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Department of Economic Enterprises
Name: Nevo Samuel. P
Group: BF-26B
Individual Task
Report on: Productivity and Wage
1
Theme: Productivity and Wages
– Introduction:
The relationship between wages and productivity (or more specifically, the
relationship between wage growth and productivity growth) has become one of
particular policy relevance in recent years, in light of the recent economic crisis and
emerging imbalances between Eurozone countries. As the ILO has observed.
The case for a coordinated wage policy is to avoid imbalances, beggar they neighbor
policies and a waste of potential growth is overwhelming: it is alarming that it has been
ignored for so long. Those who let unit labor costs rise too fast are equally responsible
for the explosion of imbalances after the abolition of the exchange rate mechanism as
those who gained market shares through wage restraint‛.
Chapter 1: Reviewing the relationship of wages and productivity
– what is known about the relationship between wage and productivity growth, and its impact on
employment outcomes, drawing on the economic literature (both theoretical and empirical). In doing
so, I distinguish between the short-, medium- and long-run as, while the distinctions between these
three are somewhat arbitrary, it is nevertheless the case that the predictions of economic theory and
their policy implications differ according to the time perspective being considered. I briefly focused
on some of the empirical evidence on these relationships (much of which relates to the US), and
highlight some of the methodological difficulties making empirical analysis in this area difficult
(this, in turn, sets the scene for our own exploration of cross-country data).
– In discussions of wage rates, whether for individuals, firms, or for the entire economy, we hear a lot
about the increasing productivity of the worker, and that wages must rise to reflect such increases. A
large steel company recently has negotiated a contract with its workers which says, in effect, "If your
productivity increases, your wages will keep pace." Is this the way wages are or should be
determined in an open society? Just what are the implications, if all wages were determined by this
method.
demand and supply
– because of patents he holds, or special skills or processes that only he knows about. He may be ablIn
a free market, wages are determined by competitive forces of supply and demand. A manufacturer,
after very careful planning, concludes that he can make and sell so many of a particular item at a
given price. He must assemble his resources, including his plant, his equipment, his managerial
talent, and workers, and hope to recover the cost of these things from the price buyers will pay for
the finished product. So, the manufacturer goes into the labor market to hire men to work for him. If
his offered wage isn’t high enough to get the workers he needs, then he must either give up the
project or figure how to recombine his resources in such a way that he can pay higher wages and still
come out ahead. He may do this by simplifying his manufacturing processes, by introducing more or
better machinery, or by innovations of some sort. The worker, on the other hand, will look after his
interest, too, and will consider moving to a new job if it seems more attractive to him for reasons of
higher pay, better working conditions, shorter days, more vacation, or whatever. But, suppose some
manufacturer comes along with an item he can make and sell very profitably. It may be e to afford to
pay wages half again as high as the going wage in the area and still come out ahead.
1.1. Short run
– Basic microeconomic theory:
Standard microeconomic theory suggests a clear relationship between productivity, wages and labor
demand, in which wages correspond to the marginal productivity of labor and can be derived from the
profit-maximizing behavior of firms. Before describing this link in more detail, it is worth emphasizing
that the fundamental theoretical assumption of a firm being a profit maximizing entity applies only to
private sector enterprises. Other market structures and the increasing relevance of public sector
employment for labor market performance in many countries are not accommodated by this kind of
microeconomic theory. Nonetheless, there are important policy implications which can be derived from
the theory. In its simplest form, the theory posits that a firm maximizes profits. These profits are equal to
the sales from its goods (sold at prices exogenously given under perfect competition) minus the costs of
its factors of production (capital and labor). The relationship between these production factors and their
output is specified in neoclassical theory by a production function. Typically, it is assumed that the firm's
capital stock is constant in the short run, such that profit maximizing behavior determines the optimal
level of production, at which a marginal worker's contribution to profit is equal to that worker’s wage.
The marginal productivity condition sets the point at which an individual firm's output expansion should
stop: if growth continues such that marginal revenues no longer exceed the costs of marginal labor input,
profitability would fall. Although the model is very simplistic, it generates some plausible conclusions
about the relationship between productivity and wages.
