1. UNIVERSITY OF VIRGINIA
Visual Media and the Development of American Nationalism
by
Jason Boatwright Woodle
A CAPSTONE PROJECT
SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE
REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE
BACHELOR OF INTERDISCIPLINARY STUDIES
April 21, 2015

2. i
Table of Contents
Table of Contents i
List of Figures ii
Introduction 1
The Catalysts of American Nationalism 4
The Colonial America Propaganda Machine 14
Exploring Eighteenth-Century Visual Media 27
The Impact and Decline of Revolutionary Visual Media 53
Conclusion 62
Figures 67
Bibliography 83

3. ii
List of Figures
Fig. 1: BLOODY BUTCHERY by the BRITISH TROOPS 67
Fig. 2: Pennsylvania Journal and Weekly Advertiser 68
Fig. 3: The New-England Almanack 69
Fig. 4: Acts and laws, of His Majesties colony of Connecticut… 70
Fig. 5: A Map of New-England, in The Present State of New-England 71
Fig. 6: The Blessed Hope 72
Fig. 7: The Pennsylvania Journal 73
Fig. 8: Magna Britannia: Her Colonies Reduc’d 74
Fig. 9: The Tomb-Stone 75
Fig. 10: JOIN, or DIE 76
Fig. 11: Gadsden Flag 77
Fig. 12: The American Rattle Snake 78
Fig. 13: The Deplorable State of America 79
Fig. 14: The Fruits of Arbitrary Power, or the Bloody Massacre 80
Fig. 15: View of Part of the Town of Boston and British Ships of War… 81
Fig. 16: A Representation of the Figures Exhibited and Paraded… 82

4. Woodle 1
Introduction
The first shots fired between Massachusetts militiamen and British
soldiers rang out on April 19, 1775, signaling the beginning of the American
Revolutionary War. Many factors contributed to this escalation of hostilities. For
over a century and a half, British colonists had slowly deviated from the cultural
systems they left behind in Europe (Wood 1). Eventually, their way of life no
longer resembled their heritage, while they struggled under the rule of the British
government. The colonists resented many actions taken by the British, such as
unpopular taxes levied to support the British army. In addition, the colonists
began to yearn for an autonomous government, religious freedom, and financial
independence (Conway 31-32). These factors led to a division within the
population of the colonies. A large number of colonists, known as Patriots, felt
the need to break ties with the British government and establish a new,
independent nation. The Patriots aligned themselves with the Whig political
party, who opposed British control in the colonies (Davidson 3). A smaller
number of colonists, known as Loyalists, were content to remain as subjects of the
Crown. The Loyalists supported the Tory political party, who recognized the
authority of the British (Davidson 249). There were also many in the colonies
who hoped to avoid conflict by remaining neutral. While the revolutionary ideas
of the Patriots led to America’s war for independence from Britain, they also
helped to define a new ideology: American nationalism.
Nationalism is described “as the widely held belief that people living in
particular geographical spaces share distinctive cultural and historical traditions

5. Woodle 2
and have the right to live in an independent political state” (Kramer 1).
Nationalism is believed to be the culmination of a variety of intersecting cultural
histories—language, politics, religion, the arts, and public symbols—ultimately
combining to form a national identity. Modern nationalism is thought to have
originated during the American and European struggles for independence during
the eighteenth century. Specifically, the “claims for national sovereignty, claims
for human rights, [and] critiques of old-regime governments…gained early
prominence and influence in the American Revolution.” This idea of nationalism
requires a method to spread, and in the case of the American Revolution, “the
major identity-shaping texts of the revolutionary era show that Americans began
to describe their war with Britain as a political struggle for national sovereignty
and independence” (Kramer 34-35).
American Patriots relied on the technology of the printing press to
disseminate their message of nationalism. This message was printed on a variety
of media such as newspapers, pamphlets, almanacs, and broadsides: a large,
printed page, analogous to a contemporary poster. Although Stephen Daye in
Cambridge, Massachusetts, began printing religious and government pamphlets in
1638, it took another fifty years for a newspaper to be published. In 1690,
Benjamin Harris published Publick Occurrences, Both Forreign and Domestick.
Government officials quickly shut down this newspaper after only one issue,
citing problems with content (Humphrey 23-26). Eventually, publishers were
allowed more freedom, and “by the time of the Stamp Act in 1765, [it was]
practically ensured that whatever someone wanted to say in a newspaper could be

6. Woodle 3
said” (Humphrey x). While the colonial printers secured the freedom to print
their words with fewer restrictions, they also began to experiment with visual
media.
The impact of visual media can be seen in much of contemporary
American society, but its effects can also be observed during the birth of
American nationalism. Visual media is defined as communicating an idea by
seeing. The concept of visual media differs from other forms of communication
as it has the ability to reach a larger audience because it can break language
barriers. During the eighteenth century, visual media allowed the American
Patriots to reach the largely illiterate population. It is believed that, during this
period, “only about half the men and only one quarter of the women could read”
(Davidson 209). Visual media also helped to illustrate ideas conveyed with the
written word, just as it does in contemporary newspapers, magazines, and other
media. During the American Revolution, illustrations published within circulated
media were primarily engravings and wood-block prints, instead of photographs.
As these illustrations were created by hand, they could be manipulated to serve
the political and cultural needs of their creator.
The goal of the American Patriots during the late-eighteenth century was
to gain their independence from Britain and to establish a national, cultural
identity. This act of sedition would require the cooperation of a large percentage
of the colonial population, no simple feat in eighteenth-century America. One of
the key components of this arduous task was the creation and dissemination of
propaganda through the media. This propaganda was designed to illuminate the

7. Woodle 4
struggles of the colonial population and the oppressive actions by the foreign
powers. While the majority of this media was in the form of text-heavy printed
publications, the inclusion of illustrations also played an important role. The
addition of visual imagery in colonial American propaganda succeeded in raising
awareness of the threats against the population, while often encouraging rebellion;
however, printers were also able to capitalize on the attributes of visual imagery
to promote the need for a unified, nationalistic ideology.
The Catalysts of American Nationalism
The roots of nationalism are often described in terms of “ancient history,
unique language, [and] exclusive ethnic identity;” however, the European
colonists in North America lacked these distinct attributes. Unlike the indigenous
people of North America, with their established cultural history, the colonists
were detached from their heritage by the Atlantic Ocean. Although the colonists
acknowledged their European heritage, North America represented a place to start
fresh, a New World where they could write their own history. In addition, the
colonies were composed of a variety of ethnic backgrounds speaking various
languages. Prior to the conclusion of the French and Indian War, the colonies
consisted of various European ethnic groups: Dutch, English, French, Scottish,
Irish, Spanish, and German immigrants. After the Treaty of Paris was signed in
1763, ending the French and Indian War, the British gained control of the east
coast of North America. With formerly foreign colonies now entirely under the
rule of the British, the separated European ethnic groups began to assimilate into a

8. Woodle 5
new cultural identity: the American colonist. For these ethnically diverse
eighteenth-century colonists, nationalism was based on different cultural
practices, including “politics, religion, geography, economic prosperity, and
domestic virtue” (Kramer 126).
Politics played a very important role in shaping American nationalism
beginning in the early seventeenth century. In 1607, the first permanent English
settlement was established in Jamestown, Virginia. Seventeen years later,
Virginia was officially declared a British royal colony. Over the century and a
half that followed, further areas of eastern North America were explored,
resulting in the creation of additional British colonies. With 3700 miles of ocean
separating these colonies from England, local governments were formed to
represent the interests of the crown. These colonial governments, and the
citizenry they represented, were composed of British subjects; however, the
distance separating North America and the British Isles was a strain to their
relationship. Compounding matters was the changing environment within the
colonies. Many colonists began to develop political identities that vastly differed
from their English counterparts. Eventually, these colonists often identified
themselves as American colonists, instead of British subjects, which helped foster
the idea of revolution.
Religious tolerance was a founding principle of most of colonial North
America. Without the restrictions from their home countries, the colonists were
able to participate in religious groups of their choice, including the Church of
England, Puritanism, Quakerism, and Catholicism (Huff 12). This religious

9. Woodle 6
diversification was even stronger leading up to the Revolutionary War. A large
influx of diverse ethnic groups brought Presbyterians from Scotland, Baptists
from Wales, and Lutherans from Germany (Butler 54). Although these religious
denominations held different views on faith, their beliefs were unified by their
faith in God. These strong religious beliefs were responsible for a heightened
sense of purpose towards the direction of American culture. Many religiously
devout colonists “saw themselves as the Chosen People from whom God…had
promised a unique political and religious influence on the future history of the
world” (Kramer 127). While religion served to unify the colonists towards a
common goal, it also “reinforced popular arguments about the need for virtue and
morality in society and politics”—common themes in the Whig party (Butler
123). Although religion served as a unifying bond for the colonists, it was rarely
used as a direct reason for revolution. Instead, religion served as a moral compass
to guide the path of the Patriots (Butler 130). This was evident by the use of the
pulpit to spread anti-British sentiment. One colonist from Virginia, Landon
Carter, recalled that the local Anglican minister preached to his congregation “to
support their Liberties…and in the room of ‘God save the king,’ he cried out ‘God
preserve all the just rights and liberties of America’” (Butler 125). While religion
helped to establish the moral identity of American nationalism, economic
pressures from the British further shaped the move towards independence.
One of the first challenges encountered by the North American colonists
was control of economic resources. After the eventual stabilization of
Jamestown, the colonists began to expand their settlements to other areas. This

