India Leadership Conclave 2018 - Introspection White Paper

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INDIA LEADERSHIP CONCLAVE
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9th Annual India Leadership Conclave & Indian Affairs Business Leadership Awards 2018
India Leadership Conclave
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W H I T E P A P E R
INTROSPECTION
Lessions From The Past &
Prescriptions For The Future
RISING INDIA
W
hen we speak of this rise in terms of the country, the extension is too broad. The
question is, what is Rising India then? Is the strengthening of economy Rising India,
or is maintaining a record level of the Sensex Rising India, or is maintaing record level
of foreign exchange reserves Rising India or is record FDI Rising India?
Rising India means to me the rise of the pride of the one billion India, the rise of country's self
respect. When the will power of these hundred and a half million people is united, their
resolutions become one, then even the unachievable becomes achievable, even the
impossible becomes possible.
This united will power is what fulfilling the resolve of New India today.
In many countries there's the concept that the government leads development and
transformation and the people will follow. In the last four years we have changed this situation in
India. Now the people lead the country and the government follows it.
You have seen yourself how the Swachh Bharat Mission has become a mass movement in
such a short time. The media has also played a role in it as a partner.In the fight against black
money and corruption, citizens of the country have made digital payment their own strong
weapon. India is one of the fastest growing markets in digital payments today.The way people
support every government action against corruption, is an evidence of how determined people
are to get rid of the country's internal evils.Whatever our political opponents may speak, it's
because of this inspiration from the people of the country that the government could take big
decisions and implement them. The decisions which were recommended decades ago, but
were kept in the files, the laws which were passed decades ago but were not implemented
under pressure of the corruption system, this government has enforced them, and now action is
being taken at a large scale based on these laws. The transformational shift coming in India is
bcause of its citizens due, because of their willpower. This willpower is reducing the emotion of
imbalance in the people of the country, in the regions of the country.
Whether the it's emergence of the country, any society pr a person, if there is no sense of
equality, then neither will the resolution be fulfilled nor the society. So if we look as a vision, then
Shri Narendra Modi*

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our government is making continuous efforts to eliminate this feeling of imbalance at the national level .
What is the result of this,Companions, Ujjwala is changing not just the kitchen but the picture of millions
of families. This is ending a major imbalance in our social order.Companions, it's very important to keep
in mind the Emotional Integration and Demographic Dividend of eastern India.
That's why our government operates on the 'Act East and Act Fast For India's East' mantra. And when I
say 'Act East', its expanse is not limited to the states of the North East. Rather eastern Uttar Pradesh,
Bihar, West Bengal, Odisha, are also included.This (region) has been a part of the country which was left
behind in the development race. One of the major reasons for this was depressed attitude towards the
development of this area. Hundreds of projects have either not started in this area, or have been stuck in
the middle for decades. Our government has started the work of abolishing this imbalance and
completing incomplete projects and stalled projects.
•You will be surprised to know that the important gas cracker project inAssam was pending for 31 years.
We started work on this project after coming to power.
•Today, work is being done for the opening of closed fertilser plants in Gorakhpur in Uttar Pradesh,
Barauni in Bihar and Sindri in Jharkhand.
•These plants will be supplied gas from pipelines being installed from Jagdishpur to Haldia. This pipeline
will also develop a complete ecosystem of industries based on gas pipelines in major cities of eastern
India.
•It was because of the efforts of our government that the work of Paradip Oil Refinery in Odisha has
increased and now Paradip is moving towards becoming an island of development. It was also because
of our government's attempt that work on the strategically important Dhola-Sadia bridge connecting
Assam andArunachal was completed at a fast pace.
•Regardless of whether it is Road Sector or Rail Sector, continuous emphasis is being given to
infrastructure in eastern India. The government is also promoting development of Waterways between
Varansi and Haldia, which will play a major role in changing the industrial transport here.
•To promote Connectivity, 12 new airports are buing built in eastern India under the UDAAN scheme. Six
of these airports are being built in the North East. Just a few days ago, you may have noticed that a
commercial flight landed in Sikkim for the first time.
•When the matter of new All India Institute of Medical Sciences came to light, when it came to the new
IndianAgricultural Research Institute, our government gave priority to eastern India.
•This government has set up a Central university in Mahatma Gandhi's Karmabhoomi East Champaran -
Motihari.
Peers, millions of new employment opportunities are being created in these areas by government
initiatives. Moving away from the concept of 'Distant Delhi' , we have brought Delhi to the door of East
India. With the mantra of Sabka Sath-Sabka Vikash, we are adding every part of the country to the

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mainstream of development.Companions, I would like to show you a map. This map is witness to the fact
that in the last four years, a huge imbalance in the whole country has ended and the villages of eastern
India are illuminated.I often mention that after independence, 18 thousand villages were without
electricity. You will be surprised to know that about 13 thousand of these villages belonged to East India.
Of these 13 thousand villages, 5 thousand villages were in the North East. The task of delivering
electricity to these villages is in full swing.
Rather, now our government has started the Saubhagya scheme to connect every household with
electricity. The government is spending more than Rs 16,000 crores on this.This light which has arrived
in the lives of the people of eastern India, will take them from Isolation to Integration to the brightness of
Rising India.In the corporate world, there is a saying that you can not manage what you can not measure.
We have not only adopted this mantra in our methodology, but have taken it further even further —
Measure to Manage and Manage to Create Mass Movement.When Mass Movement is formed, when
the government and the public participate on a broad scale, its results are excellent, far-reaching. I will
give you an example from the Health Sector of the country .
We are advancing the Health Sector in a Multi Sectoral way by paying attention to these four pillars:
• Preventive Health ,
• Affordable Healthcare ,
• Supply side interventions
• Mission mode intervention
We have focussed on these four topics together. For health care in the country, if the Health Ministry
works alone, it only creates silos, solutions do not come out. Our effort has been: No Silos, Only
Solutions. In this campaign related to public, apart from the Health Ministry, we have involved other
ministries such as sanitation, AYUSH Ministry, Ministry of Chemicals and Fertilizers, Consumer Affairs
and Women and Child Development Ministry put together. So, we have tried to determine the mix
together with advancing the Goal.
If I speak of the ﬁrst pillar, ie, Preventive Health, then this in not only the cheapest but also the easiest
one.We all know that cleanliness is the ﬁrst requirement for a healthy life, and by emphasising on it, we
activated the Ministry of Drinking Water and Sanitation. As a result, by the year 2014, 6.5 crore
households had toilets in whole of India but now 13 million houses have toilets, ie, a double
increase.Today, the sanitation coverage has increased from 38 percent to 80 percent in the country. This
increase is more than double. Apart from these cleanliness movemment, messages have also reached
to every household dirt brings diseases along with it, while the cleanliness drives diseases away.
As a Preventive Health Care, Yoga has established a new identity for itself. Due to the activation of the
Ayush Ministry, Yoga is becoming a mass movement around the world today.We have brought the
Wellness Center in this budget. The government's efforts is to make Health Wellness Center in every
major panchayat of the country.
We have also put special emphasis on the Immunization Programme. Before our government came, the
growth rate of vaccination was just 1 percent in the country, which has increased to 6.7 percent today.
Peers, besides Preventive Healthcare making Healthcare Affordable is necessary, and so is making

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Healthcare Accessible. We have taken many steps to make healthcare accessible and affordable, and
cheaper and accessible to the general public.We activated the Ministry of Chemicals and Fertilizers that
is working in this direction. More than 3,000 Jan Aushadhi (public-medicine) centres have been opened
across the country. More than 800 medicines are being provided at a reduced price.To ensure hearth
patients receive stents at low cost, we activated the Ministry of ConsumerAffairs and it's because of this
special initiative that today the value of heart stent has decreased by 85 percent. Along with that , the
prices of knee implants have also been controlled, which has reduced prices by50 to 70 percent.
In this budget, we have announced another big plan, and that isAyushman India. TheAyushman Bharat
Scheme is going to provide great help to poor people of the country. About 100 million families, that is,
about 45 to 500 million citizens will be free from worrying about treatment. If there was a sickness in his
family, then the Government of India and the insurance company would spend Rs 5 lakh in one
year.Colleagues, the Health Sector 's third largest piller is supply, supply side interventions. Our
government is constantly trying to ensure necessary facilities connected with health are available.
A lack of doctors is felt in the country and especially in the villages. Our government has increased
medical seats to deal with this.Companions, when our government was formed in 2014, there were 52
thousand undergraduates and 30 thousand post-graduate seats in medical. Now, there are more than
85 thousand undergraduates and more than 46 thousand post graduate seats in the country.Apart from
this, newAIIMS andAyurvedic Sciences Institutes is are being established in the country.Apart from this,
there is also a plan to construct a medical college among every three parliamentary seats.
The direct benefit of these efforts will be to our youth as well as the poor people of the country. In the field
of nursing and paramedicals, work is also being done to increase human resource. If medical
professionals grow, then affordability and access will also increase.Brothers and sisters, the fourth and
very important pillar of the Health Sector is Mission mode intervention.
There are some challenges that need to be dealth with in a mission mode and only then it helps in
tackling those challenges and getting results.We have activated the Ministry of Women and Child
Development for better health of mothers and children in the country, they remain free from diseases, to
be healthy and strong. Under this, many programmes are being run today.Prime Minister's Safe
Maternity Campaign And proper nutrition of mother and baby is being ensured under the Prime
Minister's Mata Vandana Yojana .Last week, on International Women's Day we started the Natioanl
Nutrition Mission. This is the newest and biggest step towards making the country healthy. When
children and mothers get the right nutrition they will also be sure of better health.
I agree — One size does not fit for all. That's why our government is ensuring that a unique development
model is developed for every sector.The happeiness you are seeing on the face of the people is that of
Rising India.After all, how did these changes come?
You must remember that the country was drowned in darkness six years ago due to grid failure in July.
What happened was a breakdown of a system, of governance .The silos 's condition was such that the
Ministry of Energy did not know what was the roadmap of the coal ministry. There was no coordination
between Ministry of New and Renewable Energy and the Power Ministry.The work to break the silos to
find solution is also being conducted in a comprehensive manner.Today, the Power Ministry , Renewable

