This document provides background information on Cuba-US relations and introduces Federico Fernández-Cavada, a Cuban veteran of the American Civil War. It discusses how Cuba was a Spanish colony producing sugar and a major slave hub. Many Cubans looked to the US with hope for support against Spanish rule. The Civil War saw the participation of immigrant soldiers from countries like Ireland and Germany. The document aims to examine Cavada's experience as a case study to understand the motivations and legacy of Cuban participants. However, upon examining Cavada's writings, there is no explicit mention of Cuban influences on his participation, though some interpretations allow for it. His later involvement in Cuba's independence movement embodied the revolutionary spirit more clearly. The summary
The document discusses several causes of war in Latin America following independence from Spain in the early 19th century. These included racial tensions from the Haitian revolution, the struggle between centralist and federalist political factions, boundary disputes between newly independent nations, conflicts over resources like nitrates in the War of the Pacific, the actions of authoritarian leaders known as caudillos who sought to consolidate power, and religious conflicts. European interventions were also a source of war as colonial powers sought to protect their commercial interests in the region.
The document summarizes the key reasons why the United States abandoned its policy of isolationism after the Spanish-American War and took on a more active international role. The main reasons included pressure from influential citizens and Congress to help Cuban independence, economic interests in expanding trade and markets abroad, and the influence of social Darwinism promoting imperialism. As a result of its increased global involvement, the US emerged as a world power with overseas territories and influence, but also faced criticism from opponents of imperialism.
The document provides an overview of several topics related to Latin America in the 19th century including:
1) Racial differences played a role in many wars, such as the Haitian War of Independence which ended with a black uprising against French colonists.
2) Following independence from Spain, new Latin American nations struggled with forming a unified national identity across diverse territories and populations, leading to civil wars and instability.
3) Territorial conquest was a cause of some wars between Latin American nations, such as the War of the Triple Alliance in which Paraguay lost territory and population.
4) European powers like the U.S. and Britain intervened in Latin America for economic and political reasons following
1) Cuba was colonized by Spain in the 16th century and remained under Spanish rule until the late 19th century. Slavery and the growth of sugar plantations transformed Cuba into a major sugar producer by the 1800s.
2) Growing Cuban nationalism and rebellions in the late 1800s failed to gain independence from Spain. The U.S. intervened in 1898 and ensured Cuban independence from Spain following the Spanish-American War.
3) The early 1900s saw both periods of U.S. intervention and democratic rule, but authoritarianism increased under Gerardo Machado from 1925-1933 and later under Fulgencio Batista, who seized power as military strongman in 1952.
The document summarizes Ernesto "Che" Guevara's life and legacy. It discusses his role in the Cuban revolution and his work reforming Cuba's economy as Minister of Industries. It describes his later efforts to spread revolution in Africa and Latin America, including his failed campaign in Bolivia where he was captured and executed in 1967. The document highlights Che's enduring influence and how left-wing governments in Latin America today pay tribute to his revolutionary ideals.
The document provides historical context about the Salvadoran Civil War that occurred from 1980-1992. It was a conflict between the military government of El Salvador and the FMLN, a coalition of five left-wing militias. Tensions had been growing for decades due to inequality and the concentration of wealth among a small elite. The war resulted in around 75,000 deaths before a peace deal was reached in 1992.
The document provides background information on U.S. imperialism in the late 19th/early 20th century. It discusses several reasons for U.S. imperialism, including global competition with European powers, a desire to expand markets and obtain naval bases, and beliefs in cultural and racial superiority. It also outlines some of America's early imperialist acquisitions like Alaska, Hawaii, and Samoa. The document then discusses U.S. expansion into Asia through events like the Spanish-American War and America's growing influence in China.
The document discusses Simón Bolívar's legacy and role in Latin American independence movements. While Bolívar failed militarily and established authoritarian governments, he positioned himself as a hero and liberator in the cultural folklore. His vision of Latin American unity appealed to revolutionaries seeking to unite people against foreign imperialism. Despite his flaws, Bolívar became an iconic symbol of independence whose story was adapted to further political causes after his death.
The document discusses several causes of war in Latin America following independence from Spain in the early 19th century. These included racial tensions from the Haitian revolution, the struggle between centralist and federalist political factions, boundary disputes between newly independent nations, conflicts over resources like nitrates in the War of the Pacific, the actions of authoritarian leaders known as caudillos who sought to consolidate power, and religious conflicts. European interventions were also a source of war as colonial powers sought to protect their commercial interests in the region.
The document summarizes the key reasons why the United States abandoned its policy of isolationism after the Spanish-American War and took on a more active international role. The main reasons included pressure from influential citizens and Congress to help Cuban independence, economic interests in expanding trade and markets abroad, and the influence of social Darwinism promoting imperialism. As a result of its increased global involvement, the US emerged as a world power with overseas territories and influence, but also faced criticism from opponents of imperialism.
The document provides an overview of several topics related to Latin America in the 19th century including:
1) Racial differences played a role in many wars, such as the Haitian War of Independence which ended with a black uprising against French colonists.
2) Following independence from Spain, new Latin American nations struggled with forming a unified national identity across diverse territories and populations, leading to civil wars and instability.
3) Territorial conquest was a cause of some wars between Latin American nations, such as the War of the Triple Alliance in which Paraguay lost territory and population.
4) European powers like the U.S. and Britain intervened in Latin America for economic and political reasons following
1) Cuba was colonized by Spain in the 16th century and remained under Spanish rule until the late 19th century. Slavery and the growth of sugar plantations transformed Cuba into a major sugar producer by the 1800s.
2) Growing Cuban nationalism and rebellions in the late 1800s failed to gain independence from Spain. The U.S. intervened in 1898 and ensured Cuban independence from Spain following the Spanish-American War.
3) The early 1900s saw both periods of U.S. intervention and democratic rule, but authoritarianism increased under Gerardo Machado from 1925-1933 and later under Fulgencio Batista, who seized power as military strongman in 1952.
The document summarizes Ernesto "Che" Guevara's life and legacy. It discusses his role in the Cuban revolution and his work reforming Cuba's economy as Minister of Industries. It describes his later efforts to spread revolution in Africa and Latin America, including his failed campaign in Bolivia where he was captured and executed in 1967. The document highlights Che's enduring influence and how left-wing governments in Latin America today pay tribute to his revolutionary ideals.
The document provides historical context about the Salvadoran Civil War that occurred from 1980-1992. It was a conflict between the military government of El Salvador and the FMLN, a coalition of five left-wing militias. Tensions had been growing for decades due to inequality and the concentration of wealth among a small elite. The war resulted in around 75,000 deaths before a peace deal was reached in 1992.
The document provides background information on U.S. imperialism in the late 19th/early 20th century. It discusses several reasons for U.S. imperialism, including global competition with European powers, a desire to expand markets and obtain naval bases, and beliefs in cultural and racial superiority. It also outlines some of America's early imperialist acquisitions like Alaska, Hawaii, and Samoa. The document then discusses U.S. expansion into Asia through events like the Spanish-American War and America's growing influence in China.
The document discusses Simón Bolívar's legacy and role in Latin American independence movements. While Bolívar failed militarily and established authoritarian governments, he positioned himself as a hero and liberator in the cultural folklore. His vision of Latin American unity appealed to revolutionaries seeking to unite people against foreign imperialism. Despite his flaws, Bolívar became an iconic symbol of independence whose story was adapted to further political causes after his death.
The document discusses the roles of native Mesoamericans in the Spanish conquest of Central America in the 16th century. It notes that the Spanish conquistadors like Cortes and Alvarado were highly dependent on native allies, who far outnumbered the Spanish forces. Native allies aided the Spanish in battles, served as guides, porters, and interpreters. Over time, as diseases reduced native populations, the Spanish grew even more reliant on the alliances and military support of local Mesoamerican groups. The document also examines legal petitions filed by native conquistadors seeking exemptions from tribute payments and arguing they should receive rewards for their roles in the conquest.
This article compares the revolutions in Iran and Cuba and their subsequent regimes. It discusses how both countries experienced Western imperialism and authoritarian rule prior to their revolutions. The revolutions in the 1950s and 1970s overthrew the pro-Western Shah in Iran and Batista in Cuba, but the revolutions were then hijacked by extremists - Khomeini established an Islamic theocracy in Iran and Castro established a communist dictatorship in Cuba. Both regimes have since suppressed opposition and exported their ideologies abroad through military support. The diasporas of both countries in the US have opposed engagement with the regimes. Overall, the article analyzes the common experiences and trajectories of the two countries to provide insights into reactionary and authoritarian
Chapter 3: Growth, Slavery, and Conflictsuziehinman
This document appears to be a chapter from a history textbook about colonial America from 1710-1763. It covers several topics:
- Culture and society in the 18th century, including the refinement of colonial culture and growing wealth.