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resulted in the establishment of multiple, independent communities each with a
separately appointed governing body. Because private companies managed the
settlements, they began as self-sufficient entities with only English Common Law
to guide them. Once the colonies began to turn a profit, they drew the attention of
the British Crown. The first action of the Crown was to require tobacco exports
be shipped to England first, to increase revenue through customs taxation. This
was followed by the establishment of royal colonies, each with royally appointed
governors who reported directly to the Crown (Conway 33).
Although the British profited from the generous revenues of their North
American endeavors, actions were taken to limit the self-sufficiency of the
colonies. There was concern that the colonies would become less dependent on
the British, thereby engaging in economic activities with other entities. One
specific worry was the agricultural success of farms outside of the tobacco
industry. Many of these small farms were located along the Appalachian
mountain range, where they mostly grew products that would not survive the long
trip back to England. To curb western expansion, the British released a series of
proclamations. On October 7, 1763, a royal proclamation stopped expansion west
of the British colonies, setting these areas aside for Native Americans. By
keeping the colonists isolated on the east coast, the British could more easily
manage their activities and maintain a level of economic control (Huff 14).
The economic strain of the French and Indian War led to a series of tax
initiatives enacted by the British Parliament. With mounting debt from the
struggles against the French in North America, as well as in other areas of the

11. Woodle 8
world, the British needed additional sources of revenue. Because many of the
military costs were attached to the conflict in North America, the British chose to
tax the colonists on an assortment of everyday goods. The first of these tax
initiatives was the Revenue Act, which taxed molasses exported from foreign
countries into the colonies. This was followed by the Currency Act, which
restricted the circulation of paper money in the colonies. In 1765, Parliament
passed the Stamp Act, which taxed a variety of documents including newspapers,
playing cards, and legal briefs. The Stamp Act was repealed in 1766, but was
followed by the Townsend Act, which taxed a variety of goods imported into the
colonies. The Townsend Act was also repealed, except for a duty on imported tea
(Conway 24-25). Although the economic impact of these taxes was minimal, the
acts of Parliament were received negatively in the colonies.
Economic independence was an important factor in the development of
American nationalism, while self-sufficiency and domestic duties also became
both necessary and highly valued. The role of the family, including gender- and
age-based responsibilities, was an extremely important cultural development.
Domestic duties were reinforced by the self-sufficient nature of the agricultural
lifestyle in which most colonists participated. Agriculture required strict
adherences to planting and harvesting schedules, the tending of livestock, as well
as maintenance and construction of the structures required to succeed. These
activities were mostly handled by the men, while childrearing and the preparation
of meals occupied most of the women’s time (Huff 12). The domestic roles
valued during the colonies’ infancy were also reinforced by the lack of a distinct

12. Woodle 9
class structure, a social construct that would eventually appear when England took
a greater interest in the economic opportunities of the new world.
Compared to England, social class distinction was not as restrictive in
early America. There was a social hierarchy in the colonies; however, it differed
from England’s. One of the most important omissions from the social structure in
early America was the lack of royal titles and lands. Instead, colonists had the
ability to rise and fall on the cultural ladder through their social and economic
accomplishments. This social structure was primarily the result of the private
management of the colonies. Of course, when the Crown took notice of the
economic possibilities in America, this structure would change. With the Crown
appointing royal representatives to each of the colonies, the social mobility the
colonists enjoyed began to diminish. Along with these appointments came
interference from the British Parliament over colonial affairs. This further
diminished the role of local colonial governments and further established them as
less than equivalent to their counterparts in England (Huff 15). The massive
changes to the social structure of the American colonies did not sit well with
colonial gentry, resulting in many of the outspoken colonists taking their
grievances and ideas public.
As the American colonies embraced the new cultural ideology developing
in North America, there were many who took the opportunity to stress the
importance of a new national identity using the power of speech and writing.
During this time, several figures emerged who found themselves natural
proponents of American nationalism. Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Paine, Josiah

13. Woodle 10
Quincy, Samuel Adams, and other prominent eighteenth-century revolutionaries
were some of the first to publicize national sentiments. In the beginning, their
writing and speeches were little more than sermons on the advantages of the
cultural identity being formed; however, as the British enacted more restrictive
controls over the colonies, these Patriots began to disseminate fiery rhetoric.
Although much of this rhetoric came in the form of speeches and lectures, most
revolutionary messages were published in newspapers, broadsides, almanacs, and
pamphlets.
Considered to be the most effective propagandist of his time, Samuel
Adams began challenging the practices of the British, at the age of twenty-six,
through his impassioned essays and speeches (Davidson 3-4). In 1748, Samuel
Adams helped found a group that published the Independent Advertiser, a
newspaper that circulated anti-British articles and essays. During his time writing
for the Independent Advertiser, and eventually the Boston Gazette, Adams pushed
his ideas of American nationalism using a variety of pseudonyms (Davidson 4-5).
This was a practice common to many of the revolutionary writers in the American
colonies. Thomas Paine, one of Samuel Adams’ acquaintances, chose to remain
anonymous when he published his pamphlet “Common Sense.” The decision to
use a pseudonym was most likely due to the fear of prosecution for treason (Paine
29). This fear was certainly justified, as the Tory party often accused
propagandists of suggesting the creation of an independent American nation. One
particular article attributed to Samuel Adams, published in the Boston Gazette in
1773, stated, “How shall the Colonies force their oppressors to proper terms? This

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question has often been answered, already by our politicians: ‘Form an
independent state,’ ‘AN AMERICAN COMMONWEALTH’” (Davidson 40).
This type of political writing was certainly frowned upon by British Loyalists.
Samuel Adams was adept at pushing political rhetoric, but another individual,
Thomas Paine, truly excelled at promoting the components of the blossoming
nationalistic ideology.
In 1774, Thomas Paine traveled from London to Philadelphia where he
hoped to begin a new life. Although he aspired to be a teacher, he found himself
employed as an editor and writer (Paine 13-14). Prior to his most influential
essays, “Common Sense” and “The American Crisis,” Paine wrote several essays
about slavery. His first essay was titled “African Slavery in America,” in which
he lamented the practice of enslaving Africans. In another of his essays,
“Thoughts on Defensive War,” Paine implied another form of slavery was being
practiced in North America—the enslavement of American colonists by the
British (Paine 18). Of course, these essays were just the beginning of Paine’s
attempt at publicizing the growing sense of nationalism that was creeping through
the colonies. His most famous essay, and one of the most critical assessments of
the relationship between Britain and America, was his 1776 essay “Common
Sense.”
Circulated as a pamphlet, an estimated 75,000 copies of “Common Sense”
were distributed during 1776 (Paine 29). Although the pamphlet was primarily
circulated throughout the northern colonies, its message began to filter to other
parts of North America. The message in “Common Sense” was universally

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received as a call to stand up to Britain as one nation. This was a surprising
development considering that most “Americans’ cultural and political loyalties
were distinctly regional” (Paine 30). The popularity of “Common Sense” proved
that the rejection of oppressive taxation, perceived military occupation, and other
grievances under British rule, were national issues.
The message in “Common Sense” is not just political propaganda; it is
about embracing the American nationalism that had developed over a one-
hundred and fifty-year period. Paine discusses many of the nationalistic ideas that
had been gaining momentum, including religious freedom, economic self-
sufficiency, ethnic diversity, and geographic separation. Much of “Common
Sense” contains religious overtones; some of the most important are Paine’s
comments regarding religious freedom:
As to religion, I hold it to be the indispensable duty of all government, to
protect all conscientious professors thereof, and I know of no other
business which government hath to do therewith…For myself, I fully and
conscientiously believe, that it is the will of the Almighty, that there
should be diversity of religious opinions among us. (Paine 105)
In response to the constant taxing of America’s economic system, Paine states:
I have heard it asserted by some, that as America hath flourished under her
former connexion with Great-Britain, that the same connexion is necessary
towards her future happiness, and will always have the same effect.
Nothing can be more fallacious than this kind of argument…America

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would have flourished as much, and probably much more, had no
European power had any thing to do with her. (Paine 87)
On ethnic diversity, Paine reflects:
In this extensive quarter of the globe, we forget the narrow limits of three
hundred and sixty miles (the extent of England) and carry our friendship
on a larger scale; we claim brotherhood with every European Christian,
and triumph in the generosity of the sentiment. (Paine 88)
Finally, Paine laments the geographical distance that separates America from
England:
As to government matters, it is not in the power of Britain to do this
continent justice: The business of it will soon be too weighty, and
intricate, to be managed with any tolerable degree of convenience, by a
power, so distant from us, and so very ignorant of us; for if they cannot
conquer us, they cannot govern us. To be always running three or four
thousand miles with a tale or a petition, waiting four or five months for an
answer, which when obtained requires five or six more to explain it in,
will in a few years be looked upon as folly and childishness. (Paine 92-93)
The goal of “Common Sense” is to summarize the popular ideology of American
nationalism in an accessible document. His success in this endeavor is evident in
the eventual onset of the Revolutionary War and the formation of the United
States of America.
Over the course of one and a half centuries, colonial America began to
coalesce into a society guided by a specific ideology. This ideology was the

17. Woodle 14
product of the cultural practices—politics, religion, economics, virtue, and
geography—of a group of individuals looking to make better lives for themselves
and their families. Although these practices were important to the initial
development of the nation, they were brought to the forefront when outside forces
threatened to remove them. The threat to these liberties culminated with the
Revolutionary War; moreover, this threat would lead to the unification of a
diverse population originally bound together by the need for freedom.
The Colonial America Propaganda Machine
As the eighteenth-century American Patriots began to escalate their
revolutionary discourse, they capitalized on every method of communication
available in the colonies. The lack of broadcasting technology, such as radio,
television, or social media, meant spreading their patriotic message would have
been more difficult than it would be today; however, print media offered many
forms of effective communication.
The first printing press arrived in the American colony of Massachusetts
in 1638. Rev. Joseph Glover, a Puritan minister who aspired to print religious
pamphlets in the new world, envisioned the establishment of a printing press in
North America. Accompanying him on his journey was Stephen Daye, a
locksmith with no printing experience. Glover died while travelling from
England to North America, leaving the printing press in the hands of Daye and
Henry Dunster, Harvard University’s first president. The first book printed at
their Cambridge, Massachusetts, press was The Bay Psalm Book. The subject of