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Energy Ministry and Coal Ministry are working as a unit to find the best solution of India's energy security.
If we get energy security from coal, then renewable energy can give us sustainable energy to build a
better future for our future generations. That's why we're heading from power shortage to power surplus,
from network failure to net exporter. The dream of One Nation-One Grid is also becoming true due to the
efforts of the government.
Companions, the atmosphere of defeat-frustration-despair can never take any country forward. You
have also seen that in the last four years, there has been a confidence in the people of the country, how
courage has arisen in the systems that run the country. The changes that people are seeing in front of
themselves, are seeing in their lives, every Indian has come to believe that 21st century India can go
ahead by breaking its weaknesses, moving ahead of its weaknesses, and fulfil the dream of One India-
Supreme India.This strong belief of people is the basis of Rising India .
This is the reason why the whole world today, honouring Rising India, this rising of India, is giving
respect. In the first ten years of the previous government, the number of President and President of India
came in India, and the number of people who came to India in the last four years has very much said in
itself. In the previous government, the largest leaders of the world, on average, came one year, now
almost twice the President and the President of the country are coming to India every year.
This is a picture of Rising India, on which you all will be proud. Companions, India has given a new
direction not just to its own, but to the development of the whole world. India is leading the Solar
Revolution all over the world today. You have seen how the International SolarAlliance was successfully
organised five days ago. More than 60 countries have agreed to implement the Delhi Solar Agenda
launched in this conference. In the matter of Climate Chage, India's effort is one of the greatest services
to all humanity in the 21st century.
Companions, in the last four years, the way India's influence has increased in the international arena,
continuous work has been done under an intelligent strategy. India has sent a message to the world of
peace, development, and sustainable development.
India has raised issues which affect the world, whether it's in the United Nations or G-20. Terrorism is not
only a problem of a country or a region but it is a challenge for every country in the world, this is what India
has established on international fora.The impact of black money in different countries and how
corruption prevents the development of the world, how it has become a challenge for Effective Financial
Governance, has been raised only by India in the most vigorous way.
It is India's confidence that where the whole world is working to eliminate TB by 2030, we have also
decided to get rid of this disease 5 years ago, i.e. by 2025. I am confident that India will show the entire
world by achieving these goals in 2025. Today, India Rising is not just two words for the world. These two
words symbolise the power of 100 million Indians, which the whole world is bowing down to. This is the
reason that India is now a member of organisations which it had been trying for years to get into.
After joining the Missile Technology Control Regime, India has been included into the "Wassenaar
Arrangement" and "Australia Group". India has won the elections in the International Tribunal for the Law
of the Sea, the International Maritime Organization and the United Nations Economic and Social
Council. The way India won in the International Court of Justice has been discussed worldwide.
Companions, this is the effect of the growing influence of India that when there is a crisis in Yemen, India

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is removing its citizens from there, other countries also appeal to India for help. You will be proud to hear
that during the crisis, India had safely pulled out people of 48 countries. Our policy, which has given
importance to human values in diplomacy, has made the world realise that India is working not only for its
own interests, but for the cause of global interest. Our mantra of development and development of
everybody is not tied within the boundaries of the country.
Today, we are working not only for Ayushmann Bharat but for the world of Ayushman. The awareness
that is coming around the world around yoga and Ayurveda is also a reflection of Rising India .If we talk
about the economy, India has strengthened the economic growth of the whole world as well as its
partners in the last three-four years. The country which is only 3 percent of the World GDP, is today
contributing seven times more in the growth of World economy .India in performing well in all the Macro-
Economic parameters — Inflation, Current Account Deficit , Fiscal Deficit, GDP Growth, Interest Rate,
FDI Inflow. In the world, India is spoken with hope and trust, and with full confidence. That is why all the
rating agencies are improving in India's rating.
• Today, India's name is also taken in the top three potential host economies of the world.
• India is said to be one of the top two emerging market performers in the FDI Confidence Index .
• The Anktadki World Investment Report mentioned India among one of the Favourite FDI
Destinations.
• In the ranking of the World Bank 's Ease of Doing Business, we have improved 42 points in just
three years.
• In the third quarter of the year 2017-18, India has achieved 7.2 percent growth rate. Economists
are saying that this momentum will increase further.
Peers, before 2014, the country's Tax System was identified as unfriendly, unpredictable and non-
transparent by investors. Now, the situation is changing. GST has established India as one of the world's
largest economic markets.Peers, the government is working with a holistic approach keeping in mind the
aspirations of the poor, the lower middle class and the middle class:
In this budget, we have announced a new scheme called Revitalising Infrastructure and Systems in
Education i.e. RISE. Under this scheme, our government is going to spend Rs 1 lakh crore in the next
four years to improve the education system of the country.The government is also working on creating
world class 20 institutes of eminence in the country. We are working with private and public institutes
involved in higher education. Under this mission, financial assistance of Rs 10,000 crore will be given to
10 selected institutions of public sector. In the same way, we are running programmes such as Stand Up
India, Start Up India and Skill India Mission, to promote self employment among the country's youth and
especially entrepreneurs working in the MSME sector.Especially, the Prime Minister's Mudra Yojana is
becoming a big medium for the empowerment of youth and women. Since the scheme has started, the
government has sanctioned loan worth more than 11 crore. People have been given a loan of Rs 5 lakh
crore without guarantee. Even in this year's budget, we have decided to allocate Rs 3 lakh crore to the
scheme.If all these efforts are seen as a bouquet, then these works are being proven to fulfill the
aspirations of the Middle Class and UrbanYouth and are creating new employment opportunities.
I hope that what has been left behind in the mainstream of development whether it's a person or an area,
when they grow faster, justice will be done to his strengths and his resources. So, Rising India's story will
be more powerful. Companions, the hundred and fifty million citizens of this country, are a form of God.
And every institution in the country needs to work together to build a nation, for nation welfare, and to
pursue the journey of development.

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The Economy & the Markets Reward
Structural Reforms &Fiscal Prudence
T
he Fourth quarter results of GDP data showed a phenomenal 7.7 percent growth rate and has
established India firmly as the fastest growing global economy. This trend, according to experts,
is likely to continue for the next few years. With structural reforms like demonetisation, the
implementation of the Goods and Services Tax and the enforcement of the Insolvency and Bankruptcy
Code, we had two challenging quarters. Those who predicted a two percent decline in GDP growth
have been conclusively proved wrong. Adistinguished predecessor of mine feared that he may have to
live his future in poverty. We have enabled every Indian to be a part of the world’s fastest growing
economy.The future looks much brighter than the past. This trend is likely to continue for some years.
The Impact of Structural Reforms
All the structural reforms undertaken in the last four years have been detailed in my blog dated
26.5.2018 titled “My Reflections on the NDA Government after Completion of Four Years in Power”.
Similarly, the social sector schemes and the rural development programmes of the present Government
have been unprecedented. These involve legislations which are path breaking and development works
in roads, railways, housing, power, sanitation – which yield high social benefits require high level of
government expenditure. This type of high government spending promotes growth. This is what we are
witnessing today.
Where are the Jobs?
An analysis of the data released clearly shows that the construction sector is expanding by double
digits. It is a job creating sector. Investment is increasing. Domestic investment is also increasing.
The FDI is at an unprecedented level. The IBC is unlocking the value in the Non-Performing Assets.
Fixed capital formation is growing. Manufacturing is expanding. We are spending huge amounts on
infrastructure creation. Expenditure on rural projects has increased in a big way. The social sector
schemes, more particularly the financial inclusion programmes, have created a wave of self-
employment. Each one of these is a high job creating sector.
The Revenue Situation
If this trend continues over the next few years we are looking for a better future. The principal source of
income of the Central and the State Governments is tax collection. If India remains a tax non-compliant
nation, both Center and State Government will have very little to spend. They will borrow more and
spend less. Demonetisation, GST, digitisation, AADHAR and the anti-black money measures are
Shri Arun Jaitely*

