This document summarizes and analyzes the role of truth commissions in transitional societies that have experienced serious human rights abuses. It examines cases where truth commissions were used, such as in South Africa, Haiti, Uganda and Timor-Leste, and compares them to cases where other approaches were taken, like trials in Rwanda or blanket amnesties in Lebanon. It argues that truth commissions are generally more effective than other options at creating national unity and identity, which leads to more stable, rights-respecting democracies. However, each country's situation is unique, and truth commissions have limitations.
This document discusses the relationship between human rights and conflict through examining a case study on Syria. It provides background on the conflict in Syria, noting it started as a rebellion against President Assad due to human rights abuses, but turned into a civil war. The document analyzes the conflict through the lens of various articles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, finding that even before the civil war, there were widespread abuses of articles protecting the rights to life, liberty, freedom from torture, and equality before the law. As the civil war intensified, grave human rights violations have become commonplace on a daily basis.
The document outlines the key aspects of Democratic Peace Theory (DPT), which posits that democratic nations are less likely to go to war with one another. It discusses the origins of DPT in Kant's writings, definitions of democracy, differences between western and non-western democracies, explanations for why democracies don't fight each other, analyses and criticisms of DPT, and provides an example case study related to DPT involving cooperation between EU countries.
This document discusses concepts related to human rights such as ethics, morality, civil society, and sanctions. It then examines the human condition globally, particularly in the global south, using metrics like poverty rates, life expectancy, and access to resources. It also discusses measures of human development through indices that evaluate factors like income, education, and health. Overall, it provides an overview of the status of human rights internationally, challenges faced in different regions, and approaches to protecting human rights globally.
Armed conflict and peacebuilding in rwanda fakh0016
The document summarizes the history of armed conflict and peacebuilding efforts in Rwanda. It describes the ethnic tensions between Hutus and Tutsis that led to genocide in 1994 where over 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus were killed. It then outlines the post-conflict reconstruction process including national reconciliation efforts, economic reforms, and establishing a democratic government with policies of unity and gender equality. Challenges to peacebuilding include strengthening civil society and ensuring inclusive economic growth while preventing a return to ethnic divisions.
5509~v~agents for change__civil_society_roles_in_preventing_war___building_peaceDr Lendy Spires
This document provides an overview of the roles of civil society organizations in preventing war and building peace. It finds that CSOs are compelled to act due to the changing nature of war and its impacts on civilians. CSOs can contribute to peace in multiple ways, such as by mobilizing nonviolent resistance to oppression, facilitating dialogue between conflict parties, and shaping peace policies. The document outlines eight key functions of civil society peacebuilding, including waging conflict constructively, shifting conflict attitudes, and envisioning a better future. It argues that CSO involvement can help address root causes and give depth and durability to peace processes.
Overcoming Barriers: Media in Covering Conflict-Sensitive IssuesDonbassFullAccess
The study examined Ukrainian journalists' values, attitudes, and practices in covering the conflict in eastern Ukraine. Researchers conducted focus groups and interviews with journalists to understand how they view their role in reporting the conflict, their guidelines, and common editorial practices. The study aimed to fill gaps in knowledge about journalists themselves and complement previous analyses of media content. Key findings included journalists' understanding of their role in reconciliation, common guidelines followed, and standards used in conflict reporting. The research provided insight into factors influencing Ukrainian media coverage of the sensitive issues related to the ongoing conflict.
This document discusses the relationship between human rights and conflict through examining a case study on Syria. It provides background on the conflict in Syria, noting it started as a rebellion against President Assad due to human rights abuses, but turned into a civil war. The document analyzes the conflict through the lens of various articles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, finding that even before the civil war, there were widespread abuses of articles protecting the rights to life, liberty, freedom from torture, and equality before the law. As the civil war intensified, grave human rights violations have become commonplace on a daily basis.
The document outlines the key aspects of Democratic Peace Theory (DPT), which posits that democratic nations are less likely to go to war with one another. It discusses the origins of DPT in Kant's writings, definitions of democracy, differences between western and non-western democracies, explanations for why democracies don't fight each other, analyses and criticisms of DPT, and provides an example case study related to DPT involving cooperation between EU countries.
This document discusses concepts related to human rights such as ethics, morality, civil society, and sanctions. It then examines the human condition globally, particularly in the global south, using metrics like poverty rates, life expectancy, and access to resources. It also discusses measures of human development through indices that evaluate factors like income, education, and health. Overall, it provides an overview of the status of human rights internationally, challenges faced in different regions, and approaches to protecting human rights globally.
Armed conflict and peacebuilding in rwanda fakh0016
The document summarizes the history of armed conflict and peacebuilding efforts in Rwanda. It describes the ethnic tensions between Hutus and Tutsis that led to genocide in 1994 where over 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus were killed. It then outlines the post-conflict reconstruction process including national reconciliation efforts, economic reforms, and establishing a democratic government with policies of unity and gender equality. Challenges to peacebuilding include strengthening civil society and ensuring inclusive economic growth while preventing a return to ethnic divisions.
5509~v~agents for change__civil_society_roles_in_preventing_war___building_peaceDr Lendy Spires
This document provides an overview of the roles of civil society organizations in preventing war and building peace. It finds that CSOs are compelled to act due to the changing nature of war and its impacts on civilians. CSOs can contribute to peace in multiple ways, such as by mobilizing nonviolent resistance to oppression, facilitating dialogue between conflict parties, and shaping peace policies. The document outlines eight key functions of civil society peacebuilding, including waging conflict constructively, shifting conflict attitudes, and envisioning a better future. It argues that CSO involvement can help address root causes and give depth and durability to peace processes.
Overcoming Barriers: Media in Covering Conflict-Sensitive IssuesDonbassFullAccess
The study examined Ukrainian journalists' values, attitudes, and practices in covering the conflict in eastern Ukraine. Researchers conducted focus groups and interviews with journalists to understand how they view their role in reporting the conflict, their guidelines, and common editorial practices. The study aimed to fill gaps in knowledge about journalists themselves and complement previous analyses of media content. Key findings included journalists' understanding of their role in reconciliation, common guidelines followed, and standards used in conflict reporting. The research provided insight into factors influencing Ukrainian media coverage of the sensitive issues related to the ongoing conflict.
This document provides an introductory overview of conflict-related sexual and gender-based violence for non-specialists. It examines dominant patterns of such violence, including widespread violence against women and girls as well as male victims. It explores a range of causes beyond strategic warfare, like gender inequality. It also identifies gaps in preventing and responding to violence, such as lack of support services and data. The overview aims to improve understanding and support for preventing and addressing this complex issue.
Tshepo Madlingozi: 20 Years of TRC - TAKING STOCK OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN TRUTH ...Khulumani Support Group
by Tshepo Madlingozi, Chairperson of Khulumani Support Group at the 3rd INTERNATIONAL COLLOQUIUM OF THE INSTTUTO HUMANITAS at UNISINOS, Brazil 16 September 2015
The document discusses the tension between state sovereignty and international governance in matters of international security. It covers several topics: humanitarian intervention which some see as violating sovereignty but others see as necessary when states violate human rights; building democracy and governance through international organizations promoting transparency and anti-corruption measures; and international criminal tribunals established to pursue justice when the international community fails to prevent serious crimes like genocide and war crimes. It notes ongoing debates around when and how intervention is justified.
Politics, poverty and violent conflicts exploring theirAlexander Decker
This document discusses the complex relationship between politics, poverty, and violent conflict in Nigeria, focusing on the fourth republic. It argues that when political leaders allocate resources to enrich themselves rather than the public, it increases poverty and can fuel frustration, aggression, and ultimately violent conflict. The frustration-aggression theory is used as a framework, suggesting that when basic needs and expectations are not met, people may direct their anger towards those they hold responsible. The paper examines concepts like politics, poverty, conflict, and violence, and analyzes how misused political power can entrench poverty, which has direct and indirect links to conflict in Nigeria.
2nd ARC Report :CAPACITY BUILDING FOR CONFLICT RESOLUTIONGS SCORE
Polity and Governance topic is mentioned in the GS MAINS PAPER 2, however its indepth knowledge is equally important for writing an Essay, Public Administration (Paper-2) and even in GS Mains Paper 4. The government reports and documents become the best source for its understanding but usually the government reports are too bulky to read and grasping the main points from that become a tough task. Thus we have come up with the series of GIST of SECOND ARC Reports. It covers the main points of the complete report in about 30-35 pages (maximum). These points can be quoted directly in the Mains answer.
