Homonormative brown bag
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This document discusses the emergence of homonormativity and new forms of legal citizenship for the LGBT community in the UK. It outlines key socio-legal landmarks like the Wolfenden Report and the Sexual Offences Act of 1967. It also examines debates around normativity, queer politics, and divisive issues like same-sex marriage. The author argues that, like Foucault's view of discourse, we must consider strategies of power and resistance in legal discussions of both accepted practices under the homonormative, like same-sex marriage, and excluded practices, such as public sex.
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~UEER THEORY AND THE JEWISH QUESTI01 Daniel Boyarin, Da.docx
~UEER THEORY AND
TH'E JEWISH QUESTI01
Daniel Boyarin, Daniel Itzkovitz,
and Ann Pellegrini, Editors
COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS
NEW YORK
COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS
Publishers Since 1893
New York Chichester, Ulest Sussex
Copyright© 2003 Columbia University Press
All rights reserved
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Queer theory and the Jewish question I Daniel Boyarin,
Daniel Itzkovicz, and Ann Pellegrini, editors.
p. cm.-(Between meh-between women)
ISBN 0-231-11374-9 (cloth: alk. paper)-
ISBN 0-231-11375-7 (pbk.: olk. pape<)
1. Jewish gays. 2. Jewish lesbians. I. Boyarin,
Daniel. II. Itzkovitz, Daniel. III. Pellegrini, Ann
IV. Series.
HQ75.15.Q5 2003
305.892'4-dcll
2003048494
Casebound editions of Columbia University Press books
are printed on permanent and durable acid-free paper.
Printed in the United States of America
010987654321
p10987654321
Acknowledgments
Strange Bedfellows: An Introduction
Daniel Boyarin, Daniel ltzkovitz, and Ann Pellegrini
Category Crises: The Way of the Cross and the Jewish Star
Marjorie Garber
Epistemology of the Closet
Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick
Contents
ix
19
41
Queers Are Like Jews, Aren't They? Analogy and Alliance Politics 64
Janet R. Jakobsen
Freud, Bltiher, and the Secessio lnversa: Mannerbunde,
Homosexuality, and Freud's Theory of Cultural Formation
Jay Geller
Jew Boys, Queer Boys: Rhetorics of Antisemitism and
Homophobia in the Trial of Nathan "Babe" Leopoid Jr.
and Richard "Dickie" Loeb
Paul B. Franklin
Viva la Diva Citizenship: Post-Zionism and Gay Rights
Alisa Solomon
90
121
149
vii
Queers Are Like Jews, Aren't They? Analogy
and Alliance Politics
JANET R. JAKOBSEN
Queers are like Jews. Aren't they?
What does it mean to pose the Jewish question in relation to queer theo-
ry? Is there any one Jewish question? And does not the Jewish question also
pose the question of queer theory itself? What is the relationship berween
"Jewish" and "queee'? Does queer, after all, refer to the identity of those with
whom it is most commonly associated in the current milieu: homosexuals and
other sexual dissidents? Or does queer mean something, well, "different" than
that, different than a catch-all ca\egory with reference to sexuality? And if
queer refers to something else-to~ for example, that which is other, different,
odd, queer-what is its relation to the specific difference (queerness?)' of Jew-
ish? One can certainly imagine instances in which it would be quite queer to
be Jewish. But, if we simply take up the concept in this manner-that Jews
are the queers of this or that setting-does not all difference get colonized
into "queer"? And, doesn't the specter of sexual identity continue to haunt the
word queer, leaving sexuality as the fundamental difference? What if Jewish is
taken to mean something more than a specific difference? What of the impli-
cations of Jewishness beyond Jewish d.
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Discussing Gender and Internatonal Cultural Relations
Gender equality calls for women and men to have equal rights and entitlements to human, social, economic and cultural development, and an equal voice in civil and political life. This does not mean that women and men will become the same, but that women’s and men’s rights, responsibilities and opportunities do not depend on whether they are born male or female. The pursuit of gender equality has a long history. Especially in the West, it can be seen as an extension of the ongoing claims for liberty and equality unleashed by the French Revolution, when equality before the law became newly established as the basis of the social order.
Well into the 20th century, the extended struggle for the franchise has stood as the symbol of a much wider struggle by women playing a central role in extending, defending or giving substance to social citizenship rights. The call for equal rights for women resurfaced in the 1960s and 1970s alongside movements for civil and human rights, peace, the environment, and gay liberation. One of the major triumphs of this stage was the UN adoption of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) in 1979, the first international human-rights instrument to explicitly define all forms of discrimination against women as fundamental human-rights violations. CEDAW emphasised women's individual rights in opposition to those traditionalists who defend major inequalities in the status quo as the ‘complementary’ roles for men and women that nature intended. It called for the equality of men and women in public and political life, before the law and with respect to nationality rights, in education, employment, the provision of healthcare (including access to family planning services), and in marriage and family matters.