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leading to gradual formalisation of the Indian economy. Measures like Foreign Black Money Act, Benami
Prohibition Act, Income Disclosure Scheme, changing the tax treaties with Singapore and Mauritius have all
yielded rich dividends. Net direct tax collection has seen an unprecedented rise in the last few years. We have
now reached 6.86 crore income tax return filers last year. The number of income tax returns post demonetisation
show a 25 percent growth. Even the corporate returns have increased by 17 percent. The GST after a few weeks
of its implementation became problem free and is leading to higher tax collection. With higher revenues, the
Government has been able to spend more on infrastructure, rural India and social sector schemes and yet
maintained fiscal prudence and keeping the fiscal deficit on downward glide path.
The Central Government collects taxes in the form of income tax, its own share of GST and the customs duty. 42
percent of the Central Government taxes are shared with the States. State Governments collect their 50 percent
from GST besides their local taxes. These are independent of taxes on petroleum products. The States charge ad
valorem taxes on oil. If oil prices go up, States earn more.
The last four years have seen an improvement in Central Government’s tax-GDP ratio from 10 percent to 11.5
percent. There is an increase of 1.46 percentage points. Almost half of this, 0.72 percent of GDP, accounts for an
increase in non-oil tax-GDP ratio. The level of non-oil taxes to GDP at 9.8 percent in 2017-18 is the highest since
2007-08 a year in which our revenue position was boosted by buoyant international environment.
Despite higher compliances in new system, as far as the non-oil taxes are concerned, we are still far from being a
tax complaint society. Salaried employees is one category of tax compliant assessees. Most other sections still
have to improve their track record. The effort for next few years has to be to replicate the last four years and
improve India’s tax to GDP ratio by another 1.5 percent. The increase must come from the non-oil segment since
there is scope for improvement.
These additions have to come by more and more people performing their patriotic duty of paying the non-oil taxes
to the State. The tragedy of the honest tax payer is that he not only pays his own share of taxes but also has to
compensate for the evader. My earnest appeal, therefore, to political leaders and opinion makers is that the full
and complete suggestion would be that evasion in the non-oil tax category must be stopped and, if people pay
their taxes honestly the high dependence on oil products for taxation eventually comes down. In the medium and
long run upsetting the fiscal maths can prove counter-productive.
Being Macro-economically Responsible
This government has established a very strong reputation for fiscal prudence and macro-economically
responsible behaviour. We know what happened during the Taper Tantrum of 2013. Fiscal indiscipline can lead
to borrowing more and obviously increase the cost of debt. The Government will be spending more on repayment
of loans than on developmental works. The currency can become weaker thus importing inflation into the country.
If inflows reverse that could add to the adverse perception. The government would be spending less on
infrastructure, rural India and social sector, thus making development suffer. Reliefs to consumers can only be
given by a fiscally responsible and a financially sound Central Government, and the States which are earning
extra due to abnormal increase in oil prices.Another distinguished predecessor of mine had stated that the tax on
oil should be cut by 25 rupees per litre. He never endeavoured to do so himself. This is a “Trap” suggestion. It is
intended to push India into an unmanageable debt – something which the UPA Government left as its legacy. We
must remember that the economy and the markets reward structural reforms, fiscal prudence, and macro-
economic stability. They punish fiscal indiscipline and irresponsibility. The transformation from UPA’s “policy
paralysis” to the NDA’s “fastest growing economy” conclusively demonstrates this.
GDP Growth and Taxation - The Economic Survey 2018 has stated that the economy is poised to grow
aggressively in the near future due to the major reforms undertaken in the last year. The document predicted that

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the GDP will grow at 6.75% in the current fiscal year and for the next fiscal year 2018-19 the GDP growth will be
around 7-7.5%. The survey also noted that internal trade both in goods and services accounts for 60% of the
Indian GDP. It also stated that there has been a sharp spike of about 50% in the number of indirect taxpayers and
voluntary registrations by small and medium sized enterprises possibly to avail for input tax credit has also seen a
healthy growth.
TheAuthor is the Finance Minister and Minister of CorporateAffairs, Government of India
The Key Highlight of The Economic Survey of India 2018
GST and Demonetization - There is a chapter named ‘ANew and Exciting Bird’s Eye View of the Indian Economy
Through the GST’ in the Economic Survey 2018. The survey states that the implementation of GST and
Demonetization together has increased the taxpayers' base considerably. The survey further noted that voluntary
registrations from Uttar Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, Gujarat, and Maharashtra have seen a huge spike. Also 5 states
namely Maharashtra, Gujarat, Karnataka, Tamil Nadu and Telangana together account for 70% of India’s export.
The Survey also noted that demonetization has assisted people in improving personal financial savings.
Inflation - The Economic Survey of India 2018 noted that in 2017-18 inflation has remained at moderate levels.
The document also lists out the steps which the Government has taken to control inflation. The survey stated that
the CPI (Consumer Price Index) is at 3.3% and WPI (Whole Price Index) is at 2.9%. The survey noted that the CPI
(Consumer Price Index) is at its lowest in last six fiscal years and WPI (Whole Price Index) is also improving.
Private Spending Set to Increase - The Economic Survey of India 2018 noted that the private investment will
boom on accounts of reforms and resolution of NPA issue of the PSBs due to recapitalization. The reforms will
improve the lending capacity and the spending capacity thus providing the impetus for increased private
spending. The survey noted that other reforms such as Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code (IBC) and more will also
help kick-start private spending.
Rising Oil Prices a matter of Concern - The survey noted that rising oil prices is one of the major concerns for the
economy. Growing oil prices may affect incomes and spending negatively and may also have an adverse impact
on inflation. Higher oil prices will lead to tighter monetary policy which in turn will put pressure on interest rates.
The Survey stated that if Saudi Arabia and Russia together undertake aggressive output cuts, oil prices may see
further growth.
Climate Change - The survey also outlines the risks of climate change and air pollution. It stated that India is
committed to cut emission as per Paris Pledge to tackle climate change. The survey also mentions details about
the role of 8 GlobalTechnology Watch Groups and NationalAdaption Fund on Climate Change.
Agriculture Sector - Economic Survey of India 2018 stated that as the migration of men from rural areas to urban
areas is on the rise, more and more women are taking up agriculture. The Government has even declared 15th
October as a Women Farmer’s Day. The survey also noted that weather changes due to climate change have had
negative impact on agricultural yields.
Other Sector specific information - Economic Survey of India 2018 also highlighted achievements in various
sectors. It stated that India's Gems and Jewellery exports is one of the largest in the world, also it listed the fact that
the government has also launched schemes to aid Gems and Jewellery, Leather and Textiles and apparels
sectors. The Survey also stated various Government schemes and programs such as Pradhan Mantri Mudra
Yojana for MSME sector; UDAN, FDI and airport development for aviation sector; Digital India for IT and Telecom
sector and more. On power sector the Survey stated that the all-India power generation capacity installed has
reached 3,30,860 MW and that electrification of 15,183 villages has been completed successfully.

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The state is taking healthcare
National Health Protection Mission will ensure that medical
emergencies do not result in people falling into poverty
T
he government has carried out several reforms in healthcare. It assigns the highest
priority to people’s health and is also alive to the country’s obligation under the
Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). A series of steps have been taken under the
leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi to reform the country’s healthcare. These include
the formulation of the National Health Policy, 2017, enforcing a ceiling on the prices of cardiac
stents and knee implants, financial aid to expecting mothers and a renewed focus on nutrition.
TheAyushman Bharat (AB) Scheme is the most significant of these programmes.
Under the aegis ofAB, the National Health Protection Mission (NHPM) is envisaged as a game-
changer for India’s healthcare system. It will add weight to the government’s healthcare
reforms and help it fulfill the country’s SDG commitments.
AB-NHPM intends to cover more than 50 crore people, which includes hospitalisation
expenses for nearly 1,350 conditions over 23 clinical specialties. The beneficiaries are entitled
to a premium of up to Rs 5 lakh per annum in any empaneled hospital. They need not pay for
pre- or post-hospitalisation expenses.
India bears a triple burden of disease: It has an unfinished agenda of eradicating
communicable diseases, it is battling a growing number of non-communicable diseases and
road accidents lead to large number of deaths and grievous injuries every year. Non-
communicable diseases and traffic deaths alone cost the country 6.5 per cent of its GDP — a
huge cost indeed.
The inability to afford treatment is the leading cause for people not seeking medical care.
Currently, out-of-pocket expenditure constitutes 62 per cent of the healthcare spending of
families in the country — most times, they have to dig into their savings or even take loans.
Catastrophic expenditure (when a household spends more than 40 per cent of its income on
health) is a major cause of impoverishment in India and every year, this pushes around 63
million people below the poverty line. Young lives are often lost for the want of treatment to
easily curable conditions. In such cases, the suffering continues years after the loss. The
treatment of severe health conditions can wreak havoc on families but even common diseases
like dengue, malaria or broken bones can result in a financial shock to many households.
Shri Jagat Prakash Nadda*