- The Enlightenment and Great Awakening religious movements of the time.
- The experiences of African Americans, including the growth of slavery and emergence of African American culture.
- Immigration trends, regional economies, and growing inequality in colonial cities and countryside.
- Conflicts over land and empire, such as the struggle between British and French interests in North America and tensions with Native Americans.
The document discusses several causes of wars in 19th century Latin America, including race wars stemming from the Haitian Revolution, ideology of independence influenced by the American and French Revolutions, debates over separation versus union of newly independent nations, boundary disputes due to poorly defined colonial borders, and wars of territorial conquest against indigenous groups. It also provides background on NAFTA, the Zapatista uprising in Mexico, and former Mexico City mayor Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador.
1. The document discusses soldaderas, who were female soldiers that fought alongside men in the Mexican Revolution from 1910-1920.
2. Soldaderas took on many roles such as cooking, nursing wounded soldiers, doing laundry, and even directly fighting in battles.
3. The document outlines some of the hardships soldaderas faced such as malnutrition, difficult work, and childbearing in harsh conditions. However, their involvement opened doors for greater women's rights after the revolution.
Chapter 2 - Pitfalls in the Study of Social MovementsCedrick Abadines
This document discusses challenges in studying social movements from the perspective of indigenous populations in colonial contexts. It argues that Western scholars have been exposed only to Western worldviews through colonial education, and have often been repelled by strange religious interpretations of indigenous groups. There is a need to study indigenous radical thought more carefully to understand the material demands of people's movements in their proper economic contexts. Only then can historians understand what masses were striving for beyond the "fantastic and quasi-religious integument."
This document summarizes and analyzes a scholarly article about the Mexican experience in the United States during the Great Depression era. It discusses two key topics: 1) How the Mexican community in Los Angeles ("Mexico de Afuera") reacted to increasing anti-Mexican policies and sentiments in the U.S. that encouraged repatriation back to Mexico. 2) How Mexico de Afuera responded to the Mexican government's employment of nationalist rhetoric and empty promises through repatriation programs. The document analyzes articles from the periodical La Opinión to understand how the community navigated these pressures and challenges.
1. The document discusses how American imperialism and expansion after the Spanish-American War was justified through political cartoons and popular art depicting education and civilization of foreign peoples.
2. It analyzes various political cartoons from the late 19th/early 20th century showing Uncle Sam and Miss Columbia educating and bringing prosperity to newly acquired territories like Cuba, Puerto Rico, Hawaii, and the Philippines through railroads, technology, capitalism and most prominently, schools and English education.
3. The education narrative was used to justify remaining in and exploiting newly gained colonial holdings by portraying it as uplifting foreign peoples and spreading American values of liberty, democracy and opportunity.
This document is a chapter from a history textbook about English colonial societies from 1590-1710. It covers the founding and development of the earliest English colonies in North America, including the Chesapeake colonies of Jamestown and Maryland, as well as New England. It also discusses the Caribbean colonies and proprietary colonies established later in the 17th century. The chapter is divided into sections on the different colonial regions and time periods, and contains questions for students on key events, people, and concepts discussed in the text.
This document discusses the need to critically examine historical figures rather than blindly worshipping them as heroes. It argues that views of individuals and their significance can change over time as society's understanding evolves. Specifically, it analyzes several prominent Filipino figures from history like Rizal, Aguinaldo, Bonifacio and others, pointing out aspects of their actions and legacies that do not deserve uncritical honor. The document advocates rediscovering other heroes from the past who have been overshadowed and recognizing present-day heroes working for current needs, rather than limiting views of heroism to figures of the past.
Latin America is the region of the Americas where Romance languages are spoken, with a population of over 590 million people spread across 7.8 million square miles. Portuguese and Spanish rule ended in the 1820s as Mexico, Central America, and South America gained independence, bringing cultural and social changes while preserving old traditions. Britain played a role in Latin America's independence but also involved itself in the region except for politics. Independence wars plagued many countries and revolved around struggles for power and issues with the distribution of power. Mexico now relies heavily on trade with the US and Canada under NAFTA but faces issues of inequality, trafficking, and rising prices. Venezuela relies on oil exports and suffers under the power of Hugo
Assignment 9 Modern Latin America Andrew ElseyAndrewElsey
The document discusses several topics related to Latin America's wars of independence from European colonial rule in the 19th century, including:
1) The Haitian War of Independence from 1791-1803 began as a struggle between white planters and mixed/black races and became a race war dominated by blacks.
2) Latin American wars for independence from 1810-1824 were driven by political, economic, and social grievances against European colonial powers like Spain and Portugal.
3) Internal conflicts in Latin America continued throughout the 19th century, driven by factors like ideology, territorial disputes, the rise of caudillos (strongmen), and foreign intervention.
Chapter 1- People in Motion: The Atlantic World to 1950 suziehinman
People in Motion: The Atlantic World to 1950
-The First Americans
-European Civilization
-Columbus and the Columbian Exchange
-West African Worlds
-European Colonization of the Atlantic World
Imperialism, The Spanish-American War, and Yellow JournalismCArndt13
This document discusses sensationalism in media. Sensationalism is a type of editorial bias where events are overhyped to increase viewership through strategies like omitting information, appealing to emotions, and exaggerating details. Studies have shown that people are susceptible to believing sensationalized media. The document uses examples of sensationalized headlines to illustrate how information can be skewed.
The document summarizes the historiography around the end of the civil war in El Salvador and the signing of a peace agreement between the Faribundo Marti National Liberation Front (FMLN) rebels and the Salvadoran government in 1992. It analyzes interviews with historians, former military officials, and FMLN commanders that suggest the rebels agreed to peace because they could no longer win popular support for an armed insurgency due to government reforms meeting some of their demands, including establishing an independent police force and allowing the FMLN to operate as a political party. The United Nations played a key role in facilitating the peace process.
This document provides an overview of the Revolutionary era in America from 1764-1783. It describes the growing tensions between the American colonies and Britain due to new taxes and laws passed by Parliament, as well as events that escalated the conflict such as the Boston Tea Party and the Intolerable Acts. The document then discusses the outbreak of the Revolutionary War, key battles like Bunker Hill, growing support for independence from figures like Thomas Paine, and the eventual adoption of the Declaration of Independence in 1776. It concludes with an overview of the later years of the war including American victory at Yorktown in 1781 and the signing of the Treaty of Paris in 1783, which ended the war and recognized American independence.
1. The document discusses Britain's historical economic and political interests in Latin America from the early 19th century, including investments, trade, and relations with countries like Brazil, Mexico, and Central American nations.
2. It also examines some of the major wars that took place in Latin America during the 19th century, including wars of independence against European powers and conflicts between countries over territory and political control.
3. Several chapters analyze the modern geopolitics and economies of key Latin American countries like Mexico, Venezuela, Colombia, Brazil, and their roles in the region.
In the 19th century, the United States expanded dramatically through territorial acquisitions like the Louisiana Purchase and Mexican Cession. This doubled the size of the country. Westward expansion led to conflicts with indigenous peoples as settlers took their lands. Canada avoided war and negotiated autonomy from Britain, uniting the country through fears of U.S. expansionism. Latin American nations struggled to form stable governments in the new independent states. Climate changes like the Little Ice Age impacted events of the era such as aiding the American Revolution. Key figures like Joseph Hooker and Frederick Douglass played important roles in the Civil War and abolition movement.
Though the United States claims not to be an empire, it has acted in imperialist ways since World War 2 by enforcing its power and priorities globally. After the war, America's economic might surpassed even Britain's height. While not taking direct control of territories, the US used its influence to open foreign markets and shape the global order. This unilateral approach under Reagan led to debates around an "American empire" and accusations the US exempted itself from international rules, though it denied being an empire and saw itself as promoting stability. Some embraced the idea of an American empire to spread democracy and human rights.
