdf, .pptx, or as advised by your assessor.
• Please use the following formatting guidelines to complete this assessment task:
• Font Size: 12; Line Spacing: Double; Font Style: Times New Roman
• Assessment activities can be completed either in real workplace environment or in a simulated environment such as your classroom. In both cases, appropriate evidence of the assessment activities must be provided.
Instruction to Assessors:
https://zealtutors.com/2021/05/11/assuming-your-organization-was-awarded-the-following-tender-atm-id-naa-rft-20xx-105/
• You must assess student’s assessment according to the provided Marking Criteria.
• You must complete and record any evidence related to assessment activities including role-plays and presentations using appropriate forms which must be attached with student assessment submission.
• You must provide students with detailed feedback within 10 working days from submission.
Assuming your organization was awarded the following tender:
ATM ID: NAA RFT 20xx/1058
Agency: National Archives of Australia
Category: 81110000 – Computer services
Close Date & Time: 15-Aug-20xx 2:00 pm (ACT Local Time)
Publish Date: 15-Jul-20xx
Location: ACT Canberra
ATM Type: Request for Tender
APP Reference: NAA20XX-1
Multi Agency Access: No
Panel Arrangement: No
Description:
A service provider is being sought for the technical upgrade of the Archives’ website Destination: Australia. In order to ensure the best value for money and optimal functionality (for the website and related exhibition interactive) going forward, it is necessary for the website to be transferred from a proprietary CMS to a commonly available CMS (including, but not limited to, an Open Source CMS).
https://4assignmenthelpers.com/assuming-your-organization-was-awarded-the-following-tender-atm-id-naa-rft-20xx-105/
The website will enable the National Archives of Australia to collect user contributed data about the photographic collection featured on the site. The interface must be modern, engaging and user-friendly, designed to meet the needs of people of all ages, and differing levels of computer and English literacy. The website must interact successfully with an exhibition interactive via an existing API. There is an option for hosting, maintenance and support services to be provided from contract execution until 31 December 2019.
Timeframe for Delivery: November/December 20XX with a possible extension of up to 3 years for hosting and maintenance.
http://assignmenthelp4u.com/assuming-your-organization-was-awarded-the-following-tender-atm-id-naa-rft-20xx-105/
The Requirement
The National Archives of Australia (Archives) (the Customer) is responsible under the Archives Act 1983 (Cth) for the preservation and storage of .
• 2 pages• APA• how the airport uses sustainability at the o.docxtawnyataylor528
• 2 pages
• APA
•
h
ow the airport uses sustainability at the operational side/airside (everything behind the gate and basically where the airplanes are) at an airport
• e.g. use of electric cars at the airfield, like buses for passengers etc.
• Due 6 PM (NY Time)
Thank you so much!
.
¿Lógico o ilógicoIndicate whether each of the doctors statemen.docxtawnyataylor528
¿Lógico o ilógico?
Indicate whether each of the doctor's statements is
lógico
or
ilógico
.
"En este hospital se prohíben exámenes médicos."
"Esta mañana se me rompió la mano; tuve que cancelar todas las citas de esta semana."
"Se necesitan medicinas porque hay pacientes enfermos."
"En mi consultorio se regalan radiografías."
"A un enfermero se le cayeron unas botellas; por eso el paciente se quitó los zapatos."
Oraciones con
se
Rewrite the sentences using
se
.
Modelo
Buscamos médicos bilingües.
Se buscan médicos bilingües.
No pueden hablar por teléfono.
Mariela sufre muchos dolores de cabeza. Debe trabajar más.
Fiebre
se escribe así: efe - i - e - be - ere - e.
A Felipe no le gustan mucho las películas; va al cine constantemente.
Conversaciones
Choose the correct adverbs to complete the conversations.
—Éstas son las pastillas que usted debe tomar. Recuerde, son cuatro pastillas al día; debe tomarlas...
—Perdone, doctora, ¿puede hablar más ? Es que con este dolor de cabeza escucho.
—¿Te enfermas ?
— , me enfermo una vez al año.
—¿Qué te dijo el médico?
—Que debo nadar una hora, tres veces por semana porque siento dolor en los huesos. La natación es muy buena para la circulación y no lastima los huesos.
Adverbios
Fill in the blanks with words from the list. Two words will not be used.
a tiempo
casi
muchas veces
poco
rápido
tarde
Mi amigo Onofre y yo estudiamos medicina. A nuestra profesora de biología le importa mucho la puntualidad. Si los estudiantes llegan
(1) [removed],
ella está de buen humor; pero si no, ¡ojo (
watch out
)!
(2) [removed]
Onofre y yo llegamos
(3) [removed]
a clase, y ahora bajaron nuestras notas (
grades
). ¡Vamos a tener que caminar
(4) [removed]
a clase!
.
·Which of the following is considered a hybrid organizational fo.docxtawnyataylor528
·
Which of the following is considered a hybrid organizational form?
·
sole proprietorship
·
corporation
·
limited liability partnership
·
partnership
.
·Write aresearch paper of three (3) body pages on a narrow aspec.docxtawnyataylor528
·
Write aresearch paper of three (3) body pages on a narrow aspect of the topic
“
how a specific innovation or discovery from the past has impacted or changed some aspect of human history.”
The paper may be either an argumentative or analytical essay. Utiliz
e
at least three
high-quality academic references that you access through FDU on-line or physical libraries.
At least one must be a scholarly/peer reviewed article.
Use of Wikipedia, blogs, .com websites of people not known as experts in their fields, and similar sources do
not
meet this “high-quality” requirement.
·
Develop a clear thesis statement that you will support in your paper. This requires researching, analyzing, appropriately quoting, paraphrasing and summarizing the resources as well as synthesizing material. Utilize information from your resources to draw implications that support your thesis. Be SPECIFIC and EXPLICIT in providing data and in drawing conclusions
·
Your paper will be written in APA format and must include:
·
Title page
·
Abstract
·
Fully researched body with appropriate in text citations
·
References
·
Appendices (if appropriate)
Cover, Abstract/Prefatory Information, References, Appendix, Illustrations and other support materials
are in addition
to the three body pages noted above.
Your paper
must
be double space, 12 pt. Times New Roman, with paragraph indents, no extra spaces between paragraphs, on US letter paper. Margins must be 1 inch top, bottom and
both sides, with alignment flush left and uneven, or
ragged
, on right.
·
In-text citations (including secondary source citations) and references must follow APA guidelines as covered in class and in handouts that are distributed to you.
Your OUTLINE/graphic organizer will be graded separately and will be worth 10 points. Your paper will be worth 90 points, for a total of 100 points on this assignment.
.
·InterviewConduct an interview and document it.During this c.docxtawnyataylor528
·
Interview
Conduct an interview and document it.
During this course we have learned about organizational culture and structure, we have spoken of feedback and job types. As project that pulls together all concepts from this course you will conduct an interview. Document the interview and draw a conclusion in a short four to five sentence summary of the experience.
1.
create 8 to 10 professional and quality interview questions
2.
decide how you are going to document the interview (audio, video or type)
3.
conduct the interview
4.
confirm that the interview was documented
5.
write the summary paragraph
6.
submit your assignment
The topic and interviewee are to be of your choice and should allow you to learn something that will help in pursuit of your career.
.
·Submit a 50- to 100-word response to each of the followin.docxtawnyataylor528
·
Submit
a 50- to 100-word response to
each of
the following questions:
o
Understanding a Will
1.
What is
a will and what is
the benefit of having
one
?
2.