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the first book printed in North America was significant, as it represented the
importance of religion in the colonies. By printing religious books and
pamphlets, the ministry gained a technological advantage to assist with the spread
of their beliefs (Talbot). The use of the printing press as a tool to spread and
reinforce religious teachings would continue for the next half-century when
Benjamin Harris attempted, and failed, to print North America’s first newspaper.
The publication of newspapers, broadsides, secular pamphlets, and
almanacs in the colonies began slowly. It would take fourteen years for another
entrepreneur to print a colonial newspaper after Benjamin Harris’s failed 1690
newspaper Publick Occurrences, Both Forreign and Domestick. This
entrepreneur was John Campbell. In 1704, he published the Boston News-Letter.
Campbell had learned from Harris’s mistake of not obtaining permission from the
government. The Boston News-Letter contained the declaration, “PUBLISHED
BY AUTHORITY,” an indication that Campbell had procured the proper
approvals. Under the watchful eye of the colonial government, he seemed
reluctant to exhibit any journalistic freedom. Because of this hesitation, the
careful selected stories in his newspaper were mostly reprinted from “London
newspapers, letters from correspondents, and gossip from the ship’s crew”
(Humphrey 26). The lack of local content in print media was addressed in 1721,
with the first publication of James Franklin’s New England Courant.
James Franklin, Benjamin Franklin’s older brother, chose a new path with
his newspaper by including “editorial comments as well as foreign and local news
reports.” This new direction was not without controversy. Although mostly a

19. Woodle 16
secular publication, the inclusion of an article that “attacked the Puritan Reverend
Cotton Mather for his support of smallpox inoculation” was meant to bolster the
position of the Anglican Church, who strongly supported the New England
Courant. The resulting outcry by the Puritan Church, including a retort by
Reverend Mather himself, proved that print media was an effective tool to
communicate specific messages to a wide audience (Humphrey 27-28).
Eventually, these messages would move away from squabbles within the colonial
community and shift towards a more pressing matter: the treatment of colonial
inhabitants by their British governors.
As the New England Courant continued their coverage of local news, they
began to chide the colonial government. The newspaper’s criticisms were not
overlooked, and in 1722, James Franklin was arrested and jailed for writing a
scathing article about the government’s failure to protect merchants against
piracy. After a three-week stint in jail, James was released. He would continue to
publish the New England Courant for an additional three years; however, his
brother Benjamin, who had partially taken the fall for James and slipped away to
Pennsylvania, would find himself the more successful of the brothers (Humphrey
28).
In 1724 in Philadelphia, James Franklin’s brother Benjamin bought a
young, struggling newspaper: the Pennsylvania Gazette. Benjamin had a grand
vision for the newspaper, one that went beyond reprinting articles from other
sources. He boldly announced that his paper needed to hear, and publish, the
voice of the people. By actively soliciting input from the public, he gained an

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understanding of the concerns of the ordinary colonist, while helping to fill the
pages of the Pennsylvania Gazette. Benjamin’s newspaper was highly lucrative,
and his influence and success quickly spread to other cities. Newspapers quickly
appeared in Maryland, Virginia, South Carolina, and New York (Humphrey 29-
30). With the addition of newspapers representing opinions from across the
British colonies, the royal governments began to pay close attention to their
content.
In 1733, the New-York Weekly Journal published an article criticizing Sir
William Cosby, New York’s royal governor. In response to the criticism, the
paper’s publisher, John Peter Zenger, was tried for “seditious libel” (Humphrey
31). Zenger was acquitted of all charges and allowed to continue publishing. The
British government’s failure to convict Zenger on libel charges resulted in the
relaxation of the authoritative control over print media in the colonies—
essentially, the beginning of freedom of the press (Humphrey 32). With the fear
of prosecution for libel somewhat abated, publishers slowly began to push the
limits of expression; however, the events that began in the mid-1750s quickly
changed the media environment.
From 1754 to 1763, the French and Indian War raged along the borders of
the French and British colonies in the Ohio River Valley. During this time, print
media became highly valuable, as it was one of the few ways for colonists to keep
abreast of the international conflict. Fear was rampant in British North America,
as the colonists were uneasy about the possibility that France would prevail.
Their fear was based on the prospect of losing many of the liberties the colonists

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held so dearly, specifically, their religious and economic freedoms. The colonial
newspapers took this opportunity to utilize their resources to help bind the
colonies together. Benjamin Franklin chose to illustrate the dire nature of unity
by publishing his famous JOIN or DIE woodcut in a May, 1754, edition of the
Pennsylvania Gazette. This example of visual media depicted a snake cut into
eight pieces, each representing a British colony (Humphrey 34). Being the first to
identify visual media as an effective form of propaganda, he realized the
effectiveness of propaganda was in its ability to unify. He once mentioned that
media was able “ʻto show that the discontents were really general and their
sentiments concerning their rights unanimous, and not the fiction of a few
demagogues’” (Davidson 15). Franklin’s use of visual media was
groundbreaking and inspiring, as additional colonial newspapers followed suit by
publishing articles promoting unification of the colonies against a common
enemy. One specific article that was published in newspapers throughout the
colonies was the Albany Plan of Union. This document was the result of the
June, 1754, Albany Congress, and it called for cooperation between the colonies
(Humphrey 35). These articles not only helped to solidify the nation against
France, they also created a long-lasting bond between the colonies that would
eventually help them break away from British rule.
After the conclusion of the French and Indian War, the colonial publishers
turned to a new enemy. With the British imposing taxes on the colonies through a
variety of Parliamentary Acts and Proclamations, the colonists began to grow
weary of their own exploitation. Colonial printers were quick to capitalize on the

22. Woodle 19
growing anti-British sentiment, and began publishing articles opposing the unjust
taxation of North America. The Stamp Act and Townsend Acts were prominent
targets, even after the majority of these tariffs were repealed. Newspaper
headlines began to take on highly patriotic tones with titles such as the New York
Gazette article “The United Voice of His Majesty’s free and loyal Subjects in
AMERICA, —LIBERTY and PROPERTY, and NO STAMPS” and the
Connecticut Gazette article “Every Man has a Right (by the Law of Nature) to the
Defensive” (Davidson 234). Eventually, these headlines became more
inflammatory, such as the Newport Mercury article titled “Undaunted by
TYRANTS—We’ll DIE or be FREE” (Davidson 235). This was a major shift, as
the colonial press moved from printing a neutral stance on British and colonial
issues to favoring the American Patriots; moreover, “by the time of the revolution,
most papers had taken a decidedly patriot position.” (Knight 3-4). The rallying
cries for independence circulated freely through the publications of the pre-
revolutionary period, from 1764 to 1774; however, articles published after the
events of April 19, 1774, gave the colonists a taste of the major changes in store
for North America.
After the battles of Lexington and Concord, colonial printers began
flooding their publications with news of the fighting. In early May, 1774, printer
Isaiah Thomas published one of the most iconic newspaper articles about the
battles that started the Revolutionary War. His spirited rendition of the events of
the battles, and his call to fight the British, were published in the Massachusetts
Spy:

23. Woodle 20
Americans! Forever bear in mind the BATTLE OF LEXINGTON!—
where British troops, unmolested and unprovoked, wantonly, and in a
must inhuman manner fired upon and killed a number of our countrymen,
then robbed them of their possessions, ransacked, plundered and burnt
their houses! nor could the tears of defenseless women, some of whom
were in the pains of childbirth, the cries of helpless babes, nor the prayers
of old age, confined to beds of sickness, appease their thirst for blood!—or
divert them from the DESIGN of MURDER and ROBBERY! (Humphrey
102)
With the war for independence underway, the newly formed Continental
Congress and Continental Army began to seize the power of print media. The
result was the use of patriotic publishers for propagandistic purposes.
Prior to the Declaration of Independence, print media was used to increase
support for the pending revolution; however, once the Continental Congress made
their seditious intentions clear, print media gained additional value. While
newspapers, broadsides, pamphlets, and almanacs were still utilized as a medium
to support the movement, they were also used to boost American morale and
weaken the resolve of the British.
The first recorded use of propagandistic broadsides during the
Revolutionary War took place in New York in 1775. Prior to a military
engagement, the Continental Army circulated a broadside offering to accept
deserters from the British Army with open arms and to provide them “with a
comfortable subsistence among us” (Berger 8). Surprisingly, the propaganda was

24. Woodle 21
partially successful, as three of the soldiers from the Royal Irish Regiment
deserted as the formation marched to battle (Berger 9). Another American
propaganda effort involved distributing leaflets to British troops that mocked the
poor conditions within the ranks of the British Army. These leaflets were
“wrapped around bullets ‘to make them fly well,’ [and] were heaved into the
British entrenchments on Bunker Hill” (Berger 9).
In addition to propaganda aimed at altering the strength and resolve of
military units, there was still a need to sustain the morale of the colonists. There
were many instances when the Patriots collaborated with colonial newspapers to
spread stories of American prisoners to “those who supported the patriot cause”
(Dzurec 430). This type of political propaganda had little effect on how the
British treated American soldiers. Instead, these stories influenced how
Americans viewed the revolutionary cause. The horrible conditions in British
prisons invariably made their way to American newspapers, which helped
Congress “continue its fight for the moral high ground throughout the war and
served to aid in drawing supporters to the patriot cause” (Dzurec 432-435). The
stories of Patriots who were executed for the crimes against the crown were also
used to bolster support for a new, independent nation. One such story centers on
the demise of Nathan Hale, a spy for the Continental army in America. Hale’s
“famous last words—‘I only regret that I have but one life to lose for my
country’” would be instrumental in expressing American nationalistic ideology
(Kramer 7).