This paper explores the relationship between security and development, with a focus on how different types of violence inhibit development in fragile and conflict-affected states.
This paper is based upon a comprehensive literature review of separate pieces of research including academic studies, datasets and policy analysis. It explores statistics and figures that illustrate the barriers that insecurity poses to achieving development outcomes in fragile and conflict-afflicted states. It also examines these dynamics in detail in four countries: Afghanistan, Solomon Islands, South Sudan and Timor-Leste.
The assignment was not to come up with policy recommendations per se; rather it was to present a comprehensive synopsis of how different types of violence shackles and inhibits development in fragile and conflict-affected states. The research team believes that the material presented will be of use to inform policy debate and development, including in the field of security sector reform.
The analysis is contextualised by focusing on three types of violence: political, criminal and interpersonal. The barriers these different types of violence pose to development is presented throughout the report, and embedded in the country case studies.
The statistics uncovered in the course of the project are stark and unnerving. These statistics, among others, are used to highlight the barriers that different types of violence pose to development. It is not only the financial cost, but also the broader institutional and social costs that generate a series of barriers for meaningful development. Through synthesising these statistics, this paper contributes to the understandings of the links between security and development, paving way for policy recommendations and lines of action for Australia and development practitioners.
Concept of Political Mediation in International Conflict Managementijtsrd
Conflicts are an integral part of any society, and negotiations are regarded as the most effective tool of conflict management or conflict resolution. In situations, when it is difficult for the parties to resolve the conflict by themselves due to several factors, a third party is involved in a negotiation process. Political mediation has been an effective way in resolving disputes in international relations. In this article, the author seeks to analyze conflict management, nature of political mediation and provide important insights of political mediation, its types, strategies, role of mediators in international conflict management and mediation bias in case of 1979 Iranian hostage crisis. Mavluda Nurmetova "Concept of Political Mediation in International Conflict Management" Published in International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development (ijtsrd), ISSN: 2456-6470, Volume-5 | Issue-4 , June 2021, URL: https://www.ijtsrd.compapers/ijtsrd42510.pdf Paper URL: https://www.ijtsrd.comhumanities-and-the-arts/political-science/42510/concept-of-political-mediation-in-international-conflict-management/mavluda-nurmetova
An Appraisal Of Nigeria’s Democratic Consolidation And Economic Development: ...inventionjournals
After years of military and authoritarian rule, great expectations accompanied the resumption of
civilian rule in Nigeria in May 1999. For a country that has suffered severe deterioration in its economy and
politics over the fifty years of military rule, the assumption that a civilian rule would herald a dawn of peace
and a deepening of democratic values and norms in the society was understandable. This paper sets out to
analytically x-ray the country’s political cum economic penchant and to ascertain to what degree its democratic
principles have been consolidated upon from the inception of its democratic rule. The paper finds that
consolidating democracy in Nigeria is tough and challenging but not entirely hopeless. Nigeria is a country with
thriving democratic spirit but is ruled by tyrants and despots who have both the inclination and resources to
scupper agitations for democratic reforms. Nigeria’s, like citizens in established democracies, want
constitutional democracy and all the rights, privileges and benefits associated with democracy
1) The document discusses the use of deliberative democracy in public policy making processes. It defines deliberative democracy as a process that involves citizens and stakeholders directly engaging in decision making through reasoned discussion.
2) Some key aspects of effective deliberation are discussed, including giving all participants equal opportunities to speak, respecting all views, providing access to relevant information, and coordinating deliberations with policy makers.
3) When done effectively, deliberative democracy can lead to more legitimate and higher quality public policies by incorporating diverse citizen preferences and perspectives into the policy making process.
[Ambassador Hassan] Speech: Presentation by Ambassador S. Azmat Hassan (Ret.)...GlobalPeaceFoundation
Date: Dec. 6th 2013
Session: Interfaith Partnerships: Faith and Diversity: Toward a Global Ethic for Inclusive and Moderate Societies
Speaker: Ambassador S. Azmat Hassan; Former Pakistani Ambassador to Malaysia, Syria and Morrocco, Islamic Republic of Pakistan
Armed conflicts and natural disasters are inherently gendered crises; they can affect women, men, girls and boys in profoundly different ways. It is increasingly accepted that understanding these differences—or adopting a gender perspective—improves the effectiveness of responses to these crises, as well as the efforts of policy-making, advocacy, research and training institutions that focus on them. A gender perspective is more frequently recognised as a core requirement for all personnel involved in these efforts. However, there are many who are expected to engage with gender issues, yet remain unfamiliar with them. For this audience, there is a dearth of literature that provides an introductory overview of gender issues in crisis environments.
This paper is intended to be an educational and awareness-raising resource for those who are beginning to engage with gender issues in crisis environments, whether they are civilian, military or police. It examines gender dimensions commonly observed in conflict and disaster environments, such as differences in casualty trends, risks, threats, vulnerabilities, needs, opportunities and stresses. It provides examples of the operational benefits of a gender perspective and the harmful consequences resulting from the absence of a gender perspective.
The document discusses two perspectives for understanding the power of ethno-politics in the contemporary world: a political-pragmatic approach and a social-psychological approach. The political approach analyzes how ethnic groups can use ethno-politics to gain material and political outcomes. It also examines the role of ethno-political entrepreneurs and how ethno-politics can destabilize states and international relations. The social-psychological approach focuses on how ethno-politics provides individuals with a sense of identity and security, especially during times of social and political uncertainty.
Mass media and democratic consolidation in africa problems, challenges and pr...Alexander Decker
This document discusses the role of mass media in democratic consolidation in Africa. It notes that democracy requires free expression between governments and citizens. However, many African nations have experienced authoritarian rule that curtails media freedom and public participation. The document examines challenges facing media in promoting democracy, including restrictive laws and political interference. It argues that entrenching popular sovereignty and citizens' meaningful involvement in governance is key to sustaining democracy in Africa. The media can facilitate this by informing public debate, monitoring government, and advocating for democratic values, though its effectiveness depends on ensuring independence from state control.
This document discusses how neoliberalism has altered media and created a commercial media focused on profits over challenging institutions. It argues this has led to increased conformity and control through algorithms and protocols that limit free communication. While new technologies could liberate, their tendency is to reinforce existing paradigms through centralized ownership and expanded capitalism. As a result, quality journalism is becoming unsustainable and media functions more as entertainment than the fourth estate, undermining democracy. The use of anonymous sources both compromises credibility and signifies political instability, reflecting the paradoxical relationship between media, government, and judiciary in the current environment.
War is blood. The lifeblood of war is anger. Civil conflicts and war result into disintegration. The lifeblood of a state is its citizens. The lifeblood of citizen support for the government is the level of happiness. With the level of happiness dropping we certainly experience an increase level of anger. Anger means conflict and the disintegration of the entire socioeconomic system (Verhoeven, Duyvendak, 2016) . Anger is more powerful than reason (Yones, 1998) . A moment of anger can destroy years of prosperity, but anger is the result of chronic distrust in the government.
One good case study is the situation in the State of Lebanon after 17 years of civil war pictures exactly this distrust in the government, viewed by 79% of the respondents as the primary source of stress, followed by Physical safety in 61% percent (Yones, 1998) . Physical safety is important especially after a period of conflict. The people need to feel secure and be secure. Third on their list on the causes of stress is Income. 58% percent of respondents considered that Income is a major source of stress (Yones, 1998) .
The document discusses the concept of intractable conflicts and whether tensions between police and communities of color can be considered intractable. It provides several definitions and characteristics of intractable conflicts, noting they are prolonged, involve destructive actions, and resist resolution attempts. Intractable conflicts also involve issues of identity and values, polarized hostile perceptions, and a history of failed peace efforts. To determine if the police/community tensions are intractable, the document says the history of policing and race relations must be examined to understand if the conflicts have persisted long-term.
