More like this Abstract TranslateFull Text Translate.docxroushhsiu
More like this
Abstract Translate
Full Text Translate
International law is in a period of transition. After World War
II, but especially since the 1980s, human rights expanded to
almost every corner of international law. In doing so, they
changed core features of international law itself, including
the definition of sovereignty and the sources of international
legal rules. But what has been called the "age of human
rights" is over, at leastfor now. Whether measured in terms of
the increasing number of authoritarian governments, the
decline in international human rights enforcement
architecture such as the Responsibility to Protect and the
Alien Tort Statute, the growing power of China and Russia
over the content of international law, or the rising of
nationalism and populism, international human rights law is
in retreat. The decline offers an opportunity to consider how
human rights changed, or purported to change, international
law and how international law as a whole can be made more
effective in a post-human rights era. This Article is the first to
argue that international human rights law as a whole-
whatever its much disputed benefits for human rights
themselves-appears to have expanded and changed
international law in ways that have made it weaker, less likely
to generate compliance, and more likely to produce
interstate friction and conflict. The debate around
international law and human rights should be reframed to
consider these costs and to evaluate whether international
law, including the work of the United Nations, should focus
on a stronger, more limited core of international legal norms
that protects international peace and security, not human
rights. Human rights could be advanced through domestic
and regional legal systems, through the the development of
non-binding international norms, and through iterative
processes of international reporting and monitoring-a model
not unlike the Paris Climate Agreement.
MoreK
0:00 /0:00
HeadnoteHeadnote
Abstract
International law is in a period of transition. After World War
II, but especially since the 1980s, human rights expanded to
almost every corner of international law. In doing so, they
changed core features of international law itself, including
the definition of sovereignty and the sources of international
legal rules. But what has been called the "age of human
rights" is over, at leastfor now. Whether measured in terms of
the increasing number of authoritarian governments, the
decline in international human rights enforcement
architecture such as the Responsibility to Protect and the
Alien Tort Statute, the growing power of China and Russia
over the content of international law, or the rising of
nationalism and populism, international human rights law is
in retreat.
The decline offers an opportunity to consider how human
rights changed, or purported to change, international law and
how international law as a whole can be mad.
Chapter 3 Human RightsINTERNATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS–BASED ORGANIZ.docxtiffanyd4
Chapter 3 Human Rights
INTERNATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS–BASED ORGANIZATIONS LIKE THE UN COMMISSION ON HUMAN RIGHTS HAVE MADE MONITORING HUMAN RIGHTS A GLOBAL ISSUE. The United Nations is headquartered in New York City.
Learning Objectives
1. 3.1Review the expansion of and the commitment to the human rights agenda
2. 3.2Evaluate the milestones that led to the current concerns around human rights
3. 3.3Evaluate some of the philosophical controversies over human rights
4. 3.4Recognize global, regional, national, and local institutions and rules designed to protect human rights across the globe
5. 3.5Report the efforts made globally in bringing violators of human rights to justice
6. 3.6Relate the need for stricter laws to protect women’s human rights across the globe.
7. 3.7Recognize the need to protect the human rights of the disabled
8. 3.8Distinguish between the Western and the Islamic beliefs on individual and community rights
9. 3.9Review the balancing act that needs to be played while fighting terrorism and protecting human rights
10. 3.10Report the controversy around issuing death penalty as punishment
When Muammar Qaddafi used military force to suppress people demonstrating in Libya for a transition to democracy, there was a general consensus that there was a global responsibility to protect civilians. However, when Bashar Assad used fighter jets, tanks, barrel bombs, chemical weapons, and a wide range of brutal methods, including torture, to crush the popular uprising against his rule in Syria, the world did not respond forcefully to protect civilians. The basic reason given for allowing Syria to descend into brutality and chaos was that it was difficult to separate Syrians favoring human rights from those who embraced terrorism. Although cultural values differ significantly from one society to another, our common humanity has equipped us with many shared ideas about how human beings should treat each other. Aspects of globalization, especially communications and migration, reinforce perceptions of a common humanity. In general, there is global agreement that human beings, simply because we exist, are entitled to at least three types of rights. First is civil rights, which include personal liberties such as freedom of speech, religion, and thought; the right to own property; and the right to equal treatment under the law. Second is political rights, including the right to vote, to voice political opinions, and to participate in the political process. Third is social rights, including the right to be secure from violence and other physical danger, the right to a decent standard of living, and the right to health care and education. Societies differ in terms of which rights they emphasize. Four types of human rights claims that dominate global politics are
1. The abuse of individual rights by governments
2. Demands for autonomy or independence by various groups
3. Demands for equality and privacy by groups with unconventional lifestyles
4. Cla.
This document discusses various perspectives on world order and non-state actors. It first examines how different theories of international relations like realism, liberalism, and positivism view non-state actors. It then discusses the role and obligations of non-state actors in promoting human rights according to international declarations. The document also analyzes the increasing recognition of businesses' responsibilities regarding human rights. Finally, it concludes that more conceptual work is needed to fully understand the role and classification of non-state actors in world order.
The document discusses the need to strengthen extraterritorial human rights obligations (ETOs) for twelve reasons. It argues that the universality of human rights implies that human rights claims can be made against all states, not just one's home state, meaning states have ETOs. It also states that ETOs are necessary for a rights-based international legal order, as globalization has increased the impact of states' actions abroad and the gap in human rights protection. Only by recognizing ETOs, including an obligation for international cooperation, can human rights be fully realized and claims be justiciable for rights holders.
The Influence of Laws Addressing Transnational Bribery on Domestic Problems o...Chad Houghton
This document provides background on corruption and bribery as systemic issues. It discusses how the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA) of 1977 was a landmark law that criminalized bribing foreign officials. However, the FCPA had limitations in defining bribery. The document examines how increasing globalization in the 1970s brought greater attention to transnational bribery and the need for coordinated international laws and treaties to effectively address this global challenge.
The Kyoto Protocol - International Baccalaureate Geography - Marked by .... Political & Economic & Environmental Aspects of the Kyoto Protocol .... Kyoto Protocol - A-Level Science - Marked by Teachers.com. What is the Kyoto Protocol? - Definition, Summary, Pros & Cons - Video .... Kyoto Protocol Target Achievement Plan - Page Title Page - UNT Digital .... The Kyoto Protocol | Publish your master's thesis, bachelor's thesis .... ⇉What Are the Pros and Cons of the Kyoto Protocol? Essay Example .... Kyoto Protocol defined | Gydeline. Kyoto Protocol | Publish your master's thesis, bachelor's thesis, essay .... Kyoto Protocol. - University Physical Sciences - Marked by Teachers.com. Evaluation and Future of the Kyoto Protocol: Japan’s Perspective. The Kyoto Protocol - GRIN. What Is The Kyoto Protocol? Definition, History, Timeline, and Status. Kyoto Protocol Essay ⋆ Political Science Essay Examples ⋆ EssayEmpire. Today in chemistry history: The Kyoto protocol | Compound Interest. Difference Between Kyoto Protocol and the Paris Agreement With Their .... Lessons from the Kyoto Protocol:Implications for the Future. The Kyoto Protocol: An Indian Perspective. Kyoto Protocol | History, Provisions, & Facts | Britannica. Dec. 11, 1997: World Signs Onto Kyoto Protocol | WIRED. Final Provisions of the Kyoto Protocol (Articles 22–28) | SpringerLink. Malaysia needs to act to ratify Kyoto Protocol amendment - Sahabat Alam .... Protocole de Kyoto. Kyoto protocol essay. Buy Essay Online Cheap - kyoto protocol essay - 2017/10/07. The Kyoto Protocol - 539 Words | Essay Example. Kyoto protocol research term paper. Kyoto Protocol and China's Position - 556 Words | Essay Example. Buy essay online cheap review of kyoto protocol and its impact on india ... Kyoto Protocol Essay
More like this Abstract TranslateFull Text Translate.docxroushhsiu
More like this
Abstract Translate
Full Text Translate
International law is in a period of transition. After World War
II, but especially since the 1980s, human rights expanded to
almost every corner of international law. In doing so, they
changed core features of international law itself, including
the definition of sovereignty and the sources of international
legal rules. But what has been called the "age of human
rights" is over, at leastfor now. Whether measured in terms of
the increasing number of authoritarian governments, the
decline in international human rights enforcement
architecture such as the Responsibility to Protect and the
Alien Tort Statute, the growing power of China and Russia
over the content of international law, or the rising of
nationalism and populism, international human rights law is
in retreat. The decline offers an opportunity to consider how
human rights changed, or purported to change, international
law and how international law as a whole can be made more
effective in a post-human rights era. This Article is the first to
argue that international human rights law as a whole-
whatever its much disputed benefits for human rights
themselves-appears to have expanded and changed
international law in ways that have made it weaker, less likely
to generate compliance, and more likely to produce
interstate friction and conflict. The debate around
international law and human rights should be reframed to
consider these costs and to evaluate whether international
law, including the work of the United Nations, should focus
on a stronger, more limited core of international legal norms
that protects international peace and security, not human
rights. Human rights could be advanced through domestic
and regional legal systems, through the the development of
non-binding international norms, and through iterative
processes of international reporting and monitoring-a model
not unlike the Paris Climate Agreement.
MoreK
0:00 /0:00
HeadnoteHeadnote
Abstract
International law is in a period of transition. After World War
II, but especially since the 1980s, human rights expanded to
almost every corner of international law. In doing so, they
changed core features of international law itself, including
the definition of sovereignty and the sources of international
legal rules. But what has been called the "age of human
rights" is over, at leastfor now. Whether measured in terms of
the increasing number of authoritarian governments, the
decline in international human rights enforcement
architecture such as the Responsibility to Protect and the
Alien Tort Statute, the growing power of China and Russia
over the content of international law, or the rising of
nationalism and populism, international human rights law is
in retreat.
The decline offers an opportunity to consider how human
rights changed, or purported to change, international law and
how international law as a whole can be mad.
Chapter 3 Human RightsINTERNATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS–BASED ORGANIZ.docxtiffanyd4
Chapter 3 Human Rights
INTERNATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS–BASED ORGANIZATIONS LIKE THE UN COMMISSION ON HUMAN RIGHTS HAVE MADE MONITORING HUMAN RIGHTS A GLOBAL ISSUE. The United Nations is headquartered in New York City.
Learning Objectives
1. 3.1Review the expansion of and the commitment to the human rights agenda
2. 3.2Evaluate the milestones that led to the current concerns around human rights
3. 3.3Evaluate some of the philosophical controversies over human rights
4. 3.4Recognize global, regional, national, and local institutions and rules designed to protect human rights across the globe
5. 3.5Report the efforts made globally in bringing violators of human rights to justice
6. 3.6Relate the need for stricter laws to protect women’s human rights across the globe.
7. 3.7Recognize the need to protect the human rights of the disabled
8. 3.8Distinguish between the Western and the Islamic beliefs on individual and community rights
9. 3.9Review the balancing act that needs to be played while fighting terrorism and protecting human rights
10. 3.10Report the controversy around issuing death penalty as punishment
When Muammar Qaddafi used military force to suppress people demonstrating in Libya for a transition to democracy, there was a general consensus that there was a global responsibility to protect civilians. However, when Bashar Assad used fighter jets, tanks, barrel bombs, chemical weapons, and a wide range of brutal methods, including torture, to crush the popular uprising against his rule in Syria, the world did not respond forcefully to protect civilians. The basic reason given for allowing Syria to descend into brutality and chaos was that it was difficult to separate Syrians favoring human rights from those who embraced terrorism. Although cultural values differ significantly from one society to another, our common humanity has equipped us with many shared ideas about how human beings should treat each other. Aspects of globalization, especially communications and migration, reinforce perceptions of a common humanity. In general, there is global agreement that human beings, simply because we exist, are entitled to at least three types of rights. First is civil rights, which include personal liberties such as freedom of speech, religion, and thought; the right to own property; and the right to equal treatment under the law. Second is political rights, including the right to vote, to voice political opinions, and to participate in the political process. Third is social rights, including the right to be secure from violence and other physical danger, the right to a decent standard of living, and the right to health care and education. Societies differ in terms of which rights they emphasize. Four types of human rights claims that dominate global politics are
1. The abuse of individual rights by governments
2. Demands for autonomy or independence by various groups
3. Demands for equality and privacy by groups with unconventional lifestyles
4. Cla.
This document discusses various perspectives on world order and non-state actors. It first examines how different theories of international relations like realism, liberalism, and positivism view non-state actors. It then discusses the role and obligations of non-state actors in promoting human rights according to international declarations. The document also analyzes the increasing recognition of businesses' responsibilities regarding human rights. Finally, it concludes that more conceptual work is needed to fully understand the role and classification of non-state actors in world order.
The document discusses the need to strengthen extraterritorial human rights obligations (ETOs) for twelve reasons. It argues that the universality of human rights implies that human rights claims can be made against all states, not just one's home state, meaning states have ETOs. It also states that ETOs are necessary for a rights-based international legal order, as globalization has increased the impact of states' actions abroad and the gap in human rights protection. Only by recognizing ETOs, including an obligation for international cooperation, can human rights be fully realized and claims be justiciable for rights holders.
The Influence of Laws Addressing Transnational Bribery on Domestic Problems o...Chad Houghton
This document provides background on corruption and bribery as systemic issues. It discusses how the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA) of 1977 was a landmark law that criminalized bribing foreign officials. However, the FCPA had limitations in defining bribery. The document examines how increasing globalization in the 1970s brought greater attention to transnational bribery and the need for coordinated international laws and treaties to effectively address this global challenge.
The Kyoto Protocol - International Baccalaureate Geography - Marked by .... Political & Economic & Environmental Aspects of the Kyoto Protocol .... Kyoto Protocol - A-Level Science - Marked by Teachers.com. What is the Kyoto Protocol? - Definition, Summary, Pros & Cons - Video .... Kyoto Protocol Target Achievement Plan - Page Title Page - UNT Digital .... The Kyoto Protocol | Publish your master's thesis, bachelor's thesis .... ⇉What Are the Pros and Cons of the Kyoto Protocol? Essay Example .... Kyoto Protocol defined | Gydeline. Kyoto Protocol | Publish your master's thesis, bachelor's thesis, essay .... Kyoto Protocol. - University Physical Sciences - Marked by Teachers.com. Evaluation and Future of the Kyoto Protocol: Japan’s Perspective. The Kyoto Protocol - GRIN. What Is The Kyoto Protocol? Definition, History, Timeline, and Status. Kyoto Protocol Essay ⋆ Political Science Essay Examples ⋆ EssayEmpire. Today in chemistry history: The Kyoto protocol | Compound Interest. Difference Between Kyoto Protocol and the Paris Agreement With Their .... Lessons from the Kyoto Protocol:Implications for the Future. The Kyoto Protocol: An Indian Perspective. Kyoto Protocol | History, Provisions, & Facts | Britannica. Dec. 11, 1997: World Signs Onto Kyoto Protocol | WIRED. Final Provisions of the Kyoto Protocol (Articles 22–28) | SpringerLink. Malaysia needs to act to ratify Kyoto Protocol amendment - Sahabat Alam .... Protocole de Kyoto. Kyoto protocol essay. Buy Essay Online Cheap - kyoto protocol essay - 2017/10/07. The Kyoto Protocol - 539 Words | Essay Example. Kyoto protocol research term paper. Kyoto Protocol and China's Position - 556 Words | Essay Example. Buy essay online cheap review of kyoto protocol and its impact on india ... Kyoto Protocol Essay
Human rights are basic rights that allow individuals freedom and dignity. They exist to protect ordinary citizens from powerful entities. Rights first emerged in response to atrocities in World War 2 and are outlined in the widely accepted 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The UDHR protects rights like life, liberty, security, recognition under the law, education, health, and freedom from slavery and torture. Upholding human rights is important for businesses to navigate social and environmental challenges in the future as resources become more constrained. Respecting human rights requires more than just legal compliance and can help guide responsible business practices.
Enforcing Human RightsThis lecture will explore the difficul.docxSALU18
Enforcing Human Rights
This lecture will explore the difficulties of monitoring and enforcing human rights, and the areas of emerging human rights
1
I.
I. How are Human Rights Monitored and Enforced?
We have already been introduced to the nation-state. The reality is that nation-states seek to pursue their own interests in international affairs. Hence, the emergence of concepts such as “national interest” and “national security”. This is pretty much the case with the domestic scene also. However, the big difference between the domestic scene and politics on the world stage is that in the former, there are greater constrains on what individuals can do. For example, we run a high risk that if we choose to drive at 90 miles an hour on a road with 55 miles an hour speed limit, we will be caught and punished according to the law. Ideally, laws in the United States cannot overtly discriminate under the "equal protection" clause of the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution; for example, an attorney is provided to indigent defendants in criminal cases. Thus, the law somewhat evens the playing field, though those with more power do seem to have more of an advantage than others.
2
However, in the international arena such constrains do not exist to the same degree. There is, after all, no world government capable of making and enforcing law on the word stage, where nation-states are by definition sovereign. Making and enforcing law at the international level is therefore a greater challenge. Those with more power can get away with more in terms of not heeding legal restraints when it not in their interest to do so. It is in this context that the test discusses the UN and other Human Rights actors, and the enforcement mechanisms that are available at the international level. (An Introduction to Global Studies, p. 105-114) When reading this section, think about the differences between the domestic and international systems, and the difficulties of enforcing law in the latter.
3
II. Emerging Human Rights
What should be considered a fundamental human right is always subjected to debate and contestation. For example, how should the various Articles in UDHR be interpreted? Furthermore, new areas of human rights are continuously introduced. The text discusses these in the context of “emerging human rights”. There are some examples:
a. The Right to Water
b. Sexual Rights
c. DNA Rights
d. Human Rights and Non-State Actors
4
Issues in Human Rights
1
I. Introduction
Chapter 4 of An Introduction to Global Studies begins by exploring the origins of human rights. This is followed by a discussion of how the protection of human rights became an obligation of nation-states. Next, the chapter focuses on various documents that underpin the human rights movement as well as the various debates that surround the conceptualization and implementation o ...
The document discusses the legal risks for mining companies from the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights. The Principles provide an objective framework for defining corporate human rights responsibilities based on scope, causation, and proportionality. This creates significant indirect legal risks. Failure to respect the Principles could jeopardize investments under bilateral investment treaties, project financing agreements, and lead to civil liability in home courts. The Principles require a rigorous and analytical approach to human rights due diligence to identify, assess, and address impacts.
