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![especially sensitized me to publishing concerns of which I was completely ignorant. Furthermore she
served the project directly as an author and as a translator; and whenever my own writing needed editing,
I regularly turned to her. At every stage of the project—from its inception to its completion, in happy
times and in sad ones—she has been a model of professionalism, a key adviser, and a good friend.
If it is true that one learns how to create a Bible dictionary simply by creating one, then it follows that
the Bible dictionary in question will contain numerous mistakes and reflect occasional bad judgments. So
it is with the Anchor Bible Dictionary. It also follows that the best time to start a major Bible dictionary
project such as the ABD is immediately after one has completed a major Bible dictionary project such as
the ABD—and then to make everything perfect and exactly right. That task, however, is perhaps best left
to the next generation.
GARY A. HERION
ASSOCIATE EDITOR
DECEMBER 6, 1990
Ann Arbor, Michigan
A
AARON (PERSON) [Heb ˒ahărōn (ֹןש ֲה ַא)]. AARONITES. The son of Amram and the brother of
Moses and Miriam who was the eponymous ancestor of the priestly Aaronites and the paradigm for later
priests. He dies at Mount Hur (Deut 32:50) and is succeeded by his son Eleazar (Num 20:22–29).
Aaronites are the priests who claim descent from Levi through Aaron. They are often referred to as the
―sons of Aaron‖ (Heb bĕnê ˒ahărōn) (cf. Lev 3:8; 21:1; Num 10:8; Josh 21:4; 1 Chr 24:1; Neh 12:47) or
as ―belonging to Aaron‖ (Heb lĕ˒ahărōn) (cf. 1 Chr 12:28—Eng12:27; 27:17). The meaning of the name
―Aaron‖ is uncertain, although it is perhaps derived from Egyptian.
———
A. Introduction
B. Images of Aaron in the Biblical Literature
C. Aaron/Aaronite Relations with Others
D. The Priestly Functions of Aaron and the Aaronites
E. Summary
———
A. Introduction
The first task in understanding Aaron and the Aaronites is to examine the varied images of them in the
biblical accounts. Sometimes there is a strong positive image of Aaron as the officially ordained priest of
God. At other times, the picture is rather negative, portraying Aaron at odds with Moses and ―mainline‖
religious practices. In examining these portrayals, it becomes clear that positive images appear in the later
biblical materials and negative images are prominent in the earlier materials. It is also true that there is a
significant body of biblical literature (the prophets—especially Ezekiel—and the Deuteronomistic
History) in which priests are present but there is little or no reference to Aaron or his followers. Thus, in
order to understand the images of Aaron and the Aaronites, one needs to be aware of the particular](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-118-320.jpg)
![Finally, Aaron and his sons shall be anointed and consecrated as priests of Yahweh with ―holy oil‖ (Exod
30:30–31). This positive image of Aaron continues through most of Exodus (with the exception of
Exodus 32, which will be discussed later), throughout all of Leviticus and most of Numbers.
In Leviticus, much time is spent describing specific offerings and the procedures for those offerings.
Consistently, Aaron, or ―Aaron‘s sons, the priests‖ are specified as the only people authorized to perform
these rituals. In Lev 6:1–9:24—Eng6:8–9:24, Aaron and his sons are instructed as to the law of the
various offerings and their crucial role in these offerings. The ritual for anointing Aaron and his sons is
spelled out in Lev 6:12–16—Eng6:19–23. The actual ceremony for the ordination of Aaron and his sons
is prescribed in Leviticus 8–9. The regulations for the actions of the Aaronites—―the priests, the sons of
Aaron‖—are spelled out in Leviticus 21. The concern is to maintain the holy status of the priests so that
they do not become defiled by such actions as marrying a divorced woman (v 7), letting one‘s hair hang
loose (v 10), or coming in contact with a dead body (v 11). In addition, no person with a blemish may
―offer bread‖ to Yahweh (v 18).