Efficiency wages
– An important development of the simple neoclassical model (albeit one that still relies on highly
stylized assumptions about individual and firm behavior) introduces the concept of ‘efficiency
wages’ (Shapiro and Stiglitz, 1984). Under most efficiency wage models, the link between wages and
productivity is no longer straightforward even in the in short-run. Efficiency wage models reject the
premise that wages are aligned to the marginal productivity of workers under perfect competition. In
contrast, these models argue that paying higher-than-market wages can be a rational choice for firms,
e.g. in order to increase the work effort of employees. This applies particularly if there are sources of
alternative income (e.g. benefits) for the unemployed, and the models assume that individual workers
maximize their utility taking account of wages, alternative incomes and efforts, all of which
contribute to determining their marginal product.
In the world set out in simple efficiency wage models, the possibility is allowed for that, at any level of
wages, more than one type of worker exists. In particular, they hypothesize.
 productive workers’ whose utility is based (positively) on wages, but is also linked (negatively) to
their work effort and to the likelihood of losing their job (and becoming reliant on benefits).
 Shirking workers’ who earn the same wage with less work effort, but who face a higher risk of job
loss if their employer discovers the ‘shirking’, and therefore a higher risk of reliance on
unemployment benefits, with lower utility
1.2. Mediumrun
 Wage rigidities.
The medium run alignment of wages and productivity depends relatively more on the interplay of bargained
wages and changes in other factor prices (in particular physical capital), than in the short run. Blanchard
(2006) introduces the concept of the "bargained wage" as opposed to the "warranted wage". Even under
standard microeconomic assumptions like perfect competition, bargained wages are aligned to anticipated
future output and could differ from the warranted wage, e.g. if prices for other factors of production increase.
In such a case, bargained wages may grow faster than the warranted wage, and employment would decline
in order to maintain zero net profits for firms under perfect competition. Blanchard (2006) proposes this as
the key process causing increased unemployment in the 1970s and 1980s, when changes in oil prices and
the reduction of the growth of total factor productivity resulted in labor productivity increases much below the
level of the 1960s. In these circumstances, bargaining outcomes exceeded the warranted wages and
unemployment increased accordingly. Of course, the 1970s increase in unemployment varied between
countries due to differing institutional circumstances, which allowed warranted and bargained wages to
realign more or less speedily, and due to the nature of wage rigidities, which can be real or nominal: Real
wage rigidities captured the speed at which workers would for example accept a slowdown in actual wages in
response to a productivity slowdown. The slower the adjustment, the higher and the longer lasting the effects
of adverse shocks on unemployment. ‘Nominal wage rigidities’ captured the speed at which nominal wages
adjusted to changes in prices. The slower the adjustment, the larger the decrease in the real wage in
response to an unanticipated increase in prices and the more the monetary authorities could use inflation to
reduce real wages and unemployment in response to an adverse supply shock
1.3. Long run
 The impact of wages growth on long-term productivity growth.
Standard microeconomic models assume that technological change is exogenous in the short- and
medium-run. More recently, however, endogenous growth theory rejects this assumption, on the basis that
changes in factor use resulting from factor price changes impact on technological progress. Unlike traditional
theory, endogenous growth models do not assume that marginal productivities decrease at the aggregate
level as they do at the microeconomic level of firms. In this sense, productivity growth at the level of an
economy results from investment in capital stock at firm level, but diffusion and learning effects create non-
private returns and technological progress beyond the microeconomic entity (see Romer 1990). Unlike
Solow-type growth models (Solow 1956), these models do not predict that growth in productivity results in a
steady state after some time, or that productivity growth requires external changes in technological progress.
Assuming that the nature of technological change is endogenous in this way, resulting from capital
investments (depending on wages as well as capital costs) helps explain why moderate bargaining outcomes
(even wage increases below productivity increases) may not be an effective mechanism to increase
employment. This could be the reason why even some countries with histories of very moderate wage
increases have not experienced the expected levels of employment, e.g. Japan or Germany. This is the
starting point of a model developed by Hellwig and Irmen (2001), who assume that firms' choices of
innovation investments depend on both (real) interest rates and (real) future wages.