The document summarizes key aspects of race relations and identities in Bolivia, Haiti, and the Dominican Republic based on the film "Mirror of the Heart." It discusses how indigenous populations in each country suffered after European conquest, losing their lands, cultures, religions, and status. In Bolivia, the Spanish created a hacienda system that classified indigenous peoples as low-status "indios" working in near-slavery. Haiti's population is now mostly of African origin after the importation of slaves, and it struggles with poverty and corrupt governments. The Dominican Republic emphasizes its Spanish/European identity despite a mixed-race population and is antagonistic toward Haitians.
US History Essay
Essay on Modern American History
Early American History Essay
ch 12 us history Essay
Ap Us History Dbq
American History Essay
History Essay
The document discusses the roles of native Mesoamericans in the Spanish conquest of Central America in the 16th century. It notes that the Spanish conquistadors like Cortes and Alvarado were highly dependent on native allies, who far outnumbered the Spanish forces. Native allies aided the Spanish in battles, served as guides, porters, and interpreters. Over time, as diseases reduced native populations, the Spanish grew even more reliant on the alliances and military support of local Mesoamerican groups. The document also examines legal petitions filed by native conquistadors seeking exemptions from tribute payments and arguing they should receive rewards for their roles in the conquest.
This article compares the revolutions in Iran and Cuba and their subsequent regimes. It discusses how both countries experienced Western imperialism and authoritarian rule prior to their revolutions. The revolutions in the 1950s and 1970s overthrew the pro-Western Shah in Iran and Batista in Cuba, but the revolutions were then hijacked by extremists - Khomeini established an Islamic theocracy in Iran and Castro established a communist dictatorship in Cuba. Both regimes have since suppressed opposition and exported their ideologies abroad through military support. The diasporas of both countries in the US have opposed engagement with the regimes. Overall, the article analyzes the common experiences and trajectories of the two countries to provide insights into reactionary and authoritarian
Chapter 3: Growth, Slavery, and Conflictsuziehinman
This document appears to be a chapter from a history textbook about colonial America from 1710-1763. It covers several topics:
- Culture and society in the 18th century, including the refinement of colonial culture and growing wealth.
- The Enlightenment and Great Awakening religious movements of the time.
- The experiences of African Americans, including the growth of slavery and emergence of African American culture.
- Immigration trends, regional economies, and growing inequality in colonial cities and countryside.
- Conflicts over land and empire, such as the struggle between British and French interests in North America and tensions with Native Americans.
The document discusses several causes of wars in 19th century Latin America, including race wars stemming from the Haitian Revolution, ideology of independence influenced by the American and French Revolutions, debates over separation versus union of newly independent nations, boundary disputes due to poorly defined colonial borders, and wars of territorial conquest against indigenous groups. It also provides background on NAFTA, the Zapatista uprising in Mexico, and former Mexico City mayor Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador.
1. The document discusses soldaderas, who were female soldiers that fought alongside men in the Mexican Revolution from 1910-1920.
2. Soldaderas took on many roles such as cooking, nursing wounded soldiers, doing laundry, and even directly fighting in battles.
3. The document outlines some of the hardships soldaderas faced such as malnutrition, difficult work, and childbearing in harsh conditions. However, their involvement opened doors for greater women's rights after the revolution.
Chapter 2 - Pitfalls in the Study of Social MovementsCedrick Abadines
This document discusses challenges in studying social movements from the perspective of indigenous populations in colonial contexts. It argues that Western scholars have been exposed only to Western worldviews through colonial education, and have often been repelled by strange religious interpretations of indigenous groups. There is a need to study indigenous radical thought more carefully to understand the material demands of people's movements in their proper economic contexts. Only then can historians understand what masses were striving for beyond the "fantastic and quasi-religious integument."
This document summarizes and analyzes a scholarly article about the Mexican experience in the United States during the Great Depression era. It discusses two key topics: 1) How the Mexican community in Los Angeles ("Mexico de Afuera") reacted to increasing anti-Mexican policies and sentiments in the U.S. that encouraged repatriation back to Mexico. 2) How Mexico de Afuera responded to the Mexican government's employment of nationalist rhetoric and empty promises through repatriation programs. The document analyzes articles from the periodical La Opinión to understand how the community navigated these pressures and challenges.
1. The document discusses how American imperialism and expansion after the Spanish-American War was justified through political cartoons and popular art depicting education and civilization of foreign peoples.
2. It analyzes various political cartoons from the late 19th/early 20th century showing Uncle Sam and Miss Columbia educating and bringing prosperity to newly acquired territories like Cuba, Puerto Rico, Hawaii, and the Philippines through railroads, technology, capitalism and most prominently, schools and English education.
3. The education narrative was used to justify remaining in and exploiting newly gained colonial holdings by portraying it as uplifting foreign peoples and spreading American values of liberty, democracy and opportunity.
This document is a chapter from a history textbook about English colonial societies from 1590-1710. It covers the founding and development of the earliest English colonies in North America, including the Chesapeake colonies of Jamestown and Maryland, as well as New England. It also discusses the Caribbean colonies and proprietary colonies established later in the 17th century. The chapter is divided into sections on the different colonial regions and time periods, and contains questions for students on key events, people, and concepts discussed in the text.
This document discusses the need to critically examine historical figures rather than blindly worshipping them as heroes. It argues that views of individuals and their significance can change over time as society's understanding evolves. Specifically, it analyzes several prominent Filipino figures from history like Rizal, Aguinaldo, Bonifacio and others, pointing out aspects of their actions and legacies that do not deserve uncritical honor. The document advocates rediscovering other heroes from the past who have been overshadowed and recognizing present-day heroes working for current needs, rather than limiting views of heroism to figures of the past.
Latin America is the region of the Americas where Romance languages are spoken, with a population of over 590 million people spread across 7.8 million square miles. Portuguese and Spanish rule ended in the 1820s as Mexico, Central America, and South America gained independence, bringing cultural and social changes while preserving old traditions. Britain played a role in Latin America's independence but also involved itself in the region except for politics. Independence wars plagued many countries and revolved around struggles for power and issues with the distribution of power. Mexico now relies heavily on trade with the US and Canada under NAFTA but faces issues of inequality, trafficking, and rising prices. Venezuela relies on oil exports and suffers under the power of Hugo
Assignment 9 Modern Latin America Andrew ElseyAndrewElsey
The document discusses several topics related to Latin America's wars of independence from European colonial rule in the 19th century, including:
1) The Haitian War of Independence from 1791-1803 began as a struggle between white planters and mixed/black races and became a race war dominated by blacks.
2) Latin American wars for independence from 1810-1824 were driven by political, economic, and social grievances against European colonial powers like Spain and Portugal.
3) Internal conflicts in Latin America continued throughout the 19th century, driven by factors like ideology, territorial disputes, the rise of caudillos (strongmen), and foreign intervention.
Chapter 1- People in Motion: The Atlantic World to 1950 suziehinman
People in Motion: The Atlantic World to 1950
-The First Americans
-European Civilization
-Columbus and the Columbian Exchange
-West African Worlds
-European Colonization of the Atlantic World
Imperialism, The Spanish-American War, and Yellow JournalismCArndt13
This document discusses sensationalism in media. Sensationalism is a type of editorial bias where events are overhyped to increase viewership through strategies like omitting information, appealing to emotions, and exaggerating details. Studies have shown that people are susceptible to believing sensationalized media. The document uses examples of sensationalized headlines to illustrate how information can be skewed.
The document summarizes the historiography around the end of the civil war in El Salvador and the signing of a peace agreement between the Faribundo Marti National Liberation Front (FMLN) rebels and the Salvadoran government in 1992. It analyzes interviews with historians, former military officials, and FMLN commanders that suggest the rebels agreed to peace because they could no longer win popular support for an armed insurgency due to government reforms meeting some of their demands, including establishing an independent police force and allowing the FMLN to operate as a political party. The United Nations played a key role in facilitating the peace process.
This document provides an overview of the Revolutionary era in America from 1764-1783. It describes the growing tensions between the American colonies and Britain due to new taxes and laws passed by Parliament, as well as events that escalated the conflict such as the Boston Tea Party and the Intolerable Acts. The document then discusses the outbreak of the Revolutionary War, key battles like Bunker Hill, growing support for independence from figures like Thomas Paine, and the eventual adoption of the Declaration of Independence in 1776. It concludes with an overview of the later years of the war including American victory at Yorktown in 1781 and the signing of the Treaty of Paris in 1783, which ended the war and recognized American independence.
1. The document discusses Britain's historical economic and political interests in Latin America from the early 19th century, including investments, trade, and relations with countries like Brazil, Mexico, and Central American nations.