REPLY TO EACH POST 100 WORDS MIN EACH1. Throughout th.docxchris293
**REPLY TO EACH POST 100 WORDS MIN EACH***
1. Throughout this course we have learned that the terms CBRN and WMD are interchangeable and can be best defined as any chemical, biological, radiological, or nuclear weaponized variant capable of producing immense destruction and large-scale casualties. Of the various types, chemical weapons really stood out to me as interesting because of their historical use in warfare, specifically mustard gas (HD) in World War I. It belongs to the sub classification of chemical weapons known as blister agents and although it does not always cause death, sulfur mustard, whether it is ingested, inhaled or makes contact with the skin can have adverse effects on the skin, eyes, respiratory tract, bone marrow, and mucous membranes of the body (CDC, 2018). Being a vesicant, it can be dispersed through any medium and has the ability to cause serious long term impairment of individuals through permanent blindness, chronic respiratory infections, lung cancer, and extensive third degree burns which is why the Chemical Weapons Convention banned the use, sale, and production of it in 1993. It is relatively easy, compared to the implementation of a radiological or nuclear device, for a terrorist organization to acquire the source materials and have the knowledge to create it. Iraq’s repeated chemical bombing of Iran’s Halabja district in 1988 and Syria’s use of chlorine gas against their own people in 2014 stand as recent examples of why mustard gas, or other forms of chemical weapons are of a higher threat level. Their simplicity, availability, and ability to be dispersed in multiple manners appeal to rogue nations and terrorist organizations alike. Prevention methods to diminish the associated risks include training and equipping individuals to be able to utilize personnel protective gear such as gas masks and hazmat suits, providing in place shelters capable of defending against gas exposure, tracking the buying and selling of toxic industrial resources, and limiting the knowledge available on how to produce such (although I am certain the latter would be the hardest with the development of the internet and information sharing).
2.Hello Classmates. I have chosen to discuss chlorine again because it is one of the most common chemicals that most people have in their homes right now. Chlorine’s most dangerous form is in its gaseous state but it is also used to clean pools, sanitize surfaces, and clean clothes. We even use it to decontaminate drinking water in water treatment plants. Injuries can be caused from eye exposure, skin exposure, inhalation, and ingestion (CDC, 2020). The chemical was used in World War I effectively as a chemical weapon. The chlorine gas was put into fuel tanks similar to the ones used today for propane. Since the gas is heavier than air, it would settle into the trenches where soldiers were hiding. This would force them out of the trenches to be shot fleeing or be forced to succumb to the .
Human rights are a philosophical and political concept which, taken as a juridical basis by modern constitutions, describes the inalienable rights that every person possesses.
CRO Cyber Rights Organization’s mission to create a world where digital rights are respected and protected according to the principles of the European Declaration on Digital Rights.
The document discusses several topics related to globalization and crime, including how globalization has increased interconnectedness and opportunities for transnational crime. It examines how global economic trends impact supply and demand for illegal goods. It also explores how globalization has influenced risk perceptions and criminal organizations. Green criminology is introduced as an approach that considers environmental harms rather than just legal definitions of crime.
The Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities A Study on Banglad...Md. Golam Mostafa
The document is a study by the National Human Rights Commission of Bangladesh on the country's compliance with the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. It provides context on the growth of human rights and discussions around ensuring the effective enjoyment of rights. It also examines debates around defining and enforcing economic, social and cultural rights, and discusses how Bangladesh recognizes these rights domestically and its obligations under international treaties.
1) The evolution of law reflects the dynamic nature of human societies over centuries, from ancient legal codes to modern globalized systems. Early codes constituted crude forms of justice with specific punishments.
2) Medieval traditions were broken during the Renaissance and Enlightenment, emphasizing reason, individual rights, and knowledge. Legal theorists supporting natural rights and reason-based systems influenced legal rationalism.
3) The rise of nation-states, globalization, and acceptance of human rights marked the modern period. Standardized legal codes across nations aimed to harmonize laws. Written constitutions established frameworks for rights and government.
The right to development where do we stand state of the debate on the right...Dr Lendy Spires
The document discusses the development of the human rights system at the United Nations and the debate around the Right to Development. It notes that while human rights promotion was a goal of the UN from its founding, articles on human rights were formulated reluctantly due to tensions between state sovereignty and supranational governance. The Right to Development was not included in the original UN Bill of Human Rights but emerged later as a proposed bridge between civil/political rights and economic/social/cultural rights during the Cold War. The debate has centered on defining the Right to Development and its legal status and obligations for states.
Sources of Human Rights in Islam and WesternEHSAN KHAN
Human rights are a special sort of inalienable moral entitlement. They attach to all persons equally, by virtue of their humanity, irrespective of race, nationality, or membership of any particular social group. Human rights belong to an individual as a consequence of being human. The term came into wide use after World War II, replacing the earlier phrase "natural rights," which had been associated with the Greco-Roman concept of natural law since the end of the Middle Ages. As understood today, human rights refer to a wide variety of values and capabilities reflecting the diversity of human circumstances and history. They are conceived of as universal Universality of human rights is controutrsial, applying to all human beings everywhere, and as fundamental, referring to essential or basic human needs.
The concept of human rights is based on the belief that every human being is entitled to enjoy her/his rights without discrimination. Human rights differ from other rights in two respects. Firstly, they are characterized by being:
Each response is 250 words eachResponse 1For me, this.docxjoellemurphey
Each response is 250 words each
Response 1:
For me, this weeks’ readings were more difficult than last weeks. Human right is such a powerful subject because, in my view, it’s a big “What’s in it for me”? “There was outrage about the Holocaust, but the fact is that genocide and crimes against humanity were integral to European colonization of the 18th through 20th centuries” (Benjamin 2009). I keep circling back to this point as Western Democracies hold themselves in such esteem, a vast majority of issues were self-created through colonization. Only four of the worlds’ countries were not colonized by Europe; Japan, Korea, Thailand, Liberia (Fisher 2015). I believe that legacy of living under forced rule creates a deep, systemic culture of potential abuse. The 2020 Human Rights Watch world reports identifies human rights violations or notable situations in120 nations or 61 percent of all countries (Human Rights Watch 2020). As complete as that sounds, it further reports more situation under investigation (ibid). It includes the United States for its criminal legal system (death penalty, racial disparity of incarcerated), juveniles in the court system, racial justice and policing and on and on. Going back further in our history, our genocide against the Native American population and the linkage between Nazi Germany patterning its Nuremburg Laws after our Jim Crow laws (Rose 2018) should give us pause for thought on why this is so important and how committed we should be to the cause. How did the United States escape shame and punishment for its own apartheid with Jim Crow when South Africa did not? So, we ask how we determine if human rights IOs are effective? Big issues like genocide, famine, displacement, refugees, make headlines, create some international action but then fade into the former news cycle. Human Rights Watch (HRW) provides an annual report on global issues. But how many people know what HRW is? This comes across as rather jaded and I suppose it is a realist point of view as only the strongest survive and nations only act when they can get something in return. Agreeing to human rights treaties offers nothing in return aside from the satisfaction of standing up for other humans.
Hathaway (2007) considers important factors of why states agree to human rights treaties. I find it obvious that less than democratic countries with poor human rights records buck these types of treaties because they have no foundational respect for human rights. The observation, “formal international legal enforcement of the treaties is minimal to nonexistent” Merry (2006), reminds me of Robin Williams describing how the police in the UK stop a crime by saying, “Stop, or I’ll say stop again!” (Williams 1986). It goes back to my original question of what is in it for me? Is naming and shaming the best route (Meernik, et al. 2012)? Is it the boomerang theory? IOs have made strides in broadening our understanding of human rights.
This document discusses ethical issues in healthcare, focusing on the responsibilities of healthcare professionals. It notes laws like HIPAA that require maintaining patient privacy and medical record confidentiality. Respecting patient religious beliefs is also discussed, using the example of accommodating dietary restrictions for Jehovah's Witnesses. The document emphasizes understanding different patient needs and values without judgment, and finding solutions that respect various cultures and beliefs.
Advancing Indigenous Rights at the United Nations: Strategic Framing and its ...Dr Lendy Spires
Within the past 30 years, indigenous peoples have emerged as legitimate subjects of international law with rights to exist as distinct people. This shift in international law is the result of activity over the last few decades that has involved hundreds of indigenous leaders, community representatives, and lawyers. Indigenous people have become actively engaged in efforts to transform the disposition and direction of international law in order that it might become a supportive force od change in the relations between indigenous peoples and the states in which they live...
The document is a research paper that analyzes the International Olympic Committee's (IOC) role in ensuring human rights compliance in Olympic host states. It examines two models - the IOC as a transnational enterprise and as a non-governmental organization (NGO). The paper uses case studies of the 2008 Beijing Summer Olympics and 2014 Sochi Winter Olympics to argue that the IOC has had limited success in influencing only certain civil/political rights for the duration of the Games due to reliance on Western attention/funding. It acknowledges methodological limitations and reviews relevant literature on transnational enterprises, NGOs, and theories of compliance.
The International Bar Association's Human Rights Institute (IBAHRI) works to promote and protect human rights under the rule of law. In 2012, the IBAHRI undertook various activities including capacity building programs in Afghanistan and the Democratic Republic of Congo, fact-finding missions in Malawi, Hungary, Georgia, and Myanmar to investigate challenges to the rule of law, trial observations in Thailand, Turkey, and Venezuela, and training programs in Tunisia, Angola, Brazil, Mexico, Ukraine, and Uganda focused on topics such as combating torture and strengthening parliaments. The IBAHRI also conducted advocacy through letters, reports, and task forces on issues including illicit financial flows, justice reform in Brazil, and the
- The document discusses Karel Vasak's 1977 proposal to divide human rights into three "generations": first generation civil/political rights, second generation economic/social/cultural rights, and third generation solidarity/group rights.
- It outlines the key characteristics of each generation according to Vasak's framework and provides examples of rights that fall under each category.
- While noting that Vasak's three generations framework is commonly used, the document also discusses criticisms of conceptualizing rights in generational terms and argues that a strict separation of rights into generations is problematic.
Database reports provide us with the ability to further analyze ou.docxwhittemorelucilla
Database reports provide us with the ability to further analyze our data, and provide it in a format that can be used to make business decisions. Discuss the steps that you would take to ensure that we create an effective report. What questions would you ask of the users?
Data presentation should be designed to display correct conclusions. What issues should we think about as we prepare data for presentation? Discuss the different methods that we can use to present data in a report. What role does the audience play in selecting how we present the data?
1 PAGE AND A HALF
.
DataInformationKnowledge1. Discuss the relationship between.docxwhittemorelucilla
Data/Information/Knowledge
1. Discuss the relationship between data, information, and knowledge. Support your discussion with at least 3 academically reviewed articles.
2. Why do organization have information deficiency problem? Suggest ways on how to overcome information deficiency problem.
.
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State Legislatures
(Part I)
POLS 2212
Legislatures, Policy-Making, and Political Science
• Legislative process is only one part of policy-making
• States are better venue for understanding policy-making
process overall
• Interactions between components are more transparent
• Less ‘political theater’ than national level
• More cases, more variation, more data
• What role do legislatures play in the overall policy-making
process??
• How do legislative-executive relations affect policy outcomes??
Agenda Setting
Formulation /
Negotiation
Adoption /
Enactment
Implementation
Evaluation
Revision /
Termination
• Public attention is focused on an issue
• Collective recognition of problem
Agenda Setting
• Potential solutions are offered
• Some public discourse over options
Formulation / Negotiation
•
Solution
is agreed upon and made into official policy /
law
Adoption / Enactment
• Policy is converted into actionable rules
Implementation
• Fairness, effectiveness, efficiency of policy and rules are
evaluated
Evaluation
• Improvements or changes to policy are made
Revision / Termination
Agenda Setting
• Parties
• Public opinion
• Advocacy groups /
entrepreneurs
Formulation /
Negotiation
• Party leadership
• Interest groups
• Legislature type
• Legislative-executive
relations
Adoption / Enactment
• Legislative-executive
relations
Implementation
• Type of executive
• Bureaucracy
Evaluation
• Social scientists
• Advocacy groups
• Legislative
committees
• State courts
Revision / Termination
• State courts
• Federal courts
‘Professional’
Model
‘Citizen-
Legislator’
Model
Work Load
Nearly full-
time
Part-time
Session
Year-round,
annual
Short-term,
possibly
biannual
Compensation
Medium-high
(over median
for state
employees)
Fairly low
Staff
Large, semi-
permanent
Small, likely
shared
Conceptualizing State Legislatures
Professional Hybrid / Mixture Citizen
State Legislatures
• GA Legislature
• $17k base +per
diem
• $22k – $24k total
Discussion Question
• What are some of the potential benefits /
drawbacks of each of these two models??
State Legislatures and Political Careers (Peverill Squire)
• ‘Career’ Legislatures (Congress)
• Sufficiently high pay
• Minimal incentive to ‘move up’
• Expectation of long tenure
• Heavy time commitment
• ‘Springboard’ Legislatures
• Other positions have higher pay, more prestige
• Expectation of limited tenure
• May be term lim.
Human rights are basic rights that allow individuals freedom and dignity. They exist to protect ordinary citizens from powerful entities. Rights first emerged in response to atrocities in World War 2 and are outlined in the widely accepted 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The UDHR protects rights like life, liberty, security, recognition under the law, education, health, and freedom from slavery and torture. Upholding human rights is important for businesses to navigate social and environmental challenges in the future as resources become more constrained. Respecting human rights requires more than just legal compliance and can help guide responsible business practices.
Enforcing Human RightsThis lecture will explore the difficul.docxSALU18
Enforcing Human Rights
This lecture will explore the difficulties of monitoring and enforcing human rights, and the areas of emerging human rights
1
I.
I. How are Human Rights Monitored and Enforced?
We have already been introduced to the nation-state. The reality is that nation-states seek to pursue their own interests in international affairs. Hence, the emergence of concepts such as “national interest” and “national security”. This is pretty much the case with the domestic scene also. However, the big difference between the domestic scene and politics on the world stage is that in the former, there are greater constrains on what individuals can do. For example, we run a high risk that if we choose to drive at 90 miles an hour on a road with 55 miles an hour speed limit, we will be caught and punished according to the law. Ideally, laws in the United States cannot overtly discriminate under the "equal protection" clause of the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution; for example, an attorney is provided to indigent defendants in criminal cases. Thus, the law somewhat evens the playing field, though those with more power do seem to have more of an advantage than others.
2
However, in the international arena such constrains do not exist to the same degree. There is, after all, no world government capable of making and enforcing law on the word stage, where nation-states are by definition sovereign. Making and enforcing law at the international level is therefore a greater challenge. Those with more power can get away with more in terms of not heeding legal restraints when it not in their interest to do so. It is in this context that the test discusses the UN and other Human Rights actors, and the enforcement mechanisms that are available at the international level. (An Introduction to Global Studies, p. 105-114) When reading this section, think about the differences between the domestic and international systems, and the difficulties of enforcing law in the latter.
3
II. Emerging Human Rights
What should be considered a fundamental human right is always subjected to debate and contestation. For example, how should the various Articles in UDHR be interpreted? Furthermore, new areas of human rights are continuously introduced. The text discusses these in the context of “emerging human rights”. There are some examples:
a. The Right to Water
b. Sexual Rights
c. DNA Rights
d. Human Rights and Non-State Actors
4
Issues in Human Rights
1
I. Introduction
Chapter 4 of An Introduction to Global Studies begins by exploring the origins of human rights. This is followed by a discussion of how the protection of human rights became an obligation of nation-states. Next, the chapter focuses on various documents that underpin the human rights movement as well as the various debates that surround the conceptualization and implementation o ...
The document discusses the legal risks for mining companies from the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights. The Principles provide an objective framework for defining corporate human rights responsibilities based on scope, causation, and proportionality. This creates significant indirect legal risks. Failure to respect the Principles could jeopardize investments under bilateral investment treaties, project financing agreements, and lead to civil liability in home courts. The Principles require a rigorous and analytical approach to human rights due diligence to identify, assess, and address impacts.
REPLY TO EACH POST 100 WORDS MIN EACH1. Throughout th.docxchris293
**REPLY TO EACH POST 100 WORDS MIN EACH***
1. Throughout this course we have learned that the terms CBRN and WMD are interchangeable and can be best defined as any chemical, biological, radiological, or nuclear weaponized variant capable of producing immense destruction and large-scale casualties. Of the various types, chemical weapons really stood out to me as interesting because of their historical use in warfare, specifically mustard gas (HD) in World War I. It belongs to the sub classification of chemical weapons known as blister agents and although it does not always cause death, sulfur mustard, whether it is ingested, inhaled or makes contact with the skin can have adverse effects on the skin, eyes, respiratory tract, bone marrow, and mucous membranes of the body (CDC, 2018). Being a vesicant, it can be dispersed through any medium and has the ability to cause serious long term impairment of individuals through permanent blindness, chronic respiratory infections, lung cancer, and extensive third degree burns which is why the Chemical Weapons Convention banned the use, sale, and production of it in 1993. It is relatively easy, compared to the implementation of a radiological or nuclear device, for a terrorist organization to acquire the source materials and have the knowledge to create it. Iraq’s repeated chemical bombing of Iran’s Halabja district in 1988 and Syria’s use of chlorine gas against their own people in 2014 stand as recent examples of why mustard gas, or other forms of chemical weapons are of a higher threat level. Their simplicity, availability, and ability to be dispersed in multiple manners appeal to rogue nations and terrorist organizations alike. Prevention methods to diminish the associated risks include training and equipping individuals to be able to utilize personnel protective gear such as gas masks and hazmat suits, providing in place shelters capable of defending against gas exposure, tracking the buying and selling of toxic industrial resources, and limiting the knowledge available on how to produce such (although I am certain the latter would be the hardest with the development of the internet and information sharing).
2.Hello Classmates. I have chosen to discuss chlorine again because it is one of the most common chemicals that most people have in their homes right now. Chlorine’s most dangerous form is in its gaseous state but it is also used to clean pools, sanitize surfaces, and clean clothes. We even use it to decontaminate drinking water in water treatment plants. Injuries can be caused from eye exposure, skin exposure, inhalation, and ingestion (CDC, 2020). The chemical was used in World War I effectively as a chemical weapon. The chlorine gas was put into fuel tanks similar to the ones used today for propane. Since the gas is heavier than air, it would settle into the trenches where soldiers were hiding. This would force them out of the trenches to be shot fleeing or be forced to succumb to the .
Human rights are a philosophical and political concept which, taken as a juridical basis by modern constitutions, describes the inalienable rights that every person possesses.
CRO Cyber Rights Organization’s mission to create a world where digital rights are respected and protected according to the principles of the European Declaration on Digital Rights.
The document discusses several topics related to globalization and crime, including how globalization has increased interconnectedness and opportunities for transnational crime. It examines how global economic trends impact supply and demand for illegal goods. It also explores how globalization has influenced risk perceptions and criminal organizations. Green criminology is introduced as an approach that considers environmental harms rather than just legal definitions of crime.
The Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities A Study on Banglad...Md. Golam Mostafa
The document is a study by the National Human Rights Commission of Bangladesh on the country's compliance with the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. It provides context on the growth of human rights and discussions around ensuring the effective enjoyment of rights. It also examines debates around defining and enforcing economic, social and cultural rights, and discusses how Bangladesh recognizes these rights domestically and its obligations under international treaties.
1) The evolution of law reflects the dynamic nature of human societies over centuries, from ancient legal codes to modern globalized systems. Early codes constituted crude forms of justice with specific punishments.
2) Medieval traditions were broken during the Renaissance and Enlightenment, emphasizing reason, individual rights, and knowledge. Legal theorists supporting natural rights and reason-based systems influenced legal rationalism.
3) The rise of nation-states, globalization, and acceptance of human rights marked the modern period. Standardized legal codes across nations aimed to harmonize laws. Written constitutions established frameworks for rights and government.