Why is it important to also have a living revocable trust with a will?
o
Creating a Durable Power of Attorney for Health Care
What is a Durable Power of Attorney for Healthcare? What information does the document provide? How is this document related to an advance directive (aka living will)?
o
Understanding the Purpose of the Must-Have Documents
4.
Why might these forms need to be
updated?
How would you go about making these updates to ensure they are valid?
5.
In what ways did you find any of these forms to be difficult to complete? What did you learn as a result of completing these forms?
.
·Section 3·Financial management, quality and marketing asp.docxtawnyataylor528
·
Section 3
·
Financial management, quality and marketing aspects of the organization
·
Financial
·
Analysis of the service reimbursement for the organization (State, Federal, Insurance and Private Pay)
·
Methods of funding
·
Research issues
·
Quality and Ethics
·
Accreditation
·
Awards
·
Regulation
·
Ethical issues regarding who receives care at the organization
·
Marketing
·
Strategies
·
Branding
·
Community and employee involvement
·
Section 4
·
Impact of economic and outside influences to the organization
·
National and world economy impact
·
Explanation of the sustainability of this organizational care model
·
Healthcare reform
·
Regulations
·
Section 5
·
Conclusion for your paper and combine all the sections into a project paper
·
Recap the info regarding organization
·
Glimpse into the future for the organization based on your learning
·
Combine all parts into a APA formatted product
.
·Why is the effort to standardize the language used in reporti.docxtawnyataylor528
Standardizing the language used in reporting clinical trials through MedDRA is important for harmonization worldwide because it allows for consistent interpretation of data across all clinical trials and countries. Using a common language and terminology in MedDRA ensures that adverse events, medical conditions, and other outcomes are classified and coded in the same way. This consistency and harmonization facilitates the sharing and comparison of data from different clinical trials and populations.
·Humans belong to the genus Homo and chimpanzees to the genus .docxtawnyataylor528
·
Humans belong to the genus Homo and chimpanzees to the genus Pan, yet studies of primate genes show that chimpanzees and humans are more closely related to one another than each is to any other animals. In light of this result, some researchers suggest that chimpanzees should be renamed as members of the genus Homo. Discuss at least three (3) practical, scientific, and / or ethical issues that might be raised by such a change in naming. aleast 400 words.
.
·Crash House II and add resources and costs—remember, only crash.docxtawnyataylor528
·
Crash House II and add resources and costs—remember, only crash tasks on the critical path and start with the lowest cost.
•
Perform resource allocation and crash House II for House III homework.
I need an Email address to send the attachment I can't uploade it here.
.
·What is the main difference between the approaches of CONFLICT .docxtawnyataylor528
Conflict theory views crime as a product of social and economic forces that promote inequality and competition, while functionalist theory sees crime as inevitable and even somewhat beneficial to society. The media is often criticized for portraying women as sexual objects rather than as complete human beings, and some think boundaries should restrict overly sexualized or degrading portrayals out of respect for human dignity.
·What is the work of art’s historical and cultural context·.docxtawnyataylor528
·
What is the work of art’s historical and cultural context?
·
Does the work adhere to the conventions of the style movement / artistic period, or does it go against those conventions?
·
How are the two works of art similar? How are they different?
o
What can we conclude from those similarities and differences?
Your draft should be 2 – 3 pages long and include at least
four
scholarly sources (two for each work of art). Check out these databases from the
Shapiro Library website
to help you get started:
·
JSTOR: you can search by subject; “Art & Art History” is your best bet here
·
Project MUSE: you can search for articles by subject here as well; look for articles under “Art and Architecture”
.
·Review the steps of the SDLC. Explain why quality service deliv.docxtawnyataylor528
·
Review the steps of the SDLC. Explain why quality service delivery depends on the execution of the service delivery life cycle. Discuss the aspects of the SDLC that are critical to quality service management. Explain your answer.
·
From the e-Activity, explain how the service delivery model used within an organization impacts an IT organization at the enterprise level.
.
How to Manage Reception Report in Odoo 17Celine George
A business may deal with both sales and purchases occasionally. They buy things from vendors and then sell them to their customers. Such dealings can be confusing at times. Because multiple clients may inquire about the same product at the same time, after purchasing those products, customers must be assigned to them. Odoo has a tool called Reception Report that can be used to complete this assignment. By enabling this, a reception report comes automatically after confirming a receipt, from which we can assign products to orders.
A Visual Guide to 1 Samuel | A Tale of Two HeartsSteve Thomason
These slides walk through the story of 1 Samuel. Samuel is the last judge of Israel. The people reject God and want a king. Saul is anointed as the first king, but he is not a good king. David, the shepherd boy is anointed and Saul is envious of him. David shows honor while Saul continues to self destruct.
CapTechTalks Webinar Slides June 2024 Donovan Wright.pptxCapitolTechU
Slides from a Capitol Technology University webinar held June 20, 2024. The webinar featured Dr. Donovan Wright, presenting on the Department of Defense Digital Transformation.
How to Download & Install Module From the Odoo App Store in Odoo 17Celine George
Custom modules offer the flexibility to extend Odoo's capabilities, address unique requirements, and optimize workflows to align seamlessly with your organization's processes. By leveraging custom modules, businesses can unlock greater efficiency, productivity, and innovation, empowering them to stay competitive in today's dynamic market landscape. In this tutorial, we'll guide you step by step on how to easily download and install modules from the Odoo App Store.
🔥🔥🔥🔥🔥🔥🔥🔥🔥
إضغ بين إيديكم من أقوى الملازم التي صممتها
ملزمة تشريح الجهاز الهيكلي (نظري 3)
💀💀💀💀💀💀💀💀💀💀
تتميز هذهِ الملزمة بعِدة مُميزات :
1- مُترجمة ترجمة تُناسب جميع المستويات
2- تحتوي على 78 رسم توضيحي لكل كلمة موجودة بالملزمة (لكل كلمة !!!!)
#فهم_ماكو_درخ
3- دقة الكتابة والصور عالية جداً جداً جداً
4- هُنالك بعض المعلومات تم توضيحها بشكل تفصيلي جداً (تُعتبر لدى الطالب أو الطالبة بإنها معلومات مُبهمة ومع ذلك تم توضيح هذهِ المعلومات المُبهمة بشكل تفصيلي جداً
5- الملزمة تشرح نفسها ب نفسها بس تكلك تعال اقراني
6- تحتوي الملزمة في اول سلايد على خارطة تتضمن جميع تفرُعات معلومات الجهاز الهيكلي المذكورة في هذهِ الملزمة
واخيراً هذهِ الملزمة حلالٌ عليكم وإتمنى منكم إن تدعولي بالخير والصحة والعافية فقط
كل التوفيق زملائي وزميلاتي ، زميلكم محمد الذهبي 💊💊
🔥🔥🔥🔥🔥🔥🔥🔥🔥
Elevate Your Nonprofit's Online Presence_ A Guide to Effective SEO Strategies...TechSoup
Whether you're new to SEO or looking to refine your existing strategies, this webinar will provide you with actionable insights and practical tips to elevate your nonprofit's online presence.
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Journal of Personality and Social Psychology1997, Vol. 73, N.docx
1. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology
1997, Vol. 73, No. 4, 805-815
Copyright 1997 by the American Psychological Association,
Inc.
0022-3514/97/$3.00
Multidimensional Inventory of Black Identity:
A Preliminary Investigation of Reliability and Construct
Validity
Robert M. Sellers, Stephanie A. J. Rowley, Tabbye M. Chavous,
J. Nicole Shelton, and Mia A. Smith
University of Virginia
The present study presents preliminary evidence regarding the
reliability and validity of the Multidi-
mensional Inventory of Black Identity (MIBI). The MIBI
consists of 7 subscales representing 3
stable dimensions of African American racial identity
(Centrality, Ideology, and Regard). Responses
to the MIBI were collected from 474 African American college
students from a predominantly
African American university (n = 185) and a predominantly
White university (n = 289). As the
result of factor analysis, a revised 51 -item scale was
developed. Evidence was found for 6 subscales.