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On an average, an Indian family spends Rs 22,000 a year on hospitalisation in a private
hospital. But in case of expensive treatments for diseases such as cancer, heart ailments and
organ failures, most families have to borrow money. A benefit cover of Rs 5 lakh per annum,
ensures that even these conditions are covered.
As AB-NHPM shall take care of the affordability of healthcare, the demand for such care is
expected to go up. The country’s healthcare infrastructure is limited and is skewed towards the
urban areas. AB-NHPM will procure secondary and tertiary care services from both the private
and public sectors.
The role of the private sector is critical because of its size and widespread presence.At present,
70 per cent of illness episodes are treated in private institutions. The sector can attempt to
capture the opportunity in un-served rural areas. This will improve the accessibility of
healthcare services for the country’s rural population. The hospitals shall be paid at a pre-
agreed rate, leaving them no scope to raise prices or overcharge. Together with state schemes,
AB-NHPM will cover a large chunk of the population. It will behave like a monopsony and as a
result, control the prices and quality of healthcare.
The public sector will have a golden opportunity to improve its services and compete with the
private sector. The government has approved 24 new medical colleges at the district-level and
ratified the upgradation of public hospitals and new tertiary care facilities, including sixAIIMS.A
public hospital will retain the money it earns through AB-NHPM. These hospitals have also
benefited under the Rashtriya Swasthya Bima Yojana and state health insurance schemes.
Hospitals in many states used this additional revenue to improve their infrastructure and
services. There are numerous stories about the success of public hospitals. AB-NHPM could
spur them on to even greater achievements.
We cannot, however, underestimate the challenges. The unprecedented scale of the scheme
is a big challenge. Health insurance schemes are operational in 24 states and UTs. The
coverage and scope of benefits under these schemes differ widely. AB-NHPM has evolved a
structure that accommodates the unique features of state schemes while also providing
flexibility to states to exercise their choice on the mode of implementation. It will merge the
existing schemes into one large pool, remove inefficiencies and bring in economies of scale.
The states must own the scheme while the Centre is committed to offer all possible help to
overcome challenges. It has already signed MoUs with 20 states/UTs for implementation ofAB-
NHPM. These MoUs provide the basis for launch of the scheme in the states/UTs and also
detail the roles and responsibilities of the two stakeholders.
The government is earnestly fulfilling its health-related commitments. We want to ensure that
all the health-related initiatives not only achieve their stated objectives but also contribute to the
nation’s growth and prosperity. The prime minister wants to ensure that the real benefit of
development, especially in matters related to health, reaches all sections of the society. AB-
NHPM is a right step in this direction.
The writer is Union Minister of Health and Family Welfare, Government of India

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There is a need for a fresh
perspective in India’s China policy
A
s we complete two decades of the 21st century, a paradigm change in the global power
structure is taking shape. Technology and size are causing this change. The physical size of
a nation did not matter during the 19th and most of the 20th centuries. Britain, Germany,
France and Japan leveraged their Industrial Revolution advantage on technology for armaments to
become world powers despite their relatively small size. Europe thus became the global centre till
the late 1950s. Now, potential power is shifting to the two large nations of theAsian mainland, China
and India, which are nuclear weapons states and with fast-growing economies. Together they
represent 60% of theAsian mainland.
Continental shift
Asia already accounts for almost half of the world’s population, half of the world’s container traffic,
one-third of its bulk cargo and 40% of the world’s off-shore oil reserves. It is home to several fast-
growing new economies with GDP growth rates above 7% per year, i.e. a doubling of the GDP
every 10 years.
Asian defence spending ($439 billion) is also much more than Europe’s ($386 billion). In a few
years half of the world’s naval fleet and combat aircraft with extended range missiles, supported by
highly sophisticated communications networks, will soon be seen roaming in the Indo-Pacific
region.
Also, since the late 1990s, China and India have been rapidly emerging as influential power hubs.
Being two of the three most post populous and largest GDP nations, India and China, both culturally
akin, are socially structured on family values and associated social attitudes.
Potentially both are poised to fill the role of global powers. To achieve that potential, both require
hardware, software and the clear mindset for exercising this power. As of now, China is ahead of
India in reaching that level. We are concerned here with the question whether India can reach it.
India’s China policy thus needs a re-structuring based on a fresh perspective that is relevant for the
21st century. This is because the global power matrix has undergone a paradigm change, from an
exclusively Atlantic shores-based concerns to emerging Indo-Pacific ocean strategic issues. Thus
India-China relations matter as never before.
The diminishing influence of Western powers in the region, and as of now the acknowledged rising
power of China are the new global reality. In terms of hardware capability and mindset, India is at
present only a regional power. Because of its present mindset, it is obsessed with the problem of
Dr.Subramanian Swamy*

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Pakistan-trained terrorists entering Indian territory rather than asserting higher priority on global
issues, and thus it is complicit in international attempts to hyphenate the two regional-minded
nations, India with Pakistan.
This is the Indian myopia, because India has the capacity and the opportunity to rise as a
‘responsible and influential global power’. As a collateral effect, this will easily fix Pakistan and its
terrorist propensity.
Looking beyond Pakistan
Since 1971, Pakistan has already broken into two, and there are still fissiparous internal pressures.
India therefore needs a new mindset: to look beyond Pakistan. Moreover, it depends on whether
India’s intellectual outlook matures enough to find acceptable accommodation with China for a
partnership inAsian peace.
The U.S. has become a much friendlier nation for India, especially because the Soviet Union
unravelled, and India’s economy is growing fast to become an open, competitive market economy,
the third largest in PPP terms. But the U.S. also is hesitant to put boots on the ground to fight
terrorist establishments. Hence India can help the U.S. fill that growing void in return for the
sophisticated military hardware that it lacks.
The world already is dazzled by India’s prowess in information technology, the capability to produce
pharmaceuticals at low cost, and the high quality of its trained manpower capable of innovation. But
India does not exert this soft power advantage on the world scene commensurate with this potential
or its size inAsia.
We are still on the international stage in a “petitioner” mode on vital national and international
security issues — an unfortunate hangover from Nehru’s diplomacy of the 1950s. Unless we take
ourselves seriously, stop craving foreign certificates and acquire commensurate military hardware
by reaching spaces vacated by the U.S., others will not acknowledge our global status and comply
accordingly.
Astrategic bond
My prescription is thus short: the key for India today is to bond strategically with China. But this
requires dealing bilaterally on huge pending issues. After my recent visit to China, I believe there is
an unfortunate trust deficit that requires frank, hard-nosed bilateral discussion at a high political
level and not between bureaucrats. China recognises India’s potential and respects the same.
There is sufficient common ground to cement the relationship. The question for us is: do we want to
be strategic partners with China and accept sincerely the concomitant commitments, and trust
China to do the same? The answer lies in our relations with the U.S., and China’s relations with
Pakistan.
For that to happen, India has to completely reorient its strategic mindset. A change in strategic

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conceptualisation is needed, that is, from the colonial hangover of junior partnership for the sake of
crumbs from the materialistic “Westward Ho” syndrome, to an Eastward ethos, concomitantly from
the present land-focussed thinking to Ocean-centric articulation.The Indian Ocean has now
emerged as the epicentre of global power play in the 21st century. Gone are the outdated phrases
like Asia-Pacific. Let us articulate and embrace the new concept of Indo-Pacific alliances that
accommodates Chinese perspectives on a reciprocity basis. Hence we need to recognise this
centrality and primacy of the Indian Ocean in India’s global economic and military activism: the
Indian Ocean is the epicentre of global power play in the 21st century. With Indonesian partnership,
India can monitor the Malacca Strait through which over 80% of the freight traffic of China and East
Asia passes.
My recent meetings with influential Chinese leaders and scholars convinces me more than ever
before that China recognises India’s potential to match Chinese reach and strategic
goals.Simplified, China would be more flexible in dealing with India if it is convinced of India’s
equidistance with the U.S. on China-U.S. disputes involving distant places such as Taiwan and
South China Sea islands. Of course, we will require that China respond with similar nonchalance on
Pakistan-India disputes.
As an important part of its diplomacy, India has thus to develop deeper cultural and civilisational
linkages with China and the rest ofAsia. India has to realise that it can’t just be a spectator, or a mere
visible participant, or even a ‘pole’ in the so-called multi-polar world. China has conceptualised and
implemented the centrality of befriending all of India’s neighbours and has brought them on board in
its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).In the Chinese Communist Party Congress in the early 2000s, Hu
Jintao, then President of China, had got adopted the goal of developing a “Harmonious Society”, of
blending spiritual Confucianist and Taoist values with aspirations for material progress. This is
similar to the Hindu values of placing on a pedestal intellect and sacrifice (gyana and tyaga). Since
then China has proceeded systematically to bring countries of Asia under its influence with
imaginative proposals such as the BRI and the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor. India has been
reduced to merely reacting to such proposals without any of her own to canvass as an alternative.
New paradigm
India, therefore, has to strive imaginatively to become a stakeholder in this new global power
paradigm: to give up its reticence and passive diplomacy and learn to exercise power without being
seen as a bully by our neighbours.Under Prime Minister Narendra Modi we have at least conveyed
to the world that we have arrived and are interested in carving out India’s due place.To some extent,
China too has made that clear already by writing into CPEC and BRI documents, since India
objected, that the proposed road through Pakistan-occupied Kashmir would be subject to the “final
solution” of the so-called Jammu and Kashmir issue.In brief then, India is now poised to form a
global triangle with the U.S. and China, and therefore the government must seize the opportunity,
which requires a serious effort at reconciliation with China in a give-and-take mode without
sacrificing our national interest.
The author is an Economist & a Member of Parliament, Government of India