The right to development where do we stand state of the debate on the right...Dr Lendy Spires
The document discusses the development of the human rights system at the United Nations and the debate around the Right to Development. It notes that while human rights promotion was a goal of the UN from its founding, articles on human rights were formulated reluctantly due to tensions between state sovereignty and supranational governance. The Right to Development was not included in the original UN Bill of Human Rights but emerged later as a proposed bridge between civil/political rights and economic/social/cultural rights during the Cold War. The debate has centered on defining the Right to Development and its legal status and obligations for states.
Sources of Human Rights in Islam and WesternEHSAN KHAN
Human rights are a special sort of inalienable moral entitlement. They attach to all persons equally, by virtue of their humanity, irrespective of race, nationality, or membership of any particular social group. Human rights belong to an individual as a consequence of being human. The term came into wide use after World War II, replacing the earlier phrase "natural rights," which had been associated with the Greco-Roman concept of natural law since the end of the Middle Ages. As understood today, human rights refer to a wide variety of values and capabilities reflecting the diversity of human circumstances and history. They are conceived of as universal Universality of human rights is controutrsial, applying to all human beings everywhere, and as fundamental, referring to essential or basic human needs.
The concept of human rights is based on the belief that every human being is entitled to enjoy her/his rights without discrimination. Human rights differ from other rights in two respects. Firstly, they are characterized by being:
Each response is 250 words eachResponse 1For me, this.docxjoellemurphey
Each response is 250 words each
Response 1:
For me, this weeks’ readings were more difficult than last weeks. Human right is such a powerful subject because, in my view, it’s a big “What’s in it for me”? “There was outrage about the Holocaust, but the fact is that genocide and crimes against humanity were integral to European colonization of the 18th through 20th centuries” (Benjamin 2009). I keep circling back to this point as Western Democracies hold themselves in such esteem, a vast majority of issues were self-created through colonization. Only four of the worlds’ countries were not colonized by Europe; Japan, Korea, Thailand, Liberia (Fisher 2015). I believe that legacy of living under forced rule creates a deep, systemic culture of potential abuse. The 2020 Human Rights Watch world reports identifies human rights violations or notable situations in120 nations or 61 percent of all countries (Human Rights Watch 2020). As complete as that sounds, it further reports more situation under investigation (ibid). It includes the United States for its criminal legal system (death penalty, racial disparity of incarcerated), juveniles in the court system, racial justice and policing and on and on. Going back further in our history, our genocide against the Native American population and the linkage between Nazi Germany patterning its Nuremburg Laws after our Jim Crow laws (Rose 2018) should give us pause for thought on why this is so important and how committed we should be to the cause. How did the United States escape shame and punishment for its own apartheid with Jim Crow when South Africa did not? So, we ask how we determine if human rights IOs are effective? Big issues like genocide, famine, displacement, refugees, make headlines, create some international action but then fade into the former news cycle. Human Rights Watch (HRW) provides an annual report on global issues. But how many people know what HRW is? This comes across as rather jaded and I suppose it is a realist point of view as only the strongest survive and nations only act when they can get something in return. Agreeing to human rights treaties offers nothing in return aside from the satisfaction of standing up for other humans.
Hathaway (2007) considers important factors of why states agree to human rights treaties. I find it obvious that less than democratic countries with poor human rights records buck these types of treaties because they have no foundational respect for human rights. The observation, “formal international legal enforcement of the treaties is minimal to nonexistent” Merry (2006), reminds me of Robin Williams describing how the police in the UK stop a crime by saying, “Stop, or I’ll say stop again!” (Williams 1986). It goes back to my original question of what is in it for me? Is naming and shaming the best route (Meernik, et al. 2012)? Is it the boomerang theory? IOs have made strides in broadening our understanding of human rights.
This document discusses ethical issues in healthcare, focusing on the responsibilities of healthcare professionals. It notes laws like HIPAA that require maintaining patient privacy and medical record confidentiality. Respecting patient religious beliefs is also discussed, using the example of accommodating dietary restrictions for Jehovah's Witnesses. The document emphasizes understanding different patient needs and values without judgment, and finding solutions that respect various cultures and beliefs.
Advancing Indigenous Rights at the United Nations: Strategic Framing and its ...Dr Lendy Spires
Within the past 30 years, indigenous peoples have emerged as legitimate subjects of international law with rights to exist as distinct people. This shift in international law is the result of activity over the last few decades that has involved hundreds of indigenous leaders, community representatives, and lawyers. Indigenous people have become actively engaged in efforts to transform the disposition and direction of international law in order that it might become a supportive force od change in the relations between indigenous peoples and the states in which they live...
The document is a research paper that analyzes the International Olympic Committee's (IOC) role in ensuring human rights compliance in Olympic host states. It examines two models - the IOC as a transnational enterprise and as a non-governmental organization (NGO). The paper uses case studies of the 2008 Beijing Summer Olympics and 2014 Sochi Winter Olympics to argue that the IOC has had limited success in influencing only certain civil/political rights for the duration of the Games due to reliance on Western attention/funding. It acknowledges methodological limitations and reviews relevant literature on transnational enterprises, NGOs, and theories of compliance.
The International Bar Association's Human Rights Institute (IBAHRI) works to promote and protect human rights under the rule of law. In 2012, the IBAHRI undertook various activities including capacity building programs in Afghanistan and the Democratic Republic of Congo, fact-finding missions in Malawi, Hungary, Georgia, and Myanmar to investigate challenges to the rule of law, trial observations in Thailand, Turkey, and Venezuela, and training programs in Tunisia, Angola, Brazil, Mexico, Ukraine, and Uganda focused on topics such as combating torture and strengthening parliaments. The IBAHRI also conducted advocacy through letters, reports, and task forces on issues including illicit financial flows, justice reform in Brazil, and the
- The document discusses Karel Vasak's 1977 proposal to divide human rights into three "generations": first generation civil/political rights, second generation economic/social/cultural rights, and third generation solidarity/group rights.
- It outlines the key characteristics of each generation according to Vasak's framework and provides examples of rights that fall under each category.
- While noting that Vasak's three generations framework is commonly used, the document also discusses criticisms of conceptualizing rights in generational terms and argues that a strict separation of rights into generations is problematic.
Similar to Guest Editors IntroductionHuman Rights and BusinessWesl.docx (18)
Database reports provide us with the ability to further analyze ou.docxwhittemorelucilla
Database reports provide us with the ability to further analyze our data, and provide it in a format that can be used to make business decisions. Discuss the steps that you would take to ensure that we create an effective report. What questions would you ask of the users?
Data presentation should be designed to display correct conclusions. What issues should we think about as we prepare data for presentation? Discuss the different methods that we can use to present data in a report. What role does the audience play in selecting how we present the data?
1 PAGE AND A HALF
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DataInformationKnowledge1. Discuss the relationship between.docxwhittemorelucilla
Data/Information/Knowledge
1. Discuss the relationship between data, information, and knowledge. Support your discussion with at least 3 academically reviewed articles.
2. Why do organization have information deficiency problem? Suggest ways on how to overcome information deficiency problem.
.
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State Legislatures
(Part I)
POLS 2212
Legislatures, Policy-Making, and Political Science
• Legislative process is only one part of policy-making
• States are better venue for understanding policy-making
process overall
• Interactions between components are more transparent
• Less ‘political theater’ than national level
• More cases, more variation, more data
• What role do legislatures play in the overall policy-making
process??
• How do legislative-executive relations affect policy outcomes??
Agenda Setting
Formulation /
Negotiation
Adoption /
Enactment
Implementation
Evaluation
Revision /
Termination
• Public attention is focused on an issue
• Collective recognition of problem
Agenda Setting
• Potential solutions are offered
• Some public discourse over options
Formulation / Negotiation
•
Solution
is agreed upon and made into official policy /
law
Adoption / Enactment
• Policy is converted into actionable rules
Implementation
• Fairness, effectiveness, efficiency of policy and rules are
evaluated
Evaluation
• Improvements or changes to policy are made
Revision / Termination
Agenda Setting
• Parties
• Public opinion
• Advocacy groups /
entrepreneurs
Formulation /
Negotiation
• Party leadership
• Interest groups
• Legislature type
• Legislative-executive
relations
Adoption / Enactment
• Legislative-executive
relations
Implementation
• Type of executive
• Bureaucracy
Evaluation
• Social scientists
• Advocacy groups
• Legislative
committees
• State courts
Revision / Termination
• State courts
• Federal courts
‘Professional’
Model
‘Citizen-
Legislator’
Model
Work Load
Nearly full-
time
Part-time
Session
Year-round,
annual
Short-term,
possibly
biannual
Compensation
Medium-high
(over median
for state
employees)
Fairly low
Staff
Large, semi-
permanent
Small, likely
shared
Conceptualizing State Legislatures
Professional Hybrid / Mixture Citizen
State Legislatures
• GA Legislature
• $17k base +per
diem
• $22k – $24k total
Discussion Question
• What are some of the potential benefits /
drawbacks of each of these two models??
State Legislatures and Political Careers (Peverill Squire)
• ‘Career’ Legislatures (Congress)
• Sufficiently high pay
• Minimal incentive to ‘move up’
• Expectation of long tenure
• Heavy time commitment
• ‘Springboard’ Legislatures
• Other positions have higher pay, more prestige
• Expectation of limited tenure
• May be term lim.
DataIDSalaryCompa-ratioMidpoint AgePerformance RatingServiceGenderRaiseDegreeGender1GradeDo not manipuilate Data set on this page, copy to another page to make changes154.50.956573485805.70METhe ongoing question that the weekly assignments will focus on is: Are males and females paid the same for equal work (under the Equal Pay Act)? 228.30.913315280703.90MBNote: to simplfy the analysis, we will assume that jobs within each grade comprise equal work.334.11.100313075513.61FB460.91.06857421001605.51METhe column labels in the table mean:549.21.0254836901605.71MDID – Employee sample number Salary – Salary in thousands 674.11.1066736701204.51MFAge – Age in yearsPerformance Rating - Appraisal rating (employee evaluation score)741.41.0344032100815.71FCService – Years of service (rounded)Gender – 0 = male, 1 = female 822.80.992233290915.81FAMidpoint – salary grade midpoint Raise – percent of last raise9731.089674910010041MFGrade – job/pay gradeDegree (0= BS\BA 1 = MS)1023.31.014233080714.71FAGender1 (Male or Female)Compa-ratio - salary divided by midpoint1124.31.05723411001914.81FA1259.71.0475752952204.50ME1341.81.0444030100214.70FC14251.08523329012161FA1522.60.983233280814.91FA1648.51.213404490405.70MC1763.11.1075727553131FE1836.21.1673131801115.60FB1923.91.039233285104.61MA2035.51.1443144701614.80FB2178.91.1786743951306.31MF2257.61.199484865613.81FD2322.20.964233665613.30FA2453.41.112483075913.80FD2523.61.0282341704040MA2622.30.971232295216.20FA2746.21.156403580703.91MC2874.41.111674495914.40FF2975.61.129675295505.40MF3047.50.9894845901804.30MD3122.90.995232960413.91FA3228.10.906312595405.60MB3363.71.117573590905.51ME3426.90.869312680204.91MB3522.70.987232390415.30FA3624.41.059232775314.30FA3723.81.034232295216.20FA3864.61.1335745951104.50ME3937.31.202312790615.50FB4023.71.031232490206.30MA4140.31.008402580504.30MC4224.41.0592332100815.71FA4372.31.0796742952015.50FF4465.91.1565745901605.21ME4549.91.040483695815.21FD4657.41.0075739752003.91ME47560.982573795505.51ME4868.11.1955734901115.31FE4966.21.1615741952106.60ME5061.71.0835738801204.60ME
Week 1Week 1: Descriptive Statistics, including ProbabilityWhile the lectures will examine our equal pay question from the compa-ratio viewpoint, our weekly assignments will focus onexamining the issue using the salary measure.The purpose of this assignmnent is two fold:1. Demonstrate mastery with Excel tools.2. Develop descriptive statistics to help examine the question.3. Interpret descriptive outcomesThe first issue in examining salary data to determine if we - as a company - are paying males and females equally for doing equal work is to develop somedescriptive statistics to give us something to make a preliminary decision on whether we have an issue or not.1Descriptive Statistics: Develop basic descriptive statistics for SalaryThe first step in analyzing data sets is to find some summary descriptive statistics for key variables. Suggestion: Copy the gender1 and salary columns from the Data tab t.
DataCity1997 Median Price1997 Change1998 Forecast1993-98 Annualize.docxwhittemorelucilla
This document provides a course syllabus for History 2030: Tennessee History at an unnamed university. The syllabus outlines key details about the course including the instructor's contact information, course description and purpose, learning outcomes, instructional methodology, evaluation procedures, course schedule, attendance policy, and accommodations for students with disabilities. The course surveys the geographical background, peoples, political life, economic and social development of Tennessee from its earliest beginnings to the present. Students will be evaluated based on exams, research assignments, and presentations to demonstrate their mastery of Tennessee history and ability to think critically about historical interpretations.
The document summarizes research on the harms of corporal punishment of children and argues that legal reform prohibiting it can be an effective strategy for changing social norms and practices. It describes experiences in Sweden and New Zealand, where legal bans on corporal punishment were accompanied by significant declines in support for the practice and reports of it occurring. While public opinion often lags legal changes initially, studies found dramatic shifts in attitudes and self-reported experiences of corporal punishment over time in both countries following prohibition.
Database Project Charter/Business Case
Khalia Hart
University of Maryland Global Campus
February 21, 2020
Introduction
A database is an electronic collection of data that is built by a user so that they can access, update particular information in the database coherently or rapidly. Today firms employ integrated technology to increase their capacity to serve more clients, keep information well or effectively, organize activities according to the urgency or priorities, accounting records (Tüttelmann F, 2015). Most of the integrated technology depends on multiple databases that supply information relevant in making the decision. Since the business started using databases, their performance increase because the business decisions they make are sound and practical.
Business Problem
The supply chain management is one of the most complicated processes in the business and often at times due to need of detail it gets hard for the supply chain manager to keep the record of the work covered effectively, have enough data to make the decision and also have enough data to monitor the chain of operation (William, 2019). The supply chain has been so crucial for the business because it determines the performance of the company in the industry by assessing the quality of the product produced in the organization, cost of production, the time and effectiveness of distribution network, and overall production operation of the organization.
Operation management has been named as the leading cause of business failure caused by a lack of a system, which the manager or the supervisor can use to monitor the whole system. This is the problem to solve using the database (William, 2019). Using a database, the manager can observe or watch the entire chain from their office, make better decisions by fore- planning approach of the database also make changes within the system when there is the need to cut costs or making the process effective.
Project Scope
Most business organizations are spread in operation, and this is the challenge that makes the supply chain management complex (Tüttelmann F, 2015). This is because the chain is in different localities, and therefore, coordination of operation among the user or the workers becomes a challenge. Through the database system, the business will enjoy proper coordination using the wide Area Network (LAN). Through the LAN network, the company can link computers and cost-effectively share data and communication. Through this system, the company will have a connection and coordination of the processes within the organization. The number of connected devices will range from 10 to 1000, depending on the type of tools and system that is set to facilitate this connection.
Goals and objectives of the system
The purpose of the system that I want to install in the supply chain management is to;
· Monitoring of the supply chain- the system will enable the manager to monitor the system and every process in the order (Gattor.
Databases selected Multiple databases...Full Text (1223 .docxwhittemorelucilla
Kraft reformed Oreo cookies to make them more successful in China. They made the cookies less sweet to suit Chinese tastes, sold them in smaller, cheaper packages, and marketed them with a "dunking" theme. This involved training student brand ambassadors to educate consumers about dipping cookies in milk. Kraft also introduced a Chinese-style Oreo wafer stick that surpassed regular Oreos in sales. These reforms helped Oreo become the best-selling biscuit in China.
DATABASE SYSTEMS DEVELOPMENT & IMPLEMENTATION PLAN1DATABASE SYS.docxwhittemorelucilla
DATABASE SYSTEMS DEVELOPMENT & IMPLEMENTATION PLAN 1
DATABASE SYSTEMS DEVELOPMENT & IMPLEMENTATION PLAN 19
Table of Contents
1. Database System Overview 3
1.1 Business Environment 3
1.2 Database system goals and objective 4
2. Entity Relationship Model 7
2.1 Proposed entities 7
2.2 Business rules 8
2.3 Entity–Relationship Model 9
2.3.1 Relationship Types 9
2.3.2 Normalization form 12
2.3.3 Benefit of using database design 14
3. Structured Query Language (SQL) Scripts 15
3.1 Data definition language (DDL) 15
3.2 Data manipulation language (DML) 16
3.3 SQL report 17
3.4 Benefit of using database queries 19
4. Database Administration Plan 20
5. Future Database System Implementation Plan 21
6. References 22
1.
Database System Overview
1.1 Business Environment
Office Depot, Inc is an American retail store company founded in 1986 and headquartered in Florida, United States. The company provides office and school supplies with 1400 retail stores and e-commerce sites. The supply includes everything to their customer like latest technology, core school and office supplies, printing and documenting service, furniture and other services like cell phone repair, tech and marketing service etc.
Recently there were too many complaints from existing and new customer that the online site is super glitch and lagging. Another customer posted that the delivery did not come on the scheduled day. And they cannot track down the order because the website does not have tracking information. Also when the website is down, customer service cannot help to see the order details either and therefore, they feel it’s frustrating to order online and therefore want to cancel the order. One other customer posted in the website grievance section that the “label maker” showed available in the stock even though it was out of stock when verified with the customer service representative. With every product not in stock, we lose opportunity of sale which costs the store. This not only affect customer but also affect company. We are so dependent on the data, most of the time staff has to correct accounting report, sales estimates and invoice customer manually which is very time-consuming in an excel sheet.
In order to solve above issues and avoid sales loss, Office Depot must have a database to store and maintain correct count of the products. This database will help inventory management i.e. tracking products, update inventory, find popular or less popular item, loss prevention, track inventory status and perform data mining. The staff can access this database via a computerized database. (Gerald H., Importance of inventory database retail)1.2 Database system goals and objective
The mission of the company is to become number one retail company by creating inclusive environment and great shopping experience where both customer and employees are respected and valued. To achieve the retail store mission, we are committed to provide secure and robust data base system for ou.
Database Security Assessment Transcript You are a contracting office.docxwhittemorelucilla
Database Security Assessment Transcript You are a contracting officer's technical representative, a Security System Engineer, at a military hospital. Your department's leaders are adopting a new medical health care database management system. And they've tasked you to create a request for proposal for which different vendors will compete to build and provide to the hospital. A Request For Proposal, or RFP, is when an organization sends out a request for estimates on performing a function, delivering a technology, or providing a service or augmenting staff. RFPs are tailored to each endeavor but have common components and are important in the world of IT contracting and for procurement and acquisitions. To complete the RFP, you must determine the technical and security specifications for the system. You'll write the requirements for the overall system and also provide evaluation standards that will be used in rating the vendor's performance. Your learning will help you determine your system's requirements. As you discover methods of attack, you'll write prevention and remediation requirements for the vendor to perform. You must identify the different vulnerabilities the database should be hardened against.
