Disseration Defense
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1) The study examined the relationship between athletic participation, masculinity, and sexual aggression among male college students. 2) Results found that sexual entitlement and drinking intensity were the strongest predictors of sexual aggression, not wrestling or athletic participation. 3) While past research has found mixed results on the association between athletics and sexual aggression, this study did not find wrestling or athletic participation alone to be determining factors.
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הקשר בין הטרדה מינית של גברים ונשים בעבודה ודרכי התגובה בתלות של מסוגלות עצמית - מסוגלות עצמית נבחנת מודל התגובות ולפיו ניתן לבחון את יכולותיה/יכולתיו של המוטרד להגיב בנסיגה, עזיבה, אסרטיביות, הזנחה או פגיעה במקום העבודה.
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10.1177/1059601102250018 ARTICLEGROUP & ORGANIZATION MANAGEMENTRagins et al. / HETEROSEXISM IN THE WORKPLACE
Heterosexism in the Workplace
DO RACE AND GENDER MATTER?
BELLE ROSE RAGINS
University of Wisconsin–Milwaukee
JOHN M. CORNWELL
Loyola University–New Orleans
JANICE S. MILLER
University of Wisconsin–Milwaukee
This article examined the effects of multiple group memberships and relational demography on
the workplace experiences of 534 gay employees, 162 of whom were gay employees of color.
Two competing models of multiple group membership were tested by assessing the effects of
race and gender on sexual orientation discrimination and the decision to disclose a gay identity at
work. Race and gender were unrelated to heterosexism. Lesbians were as likely to disclose as
gay men, but gay employees of color were less likely to disclose at work. Relational demography
predictions were supported for race and sexual orientation but not for gender, suggesting that
gender similarity predictions may not apply to gay employees. More heterosexism was reported
with male supervisors or work teams, and these effects were stronger for lesbians than gay men.
Irrespective of race, employees in racially balanced teams reported less heterosexism than those
in primarily White or non-White teams.
Keywords: diversity; race; gender; gay
Although gay men and lesbians constitute between 4% and 17% of the
workforce (Gonsiorek & Weinrich, 1991), we know very little about their
workplace experiences. In fact, even though gay employees constitute a
larger proportion of the workforce than many other minority groups, sexual
The research described in this study was supported by a grant to the first author from the Wayne
F. Placek Fund of the American Psychological Foundation. Earlier versions of this article were
presented at the National Academy of Management meeting, August 2001, Washington, D.C.,
and at the Rice University conference on Psychological and Organizational Perspectives on
Discrimination in the Workplace: Research, Theory and Practice, May 2000, Houston, TX. We
would like to thank the editor and the reviewers for their excellent feedback and help with this
manuscript.
Group & Organization Management, Vol. 28 No. 1, March 2003 45-74
DOI: 10.1177/1059601102250018
© 2003 Sage Publications
45
orientation has been excluded from most empirical research on workplace
diversity (Badgett, 1996; Croteau, 1996). Discrimination against employees
who are gay, or simply appear to be gay, is legal in most workplaces
(National Gay and Lesbian Task Force, 1996). Without legal protection, gay
employees are vulnerable to discrimination, and existing research indicates
that between 25% and 66% of gay employees report sexual orientation dis-
crimination at work (cf. review by Croteau, 1996). However, these are proba-
bly conservative estimates because most gay employees do not fully disclose
their sexual orientation at work for fear of discrimination (Badgett, 1996;
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Multiphasic Personality Inventory-2 (MMPI-2): Comparing Abuser Types
David M. Lawson
Stephen F. Austin State University
Dan F. Brossart
Texas A&M University
Lee W. Shefferman
University of Northern Colorado
This study investigated traditional masculine gender role differences between male partner abuser types
using the Masculinity/Femininity subsection scales of Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory-2
(MMPI-2) Structural Summary. We examined differences between four groups of partner-violent men
(borderline, antisocial, psychotic features, and nonpathological partner violent) and one group of
nonpartner-violent men on five MMPI-2 subscales: Masculinity-Femininity, Gender Role-Feminine,
Gender Role-Masculine, Ego Inflation, and Low Self-esteem. Results indicated that the borderline group
reported the most consistent traditional feminine gender role orientation of all the groups, whereas the
antisocial group reported the most consistent traditional masculine gender role orientation of all the
groups. The psychotic features group reported characteristics associated with both traditional masculinity
and traditional feminine gender role making it distinct among all the groups. The nonpathological
intimately violent group and the nonpartner-violent group reported no extreme scores when compared
with the other three groups. The borderline and antisocial groups reported significantly more exposure
to family of origin violence and use of more severe forms of partner abuse than the other three partner
abuse groups. Treatment implications are addressed.