International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Invention (IJHSSI)inventionjournals
The document provides a critique of the 2008 Government of National Unity (GNU) in Zimbabwe and its impact on human rights protection. It discusses the state of civil and political rights in Zimbabwe prior to the 2008 GNU, which were regularly violated. The GNU was formed through a Global Political Agreement between political parties to end political and economic crises. However, the implementation of the GNU failed to fully protect civil and political liberties. While some reforms were undertaken, such as the formation of human rights commissions, they were hampered by partisan politics and lack of funding/mandate. Overall, human rights abuses persisted during the GNU period due to lack of meaningful constitutional, institutional and security sector reforms.
This document summarizes a research paper about democratic deficit and political participation in Nigeria. It discusses how most Nigerians do not participate in the political process, instead leaving it to political elites and their supporters. This has led to erosion of the social contract and democratic deficit. Leadership has become self-serving, lacking policy direction, corrupt, and developmentally deficient. However, active citizenship can lead to good governance. The paper argues that both citizens and leaders need to be on equal footing in the Nigerian system. Civil society and other groups should encourage political transformation and development through greater citizen participation.
2013-2014 International Relations Lecture Slidesabhishekmaity
The document outlines topics that will be covered in a course on global affairs and politics. It includes 14 sections that will be covered: introduction, nation states, types of governments, asking the right questions, thinking strategically about world politics, the evolution of political theories, nationalism, globalization and transnationalism, international organizations, national power and diplomacy, international law and morality, national and international security, international political economy and cooperation, and human rights, the environment and technology. The document provides an overview of the scope and content of the course.
John Dewey (1859-1952) fue el filósofo estadounidense más importante de la primera mitad del siglo XX. Fundó una escuela experimental en la Universidad de Chicago para poner en práctica sus ideas pedagógicas pragmáticas y basadas en la experiencia, las cuales defendían que los niños aprenden mejor resolviendo problemas reales. Aunque su escuela cerró después de unos años, sus escritos sobre la educación tuvieron una gran influencia y siguen inspirando reformas educativas.
Práctica #13: Describir el transistor bipolar en corriente directa.MichelleMorag98
Este documento describe un experimento para observar el comportamiento de un transistor bipolar en corriente directa. El experimento involucra montar un circuito con un transistor, diodos, un capacitor y un bombillo. Se mide el tiempo que el bombillo permanece encendido para diferentes valores del capacitor. Las conclusiones son que el capacitor almacena tensión que se libera al presionar un interruptor, y que a mayor capacitancia mayor es el tiempo que tarda el bombillo en encenderse o apagarse.
This document provides an introductory overview of conflict-related sexual and gender-based violence for non-specialists. It examines dominant patterns of such violence, including widespread violence against women and girls as well as male victims. It explores a range of causes beyond strategic warfare, like gender inequality. It also identifies gaps in preventing and responding to violence, such as lack of support services and data. The overview aims to improve understanding and support for preventing and addressing this complex issue.
Tshepo Madlingozi: 20 Years of TRC - TAKING STOCK OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN TRUTH ...Khulumani Support Group
by Tshepo Madlingozi, Chairperson of Khulumani Support Group at the 3rd INTERNATIONAL COLLOQUIUM OF THE INSTTUTO HUMANITAS at UNISINOS, Brazil 16 September 2015
The document discusses the tension between state sovereignty and international governance in matters of international security. It covers several topics: humanitarian intervention which some see as violating sovereignty but others see as necessary when states violate human rights; building democracy and governance through international organizations promoting transparency and anti-corruption measures; and international criminal tribunals established to pursue justice when the international community fails to prevent serious crimes like genocide and war crimes. It notes ongoing debates around when and how intervention is justified.
Politics, poverty and violent conflicts exploring theirAlexander Decker
This document discusses the complex relationship between politics, poverty, and violent conflict in Nigeria, focusing on the fourth republic. It argues that when political leaders allocate resources to enrich themselves rather than the public, it increases poverty and can fuel frustration, aggression, and ultimately violent conflict. The frustration-aggression theory is used as a framework, suggesting that when basic needs and expectations are not met, people may direct their anger towards those they hold responsible. The paper examines concepts like politics, poverty, conflict, and violence, and analyzes how misused political power can entrench poverty, which has direct and indirect links to conflict in Nigeria.
2nd ARC Report :CAPACITY BUILDING FOR CONFLICT RESOLUTIONGS SCORE
Polity and Governance topic is mentioned in the GS MAINS PAPER 2, however its indepth knowledge is equally important for writing an Essay, Public Administration (Paper-2) and even in GS Mains Paper 4. The government reports and documents become the best source for its understanding but usually the government reports are too bulky to read and grasping the main points from that become a tough task. Thus we have come up with the series of GIST of SECOND ARC Reports. It covers the main points of the complete report in about 30-35 pages (maximum). These points can be quoted directly in the Mains answer.
This paper explores the relationship between security and development, with a focus on how different types of violence inhibit development in fragile and conflict-affected states.
This paper is based upon a comprehensive literature review of separate pieces of research including academic studies, datasets and policy analysis. It explores statistics and figures that illustrate the barriers that insecurity poses to achieving development outcomes in fragile and conflict-afflicted states. It also examines these dynamics in detail in four countries: Afghanistan, Solomon Islands, South Sudan and Timor-Leste.
The assignment was not to come up with policy recommendations per se; rather it was to present a comprehensive synopsis of how different types of violence shackles and inhibits development in fragile and conflict-affected states. The research team believes that the material presented will be of use to inform policy debate and development, including in the field of security sector reform.
The analysis is contextualised by focusing on three types of violence: political, criminal and interpersonal. The barriers these different types of violence pose to development is presented throughout the report, and embedded in the country case studies.
The statistics uncovered in the course of the project are stark and unnerving. These statistics, among others, are used to highlight the barriers that different types of violence pose to development. It is not only the financial cost, but also the broader institutional and social costs that generate a series of barriers for meaningful development. Through synthesising these statistics, this paper contributes to the understandings of the links between security and development, paving way for policy recommendations and lines of action for Australia and development practitioners.
Concept of Political Mediation in International Conflict Managementijtsrd
Conflicts are an integral part of any society, and negotiations are regarded as the most effective tool of conflict management or conflict resolution. In situations, when it is difficult for the parties to resolve the conflict by themselves due to several factors, a third party is involved in a negotiation process. Political mediation has been an effective way in resolving disputes in international relations. In this article, the author seeks to analyze conflict management, nature of political mediation and provide important insights of political mediation, its types, strategies, role of mediators in international conflict management and mediation bias in case of 1979 Iranian hostage crisis. Mavluda Nurmetova "Concept of Political Mediation in International Conflict Management" Published in International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development (ijtsrd), ISSN: 2456-6470, Volume-5 | Issue-4 , June 2021, URL: https://www.ijtsrd.compapers/ijtsrd42510.pdf Paper URL: https://www.ijtsrd.comhumanities-and-the-arts/political-science/42510/concept-of-political-mediation-in-international-conflict-management/mavluda-nurmetova
An Appraisal Of Nigeria’s Democratic Consolidation And Economic Development: ...inventionjournals
After years of military and authoritarian rule, great expectations accompanied the resumption of
civilian rule in Nigeria in May 1999. For a country that has suffered severe deterioration in its economy and
politics over the fifty years of military rule, the assumption that a civilian rule would herald a dawn of peace
and a deepening of democratic values and norms in the society was understandable. This paper sets out to
analytically x-ray the country’s political cum economic penchant and to ascertain to what degree its democratic
principles have been consolidated upon from the inception of its democratic rule. The paper finds that
consolidating democracy in Nigeria is tough and challenging but not entirely hopeless. Nigeria is a country with
thriving democratic spirit but is ruled by tyrants and despots who have both the inclination and resources to
scupper agitations for democratic reforms. Nigeria’s, like citizens in established democracies, want
constitutional democracy and all the rights, privileges and benefits associated with democracy
1) The document discusses the use of deliberative democracy in public policy making processes. It defines deliberative democracy as a process that involves citizens and stakeholders directly engaging in decision making through reasoned discussion.
2) Some key aspects of effective deliberation are discussed, including giving all participants equal opportunities to speak, respecting all views, providing access to relevant information, and coordinating deliberations with policy makers.