1.4. Available empirical evidence and methodological problems.
– Turning now, in more detail, to empirical evidence in the research literature on the relationship between
wages and productivity growth, much of this relates to the US. Most studies find increasing evidence that
wages have grown below productivity in the last 30 years and discuss this finding in the light of
increasing income inequality and not (as is typically found in the European debate: see Gros 2010) with
regard to relative changes in a country’s competitive position. Mishel and Shierholz (2011) describe a
widening gap between growth rates of productivity and wages (and labor compensation, including bonus
payments). Labor compensation growth was particularly low in the private sector, while the growth of
average wages was particularly weak for college educated public sector workers. Harrison (2009) reports
a similar divergence between the growth of real earnings and productivity in the US and Canada, but this
results largely from rising earnings inequality (i.e. increases in the top one per cent of the income
distribution alongside stagnant or falling income shares elsewhere). There are also, however, important
measurement issues affecting the observed decline in labor earnings, e.g. when taking account of the
depreciation of fixed assets, which has increased as a result of adoption of new technologies, and which
has tended to push the labor share downwards. Fleck, Glaser and Sprague (2011) provide further
evidence on a widening wage productivity gap, which began in the mid1970s. However, they note that
this may also result, in part, from the measures of labor productivity not having been adjusted for
compositional changes in the workforce, and from the choice of different price indices to adjust for
inflation. Lopez-Villavicencio and Silva (2010) analyze a macroeconomic panel of OECD countries
between 1985 and 2007 finding that wage increases have exceeded productivity growth for permanent
workers, while the opposite is true for temporary workers, in line with the lower bargaining power. Given
the great inter-country variation of the share of temporary workers, this may be an important reason
explaining why the existence and size of the wage-productivity gap varies between countries.
1.5. Policy rules for wage-setting in the light of economictheory.
In this section we briefly consider the extent to which the policy rules for wage setting
in relation to productivity, emerging from the theoretical discussions and empirical
evidence discussed above can be seen to influence policy debate in the real world. To
this end we highlight some relevant examples of such debate.
– Facilitating wage moderation as an employment policy through institutional
reforms: The German case.
In most of its annual reports, the German Council of Economic Experts (CEE) has
emphasized the importance of wage moderation, i.e. that wages should grow below
productivity increases in order to increase employment levels. In implementing this
concept for policy purposes, as noted above, changes in price levels as well as changes
in productivity have to be modelled appropriately. This is difficult in practice, because
of two important problems:
Continuation subsection; 1.5
– First, some changes in price levels cannot be compensated for, either because
they are driven by taxation (and therefore not neutral in distributional terms),
or because exporting firms cannot achieve higher price levels on international
markets. In addition, wage-setting decisions in the real world are made under
uncertainty because they have to respond to anticipated rather than observed
price changes.
– Second, observed changes in marginal productivity have to be interpreted in the
light of compositional changes to the workforce: lower productivity jobs
disappear, higher productivity jobs remain, but the effective productivity at the
workplace remains unchanged.
2. Overarching Factors Affecting the Decision to Go
International.
– Primary Motives.
For most private-sector businesses profitability is of crucial importance. The opportunity to make profit by
selling its products in a foreign market may therefore be attractive, especially if expansion in the home market
is difficult because of slow market growth, market saturation, or regulatory obstacles. In some cases, significant
business growth may only be possible through international expansion. International exposure also enables a
company to achieve an international reputation, which may be important if it is to be regarded as an industry
leader. Profitability also depends on competitiveness, so international expansion may be a way of reducing
costs in a competitive international market. Access to international markets allows increased scale of
production, leading to lower unit costs. Economies of scale are particularly important for a company like Nestlé
whose home market in Switzerland is relatively small. Scale economies apply not only at the level of the
production plant, but more especially at the level of the organization as a whole. Access to international
production allows international procurement of components and supplies, international relocation of
production operations or outsourcing of business functions that can be undertaken at lower cost abroad
(known as ‘offshoring’); these include not only call-center operations, for example, but also many labor-
intensive data-input tasks which are increasingly being outsourced to companies employing low-cost but highly
skilled IT workers in countries like India.
Continuation subsection; 2
 The Changing International Environment.
In broad terms, the main nations involved in international business activity have experienced an
unprecedented period of peace and stable international relations since 1945. From time to time conflict
in particular countries have disrupted trade flows, notably in commodities like oil during periods of
turbulence in the Middle East, but the United States, Western Europe, and Japan, which have until
recently been the major trading nations, have enjoyed generally cordial relations with each other. This
has helped enormously to increase the volume of world trade and investment, clearly having a positive
influence on internationalization decisions. The historic opening up of China and Eastern Europe since
1978 and 1989 respectively has also increased the opportunities for international trade and investment.
The increase in international business activity has contributed to significant growth in the world
economy over the post-war period. This growth has also been sustained by a general reduction in trade
barriers between countries, thanks to the work of GATT and the WTO and the gradual liberalization of
national trade and investment policies. The increased rate of growth in international business activity
would not of course have been possible without significant developments in production and
information technology and commensurate improvements in the quality of human capital.