Keywords: masculinity, gender role, partner violence, domestic violence
Intimate partner violence (IPV) is a pattern of abusive behavior
(physical and psychological) in a significant relationship and is
often used by one partner to gain or maintain power/control over
another partner (Office of Violence Against Women, 2009). Fam-
ily conflict research indicates approximately equal rates of IPV for
men and women (12% each) in national community samples (Stets
& Straus, 1990; Straus, 1999). Crime studies, such as the National
Violence Against Women in America Survey (NVAW; Tjaden &
Thoennes, 2000), indicate a much higher rate of assaults by men
(i.e., 61%), but at a much smaller prevalence rates. Regardless of
the type of survey, evidence indicates that women often experience
more severe injuries and longer lasting symptoms, such as post-
traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), depression, and anxiety (Cas-
cardi, Langhinirichsen, & Vivian, 1992; Stets & Straus, 1990).
Some scholars account for this phenomena by asserting that men
have a greater tendency to use IPV to control and coerce women
based on traditional masculine gender role and societal norms
(Cascardi et al., 1992; Dobash & Dobash, 1998). This study
investigated gender role differences between types of male partner
abusers using the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventor.
456527CJBXXX10.11770093854812456527Criminal Justice and Beh.docx
456527CJBXXX10.1177/0093854812456527Crimi
nal Justice and BehaviorFranklin et al. / Sexual Assault on the College Campus
2012
AUTHORS’ NOTE: An earlier version of this article was presented at the 2008 annual meeting of the
Academy of Criminal Justice Sciences. The authors would like to thank Noelle E. Fearn, Travis W. Franklin,
Brian B. Boutwell, and Matt R. Nobles for their helpful comments on earlier drafts of this article.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Cortney A. Franklin, College of Criminal
Justice, Sam Houston State University, Box 2296, Huntsville, TX 77341-2296; e-mail: [email protected]
CRIMINAL JUSTICE AND BEHAVIOR, Vol. 39 No. 11 November 2012 1457-1480.
DOI: 10.1177/0093854812456527
© 2012 International Association for Correctional and Forensic Psychology
SExUAl ASSAUlT ON THE COllEgE CAmpUS
Fraternity Affiliation, male peer Support,
and low Self-Control
CORTNEy A. FRANkLIN
LEANA ALLEN BOUFFARD
Sam Houston State University
TRAVIS C. PRATT
Arizona State University
Research on college sexual assault has focused on offender behavior to understand why men perpetrate sexual violence.
Dominant theories have incorporated forms of male peer support, paying particular attention to the impact of rape-supportive
social relationships on woman abuse. In contrast, Gottfredson and Hirschi’s general theory of crime proposes that low self-
control predicts crime and other related life outcomes—including the kinds of antisocial peer relationships that the male peer
support model contends causes sexual violence. The exclusion of measures of self-control on sexual assault may result in a
misspecified peer support model. Accordingly, the current research empirically tests Schwartz and Dekeseredy’s male peer
support model and examines the role of self-control in the larger male peer support model of sexual assault. Implications for
theory and research are discussed.
Keywords: fraternity; sexual assault; rape; male peer support; self-control
Women are sexually victimized on college campuses at disproportionately high rates (e.g., Fisher, Cullen, & Turner, 2000; koss, Gidycz, & Wisniewski, 1987). Scientific
inquiry has focused on incidence and prevalence rates of campus sexual assault and has
tested theories to better understand and prevent these forms of woman abuse. Traditionally,
this literature has focused on offender behavior by proposing frameworks that explain why
college men perpetrate sexual assault. One of the most dominant feminist explanations of
sexual assault has relied on the ideological and behavioral facilitation of rape-supportive
peer groups (Schwartz & Dekeseredy, 1997). Although the proposition of behavioral trans-
mission through peer influence has an extensive history in criminology (Akers, 1973;
Sutherland, 1947), Schwartz and Dekeseredy’s (1997) contributions to the study of peer
support influences have honed in on structural issues relevant to feminist theory. They hav.
ArticlePTSD Symptoms Mediate the RelationshipBetween Sex.docx
Article
PTSD Symptoms Mediate the Relationship
Between Sexual Abuse and Substance Use
Risk in Juvenile Justice–Involved Youth
Jasmyn Sanders
1
, Alexandra R. Hershberger
2
, Haley M. Kolp
3
, Miji Um
2
,
Matthew Aalsma
4
, and Melissa A. Cyders
2
Abstract
Juvenile justice–involved youth face disproportionate rates of sexual abuse, which increases the risk of post-traumatic stress
disorder (PTSD) and substance use disorders (SUDs), both of which are associated with poor long-term outcomes. The present
study tested two mediation and moderation models, controlling for age, race, and history of physical abuse, with gender as a
moderator, to determine whether PTSD symptoms serve as a risk factor and/or mechanism in the relationship between sexual
abuse and substance use. Data were examined for 197 juvenile justice–involved youth (mean age ¼ 15.45, 68.9% non-White,
78.4% male) that completed court-ordered psychological assessments. Results indicated that PTSD symptoms significantly
mediated the relationship between sexual abuse and drug (b ¼ 3.44, confidence interval [CI] [0.26, 7.41]; test for indirect
effect z ¼ 2.41, p ¼ .02) and alcohol use (b ¼ 1.42, CI [0.20, 3.46]; test for indirect effect z ¼ 2.23, p ¼ .03). PTSD
symptoms and gender were not significant moderators. Overall, PTSD symptoms mediate the relationship between sexual
abuse and SUDs in juvenile justice–involved youth, which suggests viability of targeting PTSD symptoms as a modifiable risk
factor to reduce the effects of sexual abuse on substance use in this high-risk population.