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Hinduism a liberal faith
I
grew up in a Hindu household. Our home always had a prayer room, where paintings and
portraits of assorted divinities jostled for shelf and wall space with fading photographs of
departed ancestors, all stained by ash scattered from the incense burned daily by my devout
parents. I have written before of how my earliest experiences of piety came from watching my
father at prayer. Every morning, after his bath, my father would stand in front of the prayer room
wrapped in his towel, his wet hair still uncombed, and chant his Sanskrit mantras. But he never
obliged me to join him; he exemplified the Hindu idea that religion is an intensely personal
matter, that prayer is between you and whatever image of your Maker you choose to worship. In
the Hindu way, I was to find my own truth.
I think I have. I am a believer, despite a brief period of schoolboy atheism (of the kind that comes
with the discovery of rationality and goes with an acknowledgement of its limitations). And I am
happy to describe myself as a believing Hindu: not just because it is the faith into which I was
born, but for a string of other reasons, though faith requires no reason.
One reason is cultural: as a Hindu I belong to a faith that expresses the ancient genius of my
own people. I am proud of the history of my faith in my own land: of the travels ofAdi Shankara,
who journeyed from the southernmost tip of the country to Kashmir in the north, Gujarat in the
west and Odisha in the east, debating spiritual scholars everywhere, preaching his beliefs,
establishing his mutts. I am reaffirmed in this atavistic allegiance by the Harvard scholar Diana
Eck writing of the 'sacred geography' of India, 'knit together by countless tracks of pilgrimage'.
The great philosopher-president of India, Dr Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan, wrote of Hindus as 'a
distinct cultural unit, with a common history, a common literature, and a common civilisation'. In
reiterating my allegiance to Hinduism, I am consciously laying claim to this geography and
history, its literature and civilisation, identifying myself as an heir (one among a billion heirs) to a
venerable tradition that stretches back into time immemorial. I fully accept that many of my
friends, compatriots and fellow-Hindus feel no similar need, and that there are Hindus who are
not (or are no longer) Indian, but I am comfortable with this 'cultural' and 'geographical'
Hinduism that anchors me to my ancestral past.
But another 'reason' for my belief in Hinduism is, for lack of a better phrase, its intellectual 'fit': I
am more comfortable with the tenets of Hinduism than I would be with those of the other faiths
Dr.Shashi Tharoor*

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of which I know. I have long thought of myself as liberal, not merely in the political sense of the
term, or even in relation to principles of economics, but as an attitude to life. To accept people as
one finds them, to allow them to be and become what they choose, and to encourage them to
do whatever they like (so long as it does not harm others) is my natural instinct. Rigid and
censorious beliefs have never appealed to my temperament. In matters of religion, too, I found
my liberal instincts reinforced by the faith in which I was brought up. Hinduism is, in many ways,
predicated on the idea that the eternal wisdom of the ages and of divinity cannot be confined to
a single sacred book; we have many, and we can delve into each to find our own truth (or
truths). As a Hindu I can claim adherence to a religion without an established church or priestly
papacy, a religion whose rituals and customs I am free to reject, a religion that does not oblige
me to demonstrate my faith by any visible sign, by subsuming my identity in any collectivity, not
even by a specific day or time or frequency of worship. (There is no Hindu Pope, no Hindu
Vatican, no Hindu catechism, not even a Hindu Sunday.)As a Hindu I follow a faith that offers a
veritable smorgasbord of options to the worshipper of divinities to adore and to pray to, of rituals
to observe (or not), of customs and practices to honour (or not), of fasts to keep (or not). As a
Hindu I subscribe to a creed that is free of the restrictive dogmas of holy writ, one that refuses to
be shackled to the limitations of a single volume of holy revelation.
And while I am, paradoxically, listing my 'reasons' for a faith beyond understanding, let me cite
the clincher: above all, as a Hindu I belong to the only major religion in the world that does not
claim to be the only true religion. I find it immensely congenial to be able to face my fellow
human beings of other faiths without being burdened by the conviction that I am embarked
upon a 'true path' that they have missed. This dogma lies at the core of the 'Semitic faiths',
Christianity, Islam, and Judaism. 'I am the Way, the Truth and the Life; no man cometh unto the
Father [God], but by me' (John 14:6), says the Bible; 'There is no God but Allah, and
Muhammad is His Prophet', declares the Quran, denying unbelievers all possibility of
redemption, let alone of salvation or paradise. Hinduism asserts that all ways of belief are
equally valid, and Hindus readily venerate the saints, and the sacred objects, of other faiths. I
am proud that I can honour the sanctity of other faiths without feeling I am betraying my own.
ATRAVESTYOF HINDUISM
What does this 'Abrahamic Hinduism' of the 'Sangh Parivar' consist of? The ideological
foundations laid by Savarkar, Golwalkar and Upadhyaya have given members of the RSS a
fairly coherent doctrine. It rests on the atavistic belief that India has been the land of the Hindus
since ancient times, and that their identity and its identity are intertwined. Since time
immemorial, Hindutva advocates argue, Hindu culture and civilisation have constituted the
essence of Indian life; Indian nationalism is therefore Hindu nationalism. The history of India is
the story of the struggle of the Hindus, the owners and custodians of this ancient land, to protect
and preserve their religion and culture against the onslaught of hostile alien invaders. It is true
that the territory of India also hosts non-Hindus, but these are invaders (Muslims, Christians) or
guests (Jews, Parsis); they can be tolerated, depending on their loyalty to the land, but cannot
be treated as equal to the Hindus unless they acknowledge the superiority of Hindus in India
and adopt Hindu traditions and culture. Non-Hindus must acknowledge their Hindu parentage,
or, better still, convert to Hinduism in a return to their true cultural roots.

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Those political forces in India who are opposed to the Sangh ideology are mistaken, the
doctrine goes on, since they make the cardinal error of confusing 'national unity' with the unity
of all those who happen to be living in the territory of India, irrespective of religion or national
origin. Such people are in fact anti-national, because their real motivation is the selfish desire to
win minority votes in elections rather than care for the interests of the majority of the nation. The
unity and consolidation of the Hindus is therefore essential. Since the Hindu people are
surrounded by enemies, a polarisation must take place that pits Hindus against all others. To
achieve this, though, Hindus must be unified; the lack of unity is the root cause of all the evils
besetting the Hindus. The Sangh Parivar's principal mission is to bring about that unity and lead
it to the greater glory of the Hindu nation.
The problem with this doctrine, coherent and clear though it is, is its denial of the reality of what
Hinduism is all about. What Swami Vivekananda would have seen as the strength of Hinduism-
its extraordinary eclecticism and diversity, its acceptance of a wide range of beliefs and
practices, its refusal to confine itself to the dogmas of a single holy book, its fluidity, the
impossibility to define it down to a homogeneous 'Semitic' creed-is precisely what the RSS
ideologues see as its weakness.
The Sanghivadi quest for polarisation and unity is also a yearning to make Hinduism what it is
not-to 'Semitise' it so that it looks like the faiths of the 'invaders': codified and doctrinaire, with an
identifiable God (preferably Rama), a principal holy book (the Gita), a manageable ecclesiastic
hierarchy, and of course a unified race and a people to profess it. This is not the lived Hinduism
of the vast majority of Hindus. And so the obvious question arises: Must every believing Hindu
automatically be assumed to subscribe to the Hindutva project? And since manifestly most do
not, does the viability of the project require a continued drive to force the dissenters into the
Hindutva straitjacket?
HINDUTVAAND HISTORY
Unsurprisingly, a [particular] period of Indian history, following the Muslim conquests of north
India, has become 'ground zero' in the battle of narratives between the Hindutvavadis and the
pluralists. When, with the publication of my 2016 book An Era of Darkness: The British Empire
in India, I spoke of 200 years of foreign rule, I found it interesting that at the same time the
Hindutva brigade, led by Prime Minister Modi himself, was speaking of 1,200 years of foreign
rule. To them, the Muslim rulers of India, whether the Delhi Sultans, the Deccani Sultans or the
Mughals (or the hundreds of other Muslims who occupied thrones of greater or lesser
importance for several hundred years across the country) were all foreigners. I responded that
while the founder of a Muslim dynasty may have well have come to India from abroad, he and
his descendants stayed and assimilated in this country, married Hindu women, and immersed
themselves in the fortunes of this land; each Mughal Emperor after Babar had less and less
connection of blood or allegiance to a foreign country. If they looted or exploited India and
Indians, they spent the proceeds of their loot in India, and did not send it off to enrich a foreign
land as the British did. The Mughals received travellers from the Ferghana Valley politely,
enquired about the well-being of the people there and perhaps even gave some money for the
upkeep of the graves of their Chingizid ancestors, but they stopped seeing their original
homeland as home. By the second generation, let alone the fifth or sixth, they were as 'Indian'
as any Hindu.