2. It also examines some of the major wars that took place in Latin America during the 19th century, including wars of independence against European powers and conflicts between countries over territory and political control.
3. Several chapters analyze the modern geopolitics and economies of key Latin American countries like Mexico, Venezuela, Colombia, Brazil, and their roles in the region.
In the 19th century, the United States expanded dramatically through territorial acquisitions like the Louisiana Purchase and Mexican Cession. This doubled the size of the country. Westward expansion led to conflicts with indigenous peoples as settlers took their lands. Canada avoided war and negotiated autonomy from Britain, uniting the country through fears of U.S. expansionism. Latin American nations struggled to form stable governments in the new independent states. Climate changes like the Little Ice Age impacted events of the era such as aiding the American Revolution. Key figures like Joseph Hooker and Frederick Douglass played important roles in the Civil War and abolition movement.
Though the United States claims not to be an empire, it has acted in imperialist ways since World War 2 by enforcing its power and priorities globally. After the war, America's economic might surpassed even Britain's height. While not taking direct control of territories, the US used its influence to open foreign markets and shape the global order. This unilateral approach under Reagan led to debates around an "American empire" and accusations the US exempted itself from international rules, though it denied being an empire and saw itself as promoting stability. Some embraced the idea of an American empire to spread democracy and human rights.
The document summarizes key aspects of race relations and identities in Bolivia, Haiti, and the Dominican Republic based on the film "Mirror of the Heart." It discusses how indigenous populations in each country suffered after European conquest, losing their lands, cultures, religions, and status. In Bolivia, the Spanish created a hacienda system that classified indigenous peoples as low-status "indios" working in near-slavery. Haiti's population is now mostly of African origin after the importation of slaves, and it struggles with poverty and corrupt governments. The Dominican Republic emphasizes its Spanish/European identity despite a mixed-race population and is antagonistic toward Haitians.
US History Essay
Essay on Modern American History
Early American History Essay
ch 12 us history Essay
Ap Us History Dbq
American History Essay
History Essay
Visual Media and American Nationalism Capstone Final JBWJason Woodle
This document is a capstone project submitted by Jason Boatwright Woodle for his Bachelor of Interdisciplinary Studies degree from the University of Virginia. It examines how visual media helped develop American nationalism during the colonial period and Revolutionary War. The introduction provides background on the growth of nationalism and outlines how printers used newspapers, pamphlets, and illustrations to spread propaganda and promote rebellion against British rule. It explores how political, religious, and economic factors shaped colonial identity and discusses how the printing press was used to disseminate nationalist messages to a largely illiterate population.
The document summarizes how different groups in the US after the Civil War promoted competing narratives to explain the causes and consequences of the war. It discusses how Black Americans, abolitionists, and Radical Republicans emphasized slavery as the fundamental cause and the need to secure rights for freed slaves. Meanwhile, many Southerners pushed the "Lost Cause" narrative and idea of states' rights. Ultimately, the dominant narrative became one of "Reunion" and "Reconciliation" to help reunite the country. Popular culture works like novels, films, songs, and photographs played a large role in shaping and spreading these competing memories of the war.
This document summarizes the history of Mexico and Mexican Americans from prehistory to the present. Key events include Spanish conquest in the 15th-16th centuries led by figures like Christopher Columbus and Hernan Cortes; Mexican independence from Spain in 1821; the Mexican-American War of 1846-1848 and subsequent Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo; the Mexican Revolution from 1910-1920; large waves of Mexican immigration to the U.S. in the early 20th century; and the Chicano civil rights movement of the 1960s-70s advocating for equality and cultural pride. It examines the experiences of Mexican immigrants and Mexican Americans over time through wars, economic difficulties, discrimination, and empowerment movements
The document discusses several themes in American history from the 19th and 20th centuries:
1. Westward expansion in the US and settlement on Native American lands, resulting in the removal of over 100,000 eastern Indians. A similar process occurred in Argentina and Canada.
2. Mass immigration to the US, Argentina, and Canada between 1870-1920, particularly due to improved transportation and industrial job opportunities. The US received over 3/5 of European immigrants.
3. The emergence of American imperialism in the late 19th/early 20th century, as evidenced by World's Fairs promoting expansion. However, the US emphasized its mission differently than European imperial powers.
4. The worldwide Great
Becoming a World Power, 1898 1917 (Part I)afrancksjrcs
The document summarizes the events leading up to the Spanish-American War of 1898. It describes the Cuban rebellion against Spanish rule and the brutal tactics used by the Spanish army that inflamed American public opinion. The sinking of the USS Maine in Havana harbor, along with sensationalized newspaper reports, helped push the US into declaring war on Spain in April 1898. The war was brief but resulted in a complete American victory over Spain in Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines through naval superiority.
The document discusses America's expansion overseas in the late 19th century following the closing of the western frontier. It explores the forces pushing for overseas expansion, including commercial interests in new markets and raw materials, strategic military interests, and beliefs in cultural superiority. The Spanish-American War of 1898 resulted in the U.S. acquiring Puerto Rico, Guam, and the Philippines. This raised debates around U.S. imperialism and whether territorial expansion abroad violated principles of self-government and democracy.
4.1 The New ImperialismThe industrialization of the last quart.docxtamicawaysmith
4.1 The New Imperialism
The industrialization of the last quarter of the 19th century coincided with an era of expansion during which European nations and Japan extended and consolidated their empires. Known as the new imperialism, and lasting into the first decades of the 20th century, it was a time marked by the relentless pursuit of overseas territories. Established nations used new technologies to make their empires more valuable through territorial conquest and the exploitation of natural resources. Despite many Americans’ objections that imperialism was incompatible with the nation’s values, the United States also established an empire in this era by annexing Hawaii, establishing a permanent presence in Cuba, and taking control of the Philippines, Guam, and Puerto Rico.
World Grab for Colonies
Americans watched as one European nation after another expanded its empire. Portugal and Spain had amassed large empires as early as the 15th and 16th centuries, but by the mid-19th century Great Britain was the dominant colonial power. The possessor of the world’s largest navy, Britain also had a long history of colonization, beginning with Ireland and America in the 16th century. After losing its 13 American colonies, Britain turned toward colonizing parts of Asia, particularly India, and in the late 19th century its empire expanded across the African continent as well. In what became known as the “scramble for Africa” other European nations—including Belgium, France, Germany, Italy, Netherlands, and Portugal—joined the British in carving up the continent between 1881 and 1914
The French also expanded into Southeast Asia, gaining control of nations such as Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos. The Russians pushed out from their existing borders to extend their influence in the Middle East and Far East. Even the Japanese, who had historically shied away from relations with the outside world, began to aggressively pursue the extension of their borders. Beginning by conquering nearby islands such as Okinawa and the Kurils, by 1894 Japan waged war against China for control of Korea and Taiwan.
The imperial thrust of European and Asian nations reflected patterns and rivalries established centuries before, such as the many historical conflicts between France and Great Britain. But there was a novel and urgent dimension to the new imperialism as well, including a turn toward modernity and especially industrialization. Economic growth and industrial production created dual demands for raw materials and new markets for manufactured goods and agricultural products. Capitalists invested surplus funds in developing nations and expected their business interests to be protected there in return. Technology and capital thus contributed to bigger and more effective navies, which in turn required colonial outposts to serve as fueling stations and bases of operation.
The period’s revival of evangelical religion also drove overseas expansion by Europeans and Americans. Mi ...
4.1 The New ImperialismThe industrialization of the last quart.docx
HIST 400 Capstone Research Paper
1. Laureiro 1
I. Introduction
Cuba and the United States have always had a unique, shared history to which their paths
would constantly intertwine. Since their conceptions as nations, they have been influential in the
direction of each other’s paths and have changed the course of history together. This can be
credited to not really coincidence but geographic convenience. The capital of Cuba, Havana,
rests only 90 miles off the coast of Florida, making travel to and from the island of relative ease.
In terms of citizenry, the people themselves whether American or Cuban, or in this case Spaniard
to be explained later in this piece, have firmly planted themselves on each other’s soil, altering
history. It is here that the people themselves will be discussed. While historians do indeed talk
and argue Cuban-American interaction, they seem to overlook a monumental period in American
history which seems to have many historical focuses within that period of history alone. The
American Civil War, with its thousands of participants had a sizable immigrant group,
representative of many countries, for a seemingly American conflict to be settled by American
people alone. The world was watching and foreign bodies had jumped into the fray with some
reason backing their decisions. What makes these immigrant groups so discussed however, are
the unifying motivations and influences that they leave in this and other foreign conflicts that
they take part in. The Cuban men and women that fought in the American Civil War are no
different. Here is where their own reasons for fighting and how they would help change the
course of American history yet again is where it will be realized.