3) When done effectively, deliberative democracy can lead to more legitimate and higher quality public policies by incorporating diverse citizen preferences and perspectives into the policy making process.
[Ambassador Hassan] Speech: Presentation by Ambassador S. Azmat Hassan (Ret.)...GlobalPeaceFoundation
Date: Dec. 6th 2013
Session: Interfaith Partnerships: Faith and Diversity: Toward a Global Ethic for Inclusive and Moderate Societies
Speaker: Ambassador S. Azmat Hassan; Former Pakistani Ambassador to Malaysia, Syria and Morrocco, Islamic Republic of Pakistan
Armed conflicts and natural disasters are inherently gendered crises; they can affect women, men, girls and boys in profoundly different ways. It is increasingly accepted that understanding these differences—or adopting a gender perspective—improves the effectiveness of responses to these crises, as well as the efforts of policy-making, advocacy, research and training institutions that focus on them. A gender perspective is more frequently recognised as a core requirement for all personnel involved in these efforts. However, there are many who are expected to engage with gender issues, yet remain unfamiliar with them. For this audience, there is a dearth of literature that provides an introductory overview of gender issues in crisis environments.
This paper is intended to be an educational and awareness-raising resource for those who are beginning to engage with gender issues in crisis environments, whether they are civilian, military or police. It examines gender dimensions commonly observed in conflict and disaster environments, such as differences in casualty trends, risks, threats, vulnerabilities, needs, opportunities and stresses. It provides examples of the operational benefits of a gender perspective and the harmful consequences resulting from the absence of a gender perspective.
The document discusses two perspectives for understanding the power of ethno-politics in the contemporary world: a political-pragmatic approach and a social-psychological approach. The political approach analyzes how ethnic groups can use ethno-politics to gain material and political outcomes. It also examines the role of ethno-political entrepreneurs and how ethno-politics can destabilize states and international relations. The social-psychological approach focuses on how ethno-politics provides individuals with a sense of identity and security, especially during times of social and political uncertainty.
Mass media and democratic consolidation in africa problems, challenges and pr...Alexander Decker
This document discusses the role of mass media in democratic consolidation in Africa. It notes that democracy requires free expression between governments and citizens. However, many African nations have experienced authoritarian rule that curtails media freedom and public participation. The document examines challenges facing media in promoting democracy, including restrictive laws and political interference. It argues that entrenching popular sovereignty and citizens' meaningful involvement in governance is key to sustaining democracy in Africa. The media can facilitate this by informing public debate, monitoring government, and advocating for democratic values, though its effectiveness depends on ensuring independence from state control.
This document discusses how neoliberalism has altered media and created a commercial media focused on profits over challenging institutions. It argues this has led to increased conformity and control through algorithms and protocols that limit free communication. While new technologies could liberate, their tendency is to reinforce existing paradigms through centralized ownership and expanded capitalism. As a result, quality journalism is becoming unsustainable and media functions more as entertainment than the fourth estate, undermining democracy. The use of anonymous sources both compromises credibility and signifies political instability, reflecting the paradoxical relationship between media, government, and judiciary in the current environment.
War is blood. The lifeblood of war is anger. Civil conflicts and war result into disintegration. The lifeblood of a state is its citizens. The lifeblood of citizen support for the government is the level of happiness. With the level of happiness dropping we certainly experience an increase level of anger. Anger means conflict and the disintegration of the entire socioeconomic system (Verhoeven, Duyvendak, 2016) . Anger is more powerful than reason (Yones, 1998) . A moment of anger can destroy years of prosperity, but anger is the result of chronic distrust in the government.
One good case study is the situation in the State of Lebanon after 17 years of civil war pictures exactly this distrust in the government, viewed by 79% of the respondents as the primary source of stress, followed by Physical safety in 61% percent (Yones, 1998) . Physical safety is important especially after a period of conflict. The people need to feel secure and be secure. Third on their list on the causes of stress is Income. 58% percent of respondents considered that Income is a major source of stress (Yones, 1998) .
The document discusses the concept of intractable conflicts and whether tensions between police and communities of color can be considered intractable. It provides several definitions and characteristics of intractable conflicts, noting they are prolonged, involve destructive actions, and resist resolution attempts. Intractable conflicts also involve issues of identity and values, polarized hostile perceptions, and a history of failed peace efforts. To determine if the police/community tensions are intractable, the document says the history of policing and race relations must be examined to understand if the conflicts have persisted long-term.
International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Invention (IJHSSI)inventionjournals
The document provides a critique of the 2008 Government of National Unity (GNU) in Zimbabwe and its impact on human rights protection. It discusses the state of civil and political rights in Zimbabwe prior to the 2008 GNU, which were regularly violated. The GNU was formed through a Global Political Agreement between political parties to end political and economic crises. However, the implementation of the GNU failed to fully protect civil and political liberties. While some reforms were undertaken, such as the formation of human rights commissions, they were hampered by partisan politics and lack of funding/mandate. Overall, human rights abuses persisted during the GNU period due to lack of meaningful constitutional, institutional and security sector reforms.
This document summarizes a research paper about democratic deficit and political participation in Nigeria. It discusses how most Nigerians do not participate in the political process, instead leaving it to political elites and their supporters. This has led to erosion of the social contract and democratic deficit. Leadership has become self-serving, lacking policy direction, corrupt, and developmentally deficient. However, active citizenship can lead to good governance. The paper argues that both citizens and leaders need to be on equal footing in the Nigerian system. Civil society and other groups should encourage political transformation and development through greater citizen participation.
2013-2014 International Relations Lecture Slidesabhishekmaity
The document outlines topics that will be covered in a course on global affairs and politics. It includes 14 sections that will be covered: introduction, nation states, types of governments, asking the right questions, thinking strategically about world politics, the evolution of political theories, nationalism, globalization and transnationalism, international organizations, national power and diplomacy, international law and morality, national and international security, international political economy and cooperation, and human rights, the environment and technology. The document provides an overview of the scope and content of the course.
John Dewey (1859-1952) fue el filósofo estadounidense más importante de la primera mitad del siglo XX. Fundó una escuela experimental en la Universidad de Chicago para poner en práctica sus ideas pedagógicas pragmáticas y basadas en la experiencia, las cuales defendían que los niños aprenden mejor resolviendo problemas reales. Aunque su escuela cerró después de unos años, sus escritos sobre la educación tuvieron una gran influencia y siguen inspirando reformas educativas.
Práctica #13: Describir el transistor bipolar en corriente directa.MichelleMorag98
Este documento describe un experimento para observar el comportamiento de un transistor bipolar en corriente directa. El experimento involucra montar un circuito con un transistor, diodos, un capacitor y un bombillo. Se mide el tiempo que el bombillo permanece encendido para diferentes valores del capacitor. Las conclusiones son que el capacitor almacena tensión que se libera al presionar un interruptor, y que a mayor capacitancia mayor es el tiempo que tarda el bombillo en encenderse o apagarse.
Nadie sabe con certeza qué es lo que causa las náuseas durante el embarazo, pero es probable que sea una combinación de cambios físicos que tienen lugar en tu cuerpo. En Tu Casa Express te decimos cómo evitar las náuseas durante el embarazo.
The student successfully completed the Cisco Networking Academy course administered by the instructor. The student demonstrated proficiency in configuring and troubleshooting access control lists, DHCP, DNS, NAT, switching concepts, routing protocols, and VLANs for both IPv4 and IPv6 networks. The instructor certified that the student met the requirements for the CCNA Routing and Switching: Routing and Switching Essentials certificate of completion.
La Escuela de Educación Básica "Froilán Octavio Navas" se encuentra ubicada en La Troncal, en la calle 18av a Este y 1ra Norte. Ofrece educación básica y su código AMIE es 03H00503.
This document provides a summary of the sitcom "How I Met Your Mother" including the main characters played by Josh Radnor, Jason Segel, Cobie Smulders, Neil Patrick Harris, and Alyson Hannigan. It notes the show appeals to children, teenagers, and adults and that the author finds the show very funny, being unable to choose a favorite episode as they like them all.