25. Woodle 22
Patriotic Americans were not the only party interested in utilizing media
as propaganda. One British officer, General Thomas Gage, repeatedly tried to
circulate broadsides denouncing the patriotic movement. Gage was unsuccessful
with his efforts and, in a twist of events, was mocked by colonial newspapers for
his efforts (Berger 10). Not all British attempts at using propaganda were in vain.
A British raid led by John Murray, the British governor of Virginia, took over the
American press in Norfolk. This raid was in retaliation for the newspaper’s past
involvement in “exciting, in the minds of all ranks of people, the spirit of sedition
and rebellion.” Murray then converted the press into a British newspaper, further
exemplifying the importance of controlling the media during the war (Berger
106).
With many types of printed materials used for a variety of propagandistic
functions during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, it is important to
review the standardized publishing formats. Four of the most popular formats
were the pamphlet, the newspaper, the broadside, and the almanac. Each of these
formats had advantages and disadvantages, depending on the target audience, the
cost of production, the ease of distribution, and the intended message.
Pamphlets were an important, albeit not widely accessible, form of print
media. Because they constituted the most formal and longest form of propaganda,
they tended to appeal to the educated reader. This limited the pamphlet’s impact
and accessibility; however, its use to “develop the constitutional
argument…appealed to the intellectual classes and was the best possible type of
propaganda for that specific purpose.” Esteemed Patriots such as Thomas

26. Woodle 23
Jefferson, Alexander Hamilton, and James Wilson all chose to publish their
writings in pamphlets. Because of the intellectual nature of the pamphlet, this
form of print media is thought to have been responsible for some of the most
productive arguments for the formation of a sovereign nation (Davidson 209-
210). Ultimately, the impact of the pamphlet was primarily centered on the
educated classes; however, the limitations of the format created the need for more
accessible propaganda.
Newspapers formed the backbone of the print media industry. Once the
colonies began to incorporate local news into the colonial press, this distinct
medium became particularly valuable. The content of the colonial newspaper
varied, often including foreign news (often upwards of a year old), local news,
advertisements, published letters, and transcripts of speeches. The messages
printed in the colonial newspapers were considered highly useful for the patriotic
cause. Boston minister and Patriot Andrew Eliot once expressed the importance
of the newspaper to a friend: “ʻ…an interest in the public points is of great
importance. The spirit of liberty would soon be lost & the people would grow
quite lethargic, if there were not some on[e] on watch, to awaken and rouse
them’” (Davidson 225). While the patriotic messages within the colonial
newspapers were certainly important, the massive circulation was paramount.
Prior to the pre-revolutionary period, only twenty-one newspapers were printed in
North America. By the drafting of the Declaration of Independence, this number
had almost doubled. Surprisingly, supporters of the Whig party controlled all of
the newspapers printed prior to 1774. Only after revolution was certain did Tory

27. Woodle 24
supporters attempt to publish pro-British newspapers (Davidson 225-226). There
were limitations to the effectiveness of the newspaper. Although the number of
newspapers published was significant, their distribution remained isolated to the
areas in which they were printed. This was only compounded by the low literacy
rate in the colonies (Davidson 225).
One of the most practical forms of print media was the broadside.
Broadsides were large, single sheets of printed material used to convey
information “too long for the [news]papers and too short for a pamphlet”
(Davidson 218). Prior to 1765, broadsides were used primarily for “notices,
proclamations, and special news accounts” (Davidson 216). During the pre-
revolutionary period, colonial printers began to print highly propagandistic
broadsides. The anti-Stamp Act speeches of popular Patriots such as William Pitt
and Henry Seymour Conway, John Dickinson’s “Liberty Song,” and other anti-
British propaganda were printed and distributed to the masses (Davidson 217). In
addition to fiery rhetoric, these broadsides often contained visual cues to entice
the potential reader. One specific example is a broadside titled Bloody Butchery
by the British Troops, which includes the silhouettes of coffins, each with the
name of a soldier who fell at the battles of Lexington and Concord (Fig. 1)
(Davidson 224). The potency of these broadsides was further increased by the
manner in which they were circulated. Patriots would often slide broadsides
under doors, leave them on residential doorsteps, and tack them to posts or tree
trunks. Broadsides were also a popular form of media used to communicate to the
lower classes, a demographic often not privileged to the discussion of the

28. Woodle 25
formation of a new nation. These broadsides were often read aloud to groups of
colonists, allowing the illiterate to absorb the anti-British messages (Davidson
218). The result was the widespread dissemination of patriotic propaganda, and
the eventual acceptance that revolution was a certainty.
Another heavily circulated form of printed media was the almanac. These
yearly publications were indispensable for the colonial American, and “nearly
every home had an almanac” (Davidson 188). The primary purpose of the
almanac was to provide colonists, many of whom were farmers, with annual data
to assist with agriculture and other domestic activities. Almanacs often contained
a calendar, seasonal weather forecasts, and astronomical information. Publishers
would also include other material within their almanacs, including the occasional
“article on some aspect of the political situation, and frequently short poems”
(Davidson 223). One of the most popular almanacs in colonial America was
Benjamin Franklin’s Poor Richards Almanack, which was first published 1732
(Humphrey 30). Although Franklin’s, and other publishers’, almanacs were
widely consumed by the eighteenth-century colonial population, they had one
important drawback. Because almanacs were published on a yearly basis, they
were ill designed to carry propaganda; however, this did not deter publishers from
including politically charged messages. For instance, the Essex Almanac printed
“a short poem on a patriotic subject at the top of each page—Liberty, Oppression,
Magna Carta, and so on” (Davidson 223). Because of the widespread
geographical consumption of almanacs, propagandists found that general

29. Woodle 26
messages that promoted American nationalism could be easily disseminated to
even the most rural parts of the colonies.
While pamphlets, newspapers, broadsides, and almanacs carried articles
reinforcing the colonists’ grievances and nationalistic writing, they often
contained printed images. This visual media took many forms, from simple
typographical ornaments to multi-color illustrations, with a variety of intended
purposes. A 1765 publication of the Pennsylvania Journal and Weekly Advertiser
contained “a most garish design, its front page set up to look like a tombstone that
was topped with a skull and crossbones.” (Fig. 2) This visual display was meant
to draw the attention of readers to the Stamp Act and its economic impact on the
publishing industry (Humphrey 48-49). It is argued that these images served a
lesser function than the text they were supporting. It is thought that “pages of
type—not photographs, nor images, nor voice transmissions, but
paragraphs…could bring people to the point of declaring their independence;”
however, there seems to be considerable evidence to the contrary (Humphrey x).
After all, the colonists suffered from an extremely high illiteracy rate. Visual
media could have acted as a method to encourage the illiterate to seek an oral
rendition of the printed material, while those who could read would be enticed by
the relatable images. These images were often used to complement the
accompanying writing or, in some cases, take the place of a written message all
together.
Creating an effective method for communicating nationalistic ideology
took both time and a changing social climate. Over time, as the needs of the

30. Woodle 27
population changed, the print industry adapted. As the number of secular
publications began to rise, publishers incorporated articles that challenged their
leaders. This departure from reprinted news from abroad helped to develop a
connection between readers and the events around them, as local issues were
easily relatable. When the war with the French began to threaten the colonists’
liberties, printers took to their publications to plead for unity. When the time
came for England to pay for their war, the printers used their publications to
protest the economic hardships. Realizing the effectiveness of printed
propaganda, publishers continued to disseminate patriotic messages throughout
the Revolutionary War, often in concert with the fledgling American government.
While the importance of printed propaganda evolved through time, so did the
medium in which the propaganda was printed. Publishers were keen to adopt a
variety of media formats to increase circulation and spread their message,
eventually relying on the increased use of visual imagery.
Exploring Eighteenth-Century Visual Media
The addition of visual imagery in print media, for the purposes of
propaganda, is widely accepted to have begun with Benjamin Franklin’s JOIN or
DIE woodcut in May 1754; however, colonial printers had experimented with
visual additions to their publications for decades (Humphrey 34). Some of the
earliest newspapers, broadsides, and pamphlets began to use simple borders to
accentuate the formal nature of their message. For instance, in 1702 Samuel
Clough published an issue of The New England Almanack, which included a

31. Woodle 28
floral border framing the title page (Fig. 3). Although not indicative of a
particular message in itself, the border gave the printed words a sense of
importance by mimicking the look of a framed painting. In addition to fancy
embellishments, images related to the government were often printed alongside
text to help punctuate the message. One such image was the royal coat of arms of
the United Kingdom. In 1702, Bartholomew Green and John Allen printed the
pamphlet Acts and Laws of his Majesties colony of Connecticut in New-England
(Fig. 4). The cover of this publication featured the royal coat of arms of the king
of England, George I. This royal emblem was included to accentuate the official
nature of the document, but it was also used as propaganda to emphasize that the
colony was the property of the British. This form of propaganda would
eventually backfire, as the use of images such as the royal coat of arms would
serve as a reminder of the laws and tariffs the Patriots opposed. While simple
imagery was used sparingly in the early part of the eighteenth century, the
practice of including visual media eventually began to increase. This was
primarily due to the increase in the perceived value of propagandistic imagery;
however, technical challenges of the printing press made the inclusion of visual
media a difficult undertaking.
The majority of the printing houses in colonial America operated a
letterpress, a printing press named for the moveable type used to imprint text.
These printing houses were named according to the number of presses they
operated: “ʻone press,’ ‘two press,’ and ‘three press’ shops” (Wroth 62). During
the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, printers used a variety of types of