II. Background History
The American Civil War is one of the most turbulent periods in the history of the United
States. Already such a young nation by the time war erupted, the conflict had threatened the
Union itself and a split between Northern and Southern states at the Mason-Dixon line seemed
2. Laureiro 2
evident to a great deal of the population, these expectations mostly coming from the South. After
the election of Abraham Lincoln, a senator from Illinois, states one after the other began to
secede and create a new nation, the Confederate States of America, in order to uphold its lifestyle
and insure the long life of slavery as an institution. In May of 1861, the Civil War began and,
hundreds of thousands of casualties later, would end in August of 1865 by the surrender of
Confederate General Robert E. Lee to Union General Ulysses S. Grant.
Parallel to the buildup of the Civil War in the United States, the island of Cuba, also the
largest island in the Caribbean, was under Spanish control up until the late 1800s. It was one of
the most pivotal colonies that the Spanish empire held and also served as a major slave hub for
the Western hemisphere, one of the largest in Latin America. Around the time our focus was
born, Cuba was important because of its powerful agricultural economy. Its main export was
sugar cane to which during this time was in high demand in the international market.1 The
United States, due to its proximity to Cuba, had always been noteworthy on the island as many
Cubans looked to the Western power with hope and fear. Events such as the Monroe Doctrine
became big news in Cuba. However, it stated that the United States could not interfere with
colonized nations under foreign control. At the time, countries such as Mexico, Columbia and
nearly all of South America successfully took military action to overthrow Spanish control and
become independent. By the end of 1825, only Cuba and Puerto Rico would remain under the
tight control of Spain, most likely due to their value as agricultural and slave hubs in the West
Indies.2 In Cuba, there was enough anger, dissent, and revolutionary thought as the Confederates
had in the South but the first rebellion against Spanish rule would not begin until 1868, only 3
1Stevens,Michel W. Cubansin the Confederacy: José Agustín Quintero, Ambrosio José Gonzales, and Loreta
Janeta Velazquez. ed. Phillip Thomas Tucker, (Jefferson, NC: McFarland, 2002), 144.
2 Stevens, 145.
3. Laureiro 3
years after the conclusion of the Civil War in the United States. Many Cubans had gone to the
United States or had looked to it for support through many different channels. These are events
that would prove to make an interesting connection with Cubans involved in the neighboring war
and it would in fact capture the attention of the United States.
The United States was still interested in acquiring Cuba but the complications of slavery and
the turmoil within the United States government made things difficult and the focus on having
Cuba become a colony had to be put on the backburner. Pro and anti-slavery ideologies divided
Cuban politics as it did politics in Washington, D.C. By the 1840s, Cuba was being considered
for annexation. However, this would add yet another slave state which Congress was trying to
avoid. This was similar to Congress preventing slave states budding in recently acquired western
lands from the Mexican-American War.3
With ethnic identity, for clarification purposes, most citizens of the island identified
primarily as Cuban, which included all racial or ethnic origins whether originating from Spain or
brought in as a slave from Africa, despite many still being considered Spaniard at the time.
III. The Cuban Immigrant Group
Through research, it is clear to see that many works on the Civil War overlook the Cuban
population and experience despite the Cuban presence being evident in both armies even being
amongst their leadership. Historians constantly argue the lack of documentation on foreign
persons fighting the Civil War is all too prevalent. However, it is the lack of thorough study in
specific immigrant groups that do the overall concept of foreign fighters in the American Civil
War great injustice. Immigrant groups that have been thoroughly analyzed by historians include
3 Stevens, 146.
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the Irish and the Germans as well as a few others, mostly European groups. While there are
studies on these European immigrants, they have the luxury of being the primary focus of most
historians and are continued to be studied thusly. This is by no means a racial claim, for when
historians speak of the Hispanic experience, they do not generalize and there has been specific
case studies on Mexican combatants in the Civil War. It is worthy of note that even when dealing
with other sources on general Hispanic histories in the United States, there are surprisingly, and
even frustratingly, blatant omissions of the Hispanic presence in important American events such
as the Civil War. When these general historical works focus on Cubans, all they really share is
history about the 1959 revolution and after, briefly describing the Cuban presence in the late 19th
century but offering nothing else to note. Sadly, American history does not recall them during
these earlier periods of American history as easily as household names like Ulysses S. Grant or
Jefferson Davis. But when leaders such as these were heavily reliant or influenced by Cubans
such as Cavada, it is difficult to overwrite the influence of immigrants such as these.
Even with discussions on other immigrant groups, there seems to be a thematic quality to
each group that emphasizes their ethnicity with making these immigrant groups notably “Irish”
or “German”, highlighting their origins a major part of their identity as a group and the
contributions that they will make to the Civil War that they participated in. They leave legacies
that one would see as notably Irish or German, setting them apart as an ethnic group or foreign
body in American history rather than a part of the masses of soldiers involved or rather,
categorizing them as American.
The focus here is on the Cubans, who do not have many works on them and no thoroughly
analyzed work that brings the Cuban population together to narrate a single experience, speaking
on behalf of those involved. These other works on different immigrant groups prove that it is
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possible by showing the cultural “flavor” these immigrant groups gave to the battle and with the
Cuban population being significantly smaller than many other immigrant groups, a case study
can be made on their behalf. The aim here is to see what special Cuban twist was given to the
Civil War itself from one noteworthy Civil War combatant and to enrich our understanding of
the motivation and influence behind another immigrant body that witnessed such a pivotal
moment in United States history.
This case study can be made for the Cubans involved in the American Civil War through
questions that historians can ask all participating groups whether based on racial, ideological,
cultural or political grounds. In this case, we look at all of these in some way through the lens of
one prominent Cuban that, through his status and actions, would be an exemplary study to peek
into the Cuban experience of the Civil War. The story of this one combatant is not unique to the
overall experience of a soldier in the war but is unique in the grand narrative of immigrant
groups, especially the Cubans. When we observe a soldier’s experience, Cavada’s story in his
own words will help enrich that focus but we will use his story to enrich the narrative of the Civil
War, immigrant groups in the war and the history between Cuba and the United States. In what
way does Cavada leave a notably Cuban legacy in his time during the Civil War? His time in
both countries paints a picture that brings many questions to the table in regards to being Cuban
in the Civil War and what it meant to them.
In defense of the analysis of a single individual being a case-study for an entire immigrant
group, certain points must be made. Other historians have analyzed the experiences of immigrant
groups have sought deeper understanding of ethnic experiences. It is these historians that will
help the research and taking the first steps for studying such a concept, to look at immigrant
motivation and participation in the Civil War through a cultural lens. Two examples may be
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brought up from research done with aforementioned German and Irish groups. Earl J. Hess had
compiled a collection of letters authored by one Henry A. Kircher, a native Illinois citizen, but
one that had come from a strongly German community and someone who had understood a
German identity and “fight for the fatherland.” Kircher had been aware of a German influence in
the Civil War that he was a part of as well as being an American soldier. Hess makes it clear that
what made the German unique was his special focus of ethnic heritage and upbringing and that
his words brought to light a little known twist in immigrant groups. Kircher had recognized an
identity separate from being American and that the presence of people around the world is
making itself known.4 The Irish have been researched as well through one notable work by
Lawrence Kohl and Margaret Cosse Richard who bring us a collection of letters from Irishman
Peter Welsh from the Massachusetts volunteers. Welsh is similar to Kircher in bringing ethnic
identity to the forefront and making it a very recognizable part of his service to America’s
reunification. His letters signify a defensive battle in defense of a rightfully free government in
comparison to the state of Ireland and their battle against the British forces at the time.5
What these two historians apply a biographical look at the men who had fought and who had
also integrated their cultural identity into the war. The story of Cavada’s involvement in the Civil
War with focus on his Cuban identity will be representative of only himself and his story.