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This challenge of authenticity, however, cuts across a wide intellectual terrain. It emerges from those
Hindus who share V.S. Naipaul's view of theirs as a 'wounded civilisation', a pristine Hindu land that was
subjected to repeated defeats and conquests over the centuries at the hands of rapacious Muslim
invaders and was enfeebled and subjugated in the process. To such people, independence is not
merely freedom from British rule but an opportunity to restore the glory of their culture and religion,
wounded by Muslim conquerors. In this Hindutva-centred view, history is made of religion-based
binaries, in which all Muslim rulers are evil and all Hindus are valiant resisters, embodiments of incipient
Hindu nationalism....
Communal history continues past the era of Islamic rule.Among those Indians who revolted against the
British, Bahadur Shah, Zinat Mahal, Maulavi Ahmadullah and General Bakht Khan, all Muslims, are
conspicuous by their absence from Hindutva histories. And of course syncretic traditions such as the
Bhakti movement, and universalist religious reformers like Rammohan Roy and Keshub Chandra Sen,
do not receive much attention from the Hindutva orthodoxy. What does is the uncritical veneration of
'Hindu heroes' like Rana Pratap (portrayed now in Rajasthani textbooks as the victor of the Battle of
Haldi Ghati against Akbar, which begs the question why Akbar and not he ruled the country for the
following three decades) and of course Chhatrapati Shivaji, the intrepid Maratha warrior whose battles
against the Mughals have now replaced accounts of Mughal kings in Maharashtra's textbooks. The
Maharashtra Education Board's newly-revised class VII history book of 2017 has eliminated all mention
of the pre-Mughal Muslim rulers of India as well, including Razia Sultan, the first woman queen of Delhi,
Sher Shah Suri and Muhammad bin Tughlaq, who notoriously and disastrously moved India's capital
south from Delhi to Daulatabad. (The educational system is the chosen battlefield for the Hindutva
warriors, and curriculum revision their preferred weapon.)
TAKING BACK HINDUISM
As a believing Hindu, I cannot agree with the Hindutvavadis. Indeed, I am ashamed of what they are
doing while claiming to be acting in the name of my faith. The violence is particularly sickening: it has led
tens of thousands of Hindus across India to protest with placards screaming, 'Not In My Name'. As I
have explained... and would like to reiterate, I have always prided myself on belonging to a religion of
astonishing breadth and range of belief; a religion that acknowledges all ways of worshipping God as
equally valid-indeed, the only major religion in the world that does not claim to be the only true religion.
As I have often asked: How dare a bunch of goondas shrink the soaring majesty of the Vedas and the
Upanishads to the petty bigotry of their brand of identity politics? Why should any Hindu allow them to
diminish Hinduism to the raucous self-glorification of the football hooligan, to take a religion of awe-
inspiring tolerance and reduce it to a chauvinist rampage?
Hinduism, with its openness, its respect for variety, its acceptance of all other faiths, is one religion
which has always been able to assert itself without threatening others. But this is not the Hindutva that
destroyed the Babri Masjid, nor that spewed in hate-filled diatribes by communal politicians. It is,
instead, the Hinduism of Swami Vivekananda. It is important to parse some of Swami Vivekananda's

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most significant assertions. The first is his assertion that Hinduism stands for 'both tolerance and
universal acceptance. We believe not only in universal toleration, but we accept all religions as true'.
He... [quotes] a hymn... to the effect that as different streams originating in different places all flow into
the same sea, so do all paths lead to the same divinity. He repeatedly asserted the wisdom of the
Advaita belief that Truth is One even if the sages call It by different names. Vivekananda's vision-
summarised in the credo 'sarva dharma sambhava'-is, in fact, the kind of Hinduism practised by the
vast majority of Hindus, whose instinctive acceptance of other faiths and forms of worship has long
been the vital hallmark of our culture...
I reject the presumption that the purveyors of hatred speak for all or even most Hindus. The Hindutva
ideology is in fact a malign distortion of Hinduism. It is striking that leaders of now-defunct twentieth-
century political parties like the Liberal Party and the pro-free enterprise Swatantra Party were
unabashed in their avowal of their Hinduism; the Liberal leader Srinivasa Sastry wrote learned
disquisitions on the Ramayana, and the founder of Swatantra, C. Rajagopalachari ('Rajaji'), was a
Sanskrit scholar whose translations of the Itihasas and lectures on aspects of Hinduism are still widely
read, decades after his death. Neither would have recognised the intolerance and bigotry of Hindutva
as in any way representative of the faith they held dear. Many leaders in the Congress Party are
similarly comfortable in their Hindu beliefs while rejecting the political construct of Hindutva. It suits the
purveyors of Hindutva to imply that the choice is between their belligerent interpretation of Hinduism
and the godless Westernisation of the 'pseudo-seculars'. Rajaji and Sastry proved that you could wear
your Hinduism on your sleeve and still be a political liberal. But that choice is elided by the identification
of Hindutva with political Hinduism, as if such a conflation is the only possible approach open to
practising Hindus.
I reject that idea. I not only consider myself both a Hindu and a liberal, but find that liberalism is the
political ideology that most corresponds to the wide-ranging and open-minded nature of my faith.
AREFLECTION OF INSECURITY
The irony is that Hindutva reassertion is a reflection of insecurity rather than self-confidence. It is built
on constant reminders of humiliation and defeat, sustained by tales of Muslim conquest and rule,
stoked by stories of destroyed temples and looted treasures, all of which have imprisoned susceptible
Hindus in a narrative of failure and defeat, rather than a broad-minded story of a confident faith finding
its place in the world. Looking back towards the failures of the past, it offers no hopes for the successes
of the future.
This seems to be conceded even by one of the foremost voices of contemporary Hindutva, the
American Dr David Frawley. Hindus, he writes in his foundational screed Arise Arjuna! (1995), 'are
generally suffering from a lack of self esteem and an inferiority complex by which they are afraid to really
express themselves or their religion. They have been beaten down by centuries of foreign rule and
ongoing attempts to convert them'. Frawley's answer is for Indians to reassert Hindu pride, but his
diagnosis calls that prescription into question.
As a Hindu and an Indian, I would argue that the whole point about India is the rejection of the idea that

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religion should be a determinant of nationhood. Our nationalist leaders never fell into the insidious trap
of agreeing that, since Partition had established a state for Muslims, what remained was a state for
Hindus. To accept the idea of India you have to spurn the logic that divided the country in 1947. Your
Indianness has nothing to do with which god you choose to worship, or not. We are not going to reduce
ourselves to a Hindu Pakistan.
That is the real problem here. As I have mentioned earlier, Nehru had warned that the communalism of
the majority was especially dangerous because it could present itself as nationalist. Yet, Hindu
nationalism is not Indian nationalism.And it has nothing to do with genuine Hinduism either.
I too am proud of my Hinduism; I do not want to cede its verities to fanatics. I consider myself a Hindu
and a nationalist, but I am not a Hindu nationalist. To discriminate against another, to attack another, to
kill another, to destroy another's place of worship on the basis of his faith is not part of Hindu dharma, as
it was not part of Swami Vivekananda's. It is time to go back to these fundamentals of Hinduism. It is
time to take Hindu dharma back from the fundamentalists.
HINDUISMAS CULTURE
Thanks in many ways to the eclectic inclusiveness of Hinduism, everything in India exists in countless
variants. There was no single standard, no fixed stereotype, no 'one way'. This pluralism emerged from
the very nature of the country; it was made inevitable by India's geography and reaffirmed by its history.
There was simply too much of both to permit a single, exclusionist nationalism. When the
Hindutvavadis demanded that all Indians declare 'Bharat Mata ki jai' as a litmus test of their nationalism,
many of us insisted that no Indian should be obliged to mouth a slogan he did not believe in his heart. If
some Muslims, for instance, felt that their religion did not allow them to hail their motherland as a
goddess, the Constitution of India gave them the right not to. Hindutva wrongly seeks to deny them this
right.
We were brought up to take this for granted, and to reject the sectarianism that had partitioned the
nation when the British left. I was raised unaware of my own caste and unconscious of the religious
loyalties of my schoolmates and friends. Of course knowledge of these details came in time, but too late
for any of it to matter, even less to influence my attitude or conduct. We were Indians: we were brought
up (and constantly exhorted) to believe in an idea of nationhood transcending communal divisions. This
may sound like the lofty obliviousness of the privileged, but such beliefs were not held only by the elites:
they were a reflection of how most Indians lived, even in the villages of India. Independent India was
born out of a nationalist struggle in which acceptance of each other which we, perhaps unwisely, called
secularism was fundamental to the nationalist consensus.
It is true that Hindu zealotry-which ought to be a contradiction in terms-is partly a reaction to other
chauvinisms. As I have pointed out, the unreflective avowal by many Hindus of their own secularism
has provoked the scorn of some Hindus, who despise the secularists as deracinated 'Macaulayputras'
(sons of Macaulay) or 'Babar ke aulad' (sons of Babar). They see such Hindus as cut off from their own
culture and heritage, and challenge them to rediscover their authentic roots, as defined by the
Hindutvavadis.