In Numbers 1–4, Moses and Aaron conduct a census of the people in preparation for war. Three factors
should be considered when examining the role of Aaron in this census. First, the Levites, another priestly
group, are numbered separately from the rest of the people (Num 1:47; 3:16–37), and are to be given to
Aaron to stand (Heb ˒md) before and serve (Heb šrt) him (3:6). The second point is that the line of
succession to Aaron is established. In Num 3:2–3 Aaron‘s sons are listed and identified as anointed priests
―ordained to minister in the priest‘s office‖ (literally ―whose hands are filled for the priesthood‖ [Heb ml˒
yd lkhn], ―to fill the hand,‖ is the common Hebrew expression used to indicate ordination). Since Nadab
and Abihu, two of Aaron‘s sons, have died (Leviticus 10), Eleazar and Ithamar, Aaron‘s other sons, are
the successors to Aaron. Finally, only Aaron and his sons are to be priests. All others who seek to come
near the tent of meeting should be killed (Num 3:10).
This perspective on Aaron‘s exclusive role as priest is continued in Numbers 16. The account records
the rebellion of Korah, Dathan, and Abiram against Moses and Aaron (Num 16:1–3) and contains the
statement that only the descendants of Aaron can be priests (Num 17:5—Eng 16:40). This is curious since
Korah, the son of Ishar, and Aaron, the son of Amram, are both seen as descendants of the priestly family
of Levi (Exod 3:16–18; Num 3:17–19; 16:1). However, for the Priestly writer it is only Aaron‘s branch of
the Levitical family which can claim the legitimate right to the priesthood at the temple and tabernacle.
Other material in Numbers (except Numbers 12) conveys the same basic positive evaluation of Aaron. As
with the Chronicler, the Priestly writer presents a positive image of Aaron.
In contrast to that perspective, one can find materials in which there is a negative, or at least neutral,
image of Aaron. One example is in Deuteronomy. This material is examined first because it can be
identified, with a comfortable degree of certainty, as having originated in a pre-exilic context. One
example, in particular, is Deuteronomy 9, which contains part of Moses‘ presentation to the people. Of
interest here is the telling of the story of Moses‘ descent from Mount Horeb after having received the two
tablets of stone. Moses comes upon the people who have sinned and made a GOLDEN CALF (Deut
9:15–16). The story continues with a statement that Yahweh is so angry toward Aaron that he was about
to destroy him. It appears that it is only Moses‘ intercessory prayer and his utter destruction of the Golden
Calf which saves Aaron. It is certainly not a glowing recommendation of Aaron. Indeed, the only other
appearance of Aaron in Deuteronomy is in 32:50, where Aaron is merely mentioned as a brother of
Moses. Thus Deuteronomy neither presents a positive image of Aaron, nor contains a reference to Aaron
as priest (unless one considers Aaron‘s role in the building of the Golden Calf as priestly—but even then
it would not be seen as consistent with the mainline worship of Yahweh).
This negative perspective is not confined to this passage in Deuteronomy. In Exodus 32, although there
is some discussion as to the integrity of the passage, Aaron is portrayed as the villain who receives the
gold from the people (Exod 32:4a), makes the calf (Exod 32:4a, 35), declares, ―These are your gods, O
Israel, who brought you out of the land of Egypt!‖ (Exod 32:4b), and builds an altar before the calf (Exod
32:5). When Moses returns from the mountain, he indicates that Aaron has brought a great sin upon the](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-120-320.jpg)
![people (Exod 32:21) and has allowed the people to ―break loose‖ (Exod 32:25). While Aaron seeks to
redirect Moses‘ anger (Exod 32:22–24), his culpability is clearly indicated.
A third example of this negative image of Aaron is found in Numbers 12. Here Aaron and his sister
Miriam challenge Moses‘ authority (12:1) and claim that Yahweh speaks through them as well as through
Moses (12:2). The response of Yahweh is clear; Moses is the specially chosen spokesperson, and no one
should challenge him (12:5–8). As punishment, Yahweh makes Miriam leprous and subsequently heals
her only after Aaron pleads with Moses to petition Yahweh on their behalf.