THE END
THANKS FOR YOUR CORPORATION.

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Enterprises

  • 1. Department of Economic Enterprises Name: Nevo Samuel. P Group: BF-26B Individual Task Report on: Productivity and Wage 1
  • 2. Theme: Productivity and Wages – Introduction: The relationship between wages and productivity (or more specifically, the relationship between wage growth and productivity growth) has become one of particular policy relevance in recent years, in light of the recent economic crisis and emerging imbalances between Eurozone countries. As the ILO has observed. The case for a coordinated wage policy is to avoid imbalances, beggar they neighbor policies and a waste of potential growth is overwhelming: it is alarming that it has been ignored for so long. Those who let unit labor costs rise too fast are equally responsible for the explosion of imbalances after the abolition of the exchange rate mechanism as those who gained market shares through wage restraint‛.
  • 3. Chapter 1: Reviewing the relationship of wages and productivity – what is known about the relationship between wage and productivity growth, and its impact on employment outcomes, drawing on the economic literature (both theoretical and empirical). In doing so, I distinguish between the short-, medium- and long-run as, while the distinctions between these three are somewhat arbitrary, it is nevertheless the case that the predictions of economic theory and their policy implications differ according to the time perspective being considered. I briefly focused on some of the empirical evidence on these relationships (much of which relates to the US), and highlight some of the methodological difficulties making empirical analysis in this area difficult (this, in turn, sets the scene for our own exploration of cross-country data). – In discussions of wage rates, whether for individuals, firms, or for the entire economy, we hear a lot about the increasing productivity of the worker, and that wages must rise to reflect such increases. A large steel company recently has negotiated a contract with its workers which says, in effect, "If your productivity increases, your wages will keep pace." Is this the way wages are or should be determined in an open society? Just what are the implications, if all wages were determined by this method.
  • 4. demand and supply – because of patents he holds, or special skills or processes that only he knows about. He may be ablIn a free market, wages are determined by competitive forces of supply and demand. A manufacturer, after very careful planning, concludes that he can make and sell so many of a particular item at a given price. He must assemble his resources, including his plant, his equipment, his managerial talent, and workers, and hope to recover the cost of these things from the price buyers will pay for the finished product. So, the manufacturer goes into the labor market to hire men to work for him. If his offered wage isn’t high enough to get the workers he needs, then he must either give up the project or figure how to recombine his resources in such a way that he can pay higher wages and still come out ahead. He may do this by simplifying his manufacturing processes, by introducing more or better machinery, or by innovations of some sort. The worker, on the other hand, will look after his interest, too, and will consider moving to a new job if it seems more attractive to him for reasons of higher pay, better working conditions, shorter days, more vacation, or whatever. But, suppose some manufacturer comes along with an item he can make and sell very profitably. It may be e to afford to pay wages half again as high as the going wage in the area and still come out ahead.
  • 5. 1.1. Short run – Basic microeconomic theory: Standard microeconomic theory suggests a clear relationship between productivity, wages and labor demand, in which wages correspond to the marginal productivity of labor and can be derived from the profit-maximizing behavior of firms. Before describing this link in more detail, it is worth emphasizing that the fundamental theoretical assumption of a firm being a profit maximizing entity applies only to private sector enterprises. Other market structures and the increasing relevance of public sector employment for labor market performance in many countries are not accommodated by this kind of microeconomic theory. Nonetheless, there are important policy implications which can be derived from the theory. In its simplest form, the theory posits that a firm maximizes profits. These profits are equal to the sales from its goods (sold at prices exogenously given under perfect competition) minus the costs of its factors of production (capital and labor). The relationship between these production factors and their output is specified in neoclassical theory by a production function. Typically, it is assumed that the firm's capital stock is constant in the short run, such that profit maximizing behavior determines the optimal level of production, at which a marginal worker's contribution to profit is equal to that worker’s wage. The marginal productivity condition sets the point at which an individual firm's output expansion should stop: if growth continues such that marginal revenues no longer exceed the costs of marginal labor input, profitability would fall. Although the model is very simplistic, it generates some plausible conclusions about the relationship between productivity and wages.