Another high point was the constitution of the new South Africa (1996 – built on the Women’s Charter for Effective Equality and the ANC’s 1993 Bill of Rights), which emphasises the equal citizenship of women and men and people of all races, by making provision for equal protection under the law, equal rights in the family, and in all areas of public life. In the last three to four decades, this pursuit of gender equality has brought successive challenges to many major areas of social, economic and political life, beginning with a quest for equal representation in the corridors of power, but developing into a broader critique of masculine bias and ‘power politics’, and the search for forms of mutual empowerment.
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Hobbes believed that humans were unconstrained by laws or social agreements were living in a state of nature, selfish, destructive, and unprincipled. Without social contracts human lives would be nasty and very unpleasant. Loucke was a bit more optimistic regarding human nature, that humans being rational creatures were governed by natural laws and entitled to certain inalienable rights, known as life, liberty, health and property. That humans will come together to ensure their natural rights. Rousseau was more focused on human compassion, all humans are naturally compassionate. Look at these beliefs, and then think about society today, do you know someone that truly represents each one of these beliefs regarding human nature? Possibly even look back though your own life and the stages of growth you have experienced, I know at various times in my life I could have very fittingly been described by each of these descriptions of human nature.
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3. In Lebanon, Arab nationalism, Syrian nationalism, and Phoenicianism developed as competing ideologies following World War I, each promoting a different vision of national identity and sovereignty.
The anthropology of sexuality discourse and sex work
This document provides a summary of the historical development of theories related to the anthropology of sexuality and sex work. It discusses how Victorian era discourses constructed sexuality as a means to ensure social control and conformity. Early anthropological studies of "primitive" peoples' sexuality served to define and conscript groups in service of Western knowledge production and moral concerns. The document then examines how these discourses informed understandings of prostitution. It argues post-modern theories emphasize the social construction of sexuality and potential for resistance to dominant discourses.
The Moral Victory of Kosova - 2008
This document discusses the moral arguments for Kosovo's formal independence from Serbia. It argues that national sovereignty and territorial integrity should only apply to democratic states that accurately reflect the will of their indigenous people. Forcing one nation to be ruled by another against their will through a state is a tyranny that violates humanism. Kosovo's independence is therefore a moral victory for the Kosovars and other oppressed nations, setting a precedent that could also benefit groups in places like Transdniestr, Northern Cyprus, Vojvodina, and others seeking greater self-determination.
~UEER THEORY AND THE JEWISH QUESTI01 Daniel Boyarin, Da.docx
~UEER THEORY AND
TH'E JEWISH QUESTI01
Daniel Boyarin, Daniel Itzkovitz,
and Ann Pellegrini, Editors
COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS
NEW YORK
COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS
Publishers Since 1893
New York Chichester, Ulest Sussex
Copyright© 2003 Columbia University Press
All rights reserved
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Queer theory and the Jewish question I Daniel Boyarin,
Daniel Itzkovicz, and Ann Pellegrini, editors.
p. cm.-(Between meh-between women)
ISBN 0-231-11374-9 (cloth: alk. paper)-
ISBN 0-231-11375-7 (pbk.: olk. pape<)
1. Jewish gays. 2. Jewish lesbians. I. Boyarin,
Daniel. II. Itzkovitz, Daniel. III. Pellegrini, Ann
IV. Series.
HQ75.15.Q5 2003
305.892'4-dcll
2003048494
Casebound editions of Columbia University Press books
are printed on permanent and durable acid-free paper.
Printed in the United States of America
010987654321
p10987654321
Acknowledgments
Strange Bedfellows: An Introduction
Daniel Boyarin, Daniel ltzkovitz, and Ann Pellegrini
Category Crises: The Way of the Cross and the Jewish Star
Marjorie Garber
Epistemology of the Closet
Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick
Contents
ix
19
41
Queers Are Like Jews, Aren't They? Analogy and Alliance Politics 64
Janet R. Jakobsen
Freud, Bltiher, and the Secessio lnversa: Mannerbunde,
Homosexuality, and Freud's Theory of Cultural Formation
Jay Geller
Jew Boys, Queer Boys: Rhetorics of Antisemitism and
Homophobia in the Trial of Nathan "Babe" Leopoid Jr.
and Richard "Dickie" Loeb
Paul B. Franklin
Viva la Diva Citizenship: Post-Zionism and Gay Rights
Alisa Solomon
90
121
149
vii
Queers Are Like Jews, Aren't They? Analogy
and Alliance Politics
JANET R. JAKOBSEN
Queers are like Jews. Aren't they?