The Public Regard subscale was dropped because of poor
internal consistency. Interscale correlations
suggest that the MIBI is internally valid. Relationships among
the MIBF subscales and race-related
behavior suggest that the instrument has external validity.
2. Descriptive statistics for the revised MIBI
are provided for the entire sample as well as by school.
Racial identity is one of the most heavily researched aspects
of African Americans' psychological lives. Racial identity has
been associated with a number of phenomena including self-
esteem (Hughes & Demo, 1989; Parham & Helms, 1985; Row-
ley, Sellers, Chavous, & Smith, 1996), academic performance
(Baldwin, Duncan, & Bell, 1987; Chavous, 1996; Taylor,
Casten, Flickinger, Roberts, & Fulmore, 1994), preference for
same-race counselor (Morten & Atkinson, 1983; Parham &
Helms, 1981), and career aspirations (Helms & Piper, 1994;
Parham & Austin, 1994). Despite the prolific nature of this
literature, relatively little consensus exists, beyond the belief
that racial identity plays an important role in the lives of
African
Americans. It is unclear, however, as to what the nature of that
role may be. Some theorists (Fordham & Ogbu, 1986; Penn,
Gaines, & Phillips, 1993) have argued that strong identification
with their racial group can place African Americans at risk for
adverse effects associated with the stigma attached to being
Black, whereas others have argued that a strong identification
with being African American is a protective factor against rac-
ism (Azibo, 1992; Baldwin, 1980). One reason for the equivo-
cal nature of the literature is that there has been no consensus
on either the conceptualization or the measurement of racial
identity for African Americans. Because of the use of different
Robert M. Sellers, Stephanie A. J. Rowley, Tabbye M. Chavous,
J.
Nicole Shelton, and Mia A. Smith, Department of Psychology,
University
of Virginia. Stephanie A. J. Rowley is now at the Department of
Psychol-
ogy, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.
3. We thank Donna Ford Harris, Melvin Wilson, and N. Dickon
Reppucci
for their feedback on drafts of this article. The findings reported
in this
article come from activities supported by a research grant from
the
National Science Foundation.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to
Robert
M. Sellers, who is now at the Department of Psychology, 3253
East
Hall, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Michigan 48109.
Electronic
mail may be sent via the Internet to [email protected]
conceptual and operational definitions of racial identity, it is
difficult to interpret inconsistencies of findings across studies.
Multidimensional Model of Racial Identity
The Multidimensional Model of Racial Identity (MMRI) at-
tempts to reconcile the inconsistencies in the research literature
on racial identity (Sellers et al., in press). In reconciling these
inconsistencies, researchers will have an integrated framework
in which to investigate the structure and properties of African
American racial identity. The MMRI is consistent in many ways
with research on identity theory (Stryker & Serpe, 1982, 1994).
Identity theory is an adaptation of the symbolic interactionist
perspective that attempts to explain individuals' behaviors as
choices in situations in which there are various behavioral op-
tions. Identity theory argues that the choices that an individual
makes are, in part, a function of the extent to which the behav-
ioral choices are related to a salient (or personally relevant)
role-identity. As such, identity theory assumes that individuals
have a number of identities that are hierachically ordered
(Stryker & Serpe, 1994). Much of the research on identity
4. theory has focused on such identities as religion (e.g., Stryker
&
Serpe, 1982) and parenting (e.g., Hyde, Essex, & Horton, 1993;
Marsiglio, 1993; Simon, 1992). Identity theory has also been
used to examine race as an identity in the lives of African
Americans (White & Burke, 1987). However, a specific model
for African Americans' racial identity had not been developed
from identity theory until the MMRI was created.
Like identity theory, the MMRI assumes that African Ameri-
cans have a number of hierarchically ordered identities, of
which
race is only one. Additionally, the MMRI argues that racial
identity has stable and situationally specific properties. These
situational and dynamic properties interact to provide a mecha-
nism for explaining how racial identity can influence behavior
at the level of the situation (molecular level) and exhibit consis-
tency across situations (molar level). The MMRI approach to
studying racial identity in African Americans adds to research
805
806 SELLERS, ROWLEY, CHAVOUS, SHELTON, AND
SMITH
in identity theory by considering the historical and cultural sig-
nificance that race has played in the experiences of African
Americans. As noted above, much of the research in identity
theory has focused on identities and roles for which specific
behaviors and attitudes can be identified (e.g., occupations, reli-
gion, parenting). Unfortunately, there is no consensus regarding
what behaviors and attitudes are typically African American,
There is a great deal of diversity and variety with respect to the
meaning of being African American. Much of this diversity can
5. be attributed to the unique history of African Americans in this
country. The MMR1 attempts to accommodate this diversity by
not proposing any single set of behaviors and attitudes as
defini-
tive of an African American identity. Instead, the model's.phe-
nomenological approach allows each individual to determine
whether they identify with being African American and what
attitudes and behaviors represent such an identity.
Specifically, the MMRI focuses on African Americans' beliefs
regarding the significance of race in (a) how they define them-
selves and (b) the qualitative meanings that they ascribe to
membership in that racial group. Thus, the primary phenomena
that the MMRI attempts to describe are attitudes and beliefs
that may influence behaviors or be products of behaviors. In an
attempt to delineate the significance and meaning of race in the
self-concepts of African Americans, the researchers of the
MMRI have delineated four dimensions: identity salience, the
centrality of the identity, the ideology associated with the iden-
tity, and the regard in which the person holds African
Americans.
Salience and centrality refer to the significance of race, whereas
ideology and regard refer to the qualitative meaning that
individ-
uals ascribe to their membership in the Black community. Of
the four dimensions, only salience is situationally influenced,
the other dimensions are believed to be relatively stable across
situations (Shelton & Sellers, 1996).
Salience
Racial identity salience refers to the extent to which a person's
race is a relevant part of her or his self-concept at a particular
moment in time. Salience is dependent on the context of the
situation as well as the person's proclivity to define her or
himself in terms of race (i.e., centrality). Salience is the dy-
6. namic aspect of racial identity. It is also the dimension most
relevant to predicting proximal behavioral responses to situa-
tions. Salience is conceptualized as operating like a self-
relevant
schema. Like the activation of self-schemas. when one's racial
identity becomes salient it has implications for the way the
person construes events and subsequent behavior (Higgins,
1989). In general, salience is the mechanism by which the other
three stable dimensions influence the way a person experiences
a particular situation.1
Centrality
The centrality dimension of racial identity refers to the extent
to which a person normatively defines her or himself with
regard
to race. It is a measure of whether race is a core part of an
individual's self-concept. Implicit in the conceptualization of
centrality is that there is a hierarchical ranking of different
iden-
tities, such as gender and occupation, with regard to their prox-
imity to the individual's core definition of self. The dimensions
of centrality and saliency are related in the sense that the more
often racial identity is salient, the more likely it is to become a
more normative way in which the person defines her or himself.
At the same time, the more central a person's racial identity,
the more likely it is to become salient in racially ambiguous
situations.