Rock music originated in the 1950s and has many subgenres like alternative rock, heavy metal, and punk rock. While traditionally dominated by male artists, modern rock appeals more to female audiences aged 16-25. There are perceived strengths like the creative diversity of subgenres and popularity among youth, but also weaknesses like negative stereotypes and lack of broad appeal. Specific rock artists mentioned include Fall Out Boy, Bring Me The Horizon, The Rolling Stones, Queen, and You Me At Six.
This syllabus outlines the New Horizons Jazz Ensemble course which will explore different jazz styles and periods over the quarter through a performance-oriented ensemble. Participants will improve skills like improvisation, rhythm, harmony, interpretation of style, and sight reading. The ensemble will meet Sundays from 6:15-7:15pm between January 11th and March 22nd, with performances scheduled for a Sunday in March and another TBA date. Regular attendance is required and participants must have basic proficiency on an instrument in C, Bb, or Eb and the ability to read music notation.
The document summarizes the results of a survey of 363 school districts regarding their 1:1 technology programs. It finds that most districts conducted evaluations internally over 1-3 years that assessed student achievement, engagement, costs, teacher acceptance, and parent support. While most districts reported increased or unchanged costs, no district reported decreased academic performance from their 1:1 programs.
James Ward has over 15 years of experience as an operations manager and store manager. He has a proven track record of improving performance metrics such as sales, profits, and inventory shrinkage at various retail stores. He holds a Bachelor of Arts degree in Psychology from the University of Texas, graduating cum laude.
Jessica Arthur-Goolsby is an experienced Director of Catering with over 15 years of experience planning and executing world-class events. She has extensive experience managing staff, budgets, and client relationships. Currently, she is the Director of Catering at the University of Redlands, where she oversees all on-campus and off-campus events, increases sales, and maintains relationships with key university members and community leaders. She has a proven track record of successfully selling and executing over 120 events per month.
This 1 sentence document promotes a free trial for VueScan, a scanning software. It encourages readers to visit www.hamrick.com to obtain a free trial of VueScan scanning software. The document was scanned by VueScan.
Sélection de livres sur le thème de Noël. Pour le primaire. Albums, romans, bandes dessinées et documentaires. Sélection faite par Emmanuelle Rousseau, conseillère pédagogique chez Messageries ADP. Visitez le site pour tous les détails: www.adp-pedago.com
El documento habla sobre la importancia del agua, sus diferentes estados y cuidados para su uso. Explica que el agua es esencial para la vida y se encuentra en estado sólido, líquido y gaseoso. Luego, recomienda varias medidas para cuidar el agua como cerrar la llave mientras nos lavamos, usar cubetas para lavar en vez de manguera, cambiar inodoros por modelos más eficientes y aprovechar el agua de lluvia.
The document discusses the benefits of exercise for mental health. Regular physical activity can help reduce anxiety and depression and improve mood and cognitive function. Exercise causes chemical changes in the brain that may help protect against mental illness and improve symptoms for those who already suffer from conditions like anxiety and depression.
Each response is 250 words eachResponse 1For me, this.docxjoellemurphey
Each response is 250 words each
Response 1:
For me, this weeks’ readings were more difficult than last weeks. Human right is such a powerful subject because, in my view, it’s a big “What’s in it for me”? “There was outrage about the Holocaust, but the fact is that genocide and crimes against humanity were integral to European colonization of the 18th through 20th centuries” (Benjamin 2009). I keep circling back to this point as Western Democracies hold themselves in such esteem, a vast majority of issues were self-created through colonization. Only four of the worlds’ countries were not colonized by Europe; Japan, Korea, Thailand, Liberia (Fisher 2015). I believe that legacy of living under forced rule creates a deep, systemic culture of potential abuse. The 2020 Human Rights Watch world reports identifies human rights violations or notable situations in120 nations or 61 percent of all countries (Human Rights Watch 2020). As complete as that sounds, it further reports more situation under investigation (ibid). It includes the United States for its criminal legal system (death penalty, racial disparity of incarcerated), juveniles in the court system, racial justice and policing and on and on. Going back further in our history, our genocide against the Native American population and the linkage between Nazi Germany patterning its Nuremburg Laws after our Jim Crow laws (Rose 2018) should give us pause for thought on why this is so important and how committed we should be to the cause. How did the United States escape shame and punishment for its own apartheid with Jim Crow when South Africa did not? So, we ask how we determine if human rights IOs are effective? Big issues like genocide, famine, displacement, refugees, make headlines, create some international action but then fade into the former news cycle. Human Rights Watch (HRW) provides an annual report on global issues. But how many people know what HRW is? This comes across as rather jaded and I suppose it is a realist point of view as only the strongest survive and nations only act when they can get something in return. Agreeing to human rights treaties offers nothing in return aside from the satisfaction of standing up for other humans.
Hathaway (2007) considers important factors of why states agree to human rights treaties. I find it obvious that less than democratic countries with poor human rights records buck these types of treaties because they have no foundational respect for human rights. The observation, “formal international legal enforcement of the treaties is minimal to nonexistent” Merry (2006), reminds me of Robin Williams describing how the police in the UK stop a crime by saying, “Stop, or I’ll say stop again!” (Williams 1986). It goes back to my original question of what is in it for me? Is naming and shaming the best route (Meernik, et al. 2012)? Is it the boomerang theory? IOs have made strides in broadening our understanding of human rights.
Genocide and massacre can be difficult to distinguish, but intent is key. Genocide involves a coordinated plan to destroy foundations of a national group's life to annihilate the group itself. Massacre typically involves excessive violence carried out under military orders. Propaganda has long been used to incite violence against target groups. The crime of incitement to genocide can be prosecuted even without actual genocide occurring, as it demonstrates the potential to spur violence. Premeditation is also a crucial element of genocide, as it requires advance planning and intent to destroy a group in whole or in part. The distinction between hate speech and direct incitement is important under international law.
This document discusses the possibility of reaching a worldwide consensus on human rights. It argues that while the concept of human rights originated in Western societies, the values of democracy and human rights are increasingly accepted on a global scale. However, full agreement faces challenges, as other cultures may interpret concepts like individual rights and dignity differently. Still, the document believes that separating the philosophical principles from legal frameworks allows for the values like life, liberty and equality to be adopted more universally. It also acknowledges the important role of non-governmental organizations in advocating for human rights around the world.
The document discusses the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights and its moderate success in promoting equality globally. While its commitment to upholding human rights is admirable, the declaration has not always been effectively implemented in particular situations. For example, it failed to create equality between indigenous and white populations in Australia in the late 1940s-1970s. However, in other situations and more recently, the declaration has been quite effective in bringing about changes. The declaration's failure to enforce Aboriginal people's rights in Australia is one example of its limitations. Overall, the declaration has opportunities to repair situations around the world but will never fully establish global equality.
The relative Universality of Human Righgts by Jack Donnelly.pdfBasemManardas
This document discusses different perspectives on the universality of human rights. It makes the following key points:
1. It distinguishes between conceptual universality (human rights applying equally to all humans by definition) and substantive universality (the universal application of a particular list of rights, like those in the UDHR).
2. It argues that claims of historical or anthropological universality that point to values like justice in other cultures confuse these with the modern concept of equal and inalienable individual rights against the state.
3. It proposes that human rights have functional universality in providing effective remedies for threats to human dignity posed by modern markets and states, giving them relevance wherever these social transformations occur.
06 b making-transitional-justice-work-for-womenDr Lendy Spires
Transitional justice aims to address past human rights violations and strengthen the rule of law in post-conflict societies. However, it has traditionally neglected women's experiences during conflicts. This document argues that transitional justice processes need to be made more gender-sensitive by recognizing how women's experiences of violence and inequality differ from men's, and by seeking redress for the underlying structural inequalities that enabled violations against women. A gender-sensitive approach would rethink the core assumptions about what constitutes justice for women and which violations should be addressed through transitional justice mechanisms.
Peace has many faces. This booklet presents eight stories which show how people in Zim
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babwe managed to deal peacefully with conflicts. We hear about Chishuwo (23) in Epworth,
Memory (31) in Murehwa and Jabuliso (92) in Bulawayo – how they succeeded in overcoming
potentially disastrous divisions in their community or their cooperative, how they managed
to forgive people who had treated them violently or had caused other harm to them.