32. Woodle 29
letterpresses, including designs from England, Germany, and the Netherlands.
These presses were named for their designers, such as the Blaeu press, or by their
country of origin, such as the old-fashioned English press. Regardless of their
original design, most of the letterpresses in colonial America were heavily
modified and bore little resemblance to their namesake (Wroth 71-78). One of the
main things that all letterpresses had in common was the moveable type that made
the press such a monumental achievement.
Moveable type consisted of small, rectangular blocks of metal—primarily
a lead and antimony alloy—each with an individual letter carved in relief. A
compositor arranged these blocks to form words and sentences. Individual lines
of text were laid in to a galley, which was then set into an iron chase, forming the
contents of an entire page. After a page was locked onto the press, a pressman
would ink the type and insert a sheet of paper into a wooden frame attached to the
chase. When everything was in place, the pressman would pull a large lever that
would push the paper down into the inked type. Afterwards, the sheet would be
removed and hung up to dry (Burns 90). While printing text using moveable type
was straightforward and efficient, adding visual imagery to printed media would
prove to be more challenging.
There were two principal methods of creating visual imagery in colonial
America. The first was woodcut printing, also known as woodblock or wood-
engraving printing. This form of printing is considered to be the “oldest form of
engraving, indeed the oldest form of printing in Europe” (Burns 94). The first
woodcut to adorn a publication in the colonies was in the book Narrative of the

33. Woodle 30
Indian Wars, by William Hubbard. This 1677 edition of Hubbard’s book
contained a woodcut map of New England printed by John Foster (Fig. 5) (Wroth
283). As the name suggests, a woodcut print is piece of wood used to transfer an
image to the print media. When creating the woodcut, the artist would use knives
and other instruments to cut into the surface of a flat piece of wood. When ink
was rolled onto the completed woodcut it would only adhere to the raised
sections. Any recessed areas would remain ink free, leaving a negative space that
would form the image. By pressing this block against a surface, the image would
be transmitted. Although relatively cheap to produce, the woodblock had many
disadvantages. Wood was not a particularly durable printing material and
woodblocks quickly wore out. There were also constraints to the artistic freedom
that came with woodcut printing. Because of the nature of wood, fine lines and
intricate detail were more difficult to produce. Possibly one of the greatest
advantages to woodcut printing was the ability to use a woodblock on a
conventional printing press. Because the woodblock was carved in relief, it could
be easily mixed with moveable type on the printing press (Burns 94).
The second form of printing in eighteenth-century colonial America was
copperplate printing, also known as intaglio. Copperplate printing was first
established in colonial America at the beginning of the eighteenth century by
Thomas Emmes, who printed the portrait of Puritan minister Increase Mather on
the “frontispiece in certain copies of Blessed Hope of 1701” (Fig. 6) (Wroth 284).
This form of printing used a thin sheet of copper inscribed with lines cut by an
engraver. While the woodcut utilized its raised surfaces to transfer ink to paper,

34. Woodle 31
copperplate printing transferred ink through its recessed lines. Ink applied to a
copper plate would settle in these lines, leaving the rest of the plate ink-free.
Although this allowed for highly detailed printed imagery, it required a special
printing apparatus. While the typical printing press utilized a plate that applied
pressure downward onto the paper, the copperplate press used a heavy cylinder
that rolled across the paper, forcing the paper into the grooves of the copper plate
and the ink. This complicated the process of printing images using copper plates
in media that used moveable type, as the two technologies were not compatible
(Burns 94).
While woodcut printing was often used to form crude images in print
media, copperplate printing posed a logistical challenge. Letterpress printers who
relied on copperplate printing for imagery were required to use two separate
printing presses, often owned and operated by two different printing houses. In
fact, copperplate printing was considered to be an entirely separate industry from
those utilizing moveable type (Wroth 286). Even with the technological
challenges, the print houses adapted and formed a division of labor that allowed
for copper plate imagery and moveable type to be included on the same printed
page. Of course, this required the copperplate image to be printed at one location
and then sent to the letterpress for the addition of text; however, this was not
without its challenges. Once the printer received the printed images, the
letterpress would have to be carefully adjusted to print within the appropriate
blank area. Because of the logistical challenges of including copper plate
engravings and moveable type on the same page, the use of woodcut printing was

35. Woodle 32
a more popular option. This did not stop the letterpress from using copper plate
engraving. Instead, the high quality copper plate images were often including on
separate pages from text. When text and images were needed on the same page,
woodcut printing appeared to be the more reasonable choice. While the inclusion
of imagery in colonial American print media posed some challenges, its value
often overshadowed the additional cost, time, and logistical difficulties involved
in its production.
Although the inclusion of visual embellishments in print media helped to
make newspapers, broadsides, and pamphlets more aesthetically pleasing, they
also helped to communicate the struggles and aspirations of the Patriots. This was
accomplished by using iconographical images—visual elements that
communicate specific messages through the context of a place and time. These
iconographical images were easily identifiable to the majority of the colonial
population and were reprinted on a regular basis. For instance, the use of skull
and crossbones proved to be a prominent symbol of the opposition to the Stamp
Act. Instead of displaying the proper tax stamp required by Parliament, patriotic
printers would include the image of skull and crossbones (Fig. 7). The skull and
crossbones was also a popular icon used on grave markers, and its use in place of
the tax stamp suggested that the tariff would be the death of the colonists.
Colonial printers used many other images of death in their publications.
Dismembered bodies of men and animals were often used, suggesting the
separation of American from England or the need for unity within the colonies
(Fig. 8). Religious symbols related to death, such as the devil, were also included

36. Woodle 33
to denounce the actions of those who sought to oppose the patriotic cause (Fig. 9).
Although a good portion of the visual media produced by the Patriots was meant
to shock people into action, other iconographical images were used to reinforce
the idea of colonial nationalistic ideology, even during the Revolutionary War
period when support for independence had already been won. Many of the later
images that appeared promoted the concept of national unity, the binding force
that would assure American nationalistic ideology would prevail.
The passage of time has resulted in the loss of many of the original
examples of eighteenth-century newspapers, broadsides, and pamphlets. Some
have survived, buried in attics, museums, or at institutions such as the American
Antiquarian Society. These rare examples provide an indispensable resource
when reviewing the messages in visual media. In order to gain a greater
understanding of how visual media was used to promote the nationalistic
ideologies of the colonial Patriots, it is necessary to review several of the most
influential and well-known examples of eighteenth-century visual media. To
evaluate the evolution of visual media, examples have been chosen from three
different periods during America’s struggle for independence. Visual media from
the French and Indian War (1754-1763), pre-revolutionary period (1764-1774),
and Revolutionary War (1775-1782) have been selected to gain perspective on the
various stages of nationalistic, ideological development.
As previously mentioned, one of the most iconic propagandistic images of
the eighteenth century is Benjamin Franklin’s 1754 woodcut JOIN, or DIE (Fig.
10). Although small in size, 2” by 2 7
/8”, this depiction of a snake cut into eight

37. Woodle 34
pieces was instrumental in promoting unity through the American colonies. The
individual segments of this snake are each labelled with an abbreviation of the
colony they represent. The colonies are listed from the northernmost to
southernmost colony, from the snake’s head to tail, respectively. At the head sits
New England, abbreviated as N.E., while the tail is labelled S.C., for South
Carolina. While the geographical arrangement of the colonies along the body of
the snake seems logical, especially considered the long, narrow shape of the
American territory occupied by the British, Franklin’s choice for placing the
northern colonies at the head may be significant. Franklin was born in Boston
and was closely connected with the politics of the northern colonies. Placing New
England at the dangerous head of the snake could have been a subtle warning to
the British. Eventually, the positions of the colonies along the body of the snake
would be appropriate, as the perceived focus of British aggression would be in
New England; however, this woodcut was produced more than fifteen years
before the battles of Lexington and Concord. The positioning appears to be more
out of convenience and familiarity, instead of foreshadowing the events of the
revolution. It should be noted that the snake would become a popular symbol in
colonial American propaganda. The snake, specifically the rattlesnake, would
later be used in the pre-revolutionary and Revolutionary War periods to represent
the tenacious American resolve. This popular representation of America would
be including on the Gadsden Flag and in other engravings such as English
caricaturist James Gillray’s The American Rattle Snake (Figs. 11 & 12).

38. Woodle 35
Franklin’s original intention with his JOIN, or DIE woodcut was to unite
the colonies during the French and Indian War. Ironically, the image would
become a symbol of unification during the troubling times following the war’s
conclusion. This woodcut also served as the inspiration for other patriotic artists
who sought to promote their revolutionary ideas. The ideas of unity are obviously
symbolized in the woodcut by the cut and separated body of the snake. Combined
with the text “JOIN, or DIE,” the message is clear: the colonies must unite against
the threat of invasion by the French. Of course, one of the major fears of the
colonists was to lose the economic and religious independence they held so dear.
Franklin recognized this and chose a simple visual representation that would help
to bind the colonists together and ultimately prepare them for the future. Once the
French and Indian War had ended, and the British began to tighten their grip on
the American Patriots, the message of JOIN, or DIE would become all the more
important.
In 1765, the artist John Singleton Copley created the copper plate
engraving Deplorable State of America (Fig. 13). This 10 ¼” by 14 7
/8” image
was printed in Philadelphia and circulated as a protest against the Stamp Act.
This political cartoon contains several figures in a variety of poses, each making
satirical statements. Interestingly, the majority of the figures represented in the
engraving are making statements encapsulated in text bubbles, sometimes known
as banderoles. The inclusion of individual statements is not unique to eighteenth-
century visual imagery; however, giving each character a separate speaking part is

39. Woodle 36
rare. Supporting the individual statements of the characters is a short narrative
that poetically reinforces the message:
Contagious Box what PLAGUES dost thou contain
HORROR without and RUIN all within!
Some latent MISCHIEF in each Corner lurks
In every Cell a secret Venom works;
FATE lies in ambush, in the Center hid,
And DEATH itself hangs hovering o’re the lid. (Copley)
The message references the similarities between Pandora’s Box and the Stamp
Act. Once accepted by the colonists, even if accepted with reservations, the
tariffs would bring certain doom to the freedoms the Patriots fought so hard to
achieve. This message is further reinforced by the presence and actions of the
individuals depicted in the imagery.
Central to Copley’s engraving was the Liberty Tree. This elm tree was
located in Boston Common, a centralized park in the city of Boston. The Liberty
Tree was often used as a makeshift gallows to hang certain public figures in
effigy. This tree was meant to represent “the tree of life, or liberty, and the tree of
death, or the gallows tree” (Carretta 110). Copley’s Deplorable State of America
was the first colonial engraving of the Liberty Tree, but it would not be the last.
The depiction of this tree in colonial propaganda would help it to become an
important icon of the patriotic movement. While the tree was revered by the
Patriots—it even acquired a copper name-plate on its trunk—it would quickly be