  • 6. Efficiency wages – An important development of the simple neoclassical model (albeit one that still relies on highly stylized assumptions about individual and firm behavior) introduces the concept of ‘efficiency wages’ (Shapiro and Stiglitz, 1984). Under most efficiency wage models, the link between wages and productivity is no longer straightforward even in the in short-run. Efficiency wage models reject the premise that wages are aligned to the marginal productivity of workers under perfect competition. In contrast, these models argue that paying higher-than-market wages can be a rational choice for firms, e.g. in order to increase the work effort of employees. This applies particularly if there are sources of alternative income (e.g. benefits) for the unemployed, and the models assume that individual workers maximize their utility taking account of wages, alternative incomes and efforts, all of which contribute to determining their marginal product. In the world set out in simple efficiency wage models, the possibility is allowed for that, at any level of wages, more than one type of worker exists. In particular, they hypothesize.  productive workers’ whose utility is based (positively) on wages, but is also linked (negatively) to their work effort and to the likelihood of losing their job (and becoming reliant on benefits).  Shirking workers’ who earn the same wage with less work effort, but who face a higher risk of job loss if their employer discovers the ‘shirking’, and therefore a higher risk of reliance on unemployment benefits, with lower utility
  • 7. 1.2. Mediumrun  Wage rigidities. The medium run alignment of wages and productivity depends relatively more on the interplay of bargained wages and changes in other factor prices (in particular physical capital), than in the short run. Blanchard (2006) introduces the concept of the "bargained wage" as opposed to the "warranted wage". Even under standard microeconomic assumptions like perfect competition, bargained wages are aligned to anticipated future output and could differ from the warranted wage, e.g. if prices for other factors of production increase. In such a case, bargained wages may grow faster than the warranted wage, and employment would decline in order to maintain zero net profits for firms under perfect competition. Blanchard (2006) proposes this as the key process causing increased unemployment in the 1970s and 1980s, when changes in oil prices and the reduction of the growth of total factor productivity resulted in labor productivity increases much below the level of the 1960s. In these circumstances, bargaining outcomes exceeded the warranted wages and unemployment increased accordingly. Of course, the 1970s increase in unemployment varied between countries due to differing institutional circumstances, which allowed warranted and bargained wages to realign more or less speedily, and due to the nature of wage rigidities, which can be real or nominal: Real wage rigidities captured the speed at which workers would for example accept a slowdown in actual wages in response to a productivity slowdown. The slower the adjustment, the higher and the longer lasting the effects of adverse shocks on unemployment. ‘Nominal wage rigidities’ captured the speed at which nominal wages adjusted to changes in prices. The slower the adjustment, the larger the decrease in the real wage in response to an unanticipated increase in prices and the more the monetary authorities could use inflation to reduce real wages and unemployment in response to an adverse supply shock
  • 8. 1.3. Long run  The impact of wages growth on long-term productivity growth. Standard microeconomic models assume that technological change is exogenous in the short- and medium-run. More recently, however, endogenous growth theory rejects this assumption, on the basis that changes in factor use resulting from factor price changes impact on technological progress. Unlike traditional theory, endogenous growth models do not assume that marginal productivities decrease at the aggregate level as they do at the microeconomic level of firms. In this sense, productivity growth at the level of an economy results from investment in capital stock at firm level, but diffusion and learning effects create non- private returns and technological progress beyond the microeconomic entity (see Romer 1990). Unlike Solow-type growth models (Solow 1956), these models do not predict that growth in productivity results in a steady state after some time, or that productivity growth requires external changes in technological progress. Assuming that the nature of technological change is endogenous in this way, resulting from capital investments (depending on wages as well as capital costs) helps explain why moderate bargaining outcomes (even wage increases below productivity increases) may not be an effective mechanism to increase employment. This could be the reason why even some countries with histories of very moderate wage increases have not experienced the expected levels of employment, e.g. Japan or Germany. This is the starting point of a model developed by Hellwig and Irmen (2001), who assume that firms' choices of innovation investments depend on both (real) interest rates and (real) future wages.