What does it mean to pose the Jewish question in relation to queer theo-
ry? Is there any one Jewish question? And does not the Jewish question also
pose the question of queer theory itself? What is the relationship berween
"Jewish" and "queee'? Does queer, after all, refer to the identity of those with
whom it is most commonly associated in the current milieu: homosexuals and
other sexual dissidents? Or does queer mean something, well, "different" than
that, different than a catch-all ca\egory with reference to sexuality? And if
queer refers to something else-to~ for example, that which is other, different,
odd, queer-what is its relation to the specific difference (queerness?)' of Jew-
ish? One can certainly imagine instances in which it would be quite queer to
be Jewish. But, if we simply take up the concept in this manner-that Jews
are the queers of this or that setting-does not all difference get colonized
into "queer"? And, doesn't the specter of sexual identity continue to haunt the
word queer, leaving sexuality as the fundamental difference? What if Jewish is
taken to mean something more than a specific difference? What of the impli-
cations of Jewishness beyond Jewish d.
The relative Universality of Human Righgts by Jack Donnelly.pdf
This document discusses different perspectives on the universality of human rights. It makes the following key points:
1. It distinguishes between conceptual universality (human rights applying equally to all humans by definition) and substantive universality (the universal application of a particular list of rights, like those in the UDHR).
2. It argues that claims of historical or anthropological universality that point to values like justice in other cultures confuse these with the modern concept of equal and inalienable individual rights against the state.
3. It proposes that human rights have functional universality in providing effective remedies for threats to human dignity posed by modern markets and states, giving them relevance wherever these social transformations occur.
Self Evaluation Essay Examples. Self evaluation essay examples. How to Write...
Evaluation Essay - 9+ Examples, Format, Pdf | Examples. 50+ Self Evaluation Examples, Forms & Questions ᐅ TemplateLab.
Hist anthrolaww11
This document provides a historical overview of legal anthropology from the 1800s to the present. It summarizes some of the key theories and theorists that have shaped the field over time, moving from social evolutionism and functionalism in the early 1900s to more critical approaches examining power, discourse and ideology currently. Major figures discussed include Durkheim, Marx, Weber, Maine, Morgan, Malinowski, Hoebel, and the functionalist approach prevalent from the 1950s-1960s.
E10 Merry Peter What on Earth Netherlands 1104
This document provides context about political upheaval in the Netherlands following several shocking events, including the murder of Pim Fortuijn in 2002 and Theo van Gogh in 2004. It aims to map the deeper undercurrents at work in Dutch society. Younger generations are growing up with new life conditions characterized by diversity and complexity, challenging traditional ways of thinking that demanded sacrifice of the individual for the collective good. Pim Fortuijn appealed to those wanting more individual freedom and self-expression, but his murder shocked the nation and awakened more extreme forms of thinking focused on individualism over tolerance. The elections saw a turn toward more traditional parties promising security, while new forms of thinking remained an undercurrent of change.
FinalpaperHRC
This document discusses the relationship between human rights and conflict through examining a case study on Syria. It provides background on the conflict in Syria, noting it started as a rebellion against President Assad due to human rights abuses, but turned into a civil war. The document analyzes the conflict through the lens of various articles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, finding that even before the civil war, there were widespread abuses of articles protecting the rights to life, liberty, freedom from torture, and equality before the law. As the civil war intensified, grave human rights violations have become commonplace on a daily basis.
151272423 certainties-undone
homework help,online homework help,online tutors,online tutoring,research paper help,do my homework,
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Discussing Gender and Internatonal Cultural Relations
Gender equality calls for women and men to have equal rights and entitlements to human, social, economic and cultural development, and an equal voice in civil and political life. This does not mean that women and men will become the same, but that women’s and men’s rights, responsibilities and opportunities do not depend on whether they are born male or female. The pursuit of gender equality has a long history. Especially in the West, it can be seen as an extension of the ongoing claims for liberty and equality unleashed by the French Revolution, when equality before the law became newly established as the basis of the social order.
Well into the 20th century, the extended struggle for the franchise has stood as the symbol of a much wider struggle by women playing a central role in extending, defending or giving substance to social citizenship rights. The call for equal rights for women resurfaced in the 1960s and 1970s alongside movements for civil and human rights, peace, the environment, and gay liberation. One of the major triumphs of this stage was the UN adoption of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) in 1979, the first international human-rights instrument to explicitly define all forms of discrimination against women as fundamental human-rights violations. CEDAW emphasised women's individual rights in opposition to those traditionalists who defend major inequalities in the status quo as the ‘complementary’ roles for men and women that nature intended. It called for the equality of men and women in public and political life, before the law and with respect to nationality rights, in education, employment, the provision of healthcare (including access to family planning services), and in marriage and family matters.