Women talk about how they became victims of politically motivated violence – and how they
learnt to make the most of their lives after their terrible ordeal. We hear how a community
forum can encourage divided residents to lay aside their different opinions and ideologies
and plan together for the development of their village, be it the construction of a well or a
school.
All eight stories have one thing in common: In each case, the best way out of an apparently
unsolvable conflict or a hopeless situation was found only after the intervention of a Zim
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babwean peace organisation.
These eight organisations have one thing in common as well: They are assisted by expert
personnel from the German Civil Peace Service (CPS) programme. Lawyers, mediators,
psychologists and other CPS experts advise Zimbabwean peace organisations on how to
implement their projects. They all contribute to a more peaceful Zimbabwe by encouraging
people to change their behaviour and tackle conflicts in a peaceful manner.
Speech by former US Secretary of State Madeleine Albright on Democracy and Se...
How To Build A Nation draft 3
1. How to Build a Nation: Examining the Role of Truth
Commissions in Transitional Societies
Janneke Parrish (University of Glasgow)
There are many challenges that a transitional democracy must face after serious human rights
abuses. One of the most immediate is how to respond to those who perpetrated the abuses.
Each country approaches this question differently, though there are three main categories into
which their actions fall. One is to prosecute the perpetrators in a trial, another is to establish a
truth commission, and a third is to enact a blanket amnesty – generally through legislation -
for all involved in the human rights abuses. While it must be stated that each country’s
situation is unique, there are certain common ideas and trends. In analysing these trends –
and, more specifically, the trends of failed solutions – it becomes clear that certain methods
of dealing with past human rights abuses are more effective than others. It is this paper’s
argument that truth commissions do more good for a developing democracy than any of the
other options. This is because they can be more effective at creating a national identity and
uniting people rather than recreating divisions that previously existed. In creating this
national identity and unity, truth commissions can lead to more stable societies that are better
able to protect and preserve human rights.
Over the course of this paper, I will analyse several cases from countries that used
truth commissions as part of their transition from human rights abusing regimes into more
democratic governments, including Haiti, Uganda, South Africa, and Timor-Leste. These
examples were chosen because they provide a broad range of structures and success rates as
well as diverse contexts. I will also analyse those that did not use truth commissions, looking
both at how effective their methods were and why these alternative methods were not as
successful at stabilising and rebuilding a nation. This will include the use of amnesties and
national amnesias (as found in Lebanon and Rwanda), and the use of trials (as found in
Rwanda). I will also examine the difficulties trials present in terms of establishing a national
identity that truth commissions avert.
It is important to first establish what a truth commission comprises. There are various
forms of truth commissions with a variety of goals, as will be seen throughout this paper.
Generally, truth commissions are comprised of a number of people, ranging from a small
number (seven, in the case of the Haitian truth commission) to a very large group. These
commissions generally include scholars and experts in the field, though it is not uncommon
2. to see peace activists and prominent members of the community involved in the truth
commissions, as was the case in South Africa. Largely, these commissions focus on
establishing what human rights abuses occurred during a certain period of time and why they
occurred. Truth commissions also rely on testimony gathered from as many people involved
in human rights abuses as possible, asking for the truth about events from these people in
exchange for either amnesty (in the case of those accused of crimes) or resolution (in the case
of those seeking justice). However, the testimony gathered and how to interpret it is often
fraught with difficulties. Overall, however, truth commissions seek to take a restorative
approach to the question of justice rather than a retributive one. Restorative justice has the
goal of engaging all parties involved in the crime in a dialogue so as to help them reconcile
their differences and understand the other’s perspective. Retributive justice, on the other
hand, approaches a crime with the idea that justice requires that the perpetrators be punished.
It is this question of whether a dialogue is capable of delivering any kind of justice that is
most often the concern with truth commissions.
Asking whether truth commissions are preferable to trials does beg the question: what
does ‘preferable’ entail? If the goal of the transitional government is strictly retribution, then
trials are always going to be preferable as they make it possible to individualise a crime and
its related punishment. However, if a government intends on making a more stable and safe
nation, then the ‘preferable’ option must further that goal. A politically stable nation is more
likely to be able to support institutions that defend and support human rights than an unstable
one, suggesting that the ‘preferable’ path must also be the one which leads to the most stable
nation. For the purposes of this paper, ‘preferable’ will be understood to mean ‘more likely to
create a stable and safe society’. Of course, it’s not always clear what will create a more
stable society, as illustrated by the variety of techniques and approaches that are used in
transitional societies. It is in analysing the effectiveness of these techniques and why they fail
that we gain an understanding of why truth commissions can be more effective than courts.
Lebanon is perhaps a textbook example of national amnesia as a strategy for coping
with human rights abuses and atrocities. National amnesia is a variant on the idea of blanket
amnesty. In an effort to either control the historical narrative or prevent future conflict,
discussion of the past is strictly controlled, creating a sense of amnesia about events. In the
wake of the Lebanese civil war (1975-1990), instead of discussing the issues that caused the
war and the war crimes that occurred over the course of the war, the government instituted a
policy of amnesia, arguing that discussing the war and the tensions that caused it would only
reignite hostilities (Jaquemet 2009, p. 69). Springing from the 1991 amnesty law, this
3. strategy sought to ensure that ethnic and religious hostilities could not be reignited in
Lebanon’s multi-ethnic, multi-religious society (Krayem 2014). The Tai’f Agreement was
signed in 1989 to end the Lebanese Civil War (Ta’if Agreement 1989). One of its goals was
to rectify past colonial influences that had fractured the country by changing the
governmental system to one that granted more power to the Muslim majority while removing
power from the Maronite Christian minority (Ta’if Agreement 1989). However, despite the
Tai’f Agreement, Lebanon is far from a stable society. Rather than being able to forget the
past, the ethnic and religious tensions that sparked the first war still remain and are still active
influences in Lebanon (Nayel 2014). The Tai’f Agreement, with its emphasis on sectarian
identity as a key part of the government, has ensured that no-one in Lebanon can view
themselves as ‘Lebanese,’ but must instead view themselves as ‘Maronite’ or ‘Sunni’ first
(Krayem 2014). The unfortunate consequence of this is that the history of the conflict has
become heavily sectarian and politicised. Attempts made in 2001 to create and teach a
common history failed because of this sectarianism (Haugbølle 2012, p. 15). This inability to
deal with sectarianism and division, in turn, means that the fractures that caused the civil war
and the tensions between groups have not been resolved. Rather, they have been strengthened
and continue to flare up (Nayel 2014).
The same is true of Rwanda, which, rather than choosing to address the causes of and
existence of sectarianism instead focused on creating a specific historical narrative and
supressing alternate discussions (Hintjens 2008, p. 16). This narrative is essentially that Hutu
murdered Tutsis, and that Tutsis were the sole victims while Hutus were the sole perpetrators.
Though the previous ethnic terms of ‘Hutu,’ ‘Tutsi,’ and ‘Twa’ have been abandoned by the
government, there are very limited practical implications of this, especially given the massive
trauma suffered by Tutsis as a whole. People still see and define themselves by these terms,
even if they no longer exist on identity cards and governmental documents. Rather than
ensuring that there is no further ethnic violence, the abolishment of ethnic terms has instead
created more insidious ways of dividing people, based on physical appearance and perception
of who suffered during the genocide (Hintjens 2008, p. 33). Equally, Hutu survivors of the
genocide feel alienated by a narrative that describes Tutsis as the sole victims and Hutus as
the sole perpetrators of violence. This has, in turn, led to further resentment of the Tutsis by
the Hutus, leading to further clashes and tensions in Rwanda (Hintjens 2008, p. 32).
Though the idea of national amnesia or a set narrative is based on a desire to create a
stable society and not repeat the mistakes of the past, these examples suggest that this policy
is unsuccessful. Enforcing a policy of amnesia does not erase the memories of the human
4. rights abuses, and indeed, forcing such a narrative on people can increase rather than decrease
hostilities, as the example of Rwanda demonstrates. However, the reason for this policy’s
failure provides the greatest insight into how a transitional society can become more stable.