  • 9. 1.4. Available empirical evidence and methodological problems. – Turning now, in more detail, to empirical evidence in the research literature on the relationship between wages and productivity growth, much of this relates to the US. Most studies find increasing evidence that wages have grown below productivity in the last 30 years and discuss this finding in the light of increasing income inequality and not (as is typically found in the European debate: see Gros 2010) with regard to relative changes in a country’s competitive position. Mishel and Shierholz (2011) describe a widening gap between growth rates of productivity and wages (and labor compensation, including bonus payments). Labor compensation growth was particularly low in the private sector, while the growth of average wages was particularly weak for college educated public sector workers. Harrison (2009) reports a similar divergence between the growth of real earnings and productivity in the US and Canada, but this results largely from rising earnings inequality (i.e. increases in the top one per cent of the income distribution alongside stagnant or falling income shares elsewhere). There are also, however, important measurement issues affecting the observed decline in labor earnings, e.g. when taking account of the depreciation of fixed assets, which has increased as a result of adoption of new technologies, and which has tended to push the labor share downwards. Fleck, Glaser and Sprague (2011) provide further evidence on a widening wage productivity gap, which began in the mid1970s. However, they note that this may also result, in part, from the measures of labor productivity not having been adjusted for compositional changes in the workforce, and from the choice of different price indices to adjust for inflation. Lopez-Villavicencio and Silva (2010) analyze a macroeconomic panel of OECD countries between 1985 and 2007 finding that wage increases have exceeded productivity growth for permanent workers, while the opposite is true for temporary workers, in line with the lower bargaining power. Given the great inter-country variation of the share of temporary workers, this may be an important reason explaining why the existence and size of the wage-productivity gap varies between countries.
  • 10. 1.5. Policy rules for wage-setting in the light of economictheory. In this section we briefly consider the extent to which the policy rules for wage setting in relation to productivity, emerging from the theoretical discussions and empirical evidence discussed above can be seen to influence policy debate in the real world. To this end we highlight some relevant examples of such debate. – Facilitating wage moderation as an employment policy through institutional reforms: The German case. In most of its annual reports, the German Council of Economic Experts (CEE) has emphasized the importance of wage moderation, i.e. that wages should grow below productivity increases in order to increase employment levels. In implementing this concept for policy purposes, as noted above, changes in price levels as well as changes in productivity have to be modelled appropriately. This is difficult in practice, because of two important problems:
  • 11. Continuation subsection; 1.5 – First, some changes in price levels cannot be compensated for, either because they are driven by taxation (and therefore not neutral in distributional terms), or because exporting firms cannot achieve higher price levels on international markets. In addition, wage-setting decisions in the real world are made under uncertainty because they have to respond to anticipated rather than observed price changes. – Second, observed changes in marginal productivity have to be interpreted in the light of compositional changes to the workforce: lower productivity jobs disappear, higher productivity jobs remain, but the effective productivity at the workplace remains unchanged.
  • 12. 2. Overarching Factors Affecting the Decision to Go International. – Primary Motives. For most private-sector businesses profitability is of crucial importance. The opportunity to make profit by selling its products in a foreign market may therefore be attractive, especially if expansion in the home market is difficult because of slow market growth, market saturation, or regulatory obstacles. In some cases, significant business growth may only be possible through international expansion. International exposure also enables a company to achieve an international reputation, which may be important if it is to be regarded as an industry leader. Profitability also depends on competitiveness, so international expansion may be a way of reducing costs in a competitive international market. Access to international markets allows increased scale of production, leading to lower unit costs. Economies of scale are particularly important for a company like Nestlé whose home market in Switzerland is relatively small. Scale economies apply not only at the level of the production plant, but more especially at the level of the organization as a whole. Access to international production allows international procurement of components and supplies, international relocation of production operations or outsourcing of business functions that can be undertaken at lower cost abroad (known as ‘offshoring’); these include not only call-center operations, for example, but also many labor- intensive data-input tasks which are increasingly being outsourced to companies employing low-cost but highly skilled IT workers in countries like India.
  • 13. Continuation subsection; 2  The Changing International Environment. In broad terms, the main nations involved in international business activity have experienced an unprecedented period of peace and stable international relations since 1945. From time to time conflict in particular countries have disrupted trade flows, notably in commodities like oil during periods of turbulence in the Middle East, but the United States, Western Europe, and Japan, which have until recently been the major trading nations, have enjoyed generally cordial relations with each other. This has helped enormously to increase the volume of world trade and investment, clearly having a positive influence on internationalization decisions. The historic opening up of China and Eastern Europe since 1978 and 1989 respectively has also increased the opportunities for international trade and investment. The increase in international business activity has contributed to significant growth in the world economy over the post-war period. This growth has also been sustained by a general reduction in trade barriers between countries, thanks to the work of GATT and the WTO and the gradual liberalization of national trade and investment policies. The increased rate of growth in international business activity would not of course have been possible without significant developments in production and information technology and commensurate improvements in the quality of human capital.
  • 14. THE END THANKS FOR YOUR CORPORATION.