Ideology
A third dimension of racial identity, ideology, is the individu-
al's beliefs, opinions, and attitudes with regard to the way she
or
he feels that the members of the race should act. This dimension
7. represents the person's philosophy about the ways in which
African Americans should live and interact with other people in
society. The MMRI consists of four ideologies: (a) a nationalist
philosophy, characterized by a viewpoint that emphasizes the
importance and uniqueness of being of African descent; (b) an
oppressed minority philosophy, characterized by a viewpoint
that emphasizes the commonalties between African Americans
and other oppressed groups; (c) an assimilationist philosophy,
characterized by a viewpoint that emphasizes the commonalties
between African Americans and the rest of American society;
and (d) a humanist philosophy, characterized by a viewpoint
that emphasizes the commonalties of all humans. These ideolo-
gies are manifested across four areas of functioning: political -
economic issues, cultural-social activities, intergroup relations,
and interaction with the dominant group. Although people can
be categorized as predominately possessing one ideology, it is
likely that most people hold a variety of philosophies that often
vary across areas of functioning. For example, a person could
believe that African Americans should primarily patronize Afri-
can American-owned businesses (nationalist) and at the same
time feel that African Americans should have more social con-
tact with White people (assimilationist). A number of existing
models of Black identity have focused on ideology as a contin-
uum with a nationalist ideology at one end of the continuum
(usually the most desirable) and an assimilationist ideology at
the other end (usually the least desirable; e.g., Baldwin & Bell,
1985; Cross, 1971). They do not identify ideology, however, as
a distinct dimension of racial identity but instead often consider
ideology as synonymous with racial identity.
Regard
The fourth dimension of the MMRI, regard, refers to a per-
son's affective and evaluative judgment of her or his race. It is
1 Our use of the term salience differs significantly from the way
8. Stryker and his colleagues (Stryker, 1980; Stryker & Serpe,
1982, 1994)
use the concept. Their usage of the term attributes
transsituational prop-
erties that are contradictory to our position that salience is
situationally
specific. In actuality, their conceptualization of salience is
closer to our
conceptualization of racial centrality, except that we are less
inclined to
focus on behaviors as indicators of salience (or centrality) than
are
Stryker and Serpe. Instead, we focus on the individual's own
self-
definition.
MULTIDIMENSIONAL INVENTORY OF BLACK IDENTITY
807
the extent to which individuals feel positively or negatively to-
wards African Americans and their membership in that group.
The regard dimension is based heavily on Crocker and Luhta-
nen's work on collective self-esteem (Crocker & Luhtanen,
1990; Crocket; Luhtanen, Blaine, & Broadnax, 1994; Luhta-
nen & Crocker, 1992). Including regard as a dimension of our
model of racial identity rather than simply using Crocker and
colleagues' scale provides researchers with an integrated frame-
work for assessing the totality of racial identity. Like Crocker
and colleagues' model of collective self-esteem, our regard di-
mension consists of a private and a public component. Private
regard refers to the extent to which individuals feel positively
or negatively toward African Americans and their membership
in that group. This component of regard is consistent with the
concept of psychological closeness and racial pride in other
9. models (e.g., Demo & Hughes, 1990; Hughes & Demo, 1989).
Public regard refers to the extent to which individuals feel that
others view African Americans positively or negatively. A num-
ber of researchers have argued that other groups' perceptions
influence individuals' views about their own group (Luhtanen &
Crocker, 1992; Horowitz, 1939; Lewin, 1936, 1941; Mead,
1934; Stryker, 1980; White & Burke, 1987).
The Multidimensional Inventory of Black Identity (MIBI)
was created as a measure of the three stable dimensions (cen-
trality, ideology, regard) of the MMRI. The salience dimension
was not included in the MIBI because of its susceptibility to
situational influences. The MIBI consists of a Centrality scale,
four ideology subscales (Nationalist, Oppressed Minority, As-
similationist. Humanist), and two regard subscales (Public Re-
gard and Private Regard). The MIBI can make several contribu-
tions to the literature on African American racial identity. Be-
cause the conceptualization of the MMRI was used as the
blueprint for selecting items, the MIBI has some measure of
face validity. The MIBI also produces several scores that reflect
different aspects of an individual's racial identity. Thus, re-
searchers can be more precise in their examination of specific
aspects of racial identity as well as examine the ways in which
these various aspects interact. In addition, the MIBI includes
elements of African American racial identity that have been
measured by other instruments that were designed to assess
both universal aspects of group identity (such as centrality and
regard) and cultural and historical references that are consistent
with the unique African American experience (Sellers et al., in
press). Finally, because it is based on a conceptual model (the
MMRI) that differs significantly from those already present in
the African American racial identity literature, the introduction
of the MIBI answers the criticisms of a number of authors
who have called for new scales derived from alternative models
(Ponterotto, 1989; Smith, 1989, 1991). Taken together, these
advantages of the MIBI will allow researchers to gain a better
10. understanding of African American racial identity and resolve
some of the discrepant findings in the literature. Moreover, re-
sults using the MIBI can be interpreted within the context of
existing research on universal processes associated with group
identity and with the existing literature that specifically focuses
on African American racial identity.
The present article reports on research in which we used data
from a sample of African American college students from two
institutions (one predominantly White American and one pre-
dominantly African American) to investigate the reliability and
validity of the MIBI. The present article examines the construct
and predictive validity of the MIBI. Construct validity was as-
sessed through examination of the properties of the MIBI scales
and subscales as well as their underlying factor structure. We
examined the predictive validity of the MIBI by investigating
the relationship between the MIBI and several behavioral
indica-
tors of race-related activity.
Relationships Among Dimensions of the
Multidimensional Model of Racial Identity
Racial identity in African Americans is a multifaceted phe-
nomena. As a result, a good measure of racial identity must be
multidimensional to capture the complexity of the construct.
Although the MIBI is multidimensional, some interrelationships
can be proposed on the basis of the MMRI theory. Thus, interre-
lationships among the various subscales of the MIBI can be
hypothesized, a priori, on the basis of the conceptualization of
the MMRI and other theories regarding the self. These interrela-
tionships can be used as a basis for testing the construct validity
of the MIBI. Identity theory (Stryker & Serpe, 1982), cognitive
dissonance theory (Festinger, 1957), and self-integrity theory
(Cooper & Fazio, 1984; Steele & Spencer, 1992) would all
11. predict that African American individuals who define race as
an important part of their self are likely to have more positive
feelings about African Americans than are African Americans
who do not define race as important. Thus, a positive
correlation
between measures of racial centrality and private regard was
expected.
Predictions also can be made regarding the relationship be-
tween centrality and the ideology subscales. By definition, a
person with a racial ideology that emphasizes the importance
and uniqueness of being African American (nationalist) should
view race as a central part of his or her identity. Such a person
is
also likely to hold positive feelings and attitudes toward
African
Americans (private regard). On the other hand, a person who
has a racial ideology that focuses on the commonalties of all
people regardless of race (humanist) is not likely to have race
as a central characteristic of his or her personal identity. Also,
a number of predictions can be made with respect to the interre-
lationships among the four ideology subscales. For instance,
nationalist ideology should be inversely related to both
humanist
and assimilationist ideologies. A nationalist ideology empha-
sizes the uniqueness of the African American experience from
other groups, which is inconsistent with an emphasis on the
commonalties among all people (humanist ideology). Also, a
nationalist ideology suggests developing institutions, relation-
ships, and activities that are specifically for Blacks, whereas an
assimilationist ideology suggests greater participation in main-
stream American life. We made no a priori hypothesis for the
relationships between the Oppressed Minority subscale and the
other ideology subscales or for the association between the Hu-
manist and Assimilationist subscales.