Modern healthcare systems incorporate databases for effective and efficient management of patient healthcare. Databases are vulnerable to cyberattacks and must be designed and built with security controls from the beginning of the life cycle. Although hardening the database early in the life cycle is better, security is often incorporated after deployment, forcing hospital and healthcare IT professionals to play catch-up. Database security requirements should be defined at the requirements stage of acquisition and procurement.
System security engineers and other acquisition personnel can effectively assist vendors in building better healthcare database systems by specifying security requirements up front within the request for proposal (RFP). In this project, you will be developing an RFP for a new medical healthcare database management system.
Parts of your deliverables will be developed through your learning lab. You will submit the following deliverables for this project:
Deliverables
• An RFP, about 10 to 12 pages, in the form of a double-spaced Word document with citations in APA format. The page count does not include figures, diagrams, tables, or citations. There is no penalty for using additional pages. Include a minimum of six references. Include a reference list with the report.
• An MS-Excel spreadsheet with lab results.
There are 11 steps in this project. You will begin with the workplace scenario and continue with Step 1: "Provide an Overview for Vendors."
Step 1: Provide an Overview for Vendors
As the contracting officer's technical representative (COTR), you are the liaison between your hospital and potential vendors. It is your duty to provide vendors with an overview of your organization. To do so, identify infor.
Database Design Mid Term ExamSpring 2020Name ________________.docxwhittemorelucilla
Database Design Mid Term Exam
Spring 2020
Name: ____________________________
1. What is a data model?
A. method of storing files on a disk drive
B. simple representation of complex real-world data structures
C. name of system for designing software
D. method of designing invoices for customers
2. A Relationship Database system consists of 3 parts: a client front end for sending information to a command processor, a middle tier that interprets user commands, and a management frame work for storing, organizing and securing data.
a. True
b. False
3. What are the 3 components of a table:
A. Row, column, value
B. Row, top, bottom
C. Column, row, top
D. Top, middle, end
4. What does the column represent in a table?
a. Attribute of the table records
b. A complete record in the table
c. The system log from the database
d. A list of database tables
5. What does a row in the table represent?
a. A complete data record
b. List of system logs
c. A list of file systems on database server
d. The primary keys from all the tables.
6. Which of the following is an example of data definition language (DDL)?
a. UPDATE
b. V$SYSLOG
c. CREATE
d. DETAIN
7 . Which of the following is an example of data manipulation language (DML)?
A. SELECT
B. ABORT
C. GRANT
D. REVOKE
8. A _______ key is an attribute that uniquely identifies a record in a table.
9. A _______ key is an attribute that is a primary key in one table and is used as a reference in a second table to establish a relationship between the two tables.
10. When running a ‘SELECT’ join, what is returned from the table:
A. ROW
B. Column
C. single attribute
D. all tables in the database
11. When running a ‘PROJECT’ join, what is returned from the table:
A. COLUMN
B. ROW
C. Single Attribute
D. a list of tables in the database
12. What are the 3 types of relationships commonly shown on an entity relationship diagram?
A. 1 to 1
B. 1 to Many
C. Many to Many
D. All the above
E. None of the above
13. What is an entity relationship diagram (ERD)?
A. graphical representation of all entities in a database and how the entities are related
b. list of the log files in the database.
C. list of all the tablespace names in a database
D. A diagram that shows how data is written to a physical disk drive.
14. The definition of an attribute in a table that has no value is:
A. ZERO
b. NULL
c. ZILTCH
D. NONE
15. A ____________ attribute can either be stored on retrieve on an ad hoc basis.
16. Briefly describe the advantages and disadvantages of storing a derived attribute?
17. A database can process many types of data classifications. Which of the following is not a data classification or architecture that databases can process:
A. Structured
B. Semi-structured
C. undelimited
D. Unstructured
18. The process by which functional/partial dependency and transitive dependency is removed from a database table is called:
a. sharding
b. normalization
c. defragmentation
d. reallocation
.
Database Justification MemoCreate a 1-page memo for the .docxwhittemorelucilla
This document contains two proposed memos. The first recommends migrating from a static website to a database driven application system, noting the benefits of databases in managing dynamic content and data while also acknowledging potential drawbacks. The second memo advocates for using web services and highlights considerations around security, scalability to large volumes of traffic, and compatibility across different devices and platforms.
Database Dump Script(Details of project in file)Mac1) O.docxwhittemorelucilla
Database Dump Script
(Details of project in file)
Mac:
1) Open up the terminal, or if already in MySQL, get out by typing "exit" and pressing enter.
2) Type:
/usr/local/mysql/bin/mysqldump -u root -p [database name] > /tmp/filename.txt
...where [database name] is the name of the database you want to export. When prompted, type the password. Check the /tmp file for your output.
.
Database Design 1. What is a data model A. method of sto.docxwhittemorelucilla
Database Design
1. What is a data model?
A. method of storing files on a disk drive
B. simple representation of complex real-world data structures
C. name of system for designing software
D. method of designing invoices for customers
2. Which of the following are the most important elements of a security program for databases:
a. Integrity, referential index, user rights
b. Confidentiality. Integrity and Availability
c. Availability, multi-master replication, high-bandwidth
d. DBA, System Admin, and PMO
3. Suppose that you have a table with a number of product sales. The product code may repeat in the table as it is likely the same product could be sold multiple times. If you want to produce a list of the unique products that are sold, you could use which of the following keywords in the SELECT statement:
A. LIKE
B. ORDERED BY
C. DISTINCT
D. DIFFERENT
4. What does the column represent in a table?
a. Attribute of the table records
b. A complete record in the table
c. The system log from the database
d. A list of database tables
5. What does a row in the table represent?
a. A complete data record
b. List of system logs
c. A list of file systems on database server
d. The primary keys from all the tables.
6. Which of the following is an example of data definition language (DDL)?
a. UPDATE
b. V$SYSLOG
c. CREATE
d. DETAIN
7 . Which of the following is an example of data manipulation language (DML)?
A. SELECT
B. ABORT
C. GRANT
D. REVOKE
8. A _____________ key is an attribute that uniquely identifies a record in a table.
9. A _____________ key is an attribute that is a primary key in one table and is used as a reference in a second table to establish a relationship between the two tables.
10. When running a ‘SELECT’ join, what is returned from the table:
A. ROW
B. Column
C. single attribute
D. all tables in the database
11. When running a ‘PROJECT’ join, what is returned from the table:
A. COLUMN
B. ROW
C. Single Attribute
D. a list of tables in the database
12. What are the 3 types of relationships commonly shown on an entity relationship diagram?
A. 1 to 1
B. 1 to Many
C. Many to Many
D. All the above
E. None of the above
13. What is an entity relationship diagram (ERD)?
A. graphical representation of all entities in a database and how the entities are related
b. list of the log files in the database.
C. list of all the tablespace names in a database
D. A diagram that shows how data is written to a physical disk drive.
14. The definition of an attribute in a table that has no value is:
A. ZERO
b. NULL
c. ZILTCH
D. NONE
15. A __________ attribute can either be stored on retrieve on an ad hoc basis.
16. Which of the following is not considered a characteristic of distributed management systems:
a. Concurrency Control
b. Business intelligence
c. Transaction management
d. query optimization
17. A database can process many types of data classifications. Which of the following is not a data class.
Walmart Business+ and Spark Good for Nonprofits.pdfTechSoup
"Learn about all the ways Walmart supports nonprofit organizations.
You will hear from Liz Willett, the Head of Nonprofits, and hear about what Walmart is doing to help nonprofits, including Walmart Business and Spark Good. Walmart Business+ is a new offer for nonprofits that offers discounts and also streamlines nonprofits order and expense tracking, saving time and money.
The webinar may also give some examples on how nonprofits can best leverage Walmart Business+.
The event will cover the following::
Walmart Business + (https://business.walmart.com/plus) is a new shopping experience for nonprofits, schools, and local business customers that connects an exclusive online shopping experience to stores. Benefits include free delivery and shipping, a 'Spend Analytics” feature, special discounts, deals and tax-exempt shopping.
Special TechSoup offer for a free 180 days membership, and up to $150 in discounts on eligible orders.
Spark Good (walmart.com/sparkgood) is a charitable platform that enables nonprofits to receive donations directly from customers and associates.
Answers about how you can do more with Walmart!"
ISO/IEC 27001, ISO/IEC 42001, and GDPR: Best Practices for Implementation and...PECB
Denis is a dynamic and results-driven Chief Information Officer (CIO) with a distinguished career spanning information systems analysis and technical project management. With a proven track record of spearheading the design and delivery of cutting-edge Information Management solutions, he has consistently elevated business operations, streamlined reporting functions, and maximized process efficiency.
Certified as an ISO/IEC 27001: Information Security Management Systems (ISMS) Lead Implementer, Data Protection Officer, and Cyber Risks Analyst, Denis brings a heightened focus on data security, privacy, and cyber resilience to every endeavor.
His expertise extends across a diverse spectrum of reporting, database, and web development applications, underpinned by an exceptional grasp of data storage and virtualization technologies. His proficiency in application testing, database administration, and data cleansing ensures seamless execution of complex projects.
What sets Denis apart is his comprehensive understanding of Business and Systems Analysis technologies, honed through involvement in all phases of the Software Development Lifecycle (SDLC). From meticulous requirements gathering to precise analysis, innovative design, rigorous development, thorough testing, and successful implementation, he has consistently delivered exceptional results.
Throughout his career, he has taken on multifaceted roles, from leading technical project management teams to owning solutions that drive operational excellence. His conscientious and proactive approach is unwavering, whether he is working independently or collaboratively within a team. His ability to connect with colleagues on a personal level underscores his commitment to fostering a harmonious and productive workplace environment.
Date: May 29, 2024
Tags: Information Security, ISO/IEC 27001, ISO/IEC 42001, Artificial Intelligence, GDPR
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Find out more about ISO training and certification services
Training: ISO/IEC 27001 Information Security Management System - EN | PECB
ISO/IEC 42001 Artificial Intelligence Management System - EN | PECB
General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) - Training Courses - EN | PECB
Webinars: https://pecb.com/webinars
Article: https://pecb.com/article
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For more information about PECB:
Website: https://pecb.com/
LinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/company/pecb/
Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/PECBInternational/
Slideshare: http://www.slideshare.net/PECBCERTIFICATION
বাংলাদেশের অর্থনৈতিক সমীক্ষা ২০২৪ [Bangladesh Economic Review 2024 Bangla.pdf] কম্পিউটার , ট্যাব ও স্মার্ট ফোন ভার্সন সহ সম্পূর্ণ বাংলা ই-বুক বা pdf বই " সুচিপত্র ...বুকমার্ক মেনু 🔖 ও হাইপার লিংক মেনু 📝👆 যুক্ত ..
আমাদের সবার জন্য খুব খুব গুরুত্বপূর্ণ একটি বই ..বিসিএস, ব্যাংক, ইউনিভার্সিটি ভর্তি ও যে কোন প্রতিযোগিতা মূলক পরীক্ষার জন্য এর খুব ইম্পরট্যান্ট একটি বিষয় ...তাছাড়া বাংলাদেশের সাম্প্রতিক যে কোন ডাটা বা তথ্য এই বইতে পাবেন ...
তাই একজন নাগরিক হিসাবে এই তথ্য গুলো আপনার জানা প্রয়োজন ...।
বিসিএস ও ব্যাংক এর লিখিত পরীক্ষা ...+এছাড়া মাধ্যমিক ও উচ্চমাধ্যমিকের স্টুডেন্টদের জন্য অনেক কাজে আসবে ...
Philippine Edukasyong Pantahanan at Pangkabuhayan (EPP) CurriculumMJDuyan
(𝐓𝐋𝐄 𝟏𝟎𝟎) (𝐋𝐞𝐬𝐬𝐨𝐧 𝟏)-𝐏𝐫𝐞𝐥𝐢𝐦𝐬
𝐃𝐢𝐬𝐜𝐮𝐬𝐬 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐄𝐏𝐏 𝐂𝐮𝐫𝐫𝐢𝐜𝐮𝐥𝐮𝐦 𝐢𝐧 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐏𝐡𝐢𝐥𝐢𝐩𝐩𝐢𝐧𝐞𝐬:
- Understand the goals and objectives of the Edukasyong Pantahanan at Pangkabuhayan (EPP) curriculum, recognizing its importance in fostering practical life skills and values among students. Students will also be able to identify the key components and subjects covered, such as agriculture, home economics, industrial arts, and information and communication technology.
𝐄𝐱𝐩𝐥𝐚𝐢𝐧 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐍𝐚𝐭𝐮𝐫𝐞 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐒𝐜𝐨𝐩𝐞 𝐨𝐟 𝐚𝐧 𝐄𝐧𝐭𝐫𝐞𝐩𝐫𝐞𝐧𝐞𝐮𝐫:
-Define entrepreneurship, distinguishing it from general business activities by emphasizing its focus on innovation, risk-taking, and value creation. Students will describe the characteristics and traits of successful entrepreneurs, including their roles and responsibilities, and discuss the broader economic and social impacts of entrepreneurial activities on both local and global scales.
Leveraging Generative AI to Drive Nonprofit InnovationTechSoup
In this webinar, participants learned how to utilize Generative AI to streamline operations and elevate member engagement. Amazon Web Service experts provided a customer specific use cases and dived into low/no-code tools that are quick and easy to deploy through Amazon Web Service (AWS.)
How to Setup Warehouse & Location in Odoo 17 InventoryCeline George
In this slide, we'll explore how to set up warehouses and locations in Odoo 17 Inventory. This will help us manage our stock effectively, track inventory levels, and streamline warehouse operations.
This document provides an overview of wound healing, its functions, stages, mechanisms, factors affecting it, and complications.
A wound is a break in the integrity of the skin or tissues, which may be associated with disruption of the structure and function.
Healing is the body’s response to injury in an attempt to restore normal structure and functions.
Healing can occur in two ways: Regeneration and Repair
There are 4 phases of wound healing: hemostasis, inflammation, proliferation, and remodeling. This document also describes the mechanism of wound healing. Factors that affect healing include infection, uncontrolled diabetes, poor nutrition, age, anemia, the presence of foreign bodies, etc.
Complications of wound healing like infection, hyperpigmentation of scar, contractures, and keloid formation.
Guest Editors IntroductionHuman Rights and BusinessWesl.docx
1. Guest Editors' Introduction
Human Rights and Business
Wesley Cragg
York University
Denis G. Arnold
University of North Carolina, Charlotte
Peter Muchlinski
School of Oriental and African Studies
ABSTRACT: We provide a brief history of the business and
human rights discourse
and scholarship, and an overview of the articles included in the
special issue.
KEY WORDS: business, human rights, UN Framework, Ruggie,
corporations
DISCUSSION OF BUSINESS AND HUMAN RIGHTS from an
expUcitly ethicalperspective has a unique history. Prior to the
last decade of the last century, it
was rarely discussed or examined. This might at first glance
seem rather surprising.
The idea of human rights has been the subject of intense inquiry
and debate now
since the renaissance and on some accounts before (Lloyd 1991,
Lee and Lee 2010).
The pursuit of human rights has motivated revolutions, for
example the American
and French revolutions. Debates about their ethical, political
2. and legal status and
foundations have played a central role in academic and political
discourse since the
Enlightenment. In the twentieth century, the practical political
challenges of embed-
ding human rights in intemational law have dominated the
agendas of emerging
intemational institutions like the United Nations, particularly
since the end of the
Second World War. In contrast, the first discussion of business
and human rights
in intemational institutions can be traced back only to the 1980s
with the draft UN
Code of Conduct on Transnational Corporations (United Nations
1984). Even with
this UN initiative, significant academic attention to the topic
was ignited only in
the early to mid-1990s (an important early work is Donaldson
1991). Surprising
as this late emergence of the subject might seem, the reasons
are not hard to find.
Until late in the last century, it was conventional wisdom that
the responsibility for
protecting and advancing and etihancing respect for human
rights lay with govem-
ment (Ruggie 2006 and 2007). On this view, the only human
rights responsibilities
of the private business sector were indirect legal
responsibilities. It was only in the
1990s that doubts about the efficacy of this allocation of
responsibilities began to
gain widespread attention, driven, it is widely agreed, by the
phenomenon of glo-
balization (Chandler 2003, Ruggie 2006, Kobrin 2009, Cragg
2010, Lee and Lee
4. determined to hold corporations with intemational business
interests to account for
human rights abuses.
An early sign that significant shifts in views about the
allocation of human rights
responsibilities between the public and private sectors were
under way occurred in
1998 when the United Nations Sub-Commission for the
Promotion and Protection
of Human Rights established a sessional working group to study
and report on hu-
man rights and business. What followed in 2003 was a report
entitled "Norms on
the Responsibilities of Transnational and Other Business
Enterprises with Regard
to Human Rights." At the core of the report was the proposal
that transnational
corporations and other business entities should be brought
directly under the am-
bit of intemational human rights law, humanitarian law,
intemational labor law,
environmental law, anti-corruption law and consumer protection
law (Hillmanns
2003: 1070). That is to say, the report was calling for a
dramatic shift away from
the prevailing conventions and assumptions allocating the
fundamental responsi-
bility for protecting and promoting human rights to the State.
Not surprisingly, the
report aroused strident opposition on the part of a significant
section of the business
community and govemments (Amold 2010). While the report
was never formerly
endorsed by the UN, it did have two significant impacts. First,
it resulted in a se-
5. ries of recommendations that eventually led the UN Secretary
General to appoint,
in 2005, a special representative, John Ruggie, to take up the
issue of the human
rights responsibilities of transnational corporations and other
business enterprises.
Its second significant impact was to bring into sharp relief three
key questions: Was
it appropriate to bring corporations under the ambit of
intemational law heretofore
focused on nation states and to a lesser degree on individuals?
Did corporations
have human rights responsibilities beyond those set out by law
whether domestic
or intemational? If the human rights responsibilities of
corporations did extend
beyond those required by law, what exactly was the nature of
those responsibilities?
The work of the UN Sub Commission both stimulated and was
supported by
legal scholarship concemed to determine whether enterprises
that enjoy the pro-
tection of certain human rights could also be understood to have
human rights
responsibilities or duties. The result was a growing consensus
based on analogy
HUMAN RIGHTS AND BUSINESS 3
with the responsibilities owed by natural persons to observe
human rights and the
fact that large transnational corporations in particular both had
the power to infringe
6. human rights and were guilty of significant human rights
abuses, that it followed
that transnational corporations could be understood to have
direct human rights
responsibilities (Clapham 2006).
Over the last two decades, legal practice has also moved in this
direction evidenced
by litigation under the US Alien Torts Claim Act and some
important developments,
in common law jurisdictions, concerning parent company
liability for human rights
related harms caused by overseas subsidiaries. Similar
developments have also
taken place in civil law countries, notably in France and the
Netherlands, where
lawyers have begun to engage in socially entrepreneurial public
interest litigation
(Muchlinski 2009). On the other hand, legislative attempts to
extend human rights
liabilities to home based companies, in the form of private
members bills in the US
Congress and the Parliaments of Australia, the United Kingdom
and Canada, have
all met with failure.