All three of these passages which convey either a negative or a nonpriestly image of Aaron are generally
considered to be preexilic in date. The single reference to Aaron in the prophets (Mic 6:4), which is
preexilic, merely refers to Aaron as having been sent to Egypt with Moses and Miriam. In addition, there
are precious few references to Aaron in the pre-exilic and exilic work of the Deuteronomistic Historian,
which is surprising, given the number of times priests or priestly factions are mentioned. It is only in
Joshua, where cities are distributed to the Levites (Josh 21:4, 13, 19), that Aaron is referred to as a priest.
Finally, Ezekiel, an exilic work which spends much time discussing the roles and functions of the priests
and priestly groups, never refers to Aaron or the Aaronites.
The implication of this examination of the biblical passages which refer to Aaron is that the positive
image of Aaron and the Aaronites, and of their role as priests, arises in the post-exilic period. This may be
expected since it reflects, in general, the prominent position of priests in the postexilic period, and, in
particular, the emergence of the role of the high priest. In contrast, in the pre-exilic period Aaron is
mentioned only a few times, often in a neutral or negative way, and very rarely as a priest. Thus one must
conclude that the prominence of Aaron and the Aaronites as priests is a post-exilic phenomenon.
C. Aaron/Aaronite Relations with Others
A second area of consideration is the relationship of Aaron to other individuals and of the Aaronites to
other priestly groups. Aaron‘s relationship to Moses is of primary importance. In terms of the associations
of the Aaronites, there are two other priestly factions which have a significant role in the Hebrew Bible—
the Zadokites and the Levites. It is clear that there is struggle, conflict, and competition among these three
groups over who is going to have control of the priesthood. As indicated in the previous section, one must
remember that all of these relationships are fluid and that Aaron‘s priority is emphasized in the later
biblical materials.
The close association of Moses and Aaron is a common theme in the Pentateuch (although not
exclusively found there [Josh 24:5; 1 Sam 12:6; Ps 77:21—Eng 77:20, 99:6]), particularly in the later
(Priestly) writings of the Pentateuch. The association begins with the claim that Aaron is Moses‘ brother
(Exod 4:14; 6:20; 28:1; Num 26:59; 27:12–13; Deut 32:50; 1 Chr 5:29—Eng6:3; 23:13). There are also
over 65 instances where the phrase ―Moses and Aaron‖ appears, almost like a word pair, and only a few
instances where the phrase ―Aaron and Moses‖ occurs (Exod 6:26; Num 3:1). What is striking about
many of these instances is that the presence of ―Aaron‖ is not crucial to the passage. It could easily be
removed without a significant impact on the passage or its meaning (cf. Exod 7:8; 10:3; 16:6; Lev 9:23;
11:1; Num 4:1; 14:5; 33:1). So the evidence for a close association of Moses and Aaron is not absolutely
certain, and it is primarily found in the later materials.
In the relationship between Moses and Aaron, it is clear that Moses has a more prominent role. Most
often in the Torah, Yahweh speaks to Moses, who in turn speaks to Aaron (Exod 7:19; 16:32–34; Lev
17:1–2; Num 6:22–23; 8:1–2), or Yahweh speaks to Moses and Aaron at the same time (Exod 12:43; Lev
11:1; 14:33; Num 2:1; 19:1; 20:12). Only rarely does Yahweh speak directly to Aaron (Lev 10:8; Num
18:1). In addition, when one looks at the dynamics of the plague stories, there is a clear but subtle shift in
the relationship between Moses and Aaron. At the beginning, Moses fumbles for words and pleads his
incompetence until in anger Yahweh appoints Aaron to be Moses‘ spokesperson. Even then Aaron
receives Yahweh‘s words through Moses (Exod 4:1–17; 7:19). Thus at the beginning of the plague stories
Aaron has an important role. When both Moses and Aaron appear before Pharaoh (Exod 5:1, 7:10), it is
Aaron‘s rod which becomes the serpent (7:10), swallows the rods of Pharaoh‘s magicians (7:12), is used
to turn the Nile into blood (7:19), causes the plague of frogs (8:1—Eng8:5), and brings about the plague](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-121-320.jpg)
![secondary, nonexistent, or negative status in relation to the other priestly groups. That perspective
changes in the post-exilic period of the high priest, when Aaron and his sons (the Aaronites) become the
high priests and establish their superiority over other groups. They do this by a genealogical link which
traces their ancestry back to Moses and beyond to Levi, and by the accounts of Yahweh‘s selection of
Aaron as the chosen priest, the paradigm—preferred over the other priestly factions (Levites and
Zadokites). Indeed, the other priestly factions became servants to Aaron and the Aaronites.