12. 808 SELLERS, ROWLEY, CHAVOUS, SHELTON, AND
SMITH
Relationship Between the MIBI
and Race-Related Behaviors
Identity theory argues that the prominence of a particular
identity within the self-concept should be accompanied by be-
haviors that are associated with the identity (Stryker & Serpe,
1982; 1994). Racial identity has been linked to childhood expe-
riences with race (Bowman & Howard, 1985; Parham & Wil-
liams, 1993; Sanders-Thompson, 1994), socialization patterns
with other African Americans (Broman. Jackson, & Neighbors,
1989), participation in African American organizations (Bald-
win, Brown, & Rackley, 1990), and efforts to seek knowledge
about African American culture (Baldwin et al., 1990). Taken
as a whole, the findings suggest that African Americans who
hold a strong identification with their race are more likely to
engage in race-related activities. Unfortunately, there has been
some concern that some of the racial identity measures have
been confounded with items that are too similar to the
behavioral
outcomes in question (see Sellers, 1993).
It is important that any assessment that examines the relation-
ship between the MIBI and race-related behaviors include only
those behaviors that are relevant to the individuals' life circum-
stances. In other words, it is important that the behaviors that
are used are ones that the individuals could easily choose to
perform in their environment (Stryker & Serpe, 1982). One
such behavioral correlate that is relevant to African American
college students is the amount of social contact they have with
persons within and outside of their racial group (Gurin, Hur-
tado, & Peng, 1994). Social contact with African Americans
13. and members of other ethnic groups can either be close (i.e., a
best friend) or more distal (i.e., informal acquaintances). Simi-
larly, college students have a great deal of flexibility in courses
in which to enroll. Often, the courses that they select reveal
information about themselves. Baldwin, Brown, and Rackley
(1990) found that African American students who scored higher
on the African Self-Consciousness Scale were more likely to
enroll in Black studies courses than those with lower scores.
In the present investigation of the reliability and validity of
the MIBI we set forth a number of hypotheses based on the
MMRI. With respect to construct validity, we hypothesized that
the MIBI would be stable, internally consistent, and have a
factor structure in keeping with the MMRI theory. We hypothe-
sized that Centrality scores would be positively associated with
high private regard and Nationalist scores but negatively corre-
lated with Humanist scores. A positive association was also
predicted between Private Regard and Nationalist scores. With
respect to ideology, we expected a negative association between
scores on the Humanist and Nationalist subscales. (Although
other interscale correlations may be possible, they were not
predicted directly by the conceptualization of the model.)
We hypothesized that the MIBI would demonstrate evidence
of predictive validity through the correlation of particular sub-
scales with particular race-related behaviors and experiences.
We expected Centrality and Private Regard scores to be posi-
tively related to enrollment in Black studies courses and having
an African American best friend. With respect to ideology, we
expected high Nationalist scores to be positively associated
with
enrollment in a Black studies course and having an African
American best friend. In contrast, we predicted a negative rela-
tionship between those race-related behaviors and Assimilation-
ist and Humanist scores. We also hypothesized associations be-
14. tween the MIBI subscales and social contact with Whites and
African Americans. Specifically, we anticipated higher Cen-
trality and Private Regard scores would be related to greater
contact with African Americans, but we expected no
relationship
between these two dimensions and contact with Whites. This is
because embracing race as an important identity and feeling
positive about African Americans does not necessarily mean
that one will isolate oneself from other races (Cross, 1991).
However, we predicted that high Assimilationist scores would
be associated with greater contact with Whites and less contact
with African Americans, whereas high Nationalist scores would
be positively correlated with contact with African Americans
and negatively associated with contact with Whites. This is be-
cause the definitions of these ideologies involve a movement
toward a particular group that often results in a concomitant
movement away from another group.
Method
Participants
The sample consisted of 474 African American college students
who
were enrolled in introductory psychology courses at two
medium-sized
universities in the Mid-Atlantic region of the United States.
Participants
described themselves as being African American, Black, or
Negro. One
hundred eighty-five were enrolled at a predominantly Black
university,
and 289 were enrolled at a predominantly White university. The
sample
was 68% female. The sample consisted of 286 freshmen, 111
sopho-
15. mores, 39 juniors, and 18 seniors (20 participants did nol report
this
information). The median reported family income was between
$45,000
and $54,999.
Measures
Scale construction of the MIBI. The MIBI is a theoretically
derived
instrument based on the constructs within the MMRI. We
included items
from existing scales on African American racial identity, ethnic
identity,
and social identity (e.g., Baldwin & Bell, 1985; Luhtanen &
Crocker,
1992; Milliones, 1980; Phinney, 1992: Terrell & Terrell, 1981)
to the
extent to which the items represented the conceptualization of a
particu-
lar dimension of the MMRI. We also nominated items. In all
instances,
we used the conceptual definitions of the dimensions in the
MMRI as
the criteria for evaluating whether an item was included in the
MIBI.
Also, all behavioral references were excluded from items to
ensure that
the MIBI could be used to predict race-related behaviors
without fear
of confound.
As a result, the original MIBI was a 71-item measure of the
three
stable dimensions proposed by the MMRI for African
Americans. The
16. MIBI consists of three scales (Centrality, Regard, and Ideology)
that
yield a total of seven scale and subscale scores. The Centrality
Scale
consists of 10 items measuring the extent to which being
African Ameri-
can is central to the respondents' definition of themselves. The
Regard
Scale is made up of two subscales, Private Regard and Public
Regard.
The Private Regard subscale consists of 7 items measuring the
extent
to which respondents possess positive feelings toward African
Americans
in general. The Public Regard subscale consists of 4 items
measuring
(he extent to which respondents feel that others have positive
feelings
toward African Americans. The Ideology Scale consists of 50
items
measuring four philosophies (Assimilationist, Humanist,
Nationalist,
MULTIDIMENSIONAL INVENTORY OF BLACK IDENTITY
809
Oppressed Minority) associated with the way African
Americans view
political-economic issues, cultural-social issues, intergroup
relations,
and attitudes toward the dominant group. Nationalist and
Oppressed
Minority Ideology subscales each consist of 13 items, whereas
the As-
17. similationist and Humanist Subscales consist of 12 items each.
The
subscales were generated by reverse coding negatively worded
items
and then averaging across all items within a particular scale.
Participants
were asked to respond regarding the extent to which they
endorse the
items on a 7-point Likert-type scale ranging from strongly
disagree (1)
to strongly agree ( 7 ) .
Race-related behaviors. Participants' race-related behaviors
were
measured in a variety of ways. Participants were asked to
indicate how
many Black studies courses Ihey had taken while they were in
college.
Because of a severe floor effect, the variable was dichotomized
into
those who had taken Black studies courses and those who had
not. To
assess social contact with other African Americans and White
Americans,
we asked participants to identify the racial-ethnic background
of their
best friend. A dichotomous variable was also created that
indicated
whether the participant's best friend was African American.
Finally, the
Interracial Contact Scale (Wegner & Shelton, 1995) was
administered
to a portion of the sample to measure their contact with both
Whites
and Blacks. The Interracial Contact Scale assesses the amount
of contact
18. individuals have had with White Americans and with Black
Americans.
The questions assess the amount of contact with acquaintances,
close
friends, teachers, neighbors, and coworkers. Two subscales,
Contact With
Whites and Contact With Blacks, were created from the
Interracial
Contact Scale.
Procedure
Data collection occurred over five academic semesters.
Participants
were administered a copy of the MIBI along with a series of
other
questionnaires during a pretesting session of the introductory
psychology
participant pool in which students were required to complete a
number
of questionnaires. Participants were assured of the
confidentiality of
their responses and were given course credit toward their
research re-
quirement for their participation in the study. During the
different semes-
ters, some questionnaires were not used in the pretesting
session, thus
not all participants received all of the measures. Consequently,
the sam-
ple size varies for different analyses according to the obtained
measures.