Business ethics scholars have also found themselves drawn into
the debate first
by reflections on the phenomenon of globalization and its
human rights impacts
and also by the work of the UN Sub Commission and the more
recent work of the
Special Representative of the UN Secretary General, John
Ruggie (2006,2007,2008,
2010, 2011). Business ethics scholars have argued that
transnational corporations
7. have direct human rights obligations on contractualist grounds
(Donaldson 1991,
Cragg 1999) and on an agent based conception of human rights
(Arnold 2010). They
have also defended the use of human rights as potentially
enforceable transnational
norms of conduct for TNCs (Campbell 2006, Kobrin 2009).
Other scholars have
challenged the applicability or usefulness of rights language
pertaining to corporate
obligations in non-Western contexts (Strudler 2008). As
evidenced by the contribu-
tions to this special issue, discussion and research have ranged
across the ethical
dimensions of all three of the questions brought into focus by
the debate generated
by the Draft UN Norms.
In 2011 the United Nations Human Rights Council endorsed the
"Protect, Respect
and Remedy" Framework submitted by John Ruggie as Special
Representative of
the Secretary General of the United Nations. In that report he
proposed the adoption
of a framework that addresses all three of the questions
highlighted by the earlier
work of the Sub Commission described above. Ruggie's
framework features a State
duty to protect human rights, a corporate responsibility to
respect human rights,
access to effective remedies for human rights abuses and a
responsibility on the part
of all actors to engage in due diligence with a view to
identifying and managing
responsibly the potential and actual human rights impacts of
their activities. The
8. work of John Ruggie and his proposed framework, now referred
to widely as the
UN Framework, have had the effect of further sharpening and
structuring discussion
on the human rights responsibilities of transnational
corporations particularly with
regard to their operations in developing and underdeveloped
parts of the world, in
zones of conflict, and in areas in which government has become
seriously dysfunc-
tional or deeply and systemically corrupt.
4 BUSINESS ETHICS QUARTERLY
The influence of John Ruggie's work and his recommendations
can be seen
to be in play in this special issue (Cragg 2012, Wood 2012,
Wettstein 2012, and
MucMinski 2012).
As Peter Muchlinski (2012) points out, the proposal that
corporations have direct
human rights responsibilities, is "significant, if not
revolutionary." Though this re-
sponsibility is not a legally binding one under international law,
nonetheless it directly
challenges prevailing conventional legal wisdom in
international law that holds that
only governments and to a much lesser degree individuals have
direct human rights
responsibilities. At the heart of Ruggie's framework is the view
that corporations
have a responsibility to respect human rights particularly where
international and
9. national human rights law does not reach or is not enforced.
Corporations should
take up this responsibility, Ruggie argues, to avoid reputational
and other risks aris-
ing from rising public expectations surrounding their "social
licence to operate"
combined with increased public scrutiny which are all a
consequent of globalization.
The first paper in this special issue (Cragg 2012) examines the
"enlightened self
interest" account Ruggie argues provides corporations with a
persuasive reason
to take up the "responsibility to respect" and identifies it as a
serious weakness in
the justificatory foundations of the UN Framework. The paper
argues that the UN
Framework can be expected to acquire significant traction on
the part of transna-
tional corporations only if the corporate responsibility to
respect human rights is
clearly demonstrated to be and acknowledged by corporations
themselves to be a
direct and explicitly ethical or moral obligation, a moral
obligation that is distinct
from their obligation to obey the law. The paper argues that
paradoxically the most
effective way of extending the direct reach of international
human rights law to
include transnational corporations is to acknowledge, and
persuade the corporate
sector to acknowledge, that the "responsibility to respect"
human rights is in the
first instance an explicit and direct moral obligation
The UN Framework constructed by John Ruggie (2008, 2010,
10. 2011) allocates
to governments the duty to protect, a positive duty, and to
corporations the duty to
respect, an essentially negative duty to do no harm. In "Silence
as Complicity: Ele-
ments of a Corporate Duty to Speak Out against the Violation of
Human Rights,"
Florian Wettstein (2012) challenges this allocation of
responsibilities. He argues that
when four conditions are satisfied—voluntariness, connection to
the human rights
violation, power to significantly influence the perpetrator, and a
certain social or
political status—corporations have a positive moral obligation
to speak out against
human rights abuses perpetrated by governments with a view to
protecting or help-
ing to protect potential or actual victims.
Building on conditions similar to those set out in Florian
Wettstein's analysis of
silent complicity, Stepan Wood questions, in the third article,
John Ruggie's rejec-
tion of the view that "sphere of influence" should play a role in
defining the human
rights responsibilities of corporations. To the contrary, Stepan
Wood argues, the
ability of corporations to influence the actions of others as a
result of their relation-
ships or "their leverage" does generate significant moral
obligations that go beyond
the "responsibility to respect," a negative moral responsibility
to do no harm, to
include a responsibility to protect human rights, a positive
moral responsibility to
11. HUMAN RIGHTS AND BUSINESS 5
do good. The central purpose of Wood's analysis is then to
define the nature of the
responsibilities that come with leverage.
If we accept that corporations have human rights
responsibilities, then the next
task is to define the responsibilities of corporations for ensuring
that their human
rights responsibilities are effectively fulfilled. A related set of
issues concems the
responsibilities of other key players for ensuring that
corporations fulfil those re-
sponsibilities. Individual and institutional investors are an
example. A formal feature
of Canadian corporate law permits equity holders to bring
shareholder proposals to
the attention of other equity investors for discussion and
decision by formal vote.
In 2008, a group of institutional investors used a shareholder
proposal to persuade
a large Canadian gold mining company, Goldcorp, to
commission a human rights
impact assessment of the operations of its Marlin Mine in
Guatemala. In the fourth
article, Aaron Dhir (2012) analyzes the law allowing
shareholder proposals (the
very controversial use made of the shareholder proposal tool to
bring about a human
rights impact assessment of the Marlin Mine), implementation
of the subsequent
assessment, its impact on communities adjacent to the mine and
the implications
12. of this initiative for the ethical use of shareholder proposals.
In the fifth, penultimate, article, John Bishop (2012) strikes a
cautionary note
pointing out that with responsibilities come rights. If
corporations have human
rights responsibilities, they must be accorded the rights required
to fulfill those
responsibilities. It is important therefore to identify carefully
the rights required
by corporations as the nature and scope of their human rights
responsibilities are
delineated. A key purpose of this article is to undertake that
analysis and to assess
the boundaries of corporate human rights responsibilities
through a consideration
of the boundaries appropriately placed on the nature and scope
of corporate rights.
In the concluding paper in this special issue, Peter Muchlinski
(2012) argues that
the UN Framework requirement that corporations exercise due
diligence for the
purpose of ensuring that they meet their responsibility to
respect human rights will
lead to the evolution of legally binding duties under both
national and intemational
law. He suggests that the development of binding duties will be
of particular value to
involuntary stakeholders. Finally, picking up a theme central to
the first paper in the
special issue, he suggests that the result of an evolving
understanding of the human
rights duties in corporate law might well be a view of the
purpose of the contempo-
rary shareholder owned corporation that goes beyond
13. enlightened shareholder self
interest to a stakeholder focus grounded on a more integrated
ethical understanding
of the role of business in society in the twenty-first century.
NOTE
To preserve the integrity of the editorial process, the editors of
the special issue played no role in the review
of the papers by Cragg and Muchlinski. Those submissions to
the special issue were instead managed by
former editor-in-chief and current senior associate editor Gary
Weaver.
6 BUSINESS ETHICS QUARTERLY
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Arnold, D. G. 2010. "Transnational Corporations and the Duty
to Respect Basic Human
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Bishop, John. 2012. "The Limits of Corporate Human Rights
Obligations and the Rights of
For-Profit Corporations," Business Ethics Quarterly 22(1): 1 1 9
^ 4 .
Campbell, Tom. 2006. "A Human Rights Approach to
Developing Voluntary Codes of
Conduct for Multinational Corporations," Business Ethics
Quarterly 16(2): 255-69.
Chandler, Geoffrey. 2003. "The Evolution of the Business
Human Rights Debate," in
14. Business and Human Rights, ed. Rory Sullivan, 22-32
(Sheffield, UK: Greenleaf
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Clapham, Andrew. 2006. "Corporations and Human Rights," in
Human Rights Obligations
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Cragg, W. 1999. "Human Rights and Business Ethics:
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Journal of Business Ethics 27(1-2): 205-14.
2010. "Business and Human Rights: A Principle and Value-
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in Oxford Handbook of Business Ethics, ed. George Brenkert
and Tom Beauchamp,
267-305 (Oxford: Oxford University Press).
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Responsibility
to Respect Human Rights: A Critical Look at the Justificatory
Foundations of the
Proposed UN Human Rights Framework," Business Ethics
Quarterly 22(1): 9-36.
Dhir, Aaron. 2012. "Shareholder Engagement in the Embedded
Business Corporation:
Investment Activism, Human Rights, and TWAIL Discourse,"
Business Ethics
Quarterly 22(1): 99-llS.
Donaldson, T. 1991. The Ethics of International Business
(Oxford: Oxford University
Press).
Hillmanns, Carolin F. 2003. "UN Norms on the Responsibilities
15. of Transnational
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German Law Joumal 4( 10) : 1065-80.
Kobrin, Stephen, J. 2009. "Private Political Authority and
Public Responsibility:
Transnational Polities, Transnational Firms, and Human
Rights," Business Ethics
Quarterly 19(3): 349-74.
Lee, Daniel E., and Elizabeth J. Lee. 2010. Human Rights and
the Ethics of Globalization
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press).
Lloyd, Denis. 1991. The Idea of Law (Harmondsworth: Penguin
Books).
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Remedies against Multinational
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Comparative Law 4(2):
148-70.
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Business Ethics
Quarterly 22(1): 145-77.
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Interim Report of the
16. Special Representative of the Secretary-General on the Issue of
Human Rights
and Transnational Corporations and Other Business Enterprises.
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of the "Protect, Respect and Remedy" Framework. UN Doc.
A/HRC/14/27.
2011. Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights:
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the United Nations "Protect, Respect and Remedy" Framework.
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E/1990/94.
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17. Corporate Duty to Speak
Out against the Violation of Human Rights," Business Ethics
Quartery 22(1): 37-61.
Wood, Stepan. 2012. "The Case for Leverage-Based Corporate
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IDS 400 Short Paper Rubric
Requirements of Submission: Short paper assignments must
follow these formatting guidelines: double spacing, 12-point
Times New Roman font, 1-inch
margins, and APA citations. Page length is 2–3 pages, 600
words minimum.
Critical Elements Exemplary (100%) Proficient (85%) Needs
Improvement (55%) Not Evident (0%) Value
Main Elements Includes all of the main
18. elements and requirements and
cites multiple examples to
illustrate each element
Includes most of the main
elements and requirements and
cites many examples to
illustrate each element
Includes some of the main
elements and requirements
Does not include any of the
main elements and
requirements
30
Inquiry and Analysis
Provides in-depth analysis that
demonstrates complete
understanding of multiple
concepts
Provides in-depth analysis that
demonstrates complete
understanding of some
concepts
19. Provides in-depth analysis that
demonstrates complete
understanding of minimal
concepts
Does not provide in-depth
analysis
20
Integration and
Application
All of the course concepts are
correctly applied
Most of the course concepts are
correctly applied
Some of the course concepts
are correctly applied
Does not correctly apply any of
the course concepts
20
Critical Thinking Draws insightful conclusions
that are thoroughly defended
with evidence and examples
Draws informed conclusions
20. that are justified with evidence
Draws logical conclusions, but
does not defend with evidence
Does not draw logical
conclusions
20
Writing
(Mechanics/
Citations)
No errors related to
organization, grammar and
style, and citations
Minor errors related to
organization, grammar and
style, and citations
Some errors related to
organization, grammar and
style, and citations
21. Major errors related to
organization, grammar and
style, and citations
10
Earned Total 100%
24
Gerald M. Steinberg
The Politics of NGOs, Human Rights
and the Arab-Israel Conflict
ABSTR ACT
Terms such as “non-governmental organization” or “global civil
society” are
used to describe tens of thousands of groups, varying greatly in
structure,
objective, funding, impact, and other key aspects. The main
influence of
these organizations results from the application of “soft power”
as “the
ability to get what you want through attraction rather than
coercion or
payments”. NGOs are particularly influential on issues related
to human
rights and humanitarian aid. Their soft-power is based on the
22. perception of
technical expertise, combined with morality and normative
goals, untainted
by partisan politics or economic objectives, and projected
through the
media and other channels. Powerful NGOs, such as Human
Rights Watch,
Amnesty International, and the International Federation of
Human Rights,
work cooperatively in transnational advocacy networks, using
the language
and frameworks of human rights and humanitarian assistance,
These orga-
nizations spread their views and campaigns via frameworks such
as the UN
Human Rights Council, in alliance with diplomats and political
leaders
from selected governments with similar objectives. Israeli
policy has been
a central focus of this NGO soft-power influence from the 2001
Durban
NGO Forum through the UN Goldstone Commission on the
Gaza war.
The central role of NGO influence is reflected in the Goldstone
Commis-
sion’s mandate, procedures, and reports, and the campaign to
implement its
recommendations. The article examines the influence of NGO
activity in
the political conflict, and on Israeli foreign and security policy
in particular.
NGOs (non-governmental organizations) or CSOs (civil
society organizations) have become important actors in the “soft
power”
23. The Politics of NGOs, Human Rights and the Arab-Israel
Conflict • 25
arena of international diplomacy. In the United Nations system,
over
four thousand NGOs are accredited to the Economic and Social
Council
(ECOSOC),1 giving them privileged access to many UN
activities, includ-
ing meetings of the Human Rights Council (HRC),2 the 2001
World Con-
ference on Racism3 (also known as the Durban Conference),
and special
frameworks such as the UN Committee on Inalienable Rights of
Palestinian
People,4 the Committee on the Elimination of Racial
Discrimination,5 and
the Committee Against Torture. NGO officials speak in the
sessions, meet
with participating diplomats, and submit documents that are
quoted in
final reports.6 Diplomats, journalists, academics, and other
decision-makers
and opinion leaders routinely accept NGO claims, in most cases
without
independent verification.
NGOs, both individually and through wider “transnational
advocacy
networks” or a “global civil society” framework, are influential
in many
fields, from environmental issues to human rights and
humanitarian aid.
Their moral claims are a major source of this influence, as
24. reflected in Chan-
dler’s reference to NGOs as “oriented around universal beliefs
and motiva-
tions”.7 Similarly, Keck and Sikkink argue that while
“governments are the
primary guarantors of rights, they are also their primary
violators”, leaving
individuals or minorities with “no recourse within domestic
political or
judicial arenas”. On this basis, they analyze the ways in which
domestic
NGOs “. . . bypass their state and directly search out
international allies to
bring pressure on their states from the outside.”8
In the areas of human rights and international aid, Amnesty
Interna-
tional (AI) was founded to campaign on behalf of “prisoners of
conscience”
and the abolition of torture, mainly in Eastern Europe and
Africa.9 Human
Rights Watch (HRW)10 grew out of “Helsinki Watch”, founded
in the
1970s as a research-oriented alternative to AI. With the support
of the
United States and other Western governments, these NGOs
gained entry
into and influence in the UN and other political institutions. As
their
budgets grew, human rights NGOs became powerful
international actors.
With the end of the Cold War, these NGOs defined new
objectives,
claiming to be experts in asymmetric warfare and advanced
military tech-
25. nology, as well as the arbiters of international law, human
rights,11 military
necessity, and proportionality. This transformation, and the
political foun-
dations of international legal institutions ( particularly the UN)
and their
sources of legitimacy, in contrast to domestic judicial
institutions, allowed
NGOs to increase their influence in the media and in the
diplomatic
sphere.12
26 • isr a el st udie s, volu me 16 nu mber 2
Thus, NGOs constitute an unregulated and nebulous sector
described
as “fuzzy at the edges”,13 but at the same time, they are highly
influential.
Journalists, UN officials, and academics repeat the technical
claims and
military analyses presented by NGOs such as HRW and AI
without ques-
tion. Revelations regarding the activities of HRW’s former
senior military
analyst, Marc Garlasco, the lack of detailed public information
regarding
his actual expertise, and the contradictions in the technical and
military
claims featured in his reports, illustrate the problematic
credibility.14
These limitations are often masked by the NGO “halo effect”,
through
which groups perceived to promote “good” principles are
26. protected from
scrutiny by the image of objectivity and morality. This “halo
effect” com-
pensates not only for the lack of accountability but also for the
lack of
expertise in the military and diplomatic spheres in which many
NGOs are
active. According to Willets, “There is a widespread attitude
that NGOs
consist of altruistic people campaigning in the general public
interest, while
governments consist of self-serving politicians. . . . such an
attitude should
not be adopted as an unchallenged assumption . . .”15 Habibi
demonstrates
that NGOs that deal with human rights elicit “instinctive
support amongst
the general public”,16 and Heins shows that NGOs create
“symbolical
victims” and then portray themselves as altruistic rescuers.17
This process is enhanced by the dominance of post-colonial
ideology
among NGO officials who give preference to “victims” of
Western impe-
rialism and capitalism while criticizing liberal democratic
societies. The
ideological tilt among NGOs is reflected in their publications
and analyses,
particularly with respect to the application of international law
and human
rights claims. Kenneth Anderson noted that groups such as
HRW, “focus to
near exclusion on what the attackers do, especially in
asymmetrical conflicts
where the attackers are Western armies” and tend “to present to
27. the public
and press what are essentially lawyers’ briefs that shape the
facts and law
toward conclusions that [they] favor . . . without really
presenting the full
range of factual and legal objections to [their] position.”18
These critical perspectives will be shown below to be valid for a
number
of powerful international NGOs including HRW, AI, FIDH
(France),
Christian Aid (UK), and the Geneva-based International
Commission of
Jurists (ICJ). These and many other organizations lack the
transparency,
accountability, and checks and balances designed to mitigate
and redress
abuse. In parallel they have been shielded by the “halo effect”,
which
enhances credibility and the image of altruism.
The Politics of NGOs, Human Rights and the Arab-Israel
Conflict • 27
NGOs A ND SOFT POW ER
Notwithstanding these limitations, and in some ways as a result
of them,
NGOs exert a great deal of political power, particularly
regarding moral and
legal issues. As Blitt notes, NGOs “identify their primary goals
as monitor-
ing and reporting of government behavior on human rights . . .
building
28. pressure and creating international machinery to end the
violations and to
hold governments accountable.”19
This influence is based on the application of soft power, “the
ability
to get what you want through attraction rather than coercion or
pay-
ments”.20 Nye’s analysis includes the realization that “NGOs
and network
organizations have soft power resources and do not hesitate to
use them.”21
Among those resources, the perception of expertise, and
commitments to
a universal morality untainted by partisan politics or economic
objectives,
are crucial for these human rights NGOs.