D. The Priestly Functions of Aaron and the Aaronites
The role of Aaron as priest emerges in the activities and functions he and his descendants, the Aaronites,
perform. Of course, one of their main functions is to preside at cultic ceremonies. However, there are
other related activities in which they are involved.
There are numerous references in which Aaron (or his descendants) officiate at and participate in cultic
rituals. In fact, the majority of the discussion in Leviticus is devoted to the priestly functions of Aaron and
the Aaronites. They perform the ―burnt offering‖ (Lev 1:3–17; 9:12–14), the ―cereal offering‖ (Lev 2:1–
16), and the ―peace offering‖ (Lev 3:1–17; 9:18–21). Aaron is not explicitly mentioned when the ―sin
offering‖ (Lev 4:1–5:13) or ―guilt offering‖ (Lev 5:14–26—Eng5:14–6:7) are discussed. However, when
the laws (Heb tôrāt) of the ―sin offering‖ are presented (Lev 6:17–23—Eng6:24–30; cf. 9:8, 16:6), it is
the Aaronites who are addressed. For the ―guilt offering‖ Aaron is again not specified, but it is always a
priest who officiates (Lev 5:16, 5:25–26—Eng6:6–7, 7:1–5), and Aaron is in charge when the offering of
atonement is made (Leviticus 16). Thus the presumption that this anonymous priest should be understood
as Aaron seems valid (cf. 1 Chr 6:34—Eng6:49).
Another priestly function of the Aaronites is participation in ordination. Indeed, the Aaronites
participate in their own ordination ceremony (Leviticus 8). It is run by Moses at Yahweh‘s command, but
Aaron and his sons participate by laying their hands upon the bull of the ―sin offering‖ (8:14), the ram of
the ―burnt offering‖ (8:18), and the ram of the ―ordination‖ (8:22). Finally, they are to eat from the
ordination offering (8:31–36).
An important passage which outlines Aaron‘s duties is Leviticus 10:8–11. This passage is unusual
because it is one of the few places where Yahweh speaks directly to Aaron rather than through Moses.
Here Aaron is told to do three things: avoid drinking when going into the tent of meeting; distinguish
between the holy and the common and between the clean and the unclean; and teach the people Yahweh‘s
statutes. One curiosity about the passage is how closely it echoes Ezekiel 44. In Ezekiel the reference is
not to Aaron but to the priests who are the sons of Zadok and who also claim descent from Levi.
Nevertheless, the functions of the priests are very similar: the sons of Zadok are told not to drink before
going into the temple (Ezek 44:21); to distinguish between clean and unclean (Ezek 44:23b); to teach the
people the difference between holy and common (Ezek 44:23a); to act as judge (Ezek 44:24a; cf. Exod
28:29–30); and to keep Yahweh‘s laws (Ezek 44:24b). Although the priestly faction in charge may have
changed, the priestly functions relative to the central shrine remain essentially the same.
The distinction between clean and unclean is the focus of Leviticus 11–14. Moses and Aaron (Lev 11:1)
are to speak to the people about this distinction, and people who are thought to be diseased are to be
brought before Aaron and his sons for examination (Lev 13:1–2). It is Aaron who is to determine clean
and unclean in relation to disease, and to deal with unclean houses and how to cleanse them (Lev 14:33–
57). The same standards of purity apply to the Aaronites themselves. They are to be without blemish and
pure in all ways (Leviticus 21). This is another means of distinguishing Aaron from others, and supports
the contention that Aaron is chosen above the others to be priest (Ps 105:26, 106:16) and to have access to
the holy things (1 Chr 23:13) in the temple (1 Chr 24:19) or in the tent of meeting (Exod 27:21, Num
17:1–5—Eng 16:36–40).