However, following in the footsteps of Kircher and Kohl, he will be a case-study and one of the
early steps into explaining cultural and foreign significance in an immigrant group’s participation
in the Civil War. It is impractical to use Cavada’s experience to speak on behalf of all the
4 Kircher, Henry A. In A German in the Yankee fatherland:the Civil War letters of Henry A. Kircher, edited by Earl
J. Hess,(Kent, OH: Kent State University Press, 1983).
5 Welsh, Peter, Margaret Cossé Richard, and Lawrence Frederick Kohl. Irish Green and Union Blue: The Civil War
Letters of Peter Welsh, Color Sergeant,28th Regiment, Massachusetts Volunteers. (New York: Oxford University
Press USA, 1986). eBook Collection (EBSCOhost),EBSCOhost (accessed November 3, 2015).
7. Laureiro 7
Cubans involved. However, his experience will help historians pick up certain patterns that can
help explain ethnic identity’s role in Cuban motivation and participation in the Civil War.
Federico Fernández-Cavada of the Union Army will be analyzed and case-studied. One
Cuban from the Union military, with his background and post-war legacy, will help us look at
the significance of Cuban identity in his battle against the Confederacy. An analysis of the
soldier will be taken through an autobiographical and biographical lens, looking through his
memoir and a piece written by a friend who had pushed for Cavada’s lasting legacy. His story
will answer: What were the motives and inspirations behind Federico Fernández-Cavada’s
participation in the American Civil War from 1861 to 1865? How does his experience help
historians explain and unify the Cuban participants as a group, unified under a cause primarily
tied to their homeland? Through Cavada, the unique characteristics compared to other
immigrants are shown to which will bring this particular group to the spotlight and help us
further understand Cuban motivation and participation in the Civil War.
IV. Motivation and Participation
Upon studying the prominent Cuban veteran of the American Civil War and drawing
connections between Cuban events and the mindsets and post-war legacies of Federico
Fernández-Cavada, it will be the beginning steps in looking into tying the Cuban homeland with
the Cuban experience in the Civil War. With the events in Cuba leading the people to a
revolutionary or war-focused spirit, along with the geographical convenience and relatively short
distance between Cuba and the United States of America, the Cubans of the Civil War could
have fought because of connections and personal reasons tied to their homeland of Cuba. The
heavily relied upon United States at the time of a weakening Spanish Empire, had pushed
Cubans to come to America and participation in the Civil War had been such because some
8. Laureiro 8
Cubans were already in the country. Focusing in on the individual however, personal reasons
within Cavada himself. This research on the Cuban combatant was to look for the revolutionary
spirit of Cuban identity within his experience and time in America. The man had left quite a bit
for future generations to look upon and perhaps, emotional ties to Cuba and them being the
reason for participating in a battle on foreign soil would make itself evident in his writings.
However, the search for these Cuban connections are not so blatant. It is possible and
somewhat likely to be deeply veiled in the primary sources having to do with Cavada however
no concrete example exists in the documents. Strangely enough, there is no definite, smoking
gun example of a deeply or obviously Cuban connection but historians and most other who read
the book are able to make interpretations through poetic recaptures of the experiences he had
gone through. While it would be safe to assume that Cuba was the center focus behind the
combatants, Cavada’s take on the Civil War through his lens of the conflict and through his
memoir do not explicitly leave a Cuban legacy, but leave him as a noteworthy addition to the
Union Army and to the Prisoner of War population who happened to be Cuban or Hispanic.
Which makes this even more fascinating is that the real Cuban fire did not come to show itself
officially in the documents that we have until his participation in the first Cuban Independence
Movement from Spain where he would become a leading figure and embody the Cuban struggle,
the revolutionary mindset that the world has come to know as a major characteristic of the Cuban
body. The original aim of the research was to confirm that revolutionary fire or a real Cuban
ethnic presence were there. But by studying Cavada, there is an interesting pattern. It is a shift of
more American attitudes towards the Civil War when they participated that had lasted the
entirety of his time in the conflict. The idea of Cuba and happenings there would only be the
primary focus before or after the conflict, with attention on fighting the American battle rather
9. Laureiro 9
than tying Cuba in some way and using it as a reason for fighting. It could be said however, that
the Civil War inspired Cavada to take up arms or specific experiences had influenced an
evolution in his thinking when remembering his native Cuba. The real conclusion to the study
would be that while there could be thinly veiled references to Cuba, there is no real confirmation
of a Cuban influence in the Civil War other than that there were Cubans who fought in the battle.
V. Federico Fernandez-Cavada
A. Early Biography
Federico Fernandez-Cavada was born in Cienfuegos, Cuba in 1832. His father would
pass away when Frederico was very young. A Philadelphia native, his mother would take her
family and return to the city where Cavada, with an exceptional few years in Delaware, would
live and complete all of his education as well. Described as a man with delicate health, his
friends and family believed his constitution would be increased with some experience outdoors,
his mother eventually giving into his request to help in surveying the route for the Panama
railroad. The experience would grant him experience being a civil engineer should he desire to
go into the profession. Against the family’s expectations, Cavada’s time in the swamps would do
lasting damage to his health and follow him throughout his life. He would spent the next several
years recuperating, focusing on relaxing and improving his drawing skills, something that would
prove highly unique about the man himself and the legacy that he would leave behind. When the
Civil War began to rise, he had turned his attention on enlisting for the three month service,
going against calls to not do so from his family and friends.6
6 Davis, Oliver W. Sketch of Frederic Fernandez Cavada,a Native of Cuba: Showing Partially What One of His
Friends Knew of Him as a Soldier,a Gentleman, a Poet, a Patriot and a Victim. (Philadelphia: James B. Chandler,
1871), 7-8.
10. Laureiro 10
The moment he signed on is when Fernandez-Cavada would begin to engrave his name
into histories unknown. Cavada’s regiment would be the 23rd of Pennsylvania volunteers
recruited in Philadelphia. On July 20th, 1861, Cavada and all of his fragile stature would come in
with a striking confidence and officially enlist into the Union Army. After a brief exchange of
words with the recruiter, he would sign on as a Captain with his drawing skills proving useful
and noteworthy to the Generals he served under, becoming an engineer as well. These talents
along with his knowledge of topography had placed him as “the eyes” of the Army of the
Potomac. He was placed in the Hot Air Balloon Division of the Pennsylvania Regiment and
began drawing enemy lines and positions, along with scouting the area for a time. Cavada would
not become stranger to battle however, serving in the Peninsula Campaign and fighting in the
battle of Antietam under General McLellan in September of 1862. In that same fall, another
regiment would form and he would be commissioned as a Lieutenant Colonel, serving in other
battles and notably having total command of the regiment in the Battle of Gettysburg in July,
1863.7 It was on this fateful battle that the Cuban soldier would begin his first major piece of his
legacy.
B. Libby Life
Cavada would play an important role in documenting the little known experience of the
Prisoner of War camps in the Confederacy. Libby Life is his own published memoir of his
experiences in Libby Prison from 1863 to late 1864, a few months shy of the Civil War’s end.
Cavada begins by stating he was captured at Gettysburg on July 3rd, 1863. He would even get to
see Confederate General Robert E. Lee as the military leader would help organize the initial
7 Davis, 8-14.
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collecting of the prisoners and get them into line.8 Despite the famous Union victory at
Gettysburg, many prisoners were captured and sent to Libby Prison, a former warehouse in
Richmond that, with his impressive drawing skills, would image in his memoir for the readers.9
Cavada takes note that because of the exceptional leadership of one Major Turner, Libby Prison
was the safest in all of the Confederacy and thus, difficult to escape or to enter.10 This was a 200
mile journey from Pennsylvania to Virginia where the prisoners had the opportunity of hearing
news of pivotal Union victories.11 Their introduction to the prison was harsh but not as harsh as
expected. The Federal soldiers that were destined to stay received special privileges such as
cooking and were allowed to pass time by participating in certain activities, which according to
Cavada became especially necessary in the winter months. The prisoners were able to play
games, receive care packages from the Union Army, and even hold debates on various topics.
Cavada and the other prisoners of war had formed a Debate Club and would go back and forth on
the conflict and explore philosophical concepts, all hosted by an imagined moderator in an empty
chair. In Cavada’s words, they sat on the floor in a circle “like Indian Chiefs at a war council”.
Cavada’s role would be instrumental in the formation of this group to which would birth a prison
newspaper called the Libby Chronicle, a collection of writings to which the Union combatants
were able to detail their shared experiences in the prison.12
What makes Cavada’s memoir fascinating and instrumental in understanding the Civil War is
that the memoir not only captures his own experiences but makes sure to document others’
experiences as well. Examples include his observations of the “fresh fish”, the term coined for
8Cavada, Federico F. Libby Life: Experiences of a Prisoner of War in Richmond, Va., 1863-64.(Philadelphia: J.B.