40. Woodle 37
cut down by Loyalists. Regardless, the symbol would remain a potent visual
centerpiece for other colonial propaganda.
Directly below the poetic narrative of Copley’s engraving flies a female
figure, representing Britain, who says, “Take it Daughter its only the S—p A—t,”
while holding a box labeled “Pandora’s Box.” Above this figure is a flying male
holding a purse of gold. This figure represents King George III, stating, “What a
Surprizing virtue there is in Gold with it I make the very Stars shed their
Influence as I please—.“ The positions of these two flying figures, Britain flying
towards the Liberty Tree with the Stamp Act in hand and King George III flying
away with tax revenues, represent the geographical distance between colonial
America and the British government. This representation is further illustrated by
a small island labelled “England” and a body of water labelled “Atlantick” to the
far right of the engraving. Another flying figure is located to the left of the
Liberty Tree. Minerva, the Roman goddess of wisdom, perches herself with one
foot on the trunk of the tree, as if ready to push herself off and take flight. Her
comment regarding the Stamp Act is simple: “Must I be exil’d from my
America.” This signifies the perceived absence of wisdom with the introduction
of the Stamp Act. While Minerva looks to abandon America over a foolish tariff,
another Roman god stands ready to caution America. Mercury is positioned
above several figures seated below the Liberty Tree, warning, “Take it not, see
poor Liberty” (Copley). Mercury is the god of commerce and divination, among
other things, so his presence is particularly telling. By warning the colonists not
to accept the Stamp Act, he might actually be predicting the economic collapse of

41. Woodle 38
America. The presence of mythological figures in propaganda is not unusual.
These deities were excellent visual representations of ideals that people held
sacred, in this case: wisdom and prudence. Their presence also served as an
appropriate juxtaposition to the figures representing Britain—an effective
antithesis against the tyranny threatening American nationalism.
Surrounding the Liberty Tree sit several figures important to the message
within the engraving. Surprisingly, the Loyalist movement is represented by a
female figure leaning against the right side of the tree. On her chest is printed the
word “Loyalty,” while she speaks, “O tis a horrid blast I fear I shall lose my
support,” implying that the Stamp Act would effectively diminish Loyalist
support. To the right of this Loyalist is a female Native American, representing
Liberty. She speaks, “Minerva Sheild [sic] me I abhor it as Death,” while
addressing her son, a representation of the American colonists, who reclines at the
base of the tree. He exclaims, “and canst thou, mother! O have pity. This horrid
Box” (Copley). These statements show the fear and skepticism of the Patriots, as
they plead for assistance. To the side of the Native American male sits a small
snake, most likely included to strengthen the representation of America simply
through symbolic association. Beside the male representation of the colonists
grows a patch of Scottish Thistle, upon which a dog is urinating. This act of
defiance is important as the dog is wearing a collar with “W.P—ts Dog” printed
on it. This image represents both “fidelity and defiance” and a nod to William
Pitt, the Pennsylvania governor who became an ardent Patriot (Carretta 105).

42. Woodle 39
As with Franklin’s JOIN, or DIE, Copley was intent on encouraging unity
within the colonies; however, his attempt to communicate this important piece of
American nationalistic ideology took a more subtle tone. On the surface, the
engraving is obviously in protest of the potential economic hardships from the
Stamp Act. Looking past this message reveals several important clues to the
secondary message of unity. By illustrating America as multiple parts—America
the country, the colonists, patriotic statesmen, the large number of bystanders
featured in the background, and even the Loyalists—Copley implies that America
is not entirely solidified as a nation. This is further accentuated by the
representation of the oppressors in just two figures: Britain and King George III.
By depicting a multitude of American figures, each with varying degrees of
support for America and its new nationalistic ideology, at odds with a seemingly
unified England, Copley hints at the need for national unity. After all, just as
unity was needed to stand against the French during the French and Indian War,
unity would be needed to counter the aggressive economic sanctions that
threatened the colonists’ independence.
One of the most prominent broadsides in the eighteenth century was
originally designed by artist Henry Pelham and later adopted by Paul Revere. The
copper plate engraving The Fruits of Arbitrary Power, or The Bloody Massacre
was a depiction of a tragic event that exacerbated the tense relationship between
the colonists and British soldiers (Fig. 14). On March 5, 1770, in Boston,
Massachusetts, a small contingent of British soldiers engaged a crowd of angry
citizens. The scuffle quickly escalated when the soldiers opened fire, killing five

43. Woodle 40
colonists. American Patriots promptly named the tragedy the Boston Massacre.
The exact details of the Boston Massacre have been debated for over two
centuries. Pelham’s engraving contained imagery portraying the British soldiers
as instigators; however, those on both sides of the scuffle later refuted these
events. Regardless, the engraving was reprinted by Paul Revere and circulated as
a means to bolster anti-British sentiment (Zobel 198). Although Pelham’s
original engraving was reprinted and sold by Revere, the two prints are slightly
different. This was because Revere actually copied a drawing Pelham had
completed instead of using the original copper plate. Regardless of the minor
differences, the message in the broadside was clear: the British were
inappropriately using violence to suppress the colonist’s protests over the threat to
their liberties.
The central visual imagery in Pelham’s engraving depicts the tragic details
of the events in front of the Boston Customs House. A line of British soldiers,
under the supervision of a British officer, fires in unison at a group of
unorganized colonial protesters. One important detail of this engraving is how the
events are shown in a manner that depicts the moment the soldiers fired and the
carnage that followed, all within the same image. The line of soldiers all stand
with their weapons raised, with white smoke billowing around them. Meanwhile,
the colonists are depicted in various positions. Some of the victims lie dying on
the ground, while some bystanders carry off and tend to the wounded. Many of
the colonists stand in shock as the scene unfolds before them. It is possible that
Pelham intended to show the soldiers maintaining their aggressive stance after the

44. Woodle 41
shots were fired; however, it is also possible he wanted to capture the horror of
the gunfire with the bloody result that followed. Either way, the engraving
conveys the message of British aggression with a powerful image of oppression
and violence.
In addition to the imagery in The Fruits of Arbitrary Power, or The Bloody
Massacre, Pelham included blocks of text at the top and bottom of the broadside.
The top portion gives a synopsis of the aftermath of the soldier’s volley, even
listing the names of those killed by gunfire. The bottom section includes a
paraphrased passage of Psalm 94 from the Bible:
HOW LONG SHALL THEY UTTER AND SPEAK HARD THINGS
AND ALL THE WORKERS OF INIQUITY BOAST THEMSELVES:
THEY BREAK IN PEICES [sic] THY PEOPLE O LORD AND
AFFLICT THINE HERITAGE: THEY SLAY THE WIDOW AND THE
STRANGER AND MURDER THE FATHERLESS – YET THEY SAY
THE LORD SHALL NOT SEE: NEITHER SHALL THE GOD OF
JACOB REGARD IT. PSALM XCIV (Pelham)
Flanking this passage are two circular icons. The icon on the left displays the
familiar skull and crossbones, used so frequently by those opposing the Stamp
Act, surrounded by a wreath of laurel. This laurel wreath likely symbolizes
victory or triumph over the oppression of the tariffs imposed by the British
Parliament. To the right of the biblical passage is another icon depicting a mass
of clouds surrounding a figure emanating rays of light—a reference to God.
Below the clouds are two lightning bolts that strike downwards towards a pair of

45. Woodle 42
broken swords. This imagery is meant to reinforce the message in Psalm 94 by
putting the passage into context. The swords represent the aggressive actions of
the British, while the heavenly figure represents the impending wrath of God.
This relates directly to the message of the biblical text, which essentially speaks
of God defending the oppressed from their oppressors.
Another important propaganda piece was Paul Revere’s View of Part of
the Town of Boston and British Ships of War Landing Their Troops (Fig. 15).
Engraved in 1770, this 9 ¾” by 15 ½” image portrayed the aggressive actions of
the British. As protests against the Stamp Act began to escalate, and the patriotic
rhetoric continued, British royal officials began to quietly talk of an increased
military presence in an effort to bring stability. In September of 1768, Thomas
Gage, Royal Governor of Massachusetts and commander of the British army,
wrote to the Earl of Hillsborough, the Secretary of State for the Colonies, telling
him, “ʻIf open and declared Rebellion makes its Appearence [sic], I mean to use
all the Powers Lodged in my Hands, to make Head against it’” (Zobel 92).
Eventually, these quiet conversations would be transformed into action. Soon,
British transport ships and men-of-war began to arrive in Boston’s harbor.
Finally, on October 1, 1768, troops and artillery began to disembark onto
Boston’s Long Wharf (Zobel 99).
The scene depicted by Revere in View of Part of the Town of Boston and
British Ships of War Landing Their Troops was meant to cause alarm. Eight large
British men-of-war are located in a wide arc at the mouth of Boston Harbor. Each
of these warships is labelled with a number that corresponds to a key at the