The Internet and advanced information technologies have
greatly
enhanced NGO soft power. NGO networks with hundreds, and
in some
cases, thousands of member organizations, “are able to focus
the attention
of the media and government on their issues”.22 The extensive
resources
available to global NGOs permit them to engage in lobbying
campaigns
and to mobilize mass demonstrations and media visibility that
have major
impacts on governments and policies.23
For Europe, soft-power is not a residual or secondary element,
but
rather is often the primary vehicle to exert international
influence, and the
29. NGO framework is a central vehicle for exercising this power.
The term
NGO notwithstanding, European governments and the European
Union
(EU) provide hundreds of millions of euro annually to non-
governmental
organizations in order to promote specific policy goals.24
Such funding is central to European policy in the Southern
Mediter-
ranean and with respect to Israeli-Arab peace efforts,25 and has
greatly
enhanced NGO budgets, power, and influence. Among the key
frame-
works that provide funds to NGOs for political activities is the
European
Instrument for Democracy and Human Rights (EIDHR), with an
annual
budget of €160m, under the auspices of the Europe Aid
Cooperation
Office. In the Arab-Israeli zone, however, many such NGO
projects, as
demonstrated below, focus primarily on the conflict, and
promote the
Palestinian narrative.26
As a result, and in contrast to universality and the “fair
application
of human rights principles”, political NGOs focus on a smaller
group
of targets, where funding is available and their influence is
amplified.
28 • isr a el st udie s, volu me 16 nu mber 2
30. Israel has become the primary target of these powerful political
and ideo-
logical NGOs, in parallel to the agenda of the Organization of
the Islamic
Conference (OIC), which dominate the UN human rights
frameworks.
NGOS A ND THE UN IN THE A R AB–ISR A ELI CONFLICT
Following the end of the Cold War, powerful NGOs such as
HRW and
AI sought new issues and means of maintaining and increasing
their influ-
ence. Kaldor refers to the emergence of a “global civil society”
resulting
from “a growing consciousness of a set of duties towards
mankind, which
developed as a consequence of the wars of the 20th century.”
The increased
role of NGOs in conflict regions was justified by moral
concepts such as
the “duty to interfere (Devoir d’Ingerence)” in the context of
humanitarian
disasters.27
In parallel, the Islamic bloc28 expanded its influence in UN
human
rights mechanisms. In his detailed analysis, “Human Rights and
Politicized
Human Rights: A Utilitarian Critique”, Habibi cites the
“hundreds of
one-sided resolutions” that have emerged from the UN General
Assembly,
Security Council, Economic and Social Council Commission
(ECOSOC),
31. Human Rights Commission (HRC), and Commission on the
Status of
Women as evidence that “At the UN, Israel is singled out for
more intense
scrutiny and held to higher standards than any other country.”29
The network of human rights NGOs has played a critical role in
contributing to and reinforcing this intense focus on Israel in
the UN
human rights structures. Following the collapse of the Oslo
negotiations
and during the period of violence between 2000 and 2004,
referred to as
the “second intifada”, NGOs with ECOSOC status frequently
supported
the Islamic governmental delegations that dominated the Human
Rights
Commission.30 The NGO statements, testimonies, and “expert
reports”
highlighted allegations against Israel and repeatedly called for
“independent
investigations”. Major international NGOs, including HRW, AI,
the ICJ,
and FIDH (France) submitted numerous reports and statements
to the UN
Human Rights Commission (UNHRC) during this period.
These publications often cited reports by Palestinian NGOs,
such
as the Palestinian Center for Human Rights (PCHR), Al Haq,
and Al
Mezan, which, in turn, relied on claims made by Palestinian
witnesses,
which could not be verified. They also tended to ignore or
downplay Israeli
human rights perspectives, including the killing of over 1000
32. civilians in
terror attacks, and the wider context of the conflict.31 As Heins
notes, in
The Politics of NGOs, Human Rights and the Arab-Israel
Conflict • 29
such NGO reports, it is “not the event, but the event’s telling
that counts”,
and “The process of establishing the facts of victimhood plays
itself out
through language (including pictures), which implies that it is
inherently
contestable.”32
The high-profile 2001 UN Conference on Racism, held in
Durban,
consisted of three frameworks of which the NGO Forum was the
most
influential. This Forum included thousands of representatives
from an esti-
mated 1,500 organizations, whose participation was enabled by
extensive
funding provided by the Ford Foundation,33 the UN, as well as
govern-
ment programs in Canada and Western Europe. In addition to
having
their costs paid, the high level of NGO participation in the
Durban
Conference is also explained by the impact provided by UN
recognition,
legitimacy, and on this basis, increased prospects for additional
funding.
Heins notes the ease with which the Durban mechanism enabled
33. indi-
viduals to “mutate into NGOs, even for a few days by just
filling out and
submitting forms that are available as PDF downloads.”34 The
Durban
Forum, as well as the strategy that followed, is an important
example of
a powerful NGO-based transnational advocacy network
operating in the
soft-power dimension. The Ford Foundation played an important
coor-
dinating role for NGO advocacy network, particularly in
assisting Pales-
tinian groups,35 while powerful global actors such as HRW and
AI were
central in forming the agenda. In addition, the South African
National
NGO Coalition played a central role, working with Palestinian
NGOs,
including MIFTAH, the Palestinian Committee for the
Protection of
Human Rights and the Environment, BADIL, Al Haq, and the
Palestinian
NGO Network (PNGO).
The draft texts were composed during a series of regional and
prepa-
ratory conferences, including one in Tehran during February
2001, from
which Israelis and Jewish delegates were excluded by the
Iranian govern-
ment.36 The resolutions included references to “holocausts and
the ethnic
cleansing of the Arab population in historic Palestine” and of
the “racist
practices of Zionism and anti-Semitism”.37 In Durban, the NGO
34. Forum
was also physically intimidating for Jewish and Israeli
participants. David
Matas and others report a “steady stream of incidents” directed
at the
members of the Jewish caucus. “On entry to the forum grounds,
every
participant was accosted by virulent, anti-Semitic slogans,
pamphlets, slurs
and chants”, including “kill all the Jews”.38 Copies of core
anti-Semitic
literature, such as the “Protocols of the Elders of Zion” and
cartoons of
“hooked nose” Jews with “pots of money surrounding their
victims” were
distributed by the Arab Lawyers Union and similar groups.39
30 • isr a el st udie s, volu me 16 nu mber 2
In this atmosphere, and with the active participation of
“mainstream”
NGOs such as HRW and AI, the NGO Forum adopted a final
declara-
tion that featured attacks on Israel. (Similar language was
removed from
the text of the governmental forum of the Durban Conference,
following
a walkout by American and Israeli delegations, and intense
negotiation
among the remaining delegates.)40 Article 164 asserted that,
“Targeted
victims of Israel’s brand of apartheid and ethnic cleansing
methods have
been in particular children, women and refugees.” Article 425
35. advocated “a
policy of complete and total isolation of Israel as an apartheid
state . . . the
imposition of mandatory and comprehensive sanctions and
embargoes, the
full cessation of all links (diplomatic, economic, social, aid,
military coop-
eration, and training) between all states and Israel.” In this
spirit, Article
426 condemned states that “. . . are supporting, aiding and
abetting the
Israeli apartheid state and its perpetration of racist crimes
against humanity
including ethnic cleansing, acts of genocide.”41
Korey refers to the Ford Foundation’s role in the Durban
conference
as a “stumble”, noting that “not every initiative of the
foundation has gone
well . . . Durban turned out to be a propagator of vulgar anti-
Semitism.”
Previous “world conferences on racism” had focused on South
African
apartheid. In the case of Durban the Arab and Islamic regimes,
with the
assistance of the NGO networks, turned their attention and
resources to
attacking Zionism.42 The combined NGO/UNHRC “Durban
strategy”,
was implemented in March 2002 following a series of mass
Palestinian
terror attacks followed by the IDF operation Defensive Shield.
Palestinian officials claimed that the IDF had committed a
“massacre”
in the Jenin refugee camp.43 NGO officials quickly repeated
36. these claims.
On 16 April Le Monde cited reports by HRW concluding that
Israel had
committed “war crimes”44 and demanded the appointment of an
“inde-
pendent investigative committee”. Shortly afterwards, an AI
statement
declared, “The evidence compiled indicates that serious
breaches of interna-
tional human rights and humanitarian law were committed,
including war
crimes”, and demanded an immediate inquiry.45 Other
influential NGOs
issued similar statements, reports, and condemnations, including
Caritas
(a Catholic group),46 as well as Palestinian NGOs funded by
European
governments, such as MIFTAH.
HRW was particularly active in this campaign,47 issuing 15
press
releases and reports condemning Israel in 2002.48 In May its 50
page
report, “Jenin: IDF Military Operations”, was based largely on
unverifiable
“eyewitness testimony” from Palestinians.49 One sentence
mentioned the
justification for the operation, noting that “The Israelis’
expressed aim was
The Politics of NGOs, Human Rights and the Arab-Israel
Conflict • 31
to capture or kill Palestinian militants responsible for suicide
37. bombings
and other attacks that have killed more than seventy Israeli and
other civil-
ians since March 2002.”50 In contrast, HRW’s detailed
indictment against
Israel included allegations that “IDF military attacks were
indiscriminate
. . . failing to make a distinction between combatants and
civilians . . .
the destruction extended well beyond any conceivable purpose
of gaining
access to fighters, and was vastly disproportionate to the
military objectives
pursued.” It alleged that the IDF had used Palestinian civilians
as human
shields “to screen Israeli soldiers from return fire”. It also
referred to the
death of Munthir al-Haj, acknowledged as an “armed Palestinian
militant”,
as a case of “murder” and “willful killing”.51 (Such claims,
categorizations,
and legal analysis by human rights NGOs in the context of
armed conflict
have been shown to be inconsistent and highly problematic.)52
Following HRW’s lead and other NGOs, the UN Report
similarly
exculpated the Palestinian side from all responsibility. It stated
that, “Israeli
military retaliation for terrorist attacks was often carried out
against Pal-
estinian Authority security forces and installations. This had the
effect of
severely weakening the Authority’s capacity to take effective
action against
militant groups that launched attacks on Israelis.”53 (The UN
38. report also
differed from HRW and other NGOs on some significant points,
such
as noting that, “Armed Palestinian groups sought by the IDF
placed
their combatants and installations among civilians. Palestinian
groups”,
and their tactics, “targeted at IDF personnel but also putting
civilians in
danger.”54)
After Jenin, the NGO networks supported and often led UN con-
demnations of Israel that reflected the Durban strategy,
particularly in the
human rights frameworks. In parallel, HRW also supported the
sanctions
and boycotts of the Durban NGO declaration. In a CNN
interview, HRW
executive director Kenneth Roth called for “conditioning” or
cutting US
aid funds to Israel.55 In October 2004, HRW published “Razing
Rafah”,
based on unverifiable Palestinian allegations and
unsubstantiated security
judgments. This also provided the foundation for the
participation of HRW
officials (specifically head of the Middle East and North Africa
division,
Sarah Leah Whitson) in anti-Israel boycott campaigns.
In parallel, NGO soft power was a significant factor in sessions
of
the UNCHR—both the biannual and emergency sessions. The
58th Ses-
sion in 2002 included the participation of approximately 300
NGOs,
39. many reflecting pro-Palestinian positions, including PCHR,56
Al Haq, and
others.57 On 2 April 2002, during the IDF Operation Defensive
Shield in
Jenin, Al-Haq charged that, “The Israeli government has
launched a new
32 • isr a el st udie s, volu me 16 nu mber 2
campaign of aggression against the Palestinian people that
threatens the
lives of the whole of the civilian Palestinian population.”58 It
also repeated
the demands of PLO head Yassir Arafat for international
intervention,
through “. . . immediate steps to ensure protection for the
civilian Palestin-
ian population, and . . . an immediate end to the illegal Israeli
occupation
of the Palestinian Territories. . . .”59
Much of the language included in NGO statements is often
reflected
in the UNCHR resolutions and reports. Israel was condemned
for “. . .
gross, widespread and flagrant violations of human rights in the
occupied
Palestinian territory, in particular regarding the violation of the
right to
life, . . . the disproportionate and indiscriminate use of Israeli
military force
against the people of Palestine and its leadership”, and
numerous other
allegations.60 This text closely followed the submissions from
40. AI, PCHR,
Al Haq, and other NGOs. As in the case of the NGO statements,
the
UN report included only minor references to the numerous
terror attacks
against Israelis.
In 2006, in response to the widely perceived bias of the existing
system,
the Human Rights Council was created to replace the Human
Rights
Commission.61 However, this institutional reshuffling had little
impact
on the role of the NGO community, and the First Special
Council Ses-
sion in July 2006 followed the earlier pattern. Statements by
officials from
AI, HRW, World Vision International, the ICJ, and others again
made
accusations holding Israel responsible for “deliberate and
disproportionate
attacks” against the Palestinians amounting to “war crimes”,
and “collective
punishment”62 in Gaza.
The UN Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of
the
Palestinian People provides another venue for NGO
involvement in this
agenda. It holds numerous public conferences and “civil
society” seminars
in which NGO officials play a central role. NGO statements
often reflect
soft power and the Durban strategy, including allegations of
“apartheid”,63
“ethnic cleansing”,64 and calls to impose “sanctions, boycotts
41. and divest-
ments”.65 Former Australian Foreign Minister Alexander
Downer noted
“concern at the high level of UN secretariat resources devoted
to anti-Israeli
activity”, explicitly citing the UNCEIRPP.66 According to a
report by the
Anti-Defamation League (ADL), the committee is “the single
most prolific
source of material bearing the official imprimatur of the UN
which maligns
and debases the Jewish State”, and noted that this committee is
“the only
committee in the UN devoted to a specific people”.67 These
NGO confer-
ences take place in venues designed to provide public and media
expo-
sure, such as Vienna, Geneva, Beijing, Jakarta, and the EU
Parliament in
The Politics of NGOs, Human Rights and the Arab-Israel
Conflict • 33
Brussels. In the past decade 148 NGOs registered with the
CEIRRPP that
have issued statements or participated in these sessions.68
NGOs that focus on human rights are also central in the
activities of
the UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination,
whose
formal mission is to monitor implementation of the
International Covenant
on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. A
42. February 2007
session featured documents and updates by six NGOs whose
submissions
were placed on the Committee’s website and also formed a
major part of the
final report.69 A joint submission from Palestinian NGOs Al
Haq, BADIL,
and Al Mezan, as well as some Israel-based NGOs with similar
agendas
(ICAHD and Mossawa), characterized Palestinians as
“indigenous” while
branding Jews as “colonizers” and claimed that Israel engaged
in “forced
expulsions” of the indigenous population. This submission also
included a
comparison of the State of Israel to Nazi Germany.70
Israel’s separation or security barrier, which was constructed in
response
to large scale terror attacks, was also a central focus of UN and
NGO coop-
eration. In 2004, NGOs published a number of press releases,
letters, and
reports calling on the UN to take action, and demanding that the
US and
the EU penalize Israel.71 NGOs active in this campaign
included HRW,
AI, Christian Aid, World Vision,72 the Palestinian
Environmental NGO
Network (PENGON), the Palestinian Grassroots Anti-Apartheid
Wall
Campaign, Palestinian affiliates of the ICJ, the UK-based War
on Want,
the Mennonite Central Committee, and Medicine du Monde
(France).
Christian Aid lobbied the British government, including a press
43. release
entitled “Why the Israeli ‘barrier’ is wrong”, which referred to
Palestinian
hardships inflicted by Israel’s “land grab”.73
NGO activity supported the diplomatic campaign led by the OIC
that resulted in a UNGA resolution, referring the issue to the
ICJ for an
“advisory opinion”. The ICJ issued its advisory opinion in July
2004. As
anticipated, the majority claimed that the Israeli “separation
barrier” was
a violation of international law, although a dissenting opinion
by Judge
Buergenthal pointed out the inconsistencies and errors in the
majority
view.74
The UNHRC-NGO activities targeting Israel were also
prominent
during the second Lebanon War (12 July–14 August 2006),
which coincided
with the Second Session of the UNHRC. Statements were
submitted by
Badil, AI, ANND (Arab NGO Network for Development), HIC
(Habitat
International Coalition), and others. Most NGO statements
ignored the
context of the conflict, including the Hezbollah attacks that led
to the
Israeli response.
34 • isr a el st udie s, volu me 16 nu mber 2
44. This cartoon won the BADIL (Palestinian NGO Resource Center
for Palestinian
Residency and Refugee Rights) 2009–10 “Al Awda Award.” The
NGO receives
funding from a number of European governments.
The Politics of NGOs, Human Rights and the Arab-Israel
Conflict • 35
NGO officials, in support of the Arab and Islamic delegations
(Egypt,
Saudi Arabia, Indonesia, Qatar, Bahrain, Pakistan, and others)
again pressed
the UNHRC to establish a commission of inquiry, with a
mandate focusing
only on allegations against Israel. The Commission claimed that
investigat-
ing Hezbollah “would exceed the Commission’s interpretive
function and
would be to usurp the Council’s powers”.75 The report repeated
the language
of the NGOs in their written statements, including accusations
of “collec-
tive punishment” and “excessive, indiscriminate and
disproportionate use
of force by the IDF”.76
In 2008, planning began for the “Durban Review Conference”
(DRC)
scheduled for April 2009. Chaired by Libya and Iran, with the
support of
the OIC, the expectation was that this would repeat and expand
on the
45. 2001 conference. The NGO network sought to play a central
role in these
activities, including promotion of an NGO Forum modeled on
the Durban
experience.77 However, in January 2008, the Canadian
government (led by
the Conservatives, which were in opposition during the 2001
conference)
declared that it would not participate in Durban II. In
November, Israel
announced a similar decision, followed in early 2009 by the US,
Italy, Hol-
land, and others. In response, a number of NGOs expressed
sharp opposi-
tion to these decisions not to participate. HRW condemned the
delegations
for “undermining the conference”, arguing that there was “no
justification
for the decision”78 and pressed for “engagement”.79 Al-Haq
accused Israel
of creating an “apartheid regime in the Occupied Palestinian
Territories”.80
The intense debate concerning the role of NGOs in this process
and
the intense criticism of the 2001 experience led to a decision
against hold-
ing an NGO Forum in the 2009 Review Conference. On this
issue, the
delegates and UN officials agreed not to provide official
support for this
activity, and major NGO funders, including the Ford Foundation
and the
Canadian government adopted similar policies. As a result, the
NGO role
and influence in the review Conference was relatively minor
46. and restricted
largely to off-site gatherings that were sparsely attended.81
THE NGO ROLE IN BDS A ND “L AW FA R E”
In the decade since the 2001 Durban NGO Forum, NGOs have
adopted
a number of different tactics for implementing the call for “a
policy of
complete and total isolation of Israel as an apartheid state”.82
The goal
of imposing “mandatory and comprehensive sanctions and
embargoes,
the full cessation of all links (diplomatic, economic, social, aid,
military
36 • isr a el st udie s, volu me 16 nu mber 2
cooperation, and training) between all states and Israel”83 has
become the
basis for a campaign of boycotts, divestment, and sanctions
(BDS) mod-
eled on the South African experience. Allegations regarding
human rights
and international law violations are used as a prime tool of the
Durban
strategy.
There are numerous examples in which NGOs have featured
promi-
nently in BDS campaigns. These include academic boycott
efforts, par-
ticularly in the UK, and North American and European church-
based
47. anti-Israel divestment resolutions, and other forms of sanctions
efforts,
including calls for arms embargoes.84 For example, in the UK
academic
boycott movement, which initially began within the framework
of the
Association of University Teachers (AUT),85 the language of
the boycott
resolutions was taken from PNGO. The AUT boycott effort was
initiated
in 2002, as part of the Jenin campaign to demonize Israel, and
was revived
in the context of the separation barrier campaigns and the ICJ
advisory
decision. PNGO co-sponsored a conference in December 2004
in London
to focus on this issue.86 Powerful groups such as War on Want
continue to
promote academic boycott efforts in the UK and elsewhere.