Lippincott & Co., 1865), 13.
9 Cavada, 21-25.
10 Cavada, 138-140.
11 Cavada, 13-19.
12 Cavada, 34-35, 75.
12. Laureiro 12
newly captured Union soldiers, being detained and recalling all questions asked of them for
Confederate documentation.13 He notes that during his time, Cavada shared the warehouse turned
prison with 500 other inmates.14 In sleeping with his studies of other prisoners, he recalls in vivid
detail many unique experiences that prisoners had to deal with, speaking of many examples in
his work.15 This special focus on the effects of war gives us a highly fascinating interpretation of
Cavada’s views of describing the shared experience. Here we also begin to see the beginnings of
a psychological evaluation and its eventual progression to which one may assume an opportunity
to flesh out his deeper thoughts. Cavada makes note so far only of the experience of he and his
fellow Americans with note on the Civil War.
Continuing through Libby Life, Cavada takes note of the psychological effects and the
increase in intensity of treatment over time from the captors, but more importantly his fellow
captives as they exert this deep depression through two major attempted escapes and a
psychological evaluation of Cavada himself which beckons an opportunity for a possible nod in
terms of some connection between the Civil War, and Cuba which subsequently leads to his
involvement in the war. First off, Cavada speaks of a deep seated hatred for Copperheads,
southerners who were sympathetic to the Union cause and explicitly states this as the thing that is
most hated in the South. This can present an interesting argument in debates about the Civil War
as there are many when it comes to Southern animosity towards the Union and to slavery and,
according to the Cuban soldier’s account, Copperheads can be thrown at the top of that list for
there is “no class more heartily hated”.16 Secondly, he speaks of two major escapes. The first of
which he helped conjure, involved an escape plan and the immediate acquisition of arms and
13 Cavada, 42-43, 45, 44-47, 52-58, 64-67, 83-85, 85-87, 106-121.
14 Cavada, 45.
15 Cavada, 44-47.
16 Cavada, 78
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ammunitions for the takeover of Richmond, Virginia itself. They were to receive help from the
Copperheads in Richmond on the day of the first meeting of the Confederate Congress which
was to expect Confederate President Jefferson Davis. The escapees wanted to take the
Confederate leader and other important Confederates hostage, hold Richmond, and wait until
Union forces had arrived. This bold plan was eventually leaked and had captured the
Confederacy’s attention, increasing security around the prison to the point where the soldiers in
grey had placed cannons facing the street to deter regular citizens from even getting close.17
Another escape plan to which he would know the secrets and take part in a leadership role,
consisting of about 25 men, would find success in getting soldiers out of the prison. However,
due to unforeseen circumstances and deception at the hands of the Confederates, many would go
on to be sent back to Libby Prison and it was remembered as the Grand Escapade.18 As with the
first attempted escape, Confederates took precaution with Major Turner swearing that no other
prisoners shall escape, subsequently making life more difficult in Libby.19 These attempted
prison breaks and the subsequent acquisition of the Confederacy’s attention makes Cavada’s role
in causing internal Confederate dissent and distress influential. Cavada had aided in escape plans
that distracted the Confederate forces and cause them to divert resources to keeping the Federal
prisoners contained.
What makes Libby Life such a unique account, especially from a soldier’s perspective, is the
deep psychological study of the author himself. While he looks at the psychological effects of
being in prison, he takes note of Confederate worries that the mental and physical fall of the
prisoners would lead to the “collapse” of the prison and serious consequences but also to a
17 Cavada 90-91.
18 Cavada, 167-176.
19 Cavada, 189.
14. Laureiro 14
rumored prisoner exchange to which would be proven true in time.20 The memoir is a serious
self-analysis that such deep thought was only able to be reached after so much time in in these
conditions, at this point enduring 6 months of prison life.21 Cavada makes an interesting point
that he knows of Bulgarian peoples who immigrate to Constantinople and become wealthy by
working hard and returning to their young wives with their savings. He is unsure why he says
this but believes it may be having to do with rumors of having to stay in the prison until the war
is over and never really returning home. He concludes this thought with hoping that he could
return to a home himself and go about his life in bliss and make sure that his time in a prison was
not all for nothing.22
Interpretations can be made that this connects to Cuba. At this point in using the most
important primary source, one can ascertain that these are thinly veiled comments in connection
to Cuba. Would that go inspire him to fight in Cuba or was a feeling of uselessness prevalent in
him before his volunteering in the Civil War? Did prison life bring to light these thoughts from
deep within him? The man has made psychological evaluations on himself and others so his time
in prison may have influenced him to think of his own reasoning to fight in the war that he has
not mentioned up until now, this moment in the memoir and this moment in his time in prison.
Perhaps the Union Army and the Civil War was his way of making up for uselessness in his lack
of action against Spain to which he would try to make up for later, which would eventually lead
to his death. As the book keeps recalling his time in prison, he goes deeper and deeper into self-
reflection. This self-reflection is important in determining a character or actor of history but does
not give concrete proof of Cuba’s connection to personal motivation, but helps strengthen the
20 Cavada, 134.
21 Cavada, 180.
22 Cavada, 183-184.
15. Laureiro 15
possibility of ideological and nationalistic shifts in his person and in his life. The focuses that his
work reflects on does not make evident any Cuban influence in the war or any Cuban
connection. The American Civil War would provide the gateway to make a difference and
gateway back home to Cuba.
C. Post-Civil War and Time in Cuba
Cavada would come to know the experiences of a prisoner of war as well as a soldier in
America’s bloodiest battle. With his experience, he was granted full American citizenship in
August of 1865 directly from the Philadelphia office.23 It is here at this point in his life during his
recovery from time in prison that a high degree of depression would begin to fester. His down
disposition was so apparent that his friend began to take notice and it was here Cavada begins to
mention his homeland, hearing of the turmoil happening on the Caribbean island. Level of
influence would increase as his time would go on and leave the United States to return to Cuba to
join its first official revolution against Spain for Cuba’s independence. Before this, he would face
damning accusations against his character and, with 2 years left in the war, Cavada would spend
his leisure time managing his already poor health despite showing great preservice in Libby
Prison. Cavada however would decide to resign his commission before war’s end coming close
once before being dissuaded to do so. The death of a friend, and a superior, made him resign
having him shift his attention to Cuba to recover his health there.24
Before his departure, he was granted a position as a United States Consul to the Trinidad of
Cuba in 1864 until he decided to leave the role to take part in the Cuban independence
23“Certificate of Naturalization”. Philadelphia District Court. October 2, 1865. From latinamericanstudies.org.
(Accessed August 30th,2015). http://www.latinamericanstudies.org/cavada/cavada-citizenship.gif
24 Davis, 19.
16. Laureiro 16
movement in 1869.25 In Cuba, this status had appointed him as General of the Cuban Forces of
the Trinidad District of Cuba, subsequently put as Commander in Chief of the Trinidad and
numerous other districts and finally, as the Commander in Chief of all the Cuban forces on the
island fighting against Spain.26 A lithograph from Harper’s Weekly was published and his face
printed as one of the major leaders in the fight, giving him worldwide acclaim and recognition.27
Cavada’s Cuban focus would become extremely evident upon his return to Cuba. Upon
seeing these patterns, there were shifts in attention from American to Cuban perspectives
dependent on what was being fought. Cavada’s Cuban identity would not flare up or become
significant in the Civil War because it wasn’t a notably Cuban conflict. However, revolutionary
fire usually characteristic of Cuban peoples at this time would only be applicable when it a
situation arose in the country. At this point, Cuba would act upon its first organized
revolutionary war against the Spanish Empire, thus recruiting many Cubans to the cause and
garnering the attention of global powers. The fervor to which he fought would be remembered by
his compatriot who had authored the Sketch of Frederic Fernandez Cavada, a Native of Cuba:
Showing Partially What One of His Friends Knew of Him as a Soldier, a Gentleman, a Poet, a
Patriot and a Victim of the man saying:
“The campaigns of Cavada cover the operations of the past two and a half years in the Cinco-
villas Department. It consisted of hard fighting without intermission. The men, though scantily
and badly armed and clothed kept the Spaniards at bay, defending their positions in the
mountains with wooden cannon, &c., capturing several Spanish garrisons and fortified places,
25 Davis, 29-31.
26 Davis, 31.
27 “’The Cuban Revolution’ lithograph in Harper’s Weekly”. Harper’s Weekly. October 16th, 1869. From the
University of Miami- Fernando Fernández-Cavada Collection. (Accessed October4th, 2015).