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HINDUISM IS NOTAMONOLITH
[F]rom time to time, a Hindutvavadi, reminding me of the religion that has been mine from birth,
succumbed to the temptation to urge me predictably to heed that well-worn slogan: 'Garv se kaho ki
hum Hindu hain.'
All right, let us take him up on that. I am indeed proud that I am a Hindu. But of what is it that I am, and am
not, proud?
I am not proud of my co-religionists attacking and destroying Muslim homes and shops. I am not proud
of Hindus raping Muslim girls, or slitting the wombs of Muslim mothers. I am not proud of Hindu
vegetarians who have roasted human beings alive and rejoiced over the corpses. I am not proud of
those who reduce the lofty metaphysical speculations of the Upanishads to the petty bigotry of their own
sense of identity, which they assert in order to exclude, not embrace, others.
I am proud that India's pluralism is paradoxically sustained by the fact that the overwhelming majority of
Indians are Hindus, because Hinduism has taught them to live amidst a variety of other identities.
I am proud of those Hindus, like the Shankaracharya of Kanchi, who say that Hindus and Muslims must
live like Ram and Lakshman in India. I am not proud of those Hindus, like 'Sadhvi' Rithambhara, who
say that Muslims are like sour lemons curdling the milk of Hindu India.
Why I AM A Hindu by Shashi Tharoor
I am not proud of those who suggest that only a Hindu, and only a certain kind of Hindu, can be an
authentic Indian. I am not proud of those Hindus who say that people of other religions live in India only
on their sufferance, and not because they belong on our soil. I am proud of those Hindus who realise
that an India that denies itself to some of us could end up being denied to all of us.
I am proud of those Hindus who utterly reject Hindu communalism, conscious that the communalism of
the majority is especially dangerous because it can present itself as nationalist. I am proud of those
Hindus who respect the distinction between Hindu nationalism and Indian nationalism. Obviously,
majorities are never seen as 'separatist', since separatism is by deﬁnition pursued by a minority. But
majority communalism is, in fact, an extreme form of separatism, because it seeks to separate other
Indians, integral parts of our country, from India itself. I am proud of those Hindus who recognise that the
saffron and the green both belong equally on the Indian ﬂag.
The reduction of non-Hindus to second-class status in their own homeland is unthinkable. As I have
pointed out here, and in my other writings, it would be a second partition: and a partition in the Indian
soul would be as bad as a partition in the Indian soil. For Hindus like myself, the only possible idea of
India is that of a nation greater than the sum of its parts. That is the only India that will allow us to call
ourselves not Brahmins, not Bengalis, not Hindus, not Hindi-speakers, but simply Indians.

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Change begins with words and ideas
M
easuring growth is a problem. It is a bigger problem if you change the rules in the middle of
the game.
GDP is the gross domestic product. Keeping aside the nuances, it is the gross value of the country’s
output of goods and services in a financial year. The output is valued in current prices as well as in
constant prices (the latter are prices adjusted for inflation). In order to value the output at constant
prices, the statistician takes a ‘BaseYear’.
Beginning 2004-05, the first year of the UPAgovernment, the GDP was computed using 1999-2000
as the base year. After a few years, the base year was changed to 2004-05 but the methodology
remained the same.
SERIOUS MISGIVINGS
What the BJP government did in 2014-15 was to change the base year to 2011-12 as well as
change the methodology. I shall not go into the details of the changes; suffice to say that when the
Central Statistics Office (CSO) reports a growth rate of 7.5 per cent in constant prices, many
economists and analysts believe that it is perhaps equal to 5.5 per cent under the UPAgovernment.
There is a simple way to put an end to the misgivings: the CSO should publish the growth rates from
2004-05 computed under the old and the new methodologies, so that people and users of the data
can draw their own conclusions. For reasons that are inexplicable, the government and the CSO
have stubbornly refused to do so. Hence, the doubts persist.
Be that as it may, one doesn’t get the feeling that the economy is growing at 7.5 per cent or
thereabouts because other data point in the opposite direction. The average growth rate of the
agriculture sector in the last four years has been an anaemic 2.7 per cent (compared to 4 per cent in
the 10 years of the UPA), and farmers are in acute distress. The Economic Survey candidly
admitted that “real agricultural GDP and real agricultural revenues have stagnated in the last four
years”. Merchandise exports in each of the last four years did not cross the level of USD 314 billion
achieved in 2013-14. Gross Fixed Capital Formation (GFCF) in current prices has steadily declined
from 31.3 per cent in 2013-14 to 30.08, 28.47, 28.53 and 28.49 per cent in the last four years.
ALTERNATIVE NARRATIVE
Measuring growth is a problem. It is a bigger problem if you
change the rules in the middle of the game.
P. Chidambaram*

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At the ground level, the sense is of an economy growing at a low rate because there is growing
unemployment and no new jobs. Dr Raghuram Rajan said a few days ago that an economy growing at 7.5
per cent will not create the jobs that are needed and called for pushing the growth rate to 10 per cent. The
unstated premise is that the economy is not growing at the ‘7.5 per cent’ rate of the earlier years when other
indicators also pointed in the same direction and a significant number of jobs was created; the current ‘7.5
per cent’rate does not create jobs, and hence the rate itself is seriously questionable.
I don’t expect anything more from this government in the next 12 months. The people have to look beyond
the present government and to an alternative narrative. At the AICC Plenary Session last weekend, the
Congress summed up the difference in economic philosophies: “The Congress Party believes in the goals
of inclusive economic growth through private enterprise and a competitive and viable public sector and a
robust social safety net through a strong welfare state. The BJP believes in a coercive economic regime that
favours a few, trickle-down growth for the middle class, and leaving the very poor to fend for themselves.”
Some seeds that were sown earlier sprouted at the AICC Plenary Session last weekend. I wish to draw
attention to a few statements of intent.
NEW IDEAS, NEW EMPHASIS
 – The Congress reaffirms its conviction that the State has to play a critical role in ensuring that every
Indian receives high quality primary education and healthcare.
 -Good, productive jobs can be created in large numbers by India’s private sector driven by trade,
manufacturing, construction and exports.
 -The Congress resolves to win back economic freedom for India’s entrepreneurs, especially the micro,
small and medium business persons, protect them from harassment and provide a stable business
environment.
 Among the challenges identified were:
 -Generating productive jobs for millions of youth.
 -Restoring robust credit growth, promoting new investments and reviving manufacturing to produce on
the scale and quality demanded by the domestic and world markets.
 And the Congress party’s economic policy doctrine will rest on tenets including:
 -Large investments by the State in education, healthcare and social safety nets, and an efficient public
service delivery system.
 -A conducive social and policy climate to foster business confidence, reward risk-taking and promote
employment with security.
Many of the words may be familiar, but the emphasis is different. There are also new words and phrases,
that could flower into a new narrative. India’s private sector finds a prominent mention; creating good,
productive jobs is the objective; trade, manufacturing, construction and exports are identified as the leading
sectors; winning back economic freedom for India’s entrepreneurs is a promise; banishing fear of economic
oppression, tax terrorism and overbearing regulation is a goal; and fostering business confidence and
rewarding risk-taking will be the policy.
Palaniappan Chidambaram is an Indian politician and attorney who currently serves as Member of
Parliament, Rajya Sabha and formerly served as the Union Minister of Finance of India.

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Coalition Country
Y
ears ago, the late Ravinder Kumar, then Director of the Nehru Memorial Museum & Library,
defined India as a civilisation-state, rather than a nation-state, because of its capacity to
amalgamate into one coherent whole a large number of cultural influences. This approach —
articulated by an historian in a longue durée perspective — has a clear political implication: India is also
a coalition-state.
In contrast to some European countries or China, India has never been governed successfully in a
centralised manner. During the few, ephemeral phases of unity that India experienced from the reign of
Ashoka onwards, the sovereign had to build coalitions of regional satraps and maintain them through a
constant bargaining process. The greatAkbar spent half of his life traveling across the Mughal Empire to
pacify mansabdars turned feudal lords to retain their support and resist the “fitna” syndrome.
Independent India inherited a centralisation legacy from the British Raj, including the steel frame that
was the ICS. But when the country became a full-fledged democracy, Nehru had to build coalitions
again. He did not travel as much as Akbar, but he sent letters to chief ministers every 15 days. These
fortnightly letters showed the extent to which he had to negotiate with regional Congress bosses who
not only were often at the helm of Pradesh Congress Committees, but also, after 1956, represented
linguistic states that had their own identities. Nehru was against the redrawing of the Indian map
according to linguistic criteria, but Mahatma Gandhi had already reorganised the Congress along these
lines in the 1920s and state party bosses were adamant — Nehru had to fall in line.
That was a blessing in disguise from his own point of view because federalism and democracy took
roots in the 1950s and 1960s also thanks to this power structure that reflected a coalition culture: The
prime minister was primus inter pares who recognised the autonomy of the states. In fact, he had no
other choice as he would have lost his support base otherwise. This arrangement found institutional
translation in the making of the Planning Commission where state leaders met and negotiated under the
aegis of the Centre — something the Niti Aayog has not replaced — and laws such as the Inter-State
Water DisputesAct (1956).
It is when prime ministers have tried to emancipate themselves from coalitions that the quality of
governance has suffered the most. The Indira Gandhi years are a case in point. She won the 1971
election by relating directly to the people, like any populist, and then short-circuited the local party
leaders and indulged in overcentralisation. She appointed docile but incompetent chief ministers who
were accountable to her alone and had hardly any support base. In the 1980s, she was so determined to
rule each and every state, she wanted so much to win all local elections, that she took the risk of
Will India remain a civilisational-state, post 2019, or continue
its march to a unitary, ethno-religious entity?
Christophe Jaffrelot*