In Joshua 21, the Aaronites are to receive 48 Levitical cities from among the cities recently conquered
by the twelve tribes (vv 4, 10, 13, 19). These cities, along with their pasture lands (but not, presumably,
the agricultural lands [Num 35:1–8]), are to be set aside as land in which the priests can live and raise
herds. This perspective is reiterated in 1 Chr 6:39–66—Eng6:54–81, where there is a special reference to
the sons of Aaron receiving cities of refuge (1 Chr 6:42–45—Eng6:57–60). They are said to receive 13](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-124-320.jpg)
![cities, although only 11 are listed by name, in which a criminal may find refuge from pursuers. In the
other major references to the cities of refuge (Num 35:9–15; Deut 19:1–10; Joshua 20), only 6 cities are
set aside, and there is no mention of the cities being given to Aaron. The Aaronite control of these cities
of refuge may well reflect the Chronicler‘s post-exilic perspective, in which there is a positive image of
Aaron, and the Aaronites are in charge of the priesthood.
Finally, the Aaronites are given the Urim and Thummim (Exod 28:30, Lev 8:5–9). These ―sacred lots‖
are used to determine the will of Yahweh (Num 27:21; 1 Sam 14:36–42, 27:6; cf. 1 Sam 10:20–24) and to
indicate the juridical role of Aaron (Exod 28:29–30a; cf. Ezek 44:24). In Num 27:21, it is Eleazar, the son
of Aaron, the next in the priestly line (cf. Num 20:22–29), who uses the Urim to inquire whether Joshua
should succeed Moses. The Urim and Thummim are thus symbols of special access to God‘s will; and,
according to parts of the biblical tradition, they belong in the hands of the Aaronites.
It is clear that Aaron and the Aaronites play a prominent role as priests. Their fulfillment of that role is
emphasized in the Hebrew Bible, especially in the later materials. That perspective continues in the
intertestamental literature (4 Macc 7:11; 3 En. 2:3; 48A:7), although there are surprisingly few references
to Aaron in this material. In the New Testament, the book of Hebrews speaks of Jesus being called by
God, just like Aaron (Heb 5:4–5). However, to distinguish Jesus from the priests of his contemporary
time, Jesus is said to be of the order of Melchizedek, not that of Aaron and the Levites (Heb 7:4–22).
Thus the writer of Hebrews is claiming a priestly authority for Jesus which predates that of Aaron or Levi
and comes through Melchizedek at the time of Abraham (Gen 14:17–24; Ps 110:4; Heb 7:1–3).
E. Summary
Aaron and the Aaronites play an important role in the religious structure of ancient Israel. The emphasis
upon them and their functions clearly indicates their place as the preeminent priests. However, close
examination of the biblical literature suggests that this prominent role was not present at the beginnings of
Israel and was not won without a struggle. The earlier materials indicate a more significant role for the
Levite and Zadokite priestly factions than for the Aaronites. It is only with the realignment and
reorganization forced upon the Israelites by the trauma of the fall of Jerusalem in 586 B.C.E. that the
Aaronites assume center stage. Then, in the writings of the post-exilic period, the Aaronites are portrayed
as the paradigm of priests, and the other priestly groups are relegated to secondary or servant status. (See
also PRIESTS AND LEVITES.)
Bibliography
Aberbach, M., and Smolar, L. 1967. Aaron, Jeroboam, and the Golden Calves. JBL 86: 129–40.
Cody, A. 1969. A History of Old Testament Priesthood. AnBib 35. Rome.
———. 1977. Aaron: A Figure with Many Facets. BToday 88: 1089–94.
Gunneweg, A. H. J. 1965. Leviten und Priester. FRLANT 89. Göttingen.
Horbury, W. 1983. The Aaronic Priesthood in the Epistle to the Hebrews. JSNT 19: 43–71.