In all instances, after completing the packets, participants were
thanked
for their participation and debriefed on the goals of the study.
19. Results
Factor analysis was performed to provide support for the
proposed factor structure of the three dimensions of the MIBI
(i.e., Centrality, Regard, and Ideology) for the entire sample.
The Kaiser-Meyer-Olkin (KMO) test was used to evaluate the
factor solution (Norusis, 1985). The KMO is a measure of the
appropriateness of the factor analysis given the correlation ma-
trix associated with a set of variables. A value of at least .60
(KMO values can vary between 0 and 1) is deemed acceptable
(Norusis, 1985). Although the KMO for a factor solution for the
items from all three scales together was not adequate, separate
analyses for each scale were found to be adequate (KMO =
.86, .83, and .61 for Ideology, Centrality, and Regard, respec-
tively). This suggests that the MIBI represents three interrelated
constructs as opposed to one single construct with three interre-
lated factors. Thus, the factor structure for each scale was
inves-
tigated separately. Once adequate correlations among items
were
established, we used maximum likelihood extraction with a pro-
max rotation for each scale. A promax rotation is a form of
confirmatory factor analysis that allows the investigator to de-
sign a fixed target matrix, based on the theoretical structure,
and maximize its similarity with a pattern on the basis of a
previous varimax rotation (McDonald, 1985; Nunnally & Bern-
stein, 1994). This method diminishes the arbitrariness of the
rotations from separate analyses. The promax rotation was also
used as a way to reduce the number of MIBI items. All items
with factor loadings below .30 were eliminated from the scale.
The target matrix created gave a 1 for each loading for each
item and the factor to which it was expected to be related and
a 0 to each loading that was expected to be close to 0. In the
cases in which an item loaded adequately on more than one
factor, we made decisions about where to place the item on the
20. basis of MMR1 theory. Approximately 56% of the variance was
explained by the four factors.
Table 1 presents the four-factor solution from the factor analy-
sis for the ideology subscales. Because of the manner in which
the Ideology Scale was operationalized, we hypothesized that
Table 1
Factor Loadings of Items From the Four Ideology Subscales
Item
Assimilation 5
Assimilation 4
Assimilation 6
Assimilation 7
Assimilation 2
Assimilation 3
Assimilation 1
Assimilation 9
Assimilation 8
Humanist 7
Humanist 1
Humanist 6
Humanist 2
Humanist 8
Humanist 4
Humanist 5
Humanist 3
Humanist 9
Minority 8
Minority 3
Minority 9
Minority 5
Minority 1
Minority 4
24. .70
.63
.62
.54
.50
.45
.40
.32
.28
Note. Only loadings above .30 are listed, with the exception of
Human-
ist 9 and Nationalist 8. Boldface values are those that were
predicted
by the Multidimensional Model of Racial Identity.
810 SELLERS, ROWLEY, CHAVOUS, SHELTON, AND
SMITH
each ideology subscale would hang together as a unique factor
but that there should be some overlap in the final solution, and
loadings would be moderate. Promax rotation is ideal for this
situation in that it is an oblique rotation, and the factor
structure
is not forced. The factor matrix is rotated toward the logical
25. solution, which is represented by the target matrix. Each ideol-
ogy subscale measures attitudes about the way that the individ-
ual feels African Americans should behave across several do-
mains: politics-economics, cultural interests, intergroup rela-
tions, and relations with the dominant group. An individual, for
instance, may have assimilationist views regarding politics and
intergroup relations, but nationalist views about issues of cul-
ture. Still, we expected that the four ideology subscales would
constitute four distinct, but related, factors. For consistency and
as a method of item reduction, the top nine loadings for each
subscale were retained. All resultant loadings except two were
above .30, with most loadings falling in a moderate range (from
.40 to .65). In many cases, items loaded on two factors, but the
set of factors from the final solution had adequate loadings for
each of the items in the subscale. Approximately 56% of the
variance was explained by the four factors. In a few instances,
items that had adequate loadings on the factor consistent with
our model actually loaded higher on another factor (e.g.,
Assimi-
ation 7, Assimilation 8 ) . Examination of the item content sug-
gests that these items represent political attitudes that are
consis-
tent with our conceptualization of both ideologies and are likely
to load highly on both factors in subsequent studies.
The second factor analysis was designed to investigate the
one-factor structure of the Centrality subscale. Maximum likeli-
hood factor analysis with a promax rotation was also used in
this analysis. A one-factor target matrix was created. All 10
Centrality subscale items were included in the factor analysis.
The one-factor solution was supported. Two items, however,
failed to load above .30 and were dropped from further analysis.
Approximately 63% of the variance was explained by the one-
factor model.
The same method was also used to investigate the two-factor
26. structure of the regard subscales. A two-factor target matrix was
used to maximize differences between the Public and Private
Regard subscales. The solution supported the distinctness of the
subscales, but two Public Regard items failed to load on either
factor, and one loaded negatively on the Private Regard
subscale.
Only two adequate Public Regard items remained, so Public
Regard was not used in further analyses. Approximately 62%
of the variance was explained by the two-factor model.
As the result of the factor analyses, a 51-item revised version
of the MIBI was produced. (See Appendix for the items in the
revised MIBI.) This revised version of the MIBI consists of a
36-item Ideology Scale. The revised Ideology Scale is
composed
of four 9-item subscales (Nationalist, Humanist,
Assimilationist,
and Oppressed Minority). The revised Centrality Scale consists
of 8 items. Finally, the Regard Scale was reduced to the 7-
item Private Regard subscale. The Public Regard subscale was
omitted from the revised MIBI.
Table 2 contains means, standard deviations, and Cronbachns
alphas for the revised MIBI for the entire sample as well as for
each school separately. The means and standard deviations for
the scales and subscales suggest some variance in responses as
well as the absence of ceiling effects. A one-way multivariate
analysis of variance (MANOVA) was performed to test for mean
differences in the six MIBI scales and subscales by school. The
multivariate test was significant, F(6, 467) = 21.93, p < .01.
Each of the univariate F tests, except Centrality, was significant
at the .01 significance level. The revised MIBI scales and sub-
scales demonstrated adequate internal consistency (Nunnally &
Bernstein, 1994). The Cronbach's alphas for the subscales
ranged from a low of .60 (Private Regard) to .79 (Nationalism).
27. Alphas were similar for each school.
Table 3 presents the interscale correlations for the entire sam-
ple as well as for each school separately. Because of the large
number of correlations performed, a Bonferroni correction was
used for each group of analyses (i.e., for the full sample and for
each school). Thus, correlations will be considered significant
at
alpha levels less than .01/6 - .002. The pattern of the correla-
tions across schools was almost identical, so only correlations
for the overall sample are discussed. The correlation matrix
supports the predicted pattern of relationship. As hypothesized,
individuals for whom race was central were also likely to have
positive private regard for African Americans (r = .37) and
endorse nationalist attitudes ( r = .57). High central individuals
were also less likely Lo endorse assimilationist (r = —.19) or
humanistic attitudes (r - —.29). Expected patterns of associa-
tion were also evident among the other ideology subscales. Hu-
manist and assimilationist attitudes were positively correlated
{r ~ .55). The oppressed minority ideology was positively cor-
related with endorsement of assimilationist ( r = .28) and hu-
manist {r = .27) ideologies.
To assess the predictive validity of the MIBI, the relationships
between MIBI subscales and several race-related behaviors were
investigated. We initially conducted a 2 X 2 MANOVA to test
for interactions between school and having an African American
best friend. The multivariate F statistic for the interaction be-
tween school and having an African American best friend was
nonsignificant, so we conducted the MANOVA again without
the inclusion of the school variable. Thus, we used a one-way
MANOVA to test mean differences between individuals who
had an African American best friend and those who did not with
the 6 MIBI subscales as dependent variables (see Table 4 ) .