In the examples of Rwanda and Lebanon, the conflicts that arose were based on
ethnic or religious hostilities. More generally, both were based on a sense of seeing the other
party as thoroughly ‘other’ and fundamentally different or inhuman. In Rwanda, this was
accompanied by a dehumanisation of the Tutsis, allowing them to be seen as animals to be
slaughtered rather than as people who had lived alongside the Hutus for generations
(Gourevitch 1998, p. 75). It was these ethnic conflicts that led to human rights abuses, and
this dehumanisation of the other that led to thousands of deaths and disappearances. To create
a more stable society, it is these underlying ethnic conflicts that must be addressed.
It is at this point that the difference between trials and truth commissions becomes
more relevant. With a trial, wrong doing is individualised (Taylor and Gukalskis 2012, p.
675). A crime against humanity can be seen as the product of a single, deranged individual or
group of individuals rather than as a product of a troubled society, allowing the societal
causes of the crime to linger without being addressed. A truth commission, however, because
of its focus on truth rather blame, is able to explore the underlying causes of this person’s
actions, and expose societal factors in a crime.
Post-genocide conflict resolution in Rwanda is, once again, a good example of the
dangers of individualising crimes. The Rwandan government approached the genocide in two
very specific ways. First, it implemented a policy of national amnesia, instituting a very
specific history and making it illegal to question that history, even if it didn’t reflect what
actually happened. In 2001, the Rwandan government also created Gacaca courts, a series of
local courts designed to better prosecute individuals responsible for crimes against humanity
during the Rwandan genocide (Hintjens 2008, p. 17). However, these courts had serious
flaws, some of which can be seen as unique to Rwanda, but others which betray a more
systemic problem with relying on retributive justice. The Gacaca courts do not provide legal
representation, meaning that many of the accused have no way to defend themselves, either
by self-representing or through formal legal representation. Often, the courts are used not
necessarily as a way of pursuing justice against those who committed genocide, but rather as
a way of denouncing those who are not welcome in the community (Hintjens 2008, p. 17).
Because of its reliance on eyewitness testimony rather than on hard evidence, the court can be
abused fairly easily (Hintjens 2008, p. 17).
5. More generally, however, the Gacaca courts operate with a very limited definition of
a ‘victim’. Victims’, according to the court, are exclusively Tutsis who survived the genocide
(Hintjens 2008, p. 16). Despite the slaughter of Hutu and Twa alongside the Tutsi, these other
groups are not acknowledged as official victims, and are instead considered either
perpetrators or bystanders with no allowance for those who fall into multiple categories
(Hintjens 2008, p. 16). While this could be seen as a problem specific to Rwanda, part of the
very nature of a court is to enforce a dichotomy between victim and perpetrator, regardless of
whether or not that is the case in a given situation. Courts rely on the idea that if a crime has
been committed, it must be punished with the alternative being to find that the person did not
commit the crime. There is no middle ground between punishment and lack of guilt,
something which firmly establishes that one is either a perpetrator or not a perpetrator.
Certainly in the case of Rwanda where Tutsis and Hutus had been oppressing each other and
committing atrocities against one another for decades, there is some blurring of the line
between ‘victim’ and ‘perpetrator’, and especially in how people perceive of themselves.
This is not to say that this is a problem exclusive to Rwanda and the Gacaca courts,
but rather to establish a more general problem with the idea of using a court to explore
societal relations. The fact that a person must be a victim or perpetrator limits the ability to
explore what circumstances have led to that particular relationship. Equally, such a divide
serves to further separate the two parties from one another, potentially leading to further
alienating and dehumanisation. The question of who qualifies as ‘Tutsi’ or ‘Hutu’ in a society
with a great deal of intermarriage presents the question of how, exactly, only Tutsis can be
considered victims when the label ‘Tutsi’ itself is based not on experience or self-identity, but
on a father’s ancestry (Hintjens 2008, p. 31).
It could be argued that these problems are unique to Rwanda, and that, in most
situations, it is generally better understood who is a victim and who is a perpetrator. In the
case of genocide or ethnic conflict, not every society is as mixed as Rwanda, with other
examples presenting much clearer boundaries - the most obvious being the Holocaust -
between victim and perpetrator.
However, a brief examination of Uganda illustrates why this argument - that it is
possible to establish clear victims and perpetrators - is problematic. In Uganda, children have
been forced to fight as soldiers for various warlords and armies throughout northern Uganda.
These children have, over the course of the conflict, gone on to commit war crimes of their
own. It would seem clear that, because they have violated the law, they ought to be held
responsible for these crimes, but that would be ignoring that they were themselves victims of
6. war crimes. It would also ignore the fact that, if Uganda is to recover from the immense
damage to its infrastructure and economy caused by the prolonged conflicts, it must
reintegrate these former soldiers into its society (Clark 2010, p. 151). Given these factors, it
would seem unlikely that simply declaring all the soldiers as perpetrators would lead to a
more stable Uganda. Doing so would only create a society that would have neither the means
nor the hope to rebuild because of the resentment that blanket prosecution would create.
The International Criminal Court (ICC) proposed a solution of only issuing warrants
for the leaders of rebel armies, but this too is problematic. The most obvious issue is that of
labelling only a few individuals as clear perpetrators, implying that others that have
committed crimes are not worth pursuing or that their crimes are somehow less worthy of
attention. It also potentially creates the problem that those individuals could be seen as not
being perpetrators at all, given the lack of attention paid to them. In addition to these
concerns, the ICC’s warrants also limited peace talks by creating a new threat for the leaders
of having to face prosecution after conflict ended (Clark 2010, p. 142). After the ICC issued
its warrants, peace talks slowed, and the possibility of the leaders’ surrender faded (Clark
2010, p. 145). There was also the concern that ICC violated Uganda’s amnesty law, meaning
that there could be resentment not only on the part of the reintegrated soldiers towards their
prosecutors, but on the part of all Ugandans towards the ICC and courts more generally
(Clark 2010, p. 148). The ICC has been seen by some as an imperialistic agent, instilling its
own sense of how Uganda ought to be run, regardless of what Ugandans themselves want
(Clark 2010, p. 148). This, in turn, could lead to resentment of the idea of trials as an
invading force imposing on Uganda. Issuing warrants in Uganda, then, has had the opposite
effect from the intended. Rather than creating a norm of upholding and respecting human
rights, it has instead stymied peace talks and potentially caused more harm than good.
What these examples demonstrate is the divisive effect labelling people as
‘perpetrators’ or ‘victims’ has, especially in cases where the distinction is not altogether
clear. Inherent in this is the further problem that this dichotomy creates or exacerbates a
divide, leading to further hostilities. However, it must also be clear from the examples of
hostilities in Lebanon and Rwanda after the official end of conflict that simply ignoring the
past doesn’t improve the situation or national stability. A third option must be considered if
any progress towards preserving human rights is to be made.
When commenting on South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) in
1998, Archbishop Desmond Tutu stated that he felt its primary purpose was to reaffirm the
dignity of its participants after decades of dehumanisation (Tutu 1998, p. 58). Though the
7. South African truth commission had many problems, it is also widely considered to be one of
the most successful truth commissions, primarily because of this attitude of reconciliation for
formerly opposed parties (Cherry 1999, p. 14). Tutu’s opinion that everyone was a victim of
Apartheid helped further this cause of reconciliation (Tutu 1998, p. 58). In making this idea
known, and in offering amnesty to both whites and blacks, the TRC presented South Africans
with the idea that each of them was in some way harmed by Apartheid, and that each of them
could benefit from moving past it.
More than anything else, this idea helped forge a new identity for South Africa, one
based not in ethnic divides, but one where a black South African and white South African
shared the same past and could potentially share the same future. The decision to say that
Apartheid was a universal violation ensured that there could be a dialogue of what occurred
over the course of it and an understanding that it would not happen again. Equally, it led to
the conception of every person as ‘South African,’ rather than one group or another being
‘other,’ meaning there could be less resentment between ethnic groups for past atrocities. In
this lessened resentment comes a greater sense of unity. It is this creation of a dialogue with
both other parties and the past that is the strength of a truth commission.
The idea of a common identity can do more for peace than trials and retributive
justice. Another example of this can be found in Cyprus, a country with a long history of
violence and dehumanisation of the ‘other’. More recently, however, the conflicts between
the Greek and Turkish Cypriots have begun to be bridged by grassroots movements trying to
find the remains and fates of people who have disappeared during the island’s various
conflicts (Kovras 2012, p. 94). These movements have focused on bringing Turkish and
Greek Cypriots together in the context of trying to find truth in an otherwise terrible situation.