In parallel, the NGO network also promoted anti-Israel
divestment
resolutions and debates among Lutheran, Anglican, and other
Protestant
church groups. This campaign involves many Palestinian NGOs,
such as
MIFTAH, BADIL, Al-Mezan (based in Gaza), Association for
the Defence
of the Rights of the Internally Displaced (ADRID), Ittijah, and
others. In
addition, the public relations effort behind divestment has
gained visibility
through the activities of Christian-based NGOs, such as the
Mennonite
Central Committee (based in North America and a recipient of
significant
48. Canadian government funding), the Sabeel Ecumenical
Liberation Theol-
ogy Centre (based in Bethlehem), and groups such as Christian
Peacemaker
Teams and Ecumenical Accompaniment Programme in Palestine
and Israel
(EAPPI).
HRW was also active in the BDS campaigns, both as a major
source
of allegations against Israel, and in an activist role. The 2004
publication
of “Razing Rafah” and the accompanying press conference87 at
Jerusalem’s
American Colony Hotel provided the basis for HRW’s
involvement in the
effort to force Caterpillar to end sales to Israel. This activism
included emails
and letters, as well as participation in rallies. (AI and other
NGOs were also
involved in these activities).88 The publicity surrounding the
Caterpillar
boycott campaign added to the soft power war against Israel.
Although
Caterpillar rejected the pressure, the overall impact was to
increase the
visibility of delegitimization based on boycott and sanctions.
The Politics of NGOs, Human Rights and the Arab-Israel
Conflict • 37
A leader of BDS activities in Scandinavia has been the
Coalition of
Women for Peace (funded by a number of European
49. governments and the
New Israel Fund). Their lobbying played an important role in
the decision
by the large Norwegian government employees’ pension fund
and other
groups to sell shares in Israeli firms. The radius of BDS
campaigns is widen-
ing. In 2009, Belgian municipalities boycotted a bank due to its
business
dealings in Israel.89 The 2009 Toronto Film Festival, which
included a
number of films related to the 100th anniversary of the founding
of Tel-
Aviv, was the focus of a well-organized boycott campaign.90 A
prominent
director pulled out of the festival in protest of the focus on Tel-
Aviv, and he
was supported by a number of well-known artists. Similarly, the
organizers
of the 2009 Edinburgh International Film Festival returned a
£300 gift from
the Israeli embassy following protests.91
Events such as “Israel apartheid week” (IAW) on university
campuses
are closely related to the BDS and demonization process, and
NGOs are
actively involved in these frameworks as well. In 2010, NGO
speakers
at IAW events included officials from ICAHD ( Jeff Halper on
“Israeli
Apartheid: The Case for BDS” in Glasgow; and on “Israel and
Palestine
hurtling Towards Apartheid” at UC Santa Cruz), the Alternative
Informa-
tion Center, PCHR, Addameer, and Badil (Nidal al-Azza on
50. “Refugees
and Israel’s Apartheid Regime” at Al Quds University). Many
campuses
screened NGO videos, such as “Breaking the Silences”, “Israeli
Soldiers talk
about Hebron”, and the “Occupation 101” video, which includes
interviews
with leaders from HRW, Rabbis for Human Rights, ICAHD,
B’Tselem,
and the Gaza Community Mental Health Programme.
NGOs are also prominent in the “lawfare” campaigns used to
further
the delegitimization of Israel. This strategy involves exploiting
the terminol-
ogy of international human rights and humanitarian law by
accusing Israel
of “war crimes”, “crimes against humanity”, and other
violations.92 The
lawfare strategy was included in the NGO Forum of the 2001
Durban Con-
ference which called for the use of legal processes against Israel
including
the establishment of a “war crimes tribunal”.
Taking advantage of universal jurisdiction statutes in a number
of
Western countries, NGO-led lawfare cases in national courts, as
distinct
from international frameworks such as the ICJ and ICC, are
often filed
in venues where there is no connection between the forum and
the parties
and events at issue. Examples include the 2001 suit in Belgium
against
Ariel Sharon for the Sabra and Shatila massacre; suits in the UK
51. against
Doron Almog (2005) for the 2002 targeted killing of Hamas
leader Salah
Shehade, and against Ehud Barak (2009) and Tzipi Livni (2009)
for the
38 • isr a el st udie s, volu me 16 nu mber 2
Gaza war; the 2008 case in Spain against seven Israeli officials
(also on
Shehade); and the 2005 civil suits in the US against Avi Dichter
(citing
Shehade) and against Moshe Ya’alon for a 1996 operation in
Lebanon
against Hezbollah.
Cases have also been filed against those doing business with
Israel
such as the US lawsuit brought by the parents of Rachel Corrie
against
Caterpillar (2005); the 2008 case in Canada against companies
involved in
West Bank construction, and two suits filed (2006, 2009)
against the UK
government to block arms export licenses to companies doing
business
with Israel. While all the lawfare cases referenced here have
been dismissed
in the preliminary stages, the propaganda impact and damage
have been
significant.
NGOs leading anti-Israel lawfare include PCHR (cases in Spain,
the
52. UK, New Zealand, and the US over the Shehade killing and the
Gaza War),
the New York-based Center for Constitutional Rights (Dichter,
Ya’alon,
Corrie cases), Al-Haq (Barak, Canada cases), Al Mezan (Barak
case), Yesh
Gevul (Shehade cases in the UK) and Adalah (Spain case).
Michael Sfard,
Israeli attorney and legal advisor for Yesh Din, Breaking the
Silence, and
others, is also a prominent actor working with Al Haq and other
NGOs on
the 2008 case in Canada, and potential filings in the UK.
NGOs, THE 2008–9 GA Z A WA R,
A ND THE GOLDSTONE R EPORT
The renewed hostility in Gaza that erupted into full scale
conflict on
27 December 2008 was accompanied by an expansion of the
combined
UN-NGO soft power campaign targeting Israel, in which the full
range
of tactics that had been developed prior to the Durban
Conference were
implemented.93 NGOs including HRW and AI condemned the
Israeli
operation and presented a chronology that downplayed or erased
the con-
text of Hamas attacks that preceded the Israeli incursion. The
NGOs were
also central in the Special Session of the UNHRC held in
January 2009.
Statements from Al-Haq, and the Mouvement contre le Racisme
et
53. pour l’Amitie entre les Peuples (MRAP), declared Israel guilty
of “war
crimes” and “crimes against humanity”. AI, HRW, and ICJ
accused Israel
of “indiscriminate” and “disproportionate” attacks.94 Libyan-
linked Nord
Sud XXI charged Israel with participating in an “intentional
effort ongoing
for more than 60 years by an illegal occupier and its allies to
destroy the
Palestinian people”,95 with the aim to commit genocide.96
The Politics of NGOs, Human Rights and the Arab-Israel
Conflict • 39
As in the 2006 Lebanon War, the major international NGOs—
par-
ticularly HRW and AI—joined with the OIC states that
dominate the
council, as well as the Palestinian leadership in campaigning for
establish-
ment of an inquiry. The Council adopted Resolution S-9/1 on 12
January
2009, creating the foundation for what became the Goldstone
inquiry, with
the mandate of investigating “all violations of international
human rights
law and international humanitarian law by the occupying Power,
Israel,
against the Palestinian people throughout the Occupied
Palestinian Terri-
tory, particularly in the occupied Gaza Strip.”97 (Goldstone was
a member
of the board of HRW, and following HRW’s advocacy, had
54. condemned
Israel during the war. He resigned from HRW after the
appointment to
head the commission.) Hamas violations, such as massive use of
human
shields,98 indiscriminate rocket fire,99 and the 2006 kidnapping
of an
Israeli soldier (Gilad Shalit), were not mentioned by the NGOs
or the
resolution establishing the fact-finding mission.100 This special
session and
its outcome reiterated the disproportionate NGO/UNHRC
emphasis on
the Arab-Israeli conflict. Between 24 December 2008 and 13
January 2009,
roughly the same period as the Gaza fighting, over 600 villagers
were mas-
sacred by Ugandan rebels in the Congo. Yet this was not
included in the
NGO/UNHRC agenda.
After the Goldstone commission was established, NGOs
provided
the substance of its subsequent report. A number of Israel-based
advocacy
groups, including the Public Committee Against Torture in
Israel, Physi-
cians for Human Rights-Israel, and Adalah participated in a
May 2009
NGO “town hall meeting” in Geneva held by the Goldstone
Commission.
A representative from PCATI spoke at the public sessions of the
Commis-
sion in July 2009, referring to “collective punishment” and
“[Palestinian]
martyrs”.101 In addition, the Association for Civil Rights in
55. Israel, Bimkom,
Gisha, HaMoked, PCATI, PHR-I, and Yesh Din submitted a
joint state-
ment to the Commission.102 The text does not address alleged
Hamas war
crimes, “. . . but rather offers our own distinct perspective—
human rights
violations for which Israel must be held accountable.”
This NGO document also makes entirely speculative assertions
about
the motivation for the IDF operation against Hamas, claiming
that “To the
extent that this was planned as a punitive operation which main
purpose
was not the achievement of actual military objectives, but the
inflicting
of deliberate damage as a deterrent and punitive measure.” The
submis-
sion also accuses the IDF of having “deliberately and knowingly
shelled
civilian institutions”, supporting the legal claim that “Israel
deviated from
the principle that allows harm only to military objectives, and
carried out
40 • isr a el st udie s, volu me 16 nu mber 2
strikes against civilian sites in an effort to achieve political
ends.” References
and evidence are missing for many accusations, such as the
allegation that
“[m]any prisoners . . . were held in pits in the ground . . .
apparently dug
56. by the army”; details are sourced to “information in our
possession”.103
Goldstone’s report,104 published on 15 September 2009,
strongly
reflected these NGO submissions and statements. The text
referenced over
50 NGOs, including 70 references each for B’Tselem and the
PCHR, 27
for Breaking the Silence, and more than 30 each for Al-Haq,
HRW, and
Adalah. Significantly, many of these citations refer to
speculative issues
unrelated to the conflict in Gaza, seeking to brand Israeli
democracy as
“repressive”, and to widen the scope of the condemnations and
the resulting
political campaigns.
For example, closely following the HRW and AI, which rejected
Israeli
claims that Hamas used mosques for military purposes,
paragraph 495
claims that: “Although the situations investigated by the
Mission did not
establish the use of mosques for military purposes or to shield
military
activities, the Mission cannot exclude that this might have
occurred in
other cases.” IDF video material clearly documented mosques
being used
as weapons depots and even the site of a Hamas anti-aircraft
position.105
Similarly, the discussion of international legal claims106
mirrored the
57. NGO rhetoric, particularly with respect to collective
punishment, distinc-
tion and proportionality, and the use of human shields.
Goldstone adopted
the disputed legal claim published by the PLO Negotiation
Affairs Depart-
ment, and promoted by NGOs such as B’tselem, HRW, and AI,
that Gaza
remained “occupied” after the Israeli 2005 disengagement.107
Civilian casualty claims were also based largely on NGO
allegations
and estimates, with references to PCHR, HRW, AI, B’tselem,
and others,
and asserting (erroneously) that the “data provided by non-
governmen-
tal sources with regard to the percentage of civilians among
those killed
are generally consistent . . .”108 B’Tselem’s data differ
significantly from
PCHR’s, though both are unverifiable. PCHR’s list
characterizes Hamas
military figures, including Nizar Rayan and Siad Siam, as
civilians.109
After the publication of the Goldstone report, and its
recommenda-
tions, the NGO network campaigned for the adoption of its
punitive rec-
ommendations, particularly in the US and Western Europe. This
lobbying
effort continues, with as yet undetermined results.
The Politics of NGOs, Human Rights and the Arab-Israel
58. Conflict • 41
NGO SOFT POW ER IMPACT ON H A R D POW ER
While academic boycotts, NGO campaigns, and UN
condemnations and
diplomatic scoldings are sometimes dismissed as of little
consequence in
terms of “hard power” dimensions of security, weapons and
military tech-
nology, intelligence, economic factors, etc., the overall impact
of the soft-
power targeting is significant and growing. Using the language
and mecha-
nisms of human rights and international law, the objective is to
apply the
South African model to Israel, allowing the NGOs to create
“symbolical
victims” and portraying themselves as altruistic rescuers of the
Palestinians,
to apply the framework developed by Heins.110 The 2001
Durban NGO
Forum declaration, adopted in South Africa, and proclaiming
the goal of
“the complete international isolation” of Israel highlights this
linkage. As
Irwin Cotler has stated, “A conference that was to commemorate
the dis-
mantling of apartheid in South Africa turned into a conference
that called
for the dismantling of Israel as an apartheid state.”111
Following efforts to implement this objective, in which the
power-
ful NGO transnational advocacy network plays a leading role,
increasing
59. evidence points to Israel’s growing international isolation.
Although the
“occupation” and settlements are cited as motivations for the
campaign,
the one-sided narrative places responsibility exclusively on
Israel, and treats
Palestinians as victims, often without examining behavior. This
reinforces
the view that the target is Israel’s existence as a sovereign
Jewish homeland,
and is not limited to the post-1967 dimensions of the conflict.
Anthony Julius argues that the new anti- Zionism “is predicated
on
the illegitimacy of the Zionist enterprise” that views Israel as
having been
“established by the dispossession of the Palestinian people . . .
enlarged by
aggressive wars waged against militarily inferior forces, and . .
. maintained
by oppression and brutality.”112 Julius as well as Christopher
Mayhew and
Michael Adams conclude that these views promote the argument
that, “It
is impossible to justify the continuance of the State of Israel”
on “legal,
historical or moral grounds”.113
The growing hard-power impacts of these soft-war campaigns,
led by
the NGOs, and based on human rights and international legal
claims can
be seen in a number of dimensions. Israeli links with Europe on
security,
and, to a growing degree, also on economic matters, have been
negatively
60. affected. There are also indications that this process is
extending to the
US and elsewhere. In the military and security dimensions,
including
operational considerations, the impact can be seen in a number
of recent
examples. In the 2006 Lebanon war, the international outcry and
pressure
42 • isr a el st udie s, volu me 16 nu mber 2
originating with HRW’s false allegations regarding the number
of civilian
casualties in Qana, and amplified by journalists and political
leaders, led
PM Olmert to order a 48–hour halt in Israeli air strikes.
According to Harel
and Issacharoff, the Qana incident “was the best gift that
(Hezbollah leader)
Nasrallah could have hoped for as Hezbollah now had Arab and
interna-
tional backing and had no reason to accept the terms of a cease
fire.”114 This
allowed Hezbollah to redeploy its forces and probably extended
the war.
These campaigns based on allegations of violations of
international
law are also impacting Israel’s ability to acquire needed
weapons and
related equipment. International NGOs have been leading the
calls for
arms embargoes against Israel based on allegations of human
rights viola-
61. tions during the “second intifada”,115 the 2006 Lebanon
War,116 and the
2008–09 Gaza conflict.117 In the UK, AI and other NGOs
testify frequently
before UK parliamentary committees involved in arms exports,
and their
reports, accusing Israel of war crimes and deliberate attacks
against civilians,
are highlighted by major British media outlets.118
In 2000, the UK government began to reconsider the sale of F-
16
parts directly to Israel. While a 2002 government decision
allowed F-16
and Apache helicopter parts to be sold to a third party for
incorporation
and onward transfer to Israel, this was also halted (albeit
unofficially)
following the 2006 Lebanon War.119 During the 2008–09 Gaza
fighting,
British media and politicians emphasized AI’s claims that
weapons used by
Israel to carry out allegedly unlawful attacks included British
components.
According to the BBC, this report triggered the British
government’s deci-
sion to undertake a review of all military export licenses to
Israel.120 On 10
July 2009 the British government revoked five licenses for the
sale of Saar
4.5 naval parts to Israel. Ha’aretz cited “heavy pressure” from
NGOs and
MPs in explaining this decision. The British government did not
provide
evidence that the Saar gunboat was used in a way that violated
interna-
62. tional law, but rather “investigated” the likelihood that the
gunboat had
been used at all during the operation. This followed the NGO
practice
of portraying Israeli actions in Gaza as generally unlawful and
immoral,
meaning that any weapon that had been employed was assumed
to have
been used illegally.
In the short term, the British decision has more of a symbolic
rather
than practical impact, as most of Israel’s military imports
originate in the
US. However, Israeli officials have expressed concerns about
the widening
impact of the NGO campaign of delegitimization, including the
possibility
that other EU states may follow Britain’s lead, or that pressure
generated by
NGO criticisms will also eventually impede US arms transfers.
The Politics of NGOs, Human Rights and the Arab-Israel
Conflict • 43
Divestment efforts are also accelerating. Following an NGO
campaign
led by the Coalition of Women for Peace via the “Who
Profits.org” project,
the Swedish and Norwegian state pension funds announced that
they were
divesting from Israeli defense contractors such as Elbit. The
Danske Bank
in Denmark is reportedly following this path.121 The economic
63. impact
of these specific divestment moves is marginal, but they
contribute to the
wider process. In addition, NGO-led lawfare against Israelis has
interfered
with travel and related interaction involving key individuals
from the politi-
cal, military, and security sectors. As noted, former foreign
minister and
current opposition leader Tzipi Livni was forced to cancel a trip
to Britain
in 2009, following efforts to initiate legal proceedings against
her related to
the 2008–09 Gaza conflict. The lawfare cases against Israeli
officials initiated
by NGOs in Spain, Holland, New Zealand, Australia, and
elsewhere (all of
which were eventually dismissed) had similar impacts.
Lawfare also exacts economic costs, as each case requires the
involve-
ment of legal experts focused on defending against and
defeating these
efforts. In Canada, an economically based lawfare case against a
Canadian
firm for commercial involvement in the construction of the
separation
barrier/beyond the 1949 armistice line (submitted by Al Haq
and other
NGOs) also required a defense and incurred legal costs, which
could deter
firms from doing business in Israel. (Like the other lawfare
cases, this one
was dismissed by the court, but the damage caused by the filing
and related
publicity was not undone.)
64. In what is expected to be the next round of this “soft power”
warfare,
these tangible hard-power dimensions are likely to increase. The
leaders of
the efforts to press for the adoption of the Goldstone report by
the UNSC,
including NGO officials, see this as accelerating and amplifying
the pro-
cess of imposing UN sanctions on Israel, including arms
embargoes. As in
other dimensions, this follows the South African model.
Although a UNSC
endorsement is considered unlikely, the UNGA, in which the
Arab and
Islamic bloc wields more power, is almost certain to endorse
Goldstone,
which will also add to the sanctions process, albeit with less
intensity.
Similarly, the NGO-led efforts to open proceedings against
Israeli
officials under the framework of the International Criminal
Court (ICC)
are designed to extend this process and its impact. In parallel,
the BDS
movement threatens to expand the hard-power impacts. BDS has
a number
of related dimensions, including academic and economic
boycotts, divest-
ment campaigns, and support for UN sanctions, as imposed on
rogue
states—Iraq under Saddam, North Korea, Iran, and the apartheid
regime
in South Africa.