46. Woodle 43
bottom left of the engraving. This key lists each of the ship’s names, displaying
the intimate knowledge that Revere and the leaders of the revolutionary cause had
about their opposition. An important detail about each of these ships is the short
black lines running from their bows into the water. These spring lines were used
to rotate the ships while stationary, a method of maneuvering the men-of-war into
the best firing positions. This aggressive positioning is mentioned in the narrative
below the image. Revere writes “a spring on their Cables, as for a regular Siege”
(Revere). Other small craft are seen ferrying soldiers from the transport ships to
the Long Wharf in the center of the image. On the wharf are formations of
soldiers marching towards the city. Again, the narrative gives an account of the
British forces:
…the fourteenth & twenty-ninth Regiments, a detachment from the 59th
Reg. and Train of artillery with two pieces of Cannon, landed on the Long
Wharf; there Formed and Marched with insolent Parade, Drums beating,
Fifes playing, and Colours flying up King Street. Each Soldier having
received 16 round of Powder and Ball. (Revere)
Together, the imagery and narrative of Revere’s engraving create a shocking
scene; moreover, they reinforce the threat to the colonists’ independence.
To complement the striking imagery of the British ships and troops, with
its accompanying narrative, Revere also includes a short letter and image at the
bottom right-hand corner. This curious letter reads “To the Earl of Hillsborough,
His [Majesty’s Secretary] of State for America. This VIEW of the only well
Plan’d EXPEDITION formed for supporting y’ dignity of BRITAIN and

47. Woodle 44
chastising y’ insolence of AMERICA is…Inscribed” (Revere). These words,
written from the perspective of Revere, are clearly satirical. They suggest that the
not-so-subtle actions taken by the British would only result in retaliation from the
Patriots. This irony is reinforced by the imagery that flanks this “open letter” to
the Secretary of State for the Colonies. To the left of the message is the image of
a dark skinned figure dressed in a grass skirt and headdress, while holding a bow
upon his lap. The figure is obviously a Native American, a common
iconographical figure used to represent the independent colonial. This Native
American rests against a palm tree, another iconographical reference to America.
Most importantly, this figure sits with one foot on what appears to be the broken
British royal coat of arms. Combined with the inclusion of a bow, a tool of both
sustenance and war, this image clearly communicates a threat to the British.
While Revere’s broadside was meant to advertise the bold and aggressive move
by the British, it seems it was also meant to send a message that its actions would
only serve to incense rebellious sentiment.
A strikingly detailed woodcut titled A Representation of the Figures
Exhibited and Paraded through the Streets of Philadelphia was created in 1780
by the artist Charles Willson Peale (Fig. 16). This 8” by 12” image was created in
response to the treasonous acts carried out by Benedict Arnold, an officer in the
Continental Army who famously defected to the British Army in 1780. His
defection was not taken lightly, and when the news began to circulate “effigies [of
Arnold] were displayed—Arnold in a cart with the Devil, Arnold in a coffin with
the Devil, [and] Arnold on a gallows with the Devil” (Davidson 387). The image

48. Woodle 45
that Peale depicts in this engraving is actually from a public event in Philadelphia
where Arnold was burned in effigy. Not only did he create the image on the
broadside, Peale also “did the transparent painting that spelled out Arnold’s
crimes and punishment and assisted in constructing the moving parts of the
effigy” (Ward 85). While the parade held symbolic meeting for the patriotic
cause, the visual record of the event would serve as a reminder of the seriousness
of treason.
The woodcut depicts a parade of figures dressed in military garb, leading a
horse-drawn carriage. At the front of the carriage is a sign suspended by a post
that reads “Major Gen. Bened. Arnold” and “For Treason” (Peale). This sign also
contains a gallows with two nooses, one for each side of the traitorous general.
Sitting behind the sign is a representation of Benedict Arnold and the devil.
Arnold is depicted with two faces, a reference to his treasonous acts. He also
holds a sheet of paper in his left hand, a black mask in his right. According to the
broadside, the paper is a letter from the devil instructing Arnold to hang himself.
The mask represents Arnold’s inability to disassociate himself from the pact he
made from the devil, a pact that required his soul. This is indicated by the devil’s
pitchfork “prodding Arnold towards the flames of Hell” (Ward 86). While the
message of Peale’s broadside is fairly straightforward—treasonous acts were
considered one of the worst offenses against the fledgling American
government—there is another reason why this example of visual media is so
powerful.

49. Woodle 46
Peale’s engraving sits underneath a title block, which simply states, “A
Representation of the Figures Exhibited and Paraded through the Streets of
Philadelphia” (Peale). A second text block titled “DESCRIPTION of the
FIGURES” sits below the engraving and consists of a narrative describing the
events that transpired during the parade in Philadelphia. To the right of the
narrative are two poems about Arnold’s traitorous acts. This large amount of text
is certainly uncommon for a broadside and it is evident that Peale felt that a
highly detailed narrative should accompany his engraving, even though either
could have potentially described the event. Because the text and visual imagery
are balanced on the page, it is clear that he felt each was needed to reinforce the
message.
Arnold’s crime was one that ties neatly with the idea of American
nationalism. Listed in the narrative of the broadside are the words “The effigy of
this ingrate is therefore hanged (for want of his body) as a Traitor to his native
country, and a Betrayer of the laws of honour” (Peale). The word “honour” is
most important, as it relates to the nationalistic ideology of virtue. Arnold’s
dishonorable crime was against the “pure ideal of America and the American
character, rooted in the truths of nature and natural law” (Ward 87). By going
against the ideal of virtue, he was essentially breaking from one of the key aspects
of American nationalism. While Peale’s engraving served as a record and
reminder of Arnold’s treasonous acts, it also helped to reinforce the ideology that
served as a base for a new, independent America.

50. Woodle 47
These examples merely scratch the surface of the propagandistic print
media produced during the second half of the eighteenth century. Regardless,
several important aspects of these images help create a picture of how American
nationalism was developed and promoted. One of the most prominent similarities
is the use of symbols of death to tell a story. Representational figures provide a
contrast to these symbols and help to provide context. Another is the use of text
to complement the message within the illustrations. Finally, and most
importantly, is the underlying message of the need for unity.
The use of iconography is an important part of creating an image that
promotes a particular message. While some of images within colonial American
propaganda are simply representational, others are symbolic in nature.
Surprisingly, the majority of the images that represent death—the skull and
crossbones, coffins, gallows, and the devil—hold an allegorical meaning, one that
represents the symbolic death of an ideology. The dismemberment, and implied
death, of the snake in Franklin’s JOIN, or DIE represents the struggle for the
colonies to establish unity. The dog urinating on a patch of Scottish Thistle in
Copley’s Deplorable State of America implies that the plant would wither and die.
This species of plant represents England, while the dog represents the growing
patriotic sentiment. While death is shown in a more representational fashion in
the central image in Pelham’s The Fruits of Arbitrary Power, or The Bloody
Massacre, the circular icons flanking the biblical passage each tell of their own
story of the oppression of colonial Americans. The Native American standing on
King George III’s coat of arms in Revere’s View of Part of the Town of Boston

51. Woodle 48
and British Ships of War Landing Their Troops represents the figurative death of
the oppressive British monarchy. Even the message behind the devil and gallows
in Peale’s A Representation of the Figures Exhibited and Paraded through the
Streets of Philadelphia does not refer to the actual death of Benedict Arnold,
although it is certain many wished he would be captured and hanged. Instead, it
refers to a blow to the nationalistic idea of virtue, an attack made by a traitor.
While each of these iconographical images speaks of death, their true meaning
lies in the promotion of American nationalism: unity, economic prosperity,
religious freedom, and liberty.
Symbolic imagery plays an important role in shaping the message within
colonial American propaganda, while representational imagery provides more of a
supporting role. Without representational imagery, many of the engravings would
fail to establish the context needed to properly deliver the intended message. In
Copley’s Deplorable State of America, the story of the economic oppression of
the Stamp Act is told through the use of multiple symbolic images: the Liberty
Tree, mythological figures, and human representations of various sides of the
argument. Supporting these images are several representational images, including
a body of water, a distant island, ships, and a large expanse of land. These
illustrations help to form the context of the overall message by reminding the
viewer of the geographical distance between England and America. Pelham’s The
Fruits of Arbitrary Power, or The Bloody Massacre and Revere’s View of Part of
the Town of Boston and British Ships of War Landing Their Troops use
representational imagery in a different manner. These two engravings are

52. Woodle 49
dominated by representational imagery; however, these images are meant to
provide context to a greater message. Although potentially inaccurate, Pelham’s
depiction of the events that unfolded outside of the Boston Customs House are
strictly representational. While they serve to shock the public with their graphic
portrayal of the results of the occupation of Boston by British soldiers, they also
establish context for the two circular icons located below. Revere’s engraving of
British forces descending on Boston serves a similar purpose by supporting the
iconography of the Native American. Both of these engravings use
representational imagery in a supporting role by creating context for their
accompanying symbolic imagery. Peale’s A Representation of the Figures
Exhibited and Paraded through the Streets of Philadelphia utilizes
representational imagery in an entirely different manner from the other
engravings. Taken as a whole, the entire scene of the parade through Philadelphia
seems to be representational, but unlike Pelham or Revere’s engraving, Peale
inserts a large amount of symbolic imagery without any sort of delineation
between the two. This seems to be more in line with Copley’s depiction in
Deplorable State of America, where representational imagery is used in
conjunction with symbolic imagery; however, defining the type of imagery in
Peale’s engraving is challenging. Because he helped to design and construct the
figures represented in the parade—the devil, Benedict Arnold, etc.—the symbolic
imagery he illustrates is actually a representation of the actual event. Regardless,
it can be argued that because Peale had an artistic investment in the parade itself,
any symbolism in the actual parade would have the same meaning on paper. Like

53. Woodle 50
Copley’s engraving, Peale seems to form an image where representational and
symbolic imagery form a symbiotic relationship.
Another notable similarity between all five of the sampled images is the
use of text to support the imagery. Given the challenges of including both text
and images on the same printed page, it is a publishing choice that supports the
benefits of both; moreover, because text was considered to be the simplest form of
printed propaganda, the inclusion of imagery strengthens the notion of its
effectiveness. In Franklin’s JOIN, or DIE woodcut, the use of the abbreviated
names of the colonies is a helpful, but not entirely required addition. It is possible
that some consumers of this particular image would understand that each segment
of the snake represented an individual colony; however, the text solidifies this
relationship. Copley’s Deplorable State of America, is riddled with text, and it is
certainly needed with the large amount of obscure mythological and political
references. The representational imagery in Pelham’s The Fruits of Arbitrary
Power, or The Bloody Massacre speaks for itself, although its narrative above the
image describes the events, while the iconography at the bottom reinforces the
biblical passage. Revere’s View of Part of the Town of Boston and British Ships
of War Landing Their Troops also uses representational imagery, but the inclusion
of the names of key geographical features and British warships helps to convey
the threatening actions of the British. This image sets the stage for Revere’s letter
to the Earl of Hillsborough and its supporting allegorical image of the Native
American. Finally, Peale’s A Representation of the Figures Exhibited and
Paraded through the Streets of Philadelphia gives a full account of the events