In doing so, this has humanised an otherwise unknown other. Rather than seeing each other in
terms of ‘Greek’ or ‘Turkish,’ Cypriots instead have begun to see each other as suffering the
same abuses and having the same questions about the fates of their loved ones (Dennis 2011).
In short, by viewing the other as ‘similar’ rather than as ‘other,’ there is a greater sense of
unity and a greater chance for peace. Indeed, in the wake of these grassroots movements,
there have been renewed peace talks on the island, raising hopes that something like a quest
for truth can ultimately lead to greater peace and stability (Kovras 2012, p. 97).
This is not to say that truth commissions are universal panaceas and automatically
guarantee that a country will become democratic and stable. Uganda is an example of a
country that held truth commissions, but which still failed to resolve conflicts (Quinn 2003, p.
2). However, the cause of this lies not necessarily with anything inherent to a truth
8. commission, but with its execution. The first Ugandan truth commission in 1974 operated
with no power, and under the same government that had committed the violations. Its
motivation to explore violations was limited, especially given that its report was never
published, and its members faced retaliation for what little they did publish. However, it still
succeeded in reporting a fairly large number of violations, given the circumstances
(Commission of Inquiry into the Disappearances of People in Uganda since 25 January, 1971,
1974). The later 1986 commission was highly public, but was more of a tool to legitimise the
new government than an investigation into the previous human rights abuses (Trial 2014).
Because its focus was not on rebuilding the country but on delegitimising the previous
regimes, it was unsuccessful at establishing peace and stability.
It could be argued based on the example of Uganda that the fact that truth
commissions are instigated by corrupt governments as a way of gaining legitimacy is itself
evidence of the fact that truth commissions are a flawed institutions. After all, if they are so
readily abused, it must speak to how easily they themselves can be corrupted. What this
argument misses, though, is that the same could be said of trials or any post-conflict strategy.
Simply because a process can be abused does not mean that that process itself is a failure.
Rather, it implies that publicness of the process and its motivations can create a more
effective post-conflict strategy.
It is possible to analyse truth commissions that failed and see that their failure was not
necessarily due to anything inherently wrong with truth commissions, but rather with their
flawed executions. Haiti’s truth commission into abuses committed during the 1991-1994
coup d’état, for instance, was extremely limited and closed, offering very little opportunity
for victims to speak and have their stories acknowledged (McCalpin 2012, p. 139). In being
closed and not well-publicised, the truth commission had an aura of illegitimacy surrounding
it. Its unwillingness to name those accused or those who had spoken to the commission
further cemented the idea that the commission was corrupt. While naming names had the
possibility of putting the participants in danger, one criticism levelled at the commission was
that the truth couldn’t be expressed if it was being censored (McCalpin 2012, p. 150). In
censoring these names – regardless of the motivations – the commission lost legitimacy
because it was seen as not accurately representing the people. Without a sense of legitimacy
or public support, the commission could not possibly create a sense of common identity or
common collective history.
There is a very serious problem that the Haitian truth commission brings to light, and
it is a problem inherent to truth commissions. In many cases, the truth can be a painful thing
9. and can potentially put lives in danger. It could be suggested that truth commissions ought to
be avoided because of this potential danger to the individuals who participate. There is no
easy solution to this particular problem, though suggesting that truth commissions take all
possible steps to increase their own legitimacy while still maintaining the safety of their
participants is a good place to start. In the case of Haiti, being more open in its participation
and well-publicised likely would have granted it greater legitimacy, better allowing it to
refrain from putting its participants in danger. Though Haiti illustrates a flaw with truth
commissions, it is likely that with sufficient protections in place and with a sufficient
establishment of legitimacy, it is possible to both protect participants and be seen as revealing
the truth. It is also worth noting that the problem of threats to participants is not unique to
truth commissions. Some who have chosen to testify in Rwanda’s gacaca courts have faced
violence for their testimonies (McVeigh 2006). What this suggests is not a problem inherent
to truth commissions, but rather a problem with public testimony. Once again, however, there
can be no legitimacy without some degree of publicness, meaning the solution is not to ban
public testimony, but rather to take every possible effort to ensure the safety of participants.
As a final example which perhaps best encapsulates the debate about truth
commissions, the Timor-Leste Commission for Reception, Truth, and Reconciliation
(CAVR) represents possibly the best example of both the successes of a truth commission
and the ways in which it can fail. In this case, the CAVR sought to establish both a
quantitative truth of how many were killed over the course of wars with Indonesia, but also a
qualitative truth of what happened and how it happened with the intention of preventing
further conflict (UN Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET) Regulation
2001/10, 2001). The quantitative aspect was a dismal failure, being unable to determine death
tolls and the exact number of victims specifically because, in many cases, the victims had
been completely wiped out (Roosa 2007, p. 575). However, the CAVR could also be
considered a success as it allowed East Timorese to have their experiences acknowledged
publicly. Speaking to the commission was eventually seen as a healing ritual (Roosa 2007, p.
574). Rather than being a failure, then, it can be said that the CAVR succeeded in one of its
goals, namely of helping heal East Timor, even if its other goal of obtaining quantitative data
failed.
These cases demonstrate that truth commissions can be successful if they set out with
certain goals in mind. The goal of a truth commission must not be to acquire quantitative data
about the number killed or disappeared as this will only serve to limit what ‘truth’ is to a
definition that it can’t possibly fulfill. Rather it must explore what happened and why it
10. happened, albeit in an experiential sense rather than an objective, quantitative sense. This
raises the question, however, of the paradox of calling a study based in subjective experience
a ‘truth’ commission. In the case of South Africa, this paradox was acknowledged, with the
final report by the TRC stating that the truths they sought were not only concrete, but the
truths of experience. In other words, they meant to explore not only what happened, but how
it happened and how it was perceived as happening (Truth and Reconciliation Commission of
South Africa, 1998, p. 135). Just as a truth commission should not be used to find quantitative
data because it will most likely fail, it must also not be used to obtain evidence that could be
used in courts. Rather, a truth commission functions at its best when it establishes a truth that
can be agreed upon by all parties, one that represents a communal understanding of history,
and one that can be used to forge a new, communal identity. South Africa once again serves
as a good example of this, with post-Apartheid conflict being relatively limited, and a focus
being placed on creating a more unified “rainbow nation.”
It would be easy to say that if the goal of a truth commission is to establish a
common identity, then Rwanda’s imposed history could be the right idea. However, it’s
important to note the distinction between the cases. In the case of Rwanda, the communal
history is imposed with no ability for the victims of events to place themselves in the
narrative. It is a truth that is forced on Rwandans rather than one that is agreed upon. The
ideal truth should be one in which everyone has a chance to place themselves, and in the
creation of which, everyone participates. It is absolutely vital that truth commissions be
public and grant everyone the chance to participate, specifically because this is the only way
to create a universal narrative. Without large-scale participation, people do not have a chance
to shape or place themselves within the historical narrative, thus ensuring that it will not be
seen as universal. This narrative may not reflect an objective truth, but that does not mean
that the truth it finds is without value. Rather, it is a truth that can help heal a damaged nation,
and one that can allow it to move on by including everyone and their experiences.
The question of whether to institute trials or truth commissions in a transitional
country is a difficult one. However, when framed in the context of creating a more stable and
secure society, it becomes easier to see what can be done to create that society. When ethnic,
religious, or political tensions lie at the heart of a nation’s troubles, it is impossible to move
on until these are dealt with, as the continuing tensions in Lebanon and Rwanda demonstrate.
It is equally impossible to move on when an imposed history does not reflect the experienced
history, or when there are explicit perpetrators and victims that do not fit into that imposed
history, as Rwanda and Uganda once again demonstrate. Rather, the only way for a nation to
11. truly rebuild after a series of human rights abuses is for it to create a sense that everyone is
equal and an identity that transcends ethnic or religious labels. If one accepts that the ultimate
goal of any transitional government should be to establish a safer and more secure nation,
then it is clear that a truth commission and its ability to create a new national identity in
which each individual is able to place themselves and their experiences is more valuable and
preferable to trials.
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