65. 44 • isr a el st udie s, volu me 16 nu mber 2
The academic boycott was the first and perhaps the most visible
ele-
ment. While formal measures have been blocked, in part due to
legal issues,
evidence is growing of the impact of the informal or “silent”
boycott in
excluding Israeli academics from a number of frameworks.
Similarly, efforts
to promote widespread economic boycotts of Israeli products, as
well as
divestment campaigns are expanding.122
Thus, the effort to translate NGO soft power into hard power
through
these mechanisms continues. To counter these impacts wider
soft-power
warfare, the targets—particularly Israel—will need to find
remedies to
address the sources of NGO power.
SPE AK ING TRUTH TO NGO POW ER
The image of non-governmental organizations active in global
issues and
regional conflicts, as apolitical experts and impartial watch
dogs far removed
from the push and pull of politics, is no longer valid. In the past
decades,
NGOs have become major political powers, particularly in the
context of
the Arab-Israeli conflict. They exercise influence through
public discourse,
66. political advocacy, and legal proceedings. Using their
preferential access
to the media and diplomatic mechanisms, NGOs set agendas,
frame the
moral issues and factual allegations, and promote both soft- and
hard-power
strategies. As demonstrated, the two are closely related.
However, NGO accountability remains a serious problem. In
contrast
to government policy-making structures, there is virtually no
system of
checks and balances on the power of NGOs, and independent
analyses
have only just begun. While serious media outlets, such as the
New York
Times, have a semi-independent “public editor”, and other
institutions have
ombudsmen to expose ethical breaches, professional lapses, and
corruption,
such mechanisms are largely unknown among the powerful
NGOs. NGO
enthusiasts boast that these organizations are “everything that
governments
are not”,123 yet in many ways this is more of a curse than a
blessing.
This situation is amplified by the general absence of
transparency
among political NGOs, including with regard to decision
making, hiring
policies, and agenda-setting. In most cases, NGO officials stay
in their
positions for many years or decades, as in the case of Kenneth
Roth at
HRW. When the infrequent changes at the top do occur, as in
67. the case of
Amnesty International in 2010, these processes are closed,
highlighting the
NGO democracy deficit.
The Politics of NGOs, Human Rights and the Arab-Israel
Conflict • 45
In the absence of accountability, transparency, and checks and
bal-
ances, the main engine driving NGO power is the funding that
they receive.
Money translates into power, influence, and the ability to
manipulate the
public debate, and the large international NGOs now have
operating bud-
gets in the tens of millions of dollars. In a 1990 decision
upholding limits
on corporate election campaign donations (McCain-Feingold),
the US
Supreme Court warned of “the corrosive and distorting effects
of immense
aggregations of wealth”. The same analysis can be applied to
the “aggrega-
tions of wealth” in the NGO community, and its role in
manipulating the
marketplace of ideas in the context of the Arab-Israeli conflict.
Foreign
governments, primarily in Europe, but also including some US,
Canadian,
Japanese, and Australian funds, are the primary source of the
“corrosive and
distorting effects”.
68. Moreover, in the case of Europe, the annual transfer of large
amounts
of government funds to a selected group of political NGOs (in
reality,
FONGOs, or Foreign Government-funded Non-governmental
Organi-
zations) often takes place without transparency. The EU has
refused to
release any significant documents related to the funding process
for NGOs
involved in Arab-Israeli issues, including the names and the
positions of
the officials involved, contending that such information
constitutes highly
classified and extremely sensitive state secrets. (This is another
example
of soft-power imitating hard power.) This lack of funding
transparency
exacerbates the problems of non-accountability.
Thus, in order to address these deficiencies in the activities of
political
NGOs, prescriptive initiatives should focus on the following
dimensions:
(1) Transparency (both for the funding process and the
organizations them-
selves); (2) Systems of accountability, such as an ombudsman,
and regular
independent investigations, which are built into the NGO
mechanisms;
(3) Mechanisms to ensure a balanced debate and critical
exchanges, and to
prevent a monopoly on the “marketplace of ideas”; (4)
Regulation, where
necessary, to ensure that these basic systems of “checks and
balances” are
69. implemented for powerful NGOs.
In an August 2010 speech, Tony Blair, speaking in his capacity
as the
Quartet’s special Middle East envoy, referred to demonization
as “a con-
scious or often unconscious resistance, sometimes bordering on
refusal, to
accept Israel has a legitimate point of view”. The supporters of
these politi-
cal attacks are characterized by an “unwillingness to listen to
the other side,
to acknowledge that Israel has a point, to embrace the notion
that this is a
complex matter that requires understanding of the other way of
looking at
46 • isr a el st udie s, volu me 16 nu mber 2
it.” Blair compared the soft-power delegimization to the Iranian
threats to
“wipe Israel off the map”, noting that the former is “more
insidious, harder
to spot, harder to anticipate and harder to deal with, because
many of those
engaging in it, will fiercely deny they are doing so. It is this
form that is in
danger of growing, and whose impact is potentially highly
threatening.”124
Notes
1. UN Economic and Social Council, “List of non-governmental
organi-
70. zations in consultative status with the Economic and Social
Council as of 17
October 2007.” E/2007/INF/4. Accessed 12 December 2009,
http://esa.un.org/
coordination/ngo/new/INF2007.pdf.
2. “UN Human Rights Council.” Accessed 15 December 2009,
http://www2
.ohchr.org/english/bodies/hrcouncil/.
3. “World Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination,
Xenophobia,
and Related Intolerance, 31 Aug.—7 Sep. 2001”. Accessed 28
November 2010,
http://www.un.org/WCAR/durban.pdf.
4. UN Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of
the Palestin-
ian People. Accessed 15 December 2009,
http://www.un.org/Depts/dpa/qpalnew/
committee.htm.
5. Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination.
Accessed 12
December 2009, http://www2.ohchr.org/english/bodies/cerd/.
6. Ann M. Florini, “Who Does What? Collective Action and the
Changing
Nature of Authority,” in Non-State Actors and Authority in the
Global System, ed.
Richard A. Higgott, Geoffrey R.D. Underhill, and Andreas
Bieler (London, 1999).
7. David Chandler, Constructing Civil Society: Morality and
Power in
International Relations (New York, 2004), 1.
71. 8. Margaret E. Keck and Kathryn Sikkink, Activists beyond
Borders, Advocacy
Networks in International Politics (Ithaca, NY, 1998) 13.
9. “Amnesty International—Who Are We?” Accessed 7 January
2010, http://
www.amnesty.org/en/who-we-are/history.
10. HRW (Human Rights Watch), Financials, 16 November
2008. Accessed 23
June 2010, http://www.hrw.org/en/about/financials.
11. Kenneth Anderson, “Questions re Human Rights Watch’s
Credibility in
Lebanon Reporting,” Kenneth Anderson Laws of War Blog, 23
August 2006. Accessed
25 June 2010,
http://kennethandersonlawofwar.blogspot.com/2006/08/question
s-
re-human-rights-watchs.html.
12. Harel Ben-Ari, “Analytical Framework for the
Consideration of the Norma-
tive Position of International Non-Governmental Organizations
(INGOs) Under
International Law” (PhD diss., Bar Ilan University, 2009).
The Politics of NGOs, Human Rights and the Arab-Israel
Conflict • 47
13. Chandler, Constructing Civil Society, 1.
14. Sarah Mandel, “Experts or Ideologues: Systematic Analysis
of Human
72. Rights Watch,” NGO Monitor Monograph Series, Jerusalem,
September 2009;
Benjamin Birnbaum, “Minority Report: Human Rights Watch
Fights a Civil War
Over Israel,” The New Republic, 27 April 2010. Accessed 14
December 2010, http://
www.tnr.com/article/minority-report-2.
15. Peter Willetts, introduction to ‘The Conscience of the
World’: The Influence of
Non-Governmental Organisations in the UN System, ed. Peter
Willets (Washington,
DC, 1996); and, “The Impact of Promotional Pressure Groups in
Global Politics,”
in Pressure Groups in the Global System: The Transnational
Relations of Issue-Oriented
Non-Governmental Organizations, ed. Peter Willets (London,
1982).
16. Blitt, “Who Will Watch the Watchdogs?”, 262–398.
17. Heins, Nongovernmental Organizations, 24.
18. Anderson, “Questions re Human Rights Watch’s
Credibility”.
19. Blitt, “Who Will Watch the Watchdogs?”, 288.
20. Joseph S. Nye, Jr., Soft Power: The Means to Success in
World Politics (New
York, 2004), x.
21. Ibid., 94.
22. Ruth W. Grant and Robert O. Keohane, “Accountability and
Abuses of
Power in World Politics,” The American Political Science
Review 99.1 (2005), 29–43,
especially 37.
73. 23. Nye, Soft Power, 90.
24. Tanja Borzel and Thomas Risse, “Venus Approaching Mars?
The EU as an
Emerging Civilian World Power,” in Promoting Democracy and
the Rule of Law:
American and European Strategies, ed. Amichai Magen, Thomas
Risse, and Michael
McFaul (London, 2009).
25. Fred Tanner, Joanna Schemm, Kurt R. Spillmann, Andreas
Wenger. The
European Union as a Security Actor in the Mediterranean:
ESDP, Soft Power and
Peacemaking in Euro-Mediterranean Relations. Zürcher
Beiträge zur Sicherheits-
politik und Konfliktforschung, Nr. 61 (Zurich, 2001); George
Joffé, “European
Multilateralism and Soft Power Projection in the
Mediterranean,” Instituto Da
Defesa Nacional, Portugal, 2002. Accessed 18 December 2010,
http://www.idn
.gov.pt/publicacoes/consulta/NeD/NeD_101_120/NeD101/n_101
.pdf#page=11. For
a counter view see Adrian Hyde-Price, “’Normative’ Power
Europe: A Realist
Critique,” Journal of European Public Policy 13.2 (2006), 217–
34.
26. Vera van Hullen and Andreas Stahn, “Comparing EU and
US democracy
promotion in the Mediterranean and the Newly Independent
States,” in Promot-
ing Democracy and the Rule of Law: American and European
Strategies, ed. Amichai
74. Magen, Thomas Risse, and Michael McFaul (London, 2009).
27. Kaldor, Global Civil Society: An Answer to War, 129–30.
28. Officially, the Organization of the Islamic Conference.
29. Habibi, “Human Rights and Politicized Human Rights”, 8.
30. A 2006 UN reform resulted in the creation of the Human
Rights Council.
48 • isr a el st udie s, volu me 16 nu mber 2
31. Statements and Press Releases issued by Amnesty
International during
the 58th Session of the UNCHR (UN Commission on Human
Rights), April
2002. Accessed 2 September 2009,
http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/
IOR41/021/2002/en/c7ca49b0-d802-11dd-9df8-
936c90684588/ior410212002en.pdf,
p. 39.
32. Heins, Nongovernmental Organizations, 24.
33. William Korey, Taking on the World’s Repressive Regimes:
The Ford Foundation’s
International Human Rights Policies and Practices (London,
2007), 249–69; Edwin
Black, “Ford Foundation Aided Groups Behind Biased Durban
Parley,” Forward,
17 October 2003, Accessed 1 February 2010,
www.forward.com/articles/6855/
34. Heins, Nongovernmental Organizations, 16. In addition to
automatic admis-
sion for NGOs with ECOSOC status, other NGOs were able to
75. apply for special
accreditation for this conference. See “NGOs not in
Consultative Status with the
Economic and Social Council that have been accredited to the
World Conference
against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related
Intolerance.”
Accessed 8 January 2011,
http://www.un.org/durbanreview2009/pdf/Note_by_
the_Secretariat_on_NGO_accreditation.pdf .
35. Korey, Taking on the World’s Repressive Regimes, 249–69;
Black, “Ford
Foundation Aided Groups Behind Biased Durban Parley”.
36. Paul Lungen, “Iran tries to exclude CIJA from Durban II
Conference,” The
Canadian Jewish News, 24 April 2008. Accessed 23 June 2010,
http://www.cjnews
.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=14521&Ite
mid=86
37. UNGA Preparatory Committee Third session, 5 July 2001,
A/CONF.189/
PC.3/ Accessed 21 December 2009,
http://www.racism.gov.za/substance/confdoc/
decldraft189b.htm.
38. Korey, Taking on the World’s Repressive Regimes, 249.
39. Ibid., 251.
40. Irwin Cotler, “Durban’s Troubling Legacy One Year Later:
Twisting the
Cause of International Human Rights Against the Jewish
People,” Jerusalem Issue
Brief 2:5, Institute for Contemporary Affairs/Jerusalem Center
76. for Public Affairs,
August 2002. Accessed 2 January 2010,
http://www.jcpa.org/brief/brief2-5.htm.
41. NGO Forum at Durban Conference 2001. Accessed 20
January 2010, http://
www.ngo-
monitor.org/article/ngo_forum_at_durban_conference_
42. Korey, Taking on the World’s Repressive Regimes, 250.
43. The IDF entered the Jenin refugee camp following a series
of terror attacks
against Israeli civilians. In response, Palestinian officials such
as Saeb Erakat alleged
that Israel had killed five hundred people, and committed “war
crimes”. Dore Gold,
Tower of Babble: How the United Nations has Fueled Global
Chaos (New York, 2004),
212–8. See also Dr. David Zangen, “Seven Lies about Jenin,”
IMRA, 8 November
2002 (translated from Ma’ariv).
44. Martin Seiff, “Analysis: Why Europeans Bought Jenin
Myth,” UPI, 20
May 2002. Accessed 13 December 2009,
http://www.upi.com/Business_News/
The Politics of NGOs, Human Rights and the Arab-Israel
Conflict • 49
Security-Industry/2002/05/21/Analysis-Why-Europeans-bought-
Jenin-myth/
UPI-34731022008462/.
77. 45. Margaret Wente, “Call it Sham-nesty International, an
Apologist for Terror,”
Toronto Globe and Mail, 9 May 2002. Accessed 12 December
2009, http://www
.ngo-monitor.org/article.php?id=585.
46. ReliefWeb, “Caritas Aid Workers Witness the Horror of
Jenin,” Catholic
Agency for Overseas Development, 29 April 2002. Accessed 6
January 2010, http://
www.reliefweb.int/rw/rwb.nsf/db900sid/ACOS-
64BMEG?OpenDocument.
47. In explaining the absence of reports on Palestinian terror
attacks, HRW
officials argued that international humanitarian law did not
apply to non-state
actors and “militant groups”. “Transcript of interview with
Urmi Shah from HRW,”
broadcast in Jenin: Massacring the Truth, produced and directed
by Martin Himel,
Elsasah Productions, for Global Television Network, Inc., July
2004. Accessed 8
January 2010, http://www.ngo-monitor.org/article.php?id=1023.
48. HRW, “News: Israel and the Occupied Territories,” 2002.
Accessed 3 January
2010, http://www.hrw.org/en/news-filter/228?page=16.
49. HRW, “Jenin: IDF military operations,” May 2002.
Accessed 23 June 2010,
www.hrw.org/reports/2002/israel3/.
50. dem.
51. Idem.
78. 52. Asher Fredman, “Precision Guided or Indiscriminate? NGO
Reporting on
Compliance with the Laws of Armed Conflict,” NGO Monitor (
Jerusalem, 2010).
53. UN Report of the Secretary-General prepared pursuant to
GA resolution
ES-10/10. Accessed 12 April 2010,
http://www.un.org/peace/jenin/.
54. Idem.
55. Kenneth Roth, CNN, 10 December 2002.
56. Palestinian Centre for Human Rights, Letter to Mary
Robinson UNHCHR,
Geneva, Switzerland, 22 April 2002. Accessed 22 December
2009, http://www
.pchrgaza.org/Interventions/robinson_22april2002.pdf.
57. UNCHR—Report on the Fifty-Eighth Session, 18 March–26
April 2002.
Accessed 12 December 2009,
http://www.unhchr.ch/Huridocda/Huridoca.nsf/
(Symbol)/E.2002.23++E.CN.4.2002.200.En?Opendocument.
58. The founder of Al-Haq, Charles Shamas, is also on the
board of Human
Rights Watch.
59. Al-Haq to the 58th Annual Session of the UNCHR, 2 April
2002. Accessed
13 January 2003,
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2571000077633B.
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61. UN, GA/10449, 15 March 2006. Accessed 23 June 2010,
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50 • isr a el st udie s, volu me 16 nu mber 2
62. Database of written statements submitted to the UN Human
Rights Coun-
cil. Accessed 4 November 2009,
http://ap.ohchr.org/documents/sdpage_e.aspx?
b=10&se=1&t=7.
63. “To call Israel a Nazi state, however, as is commonly done
today, or to accuse
it of fostering South African-style apartheid rule or engaging in
ethnic cleansing
or wholesale genocide goes well beyond legitimate criticism.”
Alvin H. Rosen-
feld, “Progressive” Jewish Thought and the New Anti-Semitism,
American Jewish
Committee, New York, 2006; Interview with Gideon Shimoni,
“Deconstructing
Apartheid Accusations Against Israel,” Post-Holocaust and
Anti-Semitism, Jeru-
salem Center for Public Affairs, 60.2, September 2007; “Report
of the All-Party
Parliamentary Inquiry into Antisemitism,” UK All-Party
Parliamentary Group
Against Antisemitism, Westminster, September 2006.
80. 64. UNGA, “Civil Society Makes Voices Heard During United
Nations Public
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65. dem.
66. Alexander Downer, “Extremist Islam Holds Little Appeal,”
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68. Civil Society Network on the Question of Palestine,
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ian Rights, DPA/UN. Accessed 23 April 2010,
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ngo/index.html.
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70. Roselle Tekiner, “Race and the Issue of National Identity in
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tional Journal of Middle East Studies 23.1 (1991), 39–55.
81. 71. HRW: “Israel: West Bank Barrier Endangers Basic Rights:
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72. Tim Costello, “For the Children’s Sake, Tear Down this
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The Politics of NGOs, Human Rights and the Arab-Israel
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2010,
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76. Idem.
77. Simon Wiesenthal Centre News Release, 17 October 2008.
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78. HRW, “UN Race Conference Undermined by Western
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84. For a detailed analysis, see Gerald M. Steinberg, “Soft
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monitor.org/article/ngos_and_the_bds_
movement_background_funding_and_strategic_options.
85. For a detailed study of the forces that contributed to the
academic boycott
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Boycott Against
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see also Ronnie Fraser,
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86. Fraser, “The Academic Boycott of Israel: Why Britain?”
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84. Strip,” October
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Le Monde Diploma-
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52 • isr a el st udie s, volu me 16 nu mber 2
90. Barry Brown, “Toronto Film Festival Ignites Anti-Israel
Boycott,” The Wash-
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df.
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the Arab-Israeli
85. Conflict,” 2nd edition, December 2010 (Steinberg, ed.).
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uary 2010, http://www.ngo-
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94. UNHRC 9th Special Session, Oral Statements, 12 January
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95. Idem.
96. UNHRC 9th Special Session, 8 January 2009. Accessed 26
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C006CE580.
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9/docs/
A-HRC-S-9-2.doc.
98. Video: Hamas brags about using woman and children as
human shields.
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11275301.html.