Results were as predicted. The multivariate F statistic was sig-
nificant,/^ 1,472) = 9.74,/? < .01. Participants with an African
28. American best friend had higher scores on the Centrality Scale,
F( 1,472) = 12.35, p < .01, and the Nationalist subscale, F{,
All) = 37.45, p < .01, but lower scores on the Assimilationist,
F( 1,472) = 19.26, p < .01, Humanist, F( 1, 472) = 12.45,/?
< .01, and Oppressed Minority subscales, F(, 412) = 19.68,
p < .01, than did those participants without an African
American
best friend. There was no effect found for Private Regard.
A similar strategy was used to investigate the relationship
between MIBI subscales and enrollment in Black studies
courses. The initial 2 x 2 MANOVA once again did not find a
significant interaction between school and enrollment in a Black
studies course. Thus, a one-way MANOVA was used to test for
mean differences on the MIBI subscales between individuals
who had taken Black studies courses and those who had not.
Results were generally as expected. The multivariate F statistic
was significant, F ( 6 , 467) = 3.44, p < .01. Further, students
MULTIDIMENSIONAL INVENTORY OF BLACK IDENTITY
811
Table 2
Descriptive Statistics for the Multidimensional Inventory of
Black Identity (MIBI) by School and for the Full Sample
Scale
Centrality
Regard-Priv
Regard-Pub
Assimilation
Humanist
Minority
32. 0.81
0.86
0.90
Note. Priv = Private; Pub = Public.
" Denotes means that are significantly different between the two
samples at a = .01.
who had taken at least one Black studies course had higher
levels of Centrality, F ( 1,472) = 7.98, p < .01, and Nationalism,
F( 1, 472) - 18.32, p < .01. No other significant relationships
were found.
We used Pearson's correlations to explore the relationships
between interracial contact and the six MIBI subscales. Rela-
tionships were, for the most part, as expected. Contact with
other African Americans was positively correlated with the Cen-
trality ( r = .39, p < .01), Nationalism (r = 39tp < .01), and
Private Regard (r = .21, p < .01) subscales. Contact with
African Americans was unrelated to Assimilationist, Humanist,
and Oppressed Minority ideologies. Contact with Whites, on
the other hand, was negatively related to Centrality ( r = —.46,
p < .01) and Nationalist ( r = - . 4 1 . p< .01) subscale scores.
Contact with Whites was unrelated to Assimilationist,
Humanist,
Oppressed Minority, and Private Regard subscale scores.
Table 3
MIBI Scale and Subscale Intercorrelations
Scale
1. Centrality
2. Regard-Priv
3. Assimilation
4. Humanist
36. - . 3 4 "
- . 4 2 "
.13
—
Note. For intercorrelations by school, predominantly Black
universities
appear above the diagonal, predominantly White universities,
below,
Priv = Private.
11 Significant at a = .01/6 = .002.
Discussion
The results provide evidence that the MIBI is a reliable and
construct valid measure of the MMRI. The results suggest that
the MIBI measures three interrelated empirical constructs as
opposed to a single empirical construct with three different
dimensions. These empirical constructs are consistent with the
MMRI's conceptualization of the centrality, ideology, and re-
gard dimensions. From an empirical standpoint, the data suggest
that racial identity consists of three separate constructs. How-
ever, we believe that it is still very useful to conceptualize
racial
identity as a single metaconstruct comprised of different
interre-
lated dimensions. Our factor analytic work also produced a
revised, shorter MIBI. This revised MIBI yielded a Centrality
Scale, a Private Regard Scale, and four ideology subscales that
demonstrated acceptable levels of internal consistency (Nun-
nally & Bernstein, 1994). The pattern of responses suggests
that the revised MIBI is able to detect the diversity of experi-
ences within the African American community. For most of the
scales, the sample used the entire response format in responding
to the revised MIBI. The interscale correlations suggest that the
37. scales and subscales are associated with each other in ways that
are consistent with the MMRI. In particular, these results sup-
port the premise of the MMRI that racial identity in African
Americans is a multidimensional construct in which the various
dimensions are both independent and interrelated (Sellers et al.,
in press).
Along with the evidence of the construct validity of the re-
vised MIBI, the results also suggest that it possesses predictive
validity. The individual scales were related to race-relevant
activ-
ities in ways consistent with the MMRT. In general, individuals
for whom race played a significant role in their identity and
who
emphasized the uniqueness of being Black in their definitions of
being Black were more likely to take Black studies courses and
interact with other African Americans. In contrast, individuals
whose definitions of being Black emphasized the similarities
between Blacks and other groups including mainstream society,
were more likely to interact socially with Whites. It is still an
open question as to the causal direction of these relationships.
It is most likely that these causal relationships are bidirectional.
For instance, individuals who have strong nationalist ideologies
812 SELLERS, ROWLEY. CHAVOUS, SHELTON, AND
SMITH
Table 4
Mean Differences in MIBI Subscales by Race of Best Friend
and Black Studies Courses Taken
and Correlations of MIBl Subscales With Interracial Contact
Subscale
40. - . 4 6 a
- . 1 8
.10
.17
.07
- . 4 1 "
Contact with
Blacks
.39"
.27a
.02
- . 1 1
.01
.40*
Note. Bonferroni corrections were used for the correlations
between the MIBI and Interracial Contact Subscales a = (.01/12)
= .0008. MIBI —
Multidimensional Inventory of Black Identity; Priv = Private.
a Significant at a = .01.
are likely to seek out other African Americans to behaviorally
express those beliefs, but being in social contact primarily with
African Americans is also likely to result in a greater emphasis
on the uniqueness of being African American.
An examination of the results by school suggests level differ-
ences but not relational differences. There were school differ-
41. ences in the meaning of being Black but not in the significance
that the students placed on race in defining themselves. In gen-
eral, African American college students at both predominantly
African American and White universities believed that race is
an important part of their self-concept. However, students from
the predominantly African American university reported higher
levels of racial private regard and were more likely to
emphasize
the uniqueness of the African American experiences compared
with the students at the predominantly White university, who
emphasized the similarities between Blacks and other groups in
their definition of being Black. Thus the differences in racial
identity across predominantly African American and White uni-
versities that were reported by Baldwin, Duncan, and Bell
(1987) are probably more a function of racial ideology and not
racial centrality. Despite the mean level differences, the pattern
of relationships among the various components of the MMRI
did not differ across schools. This provides further evidence of
the robustness of the underlying structure of the revised MIBI.
Although the analysis produced strong evidence supporting
the validity of the Centrality and Ideology scales, the results for
the Regard Scale were not as convincing. Specifically, the
factor
analyses did not yield a strong solution for the Public Regard
subscale. The poor performance of the Public Regard subscale
may be partly the result of a relatively small number of items
(four items). Another potential reason for the poor performance
centers around the relevance of the construct for African Ameri-
cans. Although the symbolic interactionist approach and the
theory of reflective appraisal emphasize the attitudes of the
broader society about the self in shaping the individual's view
of the self (Mead, 1934; Stryker & Serpe, 1982), a number of
researchers have noted little relationship between the way
others
view African Americans and African American's attitudes and
42. beliefs about themselves (Cross, 1991; Rosenberg, 1979; Rosen-
berg & Simmons, 1972). As stated above, our measure of public
regard is based heavily on Luhtanen and Crocker's (1992) oper-
ation alization of public collective self-esteem. In a study com-
paring the collective self-esteem of African American, Asian
American, and White college students, Crocker, Luhtanen,
Blaine, and Broadnax (1994) found evidence that, unlike the
other two groups, African Americans' perceptions of how others
viewed them was unrelated to their personal self-esteem. Al-
though Crocker et al. (1994) reported an acceptable level of
internal consistency for the Public Collective Self-Esteem sub-
scale, they did not report such information specifically for the
African Americans in the sample. Nonetheless, we are in the
process of developing more items for the Public Regard
subscale
and plan to investigate this issue further in the future.