Judge, H. G. 1956. Aaron, Zadok and Abiathar. JTS n.s. 7: 70–74.
Kennett, R. H. 1905. Origin of the Aaronite Priesthood. JTS 6: 161–86.
Meek, T. J. 1929. Aaronites and Zadokites. AJSL 45: 149–66.
North, F. S. 1954. Aaron‘s Rise in Prestige. ZAW 66: 191–99.
Sabourin, L. 1973. Priesthood: A Comparative Study. SHR 25. Leiden.
Welch, A. C. 1939. The Work of the Chronicler. London.
JOHN R. SPENCER
AB [Heb ˒āb (ב ָא)]. The fifth month of the Hebrew calendar, roughly corresponding to July and August.
See CALENDAR.
ABADDON [Heb ˒ăbaddôn (ֹּדון ַב ֲא)]. Derived from Heb ˒ābad, ―became lost,‖ ―be ruined,
destroyed,‖ ―perish,‖ Abaddon has a variety of nuanced meanings.
A poetic synonym for the abode of the dead, meaning ―Destruction,‖ or ― (the place of) destruction.‖
Abaddon occurs in parallel and in conjunction with Sheol (Job 26:6 and Prov 15:11; 27:20). It is also
found in conjunction with Death (Job 28:22) and in parallel with the grave (Ps 88:12—Eng 88:11).](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-125-320.jpg)
![Although a place of mystery which is hidden from human eyes, Abaddon is clearly known by God (Job
26:6; Prov 15:11). It is twice personified: (1) along with Death, it speaks (Job 28:22); and (2) along with
Sheol, it is insatiable (Prov 27:20). It is also remote: in Job 31:12, adultery becomes ―a fire that consumes
unto [as far as] Abaddon.‖ See also DEAD, ABODE OF THE.
In Rev 9:11, the word ―Abaddon‖ is personified as ―the angel of the bottomless pit.‖ It is also identified
as the king of the demonic ―locusts‖ described in Rev 9:3, 7–10, and is explained for Greek-speaking
readers as Apollyon (Gk apollyōn), ―destroyer.‖
The LXX usually translates Heb ˒abaddon as Gk apōleia, ―destruction‖; the Vg renders it as Latin
perditio, ―ruin, destruction‖ (whence Eng ―perdition,‖ which ordinarily means ―hell‖); in Syr (Peshitta),
the cognate word means ―destruction,‖ and is sometimes used in the Psalms to render ―the Pit,‖ which is
another OT synonym of Sheol.
In rabbinic literature, the word has come to mean the place of punishment reserved for the wicked.
Current English versions render this word variously in the OT: ―Abaddon,‖ ―Destruction/destruction,‖
―the place of destruction,‖ ―Perdition/perdition,‖ ―the abyss,‖ ―the world of the dead.‖ In the single NT
occurrence, the word is consistently transliterated as ―Abaddon.‖
HERBERT G. GRETHER
ABAGTHA (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăbagtā˒ ( ֲֲאא ָת ְג ַב )]. See MEHUMAN (PERSON).
ABANA (PLACE) [Heb ˒ăbānâ (ה ָנ ָב ֲא)]. One of two rivers of Damascus, which Naaman the Syrian
considered to be superior to the Jordan (2 Kgs 5:12). The Awaj and the Barada are now the chief streams
that flow through the city of Damascus, the former representing the Pharpar of the Hebrew text and the
latter the Abana. The Barada (Abana) has as its source a large pool of great depth on a high plain rising
1149 feet (383 m) in the Anti-Lebanon Mountains, 23 miles (37 km) northwest of Damascus. Making a
rapid descent down the mountains, the stream flows through a picturesque gorge, across a plain, through
Damascus, and loses itself in the marshy lake Bahret el-Kibliyeh about 18 miles (29 km) east of the city.
RAY LEE ROTH
ABARIM (PLACE) [Heb ˓ăbār m (ים ִש ָב ֲף)]. A mountain range generally located east of the mouth of
the Jordan river and northeast of the Dead Sea forming the northwestern rim of the Moabite tableland,
thus separating the latter from the rift valley (Num 33:47–48). The highest peaks of this range rise about
600 feet above the Moabite plateau and overlook the Dead Sea some 4000 feet below their summits.