Another high point was the constitution of the new South Africa (1996 – built on the Women’s Charter for Effective Equality and the ANC’s 1993 Bill of Rights), which emphasises the equal citizenship of women and men and people of all races, by making provision for equal protection under the law, equal rights in the family, and in all areas of public life. In the last three to four decades, this pursuit of gender equality has brought successive challenges to many major areas of social, economic and political life, beginning with a quest for equal representation in the corridors of power, but developing into a broader critique of masculine bias and ‘power politics’, and the search for forms of mutual empowerment.
Gender and icr
This document discusses gender and international cultural relations through a collection of interviews. It begins with an introduction that discusses the concept of gender equality and its pursuit over the last century. Key points include the adoption of CEDAW in 1979, which defined discrimination against women as human rights violations. More recently, non-Western voices have added new perspectives to the pursuit of gender equality. The document then presents interviews with eight women who have contributed to fields like diversity, human rights, journalism and international relations. They provide differing views and experiences related to gender and its impact across cultures.
Dissident thought
Dissident thought takes many forms in opposition to dominance and consensus to promote social good. It includes challenging established doctrines through civil disobedience, protest, or subversive acts. In the Soviet Union, samizdat involved hand copying and distributing censored publications. Dissidence also occurs through public intellectualism and critique of power structures. It has a long history dating back to Russian nihilism and takes inspiration from philosophers like Nietzsche who disrupted traditional Western thought. Dissident thought is enabled by disagreement and negation as a condition of discourse.
The history of sexuality
Michel Foucault was a French philosopher known for his critical studies of social institutions and power structures. He was born in 1926 in France and held various academic positions before becoming a professor at the Collège de France. Foucault was politically active and protested on behalf of marginalized groups. He died of AIDS in 1984. Foucault analyzed discourses and power relations through concepts like discourse, knowledge/power, discipline, and governmentality/biopower. He studied how institutions shape realities and identities through regulatory practices and surveillance. His work criticized taken-for-granted "truths" through genealogical analysis and sought to uncover power dynamics.
Week 1, Lecture B Do We Need A GovernmentOften we use words .docx
Week 1, Lecture B: "Do We Need A Government?"
Often we use words like freedom and liberty without ever thinking about what these words mean. We assume that we all mean the same thing by these words; however, in reality, we all live by different personal definitions of freedom and liberty. Our definitions are not based on a dictionary but are informed by our unique personal life experiences. Consider the diversity even in this course. How might someone understand words like liberty and freedom from a background, culture, age, gender, or even race that is different from yours? Each of us has a unique story that has brought us to this point – and each of our stories is intrinsically valuable and important.
If we think about this level of diversity – how and why do such different individuals come together to exist together in a society?
The State of Nature, or Life Without Government
Simply, freedom and liberty are not the same thing. Let’s consider what we mean by freedom. For our purposes, freedom is doing whatever you want to do, whenever you want to do it.
If everyone had absolute freedom and could do whatever they wanted whenever they wanted what would our world look like? What would our relationships with each other look like?
These are the questions that political philosophers such as Thomas Hobbes and John Locke asked. These are also question that our founders asked as they pondered the creation of a new nation. They called this condition of absolute freedom the State of Nature – a state in which people lived in absolute freedom with no social structures or government.
For Hobbes, life in this state of nature looked very terrible. Hobbes described the state of nature as:
“In such condition there is no place for industry, because the fruit thereof is uncertain: and consequently no culture of the earth; no navigation, nor use of the commodities that may be imported by sea; no commodious building; no instruments of moving and removing such things as require much force; no knowledge of the face of the earth; no account of time; no arts; no letters; no society; and which is worst of all, continual fear, and danger of violent death; and the life of man, solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short…”
Additionally, Hobbes suggested:
“For before constitution of sovereign power, as hath already been shown, all men had right to all things, which necessarily causeth war.”
For Hobbes, freedom was each individual having the right to all things. If you have new car, in the state of nature, I have right to take your new car – even by force and violence.
Hobbes is saying that in the state of nature, or trying to live life without government, no form of cooperation between individuals is possible and thus there will be no grocery stores, no computers, no smartphones, no art, and each individual will suffer a very quick and violent death.
The founders of our nation shared Hobbes’ fairly pessimistic outlook regarding human nature. James Madison famously wrote i.
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