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destabilising Assam, Punjab and Jammu and Kashmir for years — and resorted to President’s Rule in an
unprecedented manner.
Paradoxically, after a difficult transition of 10 years, India experienced more stability under coalition
governments, from 1999 onwards. These coalitions were different from those of the 1950s-60s because they
amalgamated different parties. But the NDA under Atal Bihari Vajpayee and the UPA under Manmohan Singh
had one thing in common with the Nehruvian pattern: They forced the Centre to acknowledge the states’
autonomy because the BJP and the Congress depended upon regional forces. In Vajpayee’s NDA, there were
13 state parties; in the UPA, regional parties numbered between 11 and 14.
Coalitions imply transactional mechanisms which have been the essence of the Indian polity and which have
been good for federalism and democracy because they limit concentration of power. Coalitions do not include
parties representing only provinces, but also social groups. It is more difficult for the Centre to ignore OBCs or
minorities when it depends upon parties claiming that they are their spokespersons in the ruling coalition.
One may argue that India cannot afford a coalition government because it needs reforms and strength in a
complicated international environment. But some of the most difficult decisions and some of the most ambitious
reforms have been implemented by coalition governments since 1991 and the economic liberalisation. Under
Vajpayee, the nuclear test was a critical move that was not prevented from happening by the fact that the NDA
gathered together more than a dozen parties. UPAI and even UPAII offer a rich report card: The 123 agreement
was ratified with the US by a jumbo coalition, India joined the BRICS in the first year of UPA II and became a key
member of this new grouping of emerging countries, the Special Economic Zones Act, liberalisation of the FDI
policy (regarding retail or financial sectors), reservation of 27 per cent seats in universities for OBCs, Right to
Information Act, NREGA, Lokpal Act, Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act. All these reforms
were made by coalition governments supported by more than a dozen parties. The policies of coalition
governments tend to be more socially inclusive, precisely because the coalitions supporting them comprise a
wider array of groups and communities.
But opponents of coalition politics may reject it in spite of its effectiveness — for ideological reasons. Coalition
politics may be problematic, in their view, because it implies a recognition and promotion of the country’s
territorial and cultural diversity. Hindu nationalists have traditionally considered that India is one and should have
a unitary state. In the 1950s, the Organiser fought against the redrawing of the Indian map along linguistic lines.
For RSS leaders, that was bound to give birth to mini nations. They believed in Savarkar’s definition of India as a
punyabhoomi — how can a sacred land be divided according to cultural lines?
This approach reflects another idea of India, other than the one presented by Sunil Khilnani and before him,
Ravinder Kumar, in terms of a civilisational state. In fact, the Hindu nationalist idea of India is more in tune with the
European idea of a nation-state rooted in the exclusivist triad, “One country, one culture, one people”. This is not
surprising, given the fact that key ideologues like M S Golwalkar cited European (mostly German) authors in the
books and articles they wrote in the inter-war period.
The 2019 elections will be an important moment to see whether India can remain a civilisational state cultivating
coalition politics as a way to perpetuate the “unity in diversity” formula the federalist way, or it will continue its
recent march towards a unitary, ethno-religious state.
Christophe Jaffrelot*
The writer is senior research fellow at CERI-Sciences Po/CNRS, Paris, professor of Indian Politics and
Sociology at King’s India Institute, London.

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Don't Ignore The Russian Revolution
Of 100 Years Ago
G
iven the Great Confrontation over Demonetization on 8 November, it is perhaps not
surprising that the centenary on 7 November of the 1917 Communist Revolution in
Russia - the "Ten Days that Shook the World" (to borrow the title of perhaps the highest
selling English-language account of the Revolution) - should have virtually escaped attention in
India. Indeed, the Putin establishment in the Russian Federation also gave the centenary a
virtual miss. True, the somewhat pathetic remnants of that old giant, the Communist Party of
the Soviet Union, did put up a defiant show in the vicinity of the Kremlin, but the fact is that the
only real recognition accorded to the Revolution was the denigration of it by right-wing Western
think-tanks.
The derisive argument of these think-tanks is that the Revolution was not a revolution at all but
a coup d'etat fostered by the Kaiser's Germany to enable Lenin to pull Russia out of the then
raging World War-I so that Germany could throw the full force of its army against the Western
Front where it was locked in mortal combat with the Allies. Lenin, who was in exile in neutral
Switzerland, was smuggled into a sealed German freight car and transported by rail across
Germany and German-occupied lands to Russian territory. From there, he was expelled briefly
to Finland by the Kerensky government, but he staged a comeback, and with the support of the
soldiers and workers, who constituted the soviets, returned to St. Petersburg and triumphantly
concluded the Revolution. There being little evidence of peasant support, who were clearly the
overwhelming majority of the population, Lenin was obliged to abrogate any pretence at
democracy and instead proclaim the "dictatorship of the proletariat". That turned out to be such
a vicious dictatorship that the very people in whose name the coup was undertaken now only
want to wipe out of their memory not only 7 November 1917, but all the dreadful seven decades
that followed. Hence, these think-tanks argue, the 1917 Revolution did not matter; it was of no
enduring significance; it deserves to be forgotten, except as a reminder of a monumental
aberration. QED.
It is true that Lenin did not come to power through the ballot but the bullet. Yet, even as the First
World War ended in November 1918, just a year after the Red Revolution of November 1917,
the "White" counter-revolutionaries, led by former Czarist generals and heavily backed with
arms and other military supplies from the West, did all they could to cripple Lenin's Revolution
at birth. It was the military genius of Trotsky and his comrades that warded off a mighty effort to
Mani Shankar Iyer*

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strangle the Revolution. Therefore, to dismiss October 1917 as a coup d'etat, and not a genuine
Revolution, is to hopelessly miss the point. What needs to be seen and understood is that Soviet
Russia, in its earliest beginnings, courageously faced and overcame, entirely on its own, a determined
counter-revolution begotten by Czarists and a reactionary Western coalition to overthrow the Soviet
regime by force. That is what legitimized the October Revolution as a genuine Revolution with massive
support from the vast majority of the Russian people who did not want to see their motherland restored
to the feudal brutalities of the Romanov regime.
To portray Lenin as an opportunist German puppet is also to miss the point. Of course, he seized
opportunity by the forelock when it came, but had always held - quite correctly - that his country should
have nothing to do with World War One as it was a war among Imperialists about grabbing as large a
share of the globe as they could and insisting that the thievery was a "civilizing mission".
Moreover, Lenin did not forge the Revolution overnight. Had he not built and led over several decades
an army of dedicated revolutionaries, neither would the Germans have turned to him nor would he have
made so smooth and effective a transition from exile to state power. The Revolution was waiting to
happen; the Germans only facilitated it for their own selﬁsh and, ultimately, self-defeating reasons.
"History," said Nelson Mandela, "depends on who writes it".And since it is usually the victor who writes
it, the history of the Soviet Union, from its earliest beginnings to its collapse, is largely being written
contemporaneously in the mood of triumphalism that led the US intellectual, Francis Fukuyama, to
welcome the end of Soviet Communism as the "End of History". But "History," to quote another
American of an earlier age, the poet TS Eliot, "is full of cunning passages".And so, before writing off the
"October Revolution" as a non-event, perhaps the reassessment can begin with the mundane fact that
the Revolution took place in November only on the Julian calendar that we use; it took place in October
on the Gregorian calendar then in use in Russia.
The genesis of that Revolution was the remarkable intellectual breakthrough that Karl Marx fostered at
just about the juncture that the horrors of laissez faire economics were visiting on the victims of
burgeoning capitalism seven decades from the onset of the Industrial Revolution. Seven decades from
the onset of our Industrial Revolution is where we are at in India today. The Irish potato famine of the
1840s (as manmade as the Bengal famine of 1942-44) drove millions of famished Irish to the shores of
the United States ofAmerica. It was but one example of the "spectre haunting Europe" with which Marx
alarmed the Western capitalist world. Indeed, had the vast and almost empty spaces of the US, much
larger than all of Europe, not been discovered, and the Red Indians driven off the land where they came
in the way of massive European immigration, and if the Statue of Liberty had not opened her generous
arms to "the poor and the wretched" of the Old Continent, there is little doubt that Europe would, indeed,
have surrendered to the spectre that haunted the industrializing West in the 1840s. It was in this
decade of despair that Marx gave his moral call: "From each according to his ability; to each according
to his need". No wonder a poll taken at the turn of the millennium in that most capitalist of capitalisms,
Germany, led to Marx being voted the greatest German thinker ever.
If, nevertheless, Marx has been proved to be no prophet, rejected by the very workers he had urged,
"Workers of the World, Unite! You have nothing to lose but your chains. You have a world to gain", it is
no different to the fate of those other great thinkers who turned the moral scale, only to have their

India Leadership Conclave 2018 - Introspection White Paper

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India Leadership Conclave 2018 - Introspection White Paper