17. Laureiro 17
continually harassing the enemy and doing all that the most indomitable energy and heroism
could do unsupported and unaided.”28
Such fire would be also seen within his time in the Civil War, however, the fight did not
pertain to the Cuban cause and thus, an American lens would be used for the American Civil
War while a Cuban lens would be used upon the civil conflict in Cuba.
Continuing on in Cavada’s story, the Commander would be captured by the Spanish Army.
Word of this would reach his friend Davis, receiving the news from another Cuban individual
who had known Cavada personally. Immediately, efforts were made to save his life, further
emphasizing the legacy he had left behind for even Ulysses S. Grant would do what he could to
try to save the man. There were even some debates and specific against the wording and phrasing
of reports as well as attempts to make sense of whether the man was alive, facing trial, or had
already died in battle.29 After some time, the official report came in declaring the Cavada had
been captured and taken to Puerto Principe. The Fire King, as the Spanish had come to call him
had been executed on July 1st, 1871 having faced his death “without bravado or cynicism”.
Reportedly, his last words were “Goodbye Cuba, forever”. Davis concludes his involvement in
the story stressing that while Cavada should not be forgotten, he in fact would be.30
VI. Cavada and Looking at the Cuban Motivation Behind the Civil War
Cavada had a long and storied history in terms of his involvement with Cuba and the
American Civil War and both would not have nearly the attention other immigrant groups get or
the attention that they would receive from historians and their craft. Cavada’s deep involvement
28 Davis, 32.
29 Davis, 34-47.
30 Davis, 51-59.
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in both makes him a fascinating study of the Cuban experience in the American Civil War.
However, the answer as to why Cubans as a whole as that answer would require that specific
Cuban connection and speaking on behalf of every Cuban is problematic. Cavada cannot speak
on behalf of all Cubans as Kircher and Welsh could not dictate the stories of the Germans and
Irish involved because not all of these individuals had the same experience despite their cultural
ties. However, they were representative of the fact there were cultural influences from select
members of these immigrant groups.
This is why Cavada is simply a case-study. He was chosen for this particular research
because his experience had been one of the better fits of the changes in cultural identity and the
radical shifts that they were. From analyzing an autobiographical and a biographical look of
Cavada, Cuba goes unmentioned and is of no importance during his time in Cuba. In comparison
to the other immigrant soldiers, cultural identity was prevalent and a factor in their involvement.
Tying participation for reasons connected to their homeland is alluded to and the same was
attempted to be made for Cavada and the Cubans. However, upon researching the soldier, it can
be said that the Cubans stand out as an immigrant group due to the lack of cultural focus in their
participation in the American Civil War. It simply had no place or was of no importance for
reasons based on the individual. For Cavada, it was a sense of American patriotism during the
war that would be noteworthy with his role in Cuba becoming something of similar patriotic
fervor.
Cavada himself was Cuban, but his collected legacy and what he stands for as an immigrant
was not Cuban as there were no apparent emotional ties to the nation as other immigrant groups
had. This is by no means a way to detach him as a part of the historiography and legacy of
immigrant groups that were involved within the Civil War as a whole. With Cavada, he would be
19. Laureiro 19
not be a notably Cuban soldier who had applied Cuban attitudes to a foreign battle, but a soldier
who had embodied American spirit and who happened to be Cuban. When the need for the
revolutionary fire had made itself known, it would arise just as much as his need to help the
United States had. It could also be seen that the Cuban fire had always sat within Cavada and he
was further inspired to partake in the war in Cuba because of his time in America. This is simply
what makes him unique. It can be said that Cubans overall were more Americanized or had
allowed themselves to go deeper into their American identities than other immigrant groups but
that requires deeper analysis and more concrete patterns to be picked up and shared. The United
States’ connections to Cuba are amplified but the visibly established connection of the Cubans to
the United States are just as important. They would leave a mark on United States history as well
as the history of the fatherland, coming face to face to more recognizable and famous figures
while playing roles in the shaping of those of the people around them, these famous figures such
as Jefferson Davis or Robert E. Lee themselves. The chronicles that Cavada would leave are
invaluable and represent the whole rather than just the Cubans. Cavada alone would come face to
face or be recognized with many great historical leaders.
How, however, does this help further delve into our understanding of the complexity of the
relationship between the United States and Cuba? Looking at Cavada and his brethren shed a
light on cooperation and the reliance that each other had even before the events of the Cold War
or the 1957 Revolution. The United States was Cuba’s most powerful neighbor and Cuba was
rich in resources and potential to make the United States even greater than it was. But the
interactions between the peoples of the two different nations and cultures intertwine and meet in
both countries in support of causes and what they believed were right. Single individuals from
each country would find themselves in foreign soil and play important roles in shaping their
20. Laureiro 20
fates. Friction that was formed in the 1960s due to competing ideologies suggests an amnesic
attitude towards what the Cuban and American peoples felt towards each other as their own
worlds were changing all around them. It was not just simply geographic convenience that
brought these two peoples together, it was a sense of reliance and understanding. Historians will
continue to debate the relationship between Cuba and the United States for years to come but
only starting with the 1957 Revolution and after. This research suggests that one looks towards
Cuban-American relationships before 100 years prior to that. If anything is to be learned from
the Cubans of the American Civil War, it is that causes unite peoples no matter the differences
and that somewhere laced in the histories of two peoples, there is alliance and friendship.
VII. Conclusion
The American Civil War of 1861 to 1865 was a pivotal moment through American history.
As we are able to see in the research, it proved to be an important time for immigrants and
geographic neighbors as well. Even the Cuban population felt the call to serve in this turbulent
part of American history. The rippling effects that the Civil War would have went throughout the
world’s cultures and it serves as a testament to its massive significance. In terms of immigrants,
the Cubans felt the desire to fight, not as a unified force tied to Cuba, but unified in their sense to
fight the American fight. The “Cuban spirit” would only come before or after.
The Cubans of the Civil War, especially Federico Fernández Cavada, were inspired by what
was happening and had participated in a cause that was not their own without looking through
cultural or ethnic lenses, making them unique foreign participants in the fight and solidifying
their part in American history. They adopted the ideologies of the North and South and fought to
see those ideologies come to fruition. After the war, they would take that and continue the fight
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for Cuban struggles in their own way if they so desired to, always looking back to the fatherland
and dreaming of a brighter future for the land from which they came.
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VIII. References
A. Primary
Cavada, Federico F. Libby Life: Experiences of a Prisoner of War in Richmond, Va., 1863-64.
Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott & Co., 1865.
“Certificate of Naturalization”. Philadelphia District Court. October 2, 1865. From
latinamericanstudies.org. (Accessed August 30th, 2015).
http://www.latinamericanstudies.org/cavada/cavada-citizenship.gif
“’The Cuban Revolution’ lithograph in Harper’s Weekly”. Harper’s Weekly. October 16th, 1869.
From the University of Miami- Fernando Fernández-Cavada Collection. (Accessed
October 4th, 2015).
http://merrick.library.miami.edu/cdm/compoundobject/collection/chc5006/id/1399/rec/23
5
Davis, Oliver W. Sketch of Frederic Fernandez Cavada, a Native of Cuba: Showing Partially
What One of His Friends Knew of Him as a Soldier, a Gentleman, a Poet, a Patriot and a
Victim. Philadelphia: James B. Chandler, Printer, 1871.
Kircher, Henry A. In A German in the Yankee fatherland: the Civil War letters of Henry A.
Kircher, edited by Earl J. Hess, Kent, OH: Kent State University Press, 1983.
Welsh, Peter, Margaret Cossé Richard, and Lawrence Frederick Kohl. 1986. Irish Green and
Union Blue : The Civil War Letters of Peter Welsh, Color Sergeant, 28th Regiment,
Massachusetts Volunteers. New York: Oxford University Press USA, 1986. eBook
Collection (EBSCOhost), EBSCOhost (accessed November 3, 2015).
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Secondary
Stevens, Michel W. Cubans in the Confederacy: José Agustín Quintero, Ambrosio José
Gonzales, and Loreta Janeta Velazquez. ) Edited by Phillip Thomas Tucker. Jefferson,
NC: McFarland, 2002.