Keywords
sexual abuse, substance use, PTSD, youth, juvenile justice
Substance use disorders (SUDs) occur in approximately 60% of
juvenile justice–involved youth (Substance Abuse and Mental
Health Services Administration, 2016; Teplin et al., 2005).
This is particularly problematic, as juvenile justice–involved
youth with SUDs face a host of negative outcomes, some of
which include increased likelihood of having a co-occurring
severe mental illness (e.g., manic episode and psychosis;
Teplin, Abram, McClelland, Dulcan, & Mericle, 2002),
increased likelihood of recidivism (Conrad, Tolou-Shams,
Rizzo, Placella, & Brown, 2014), and increased likelihood of
engagement in sexual risk-taking behaviors, compared to youth
in the general population (Teplin et al., 2005). Although there
are multiple potential explanations for the high prevalence of
SUDs in this population, such as genetic risk or social norms in
line with substance use (Kendler, Prescott, Myers, & Neale,
2003), emerging research suggests sexual abuse victimization
may be one risk factor for the development of SUDs in juvenile
justice–involved youth.
The prevalence of sexual abuse victimization in juvenile
justice–involved youth is high, with 31% of girls and 15% of
boys (Baglivio et al., 2014; Dierkhising et al., 2013) in the
juvenile justice system reporting a history of sexual abuse.
Extensive research on adolescent and .
The Sexual Harassment of Uppity WomenJennifer L. Berdahl.docx
The Sexual Harassment of Uppity Women
Jennifer L. Berdahl
University of Toronto
In 3 studies, the author tested 2 competing views of sexual harassment: (a) It is motivated primarily by
sexual desire and, therefore, is directed at women who meet feminine ideals, and (b) it is motivated
primarily by a desire to punish gender-role deviants and, therefore, is directed at women who violate
feminine ideals. Study 1 included male and female college students (N � 175) and showed that women
with relatively masculine personalities (e.g., assertive, dominant, and independent) experienced the most
sexual harassment. Study 2 (N � 134) showed that this effect was not because women with relatively
masculine personalities were more likely than others to negatively evaluate potentially harassing
scenarios. Study 3 included male and female employees at 5 organizations (N � 238) and showed that
women in male-dominated organizations were harassed more than women in female-dominated organi-
zations, and that women in male-dominated organizations who had relatively masculine personalities
were sexually harassed the most.
Keywords: gender, sex, sexual harassment, stereotypes, women
Uppity: Taking liberties or assuming airs beyond one’s station; pre-
sumptuous: “was getting a little uppity and needed to be slapped
down” (New York Times). (American Heritage Dictionary of the
English Language, 2004)
The original prototype of sexual harassment was a male boss
sexually coercing a female subordinate. Sexual harassers were
assumed to be motivated by sexual desire for their targets (cf.
Franke, 1997; Gutek, 1985; MacKinnon, 1979; Schultz, 1998). If
sexual harassment is motivated by sexual desire, then the most
frequent targets of sexual harassment should be individuals who
meet gender ideals. Gender ideals involve both physical and per-
sonality characteristics. Personality characteristics desired in men
include assertiveness, independence, and dominance; those desired
in women include modesty, deference, and warmth (Bem, 1974;
Connell, 1987; Eagly, 1987; Fiske & Stevens, 1993; Prentice &
Carranza, 2002). If women are sexually harassed more than men,
and if individuals who meet gender ideals are harassed more than
those who do not, then women with feminine personalities should
be sexually harassed the most.
I suggest that just the opposite is true. The most common form
of sexual harassment is gender harassment (Fitzgerald, Shullman,
et al., 1988), a form of hostile environment harassment that ap-
pears to be motivated by hostility toward individuals who violate
gender ideals rather than by desire for those who meet them (e.g.,
Berdahl, Magley, & Waldo, 1996; Dall’Ara & Maass, 1999; Fiske
& Stevens, 1993; Franke, 1997; Maass, Cadinu, Guarnieri, &
Grasselli, 2003). Whether women who violate feminine ideals
experience more sexual harassment generally, including unwanted
sexual attention and coercion, is not known. In this article, I
propose that they do. I conducted th ...
The association between personal history of dating violence and bystander int...
One promising approach to prevent and intervene in violent situations includes those that utilize bystanders. To date, there has been little exploration of the extent to which a personal history of dating violence victimization and perpetration is associated with bystander intervention behaviors. This study examined the relationship between participants’ experience of violence and the number of times they intervened in potentially violent situations.
Poster presented at ABCT, Nov. 2014.
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Disseration Defense
- 1. Understanding Male Athlete Sexual Aggression: Masculinity, Sexual Aggression, and Athletic Participation Earl E. Walker, Jr., M.Ed. Boston University Committee Members: Leonard Zaichkowsky, Ph.D., John Cheffers, Ed.D., Judith Pierson, Ed.D., Eric Hartung, Ed.D.