54. Woodle 51
depicted in the imagery, a narrative that offers additional details to the events
recorded in his engraving. While each of these prints contains text to varying
degrees, its use is somewhat connected to the events occurring in the image. The
more complicated the image—number of figures and actions portrayed—the more
text is deemed appropriate; however, the quantity of text does not seem to parallel
the gravity of the overall message within each engraving. For instance, Franklin’s
JOIN, or DIE contains only a few words; however, the message—the need for the
unification of the colonies to preserve and develop American nationalism—is
much larger. In this case, the imagery plays a much larger role, relative to text, in
the communication of nationalistic ideology.
One prevalent theme in each of the sampled engravings is the need for
unity within the American colonies, unity needed to fight the consolidated might
of the British Empire. Although obvious in Franklin’s JOIN, or DIE, this idea
can be found subtly in the other engravings. This unity was not restricted to the
geographical consolidation required to defeat the French in the French and Indian
War or the British in the Revolutionary War, but instead the need to unify under
the nationalistic ideologies sweeping throughout the colonies. Copley’s
Deplorable State of America is an excellent example of how visual imagery could
be used to illustrate the need for unification to battle the economic sanctions
imposed by the British. Through the variety of different colonial personalities
depicted, Copley shows how unification was required to resist British oppression.
Pelham’s The Fruits of Arbitrary Power, or The Bloody Massacre also represents
a colonial American culture in need of unification. In this engraving, the British

55. Woodle 52
soldiers are shown in formation, a perfectly straight line, while being led by their
commanding officer. In contrast, the colonists are in a state of disarray. Revere
also points out the state of unity within the ranks of the British in his View of Part
of the Town of Boston and British Ships of War Landing Their Troops. In
addition to the men-of-war anchored in tactical positions outside of the city of
Boston, Revere depicts the British soldiers marching along the long wharf in a
strict formation. The message in this engraving, the need for unity among the
colonists, is not readily seen within the imagery. Instead, Revere chose to
represent this need by omitting specific visual imagery. While the British soldiers
are fully represented as they storm the waterfront, nowhere in Revere’s image is
the figure of a colonial citizen. It appears that he chose to illustrate the need for
opposition and the need for colonial unity against the threat to their liberties.
Peale’s A Representation of the Figures Exhibited and Paraded through the
Streets of Philadelphia takes a more direct route in symbolizing unity. He
chooses to show a unified procession of American soldiers and citizens marching
towards the symbolic execution of the man who betrayed virtue.
The use of visual imagery in colonial America propaganda is indeed
important to the process of creating and reinforcing nationalism. Its use helps to
illustrate, quite literally, the ideologies that helped to move the nation towards
war. The time-consuming and potentially costly process of including imagery in
print media emphasizes its importance. The use of iconographical and
representational imagery is quite telling, as it identifies a need to present abstract
ideas along with contextual images for reinforcement. The relationship between

56. Woodle 53
text and imagery is also interesting, as they have a tendency to support one
another in communicating a message. Finally, unification becomes the most
prevalent theme within the propagandistic engravings; however, this theme is not
just within the messages. The concept of unity can often be seen within the
method in which the message is transmitted. Unity can be seen in how symbolic
and representational imagery, and text and illustrations work in harmony to
effectively communicate the desired message. While analyzing the specific
iconography and composition of individual print media pieces is an important step
in the discovery process, so too is reviewing its effect on the course of the
development of American nationalism.
The Impact and Decline of Revolutionary Visual Media
As America struggled to establish and maintain an independent nation, the
use of printed visual media evolved to serve a variety of functions. Ultimately,
propagandistic publications were meant to help develop American nationalism,
but their effectiveness varied. Quantifying the effects of print media on colonial
America is difficult, at best; however, its importance can be proposed by
determining why visual imagery was used, how the publishers marketed their
publications, and how the colonists received them.
The inclusion of images in colonial propaganda may be a systemic
response to a common phenomenon associated with humanity’s need for visual
stimulation. This response to visual stimuli is simple. As a species, humans
respond to “pictures before they understand words, and, like adults, are fascinated

57. Woodle 54
by mirror reflections and shadows, which are pictorial” (Adams 15). During the
eighteenth century, publishers capitalized on the appeal of visual imagery,
understanding that they could “rely on a high level of visual literacy in
consumers” (O'Driscoll 23). By adding visual elements, these publishers were
able to take advantage of the appeal of illustrations and strengthen the desire to
consume their products.
One of the most striking examples of how visual media was embraced by
the colonists is the retention and display of printed publications. Cheap
broadsides were purchased by patriotic colonists and used as a form of decoration.
Engravings of popular military and political figures were often duplicated and
displayed in homes to help “patriots feel connected with their…leaders” (Huff
207-208). Considering the inexpensive and often crude nature of these
engravings, a surprising amount of care was given to their display. Prints were
often “pinned or pasted to a wall, set up on a block of wood, or even framed”
(O'Driscoll 9). The display of such imagery became an important part of popular
culture, as colonists received advice on how to display engravings throughout
their homes (O'Driscoll 10). The popularity of adorning household walls with
patriotic images was furthered by the accessibility of the various types of printed
media available.
During the eighteenth century, the population of colonial America was
unevenly spread across the eastern coast of the continent. While large
populations were found in major cities such as Boston, Philadelphia, Charleston,
and New York, a large portion of the population was spread across the largely

58. Woodle 55
rural expanses of the colonies. The distance between the smaller communities
and numerous homesteads made the dissemination of printed media difficult.
Long travel times between settlements was one of the most difficult challenges for
the distribution of print media, mainly because there were few roads between
towns and individual homesteads. This made travel, even on horseback, a
difficult undertaking. Boats and barges were often used to move people and
goods along inland waterways, but this was a time-consuming and unpredictable
mode of transportation (Huff 173-174). To offset the difficulties in distributing
their printed media, publishers began to market different types of media to the
various types of consumer. While distribution challenges influenced the
utilization of a variety of print media formats, publishers also varied the amounts
and types of images that were included within these print formats.
Pamphlets were considered a more sophisticated form of print media and,
apart from a few popular publications, attracted a limited following. This was
certainly due to the low literacy rates in colonial America. Pamphlets were
designed for the educated colonist and lacked the images that made other media
formats so accessible. Because the publishers of pamphlets marketed their
products to the highly literate, educated colonist, visual imagery was not seen as a
necessary component to complement the message (Davidson 209-216). Instead,
pamphlets would rely on text; however, printers would still add typographical
embellishments, such as borders, to help draw the eye towards their publications.
As the pamphlet publisher targeted the elite colonial American, the
newspaper offered the propagandist a more diverse audience. Newspapers were

59. Woodle 56
published on a frequent basis: weekly, bi-weekly, or monthly. Timeliness
allowed for the propagandist to publish messages congruent with the events of the
day. Because newspapers were fairly short, approximately two to four pages in
length, and inexpensive, they were consumed in higher quantities than pamphlets.
Their accessibility was also increased by their subject matter. Although still
heavy with text, the newspaper contained less abstract writing and more day-to-
day happenings. This content would have been more approachable to those
without formal educations; however, the illiterate would still be at a disadvantage.
To help increase the marketability of the newspaper, the publisher would include
some images, often wood block prints, to attract readers. This increased the
possibility that someone who was illiterate would seek out an oral rendition of the
articles including in the newspaper. Newspapers also had a wide circulation,
relative to pamphlets. They could often be found in taverns and other public
spaces outside of their city of publication.
The market share for newspapers in eighteenth-century America was
indeed high, but so was that of the broadside. The broadside was used to publish
texts on a variety of subjects during eighteenth-century colonial America. It was
often the format of choice for religious sermons, fictional stories, ballads, and
music. For these uses, visual imagery was not as important as the text. Political
broadsides, on the other hand, often contained large amounts of imagery.
Propagandists chose this format for several reasons. Most importantly, broadsides
were devoted to one subject per sheet. Unlike newspapers, with multiple articles,
the images on a broadside only competed with their accompanying narrative—if a

60. Woodle 57
narrative was included. This allowed the publisher to create a distinct, visually
enticing representation of their message (O'Driscoll 179). Broadsides were also
easy to consume. They were often read aloud to groups, allowing the illiterate to
absorb the message, and hung for others to view. As with newspapers, broadsides
had a wide circulation, with the additional benefit of republication value.
Publishers in other cities and colonies often reprinted articles from newspapers,
but entire images on broadsides were often circulated throughout all of colonial
America.
Even with the widespread circulation of broadsides, some areas were too
rural for them to be effective. To spread propagandistic messages to the outskirts
of colonial America required another print format: the almanac. Although it
originally served as a helpful guide for farmers, the function of the almanac
evolved with time. Understanding that their audience included uneducated
farmers, almanac publishers went to great lengths to include visual imagery to
help explain the content. The majority of these illustrations were of astrological
signs, agricultural scenes, and other folksy images; however, the pre-
revolutionary period was particularly important for the almanac, as publishers
began to include political imagery within its covers. Almanacs in this period
would often reprint images from other sources, such as broadsides. For instance,
Paul Revere’s version of Henry Pelham’s Boston Massacre print was used on the
cover of Isaiah Thomas’ publication The Massachusetts Calendar; or an
Almanack…for 1772 (O'Driscoll 149). Because of the extremely wide circulation