Along with the work on the Public Regard subscale, addi-
tional research is needed for the revised MIBI to achieve its
full potential. Specifically, further research is needed using the
MIBI with more diverse samples of African Americans. Al-
though the results of the present study suggest that the MIBI is
appropriate for college samples, there is still some question
with
respect to its applicability to older or younger age groups. The
meaning of race in the lives of individuals also may vary as a
result of both developmental and cohort influences (Parham &
Williams, 1993). The MIBI may also be more appropriate for
individuals who have higher levels of education. In constructing
the MIBI, we attempted to use language and sentence structures
that were accessible to as many people as possible.
Nevertheless,
it is still unclear whether the MIBI is an appropriate instrument
for less educated or less literate African Americans. Also, it is
important to investigate whether the MIBI is a valid measure for
43. African Americans from various socioeconomic backgrounds.
Stokes, Murray, Peacock, and Kaiser (1994) noted that African
Americans of higher income more strongly identified with Afri-
can Americans than did individuals with lower incomes. On
average, the present sample came from significantly more afflu-
ent backgrounds than the general African American population.
Further research is needed with a more representative sample
before we will know whether the MIBI works equally well for
African Americans of different ages, educational levels, and
income levels.
The present findings suggest that the revised MIBI has great
promise as a measure of three of the dimensions of African
American racial identity that are proposed by the MMRI. As a
MULTIDIMENSIONAL INVENTORY OF BLACK IDENTITY
813
result, the MIBI allows researchers the opportunity to explore
the association between relevant dimensions of African Ameri-
cans' racial identities in conceptually sensible ways. The MIBI
is an important tool for investigating the role that racial identity
plays in the psychosocial functioning and life experiences of
African Americans. The results from the present study provide
a strong foundation on which to build.
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53. MULTIDIMENSIONAL INVENTORY OF BLACK IDENTITY
815
Appendix
Revised Multidimensional Inventory of Black Identity
Centrality Scale
1. Overall, being Black has very little to do with how I feel
about
myself, (reverse scored)
4. In general, being Black is an important part of my self-image.
5. My destiny is tied to the destiny of other Black: people.
6. Being Black is unimportant to my sense of what kind of
person I
am. (reverse scored)
7. I have a strong sense of belonging to Black people.
8. I have a strong attachment to other Black people.
9. Being Black is an important reflection of who I am.
10. Being Black is not a major factor in my social relationships,
(reverse scored)
Regard Scale: Private Regard Subscale
1. I feel good about Black people.
2. I am happy that I am Black.
3. I feel that Blacks have made major accomplishments and
advancements.
4. I believe that because I am Black, I have many strengths.
5. I often regret that I am Black.
6. Blacks contribute less to society than others.
54. 7. Overall, I often feel that Blacks are not worthwhile.
Ideology Scale
Assimilation Subscale
1. Blacks who espouse separatism are as racist as White people
who
also espouse separatism.
2. A sign of progress is that Blacks are in the mainstream of
America
more than ever before.
6. Because America is predominantly White, it is important that
Blacks go to White schools so that they can gain experience
interacting
with Whites.
7. Blacks should strive to be full members of the American
political
system.
8. Blacks should try to work within the system to achieve their
politi-
cal and economic goals.
9. Blacks should strive to integrate all institutions which are
segregated.
10. Blacks should feel free to interact socially with White
people.
11. Blacks should view themselves as being Americans first and
foremost.
12. The plight of Blacks in America will improve only when
55. Blacks
are in important positions within the system.
Humanist Subscale
3. Black values should not be inconsistent with human values,
(omit
from analyses)
4. Blacks should have the choice to marry interracially.
5- Blacks and Whites have more commonalties than differences.
6. Black people should not consider race when buying art or
selecting
a book to read.
7. Blacks would be better off if they were more concerned with
the
problems facing all people than just focusing on Black issues.
8. Being an individual is more important than identifying
oneself as
Black.
9. We are all children of a higher being, therefore, we should
love
people of all races.
10. Blacks should judge Whites as individuals and not as
members
of the White race.
11. People regardless of their race have strengths and
limitations.
56. Oppressed Minority Subscale
I. The same forces which have led to the oppression of Blacks
have
also led to the oppression of other groups.
3. The struggle for Black liberation in America should be
closely
related to the struggle of other oppressed groups.
5. Blacks should learn about the oppression of other groups.
6. Black people should treat other oppressed people as allies.
7. The racism Blacks have experienced is similar to that of
other
minority groups, (omit from analyses)
9. There are other people who experience racial injustice and
indigni-
ties similar to Black Americans.
10. Blacks wil! be more successful in achieving their goals if
they
form coalitions with other oppressed groups.
I 1 . Blacks should try to become friends with people from other
op-
pressed groups.
12. The dominant society devalues anything not White male
oriented,
(omit from analyses)
Nationalist Subscale
1. It is important for Black people to surround their children
57. wim
Black art, music and literature.
2. Black people should not marry interracially. (omit from
analyses)
4. Blacks would be better off if they adopted Afrocentric
values.
5. Black students are better off going to schools that are
controlled
and organized by Blacks.
6. Black people must organize themselves into a separate Black
politi-
cal force.
7. Whenever possible, Blacks should buy from other Black
businesses.
9. A thorough knowledge of Black history is very important for
Blacks today.
10. Blacks and Whites can never live in true harmony because
of
racial differences.
12. White people can never be trusted where Blacks are
concerned.
Received July 24, 1995
Revision received October 18, 1996
Accepted October 26, 1996 •
58. Reaction to “Non-Cognitive ability, College Learning, and
Student Retention”
Marilyn D. Lovett
Florida A&M University
I found the idea of measuring non-cognitive ability intriguing.
However, I did not get said measurement in this article. The
literature review does not seem to support what the researchers
say occurred with the SE2 program. While the policy
emphasized rewarding effort with grades, such research was not
mentioned in the literature review. As a result, I was not sure
how effort was measured. The authors mentioned information
in the “sociology literature” but I believe examining
59. psychological literature might have made for a more sound
argument. I also wondered if students of African descent were
in any of the studies mentioned in the literature review.
In the methodology section, the authors stated that the SE2
policy was developed “to improve student performance by
increasing study skills and the preparedness of the students”
(Gray & Swinton, 2017, p. 67). However, I do not understand
how that would have increased preparedness. I also was not
clear on the equations used to answer the research questions,
but that is probably because I am not familiar with the Cox
proportional hazard model.
There were a couple of times throughout the article that
mentioned some information being “available upon request.” I
appreciated that because it is a nod toward transparency in
research. It reminded me about the replication program touted
by the Association for Psychological Science in which
researchers are invited to upload their data for other researchers
to replicate. I noticed that Table 4 had no non-cognitive skills
recorded. I wondered why cognitive and non-cognitive skills
could not be increased simultaneously when the authors stated
that the SE2 policy “helps those students with unmeasured non-
cognitive skills, while potentially harming some of the students
with higher measured cognitive skills” (Gray & Swinton, 2017,
p. 74). This brought me back to wondering why non-cognitive
skills were not operationalized in the first place.