The mountains of Abarim, a southern extension of the Transjordan range, are located ―in front of [the
town of] Nebo‖ (Num 33:47). One of the peaks of this ridge is Mount Nebo (see also NEBO, MOUNT),
which Moses ascended from the Plains of Moab (Num 27:12) and from which he viewed the land of
Canaan prior to his death (Deut 32:49). The Israelites camped in the mountains of Abarim after leaving
Almon-diblathaim and before reaching the Plains of Moab, the final stage of the exodus from Egypt (Num
33:47–48).
In Jer 22:20 the RSV treats ˓ăbār m as a proper name, assuming it to be a region as are Lebanon to the
north and Basham to the northeast. However, the KJV translates ˓ăbār m by ―passages.‖ Similarly,
several ancient versions (LXX, Vg and Pesh) reflect in their translations of ˓ăbār m in Jer 22:20 the verbal
root meaning ―to cross over‖ or ―to pass over.‖ Abarim may originally have been an appellative (reflected
in the Gk of the LXX translation of Num 27:12 ―to oros to en tō peran‖ i.e. ―[places] on the other side [of
Judah])‖ before it became the proper name ―Abarim.‖ The NEB emends the RSV reading ―valley of the
travelers‖ in Ezek 39:11 to read ―the valley of Abarim‖ (see also TRAVELERS, VALLEY OF).
While most maps confine the Abarim range to the highland north of the river Arnon, several scholars
(GP 1:379; GTTOT: 261; van Zyl 1960: 51) infer from Jer 22:20 and the name of the encampment Iye-
abarim, which by definition appears to be associated with the Abarim range, that the hills of Abarim also](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-126-320.jpg)
![be used in speaking about one‘s father as well as in addressing him; but unlike abba, they are not used of
another person‘s father. Besides, the Gospels portray Jesus as urging his disciples to regard God as a
father and to address him as their father in prayer. Nevertheless, taken in conjunction with other gospel
evidence (e.g. Matt 11:25–27 = Luke 10:21–22) for Jesus‘ own awareness of God as Father, the use of
abba constitutes one especially strong argument for the view that the personal sense of the fatherhood of
God was a typically Christian development of the Judaic tradition, and that this probably originated in a
recollection of Jesus‘ teaching and of the example of his own prayer.
Bibliography
Barr, J. 1988. ―Abba‖ Isn‘t ―Daddy,‖ JTS 39: 28–47.
Borg, M. J. 1987. Jesus: A New Vision. San Francisco.
Dalman, G. 1902. The Words of Jesus. Trans. D. M. Kay. Edinburgh.
Dunn, J. G. D. 1975. Jesus and the Spirit. London.
———. 1980. Christology in the Making. London.
Jeremias, J. 1967. The Prayers of Jesus. London.
Fitzmyer, J. A. 1988. Abba and Jesus‘ Relation to God. Pp. 15–38 in À Cause de l‘Évangile. Lectio Divina 123. Paris.
Schelbert, G. 1981. Sprachgeschichtliches zu ―Abba.‖ Pp. 395–447 in Mélanges Dominique Barthélémy, ed. P. Casetti et al.
Freiburg.
Vermes, G. 1983. Jesus and the World of Judaism. London.
JOHN ASHTON
ABDA (PERSON) [Heb ˓abdā˒ (א ָֹּד ְב ַף)]. 1. The father of Adoniram (1 Kgs 4:6), an official in charge
of forced labor during King Solomon‘s reign (1 Kgs 5:27—Eng5:14). Abda appears in a list of Solomon‘s
high officials (1 Kgs 4:1–6).
2. The son of Shammua, and descendant of Jeduthun, one of 284 Levites listed among those who
performed their duties in ―the holy city‖ (Jerusalem) under Nehemiah (Neh 11:17; LXX variants of the
name include ōbēb and abdas). As a descendant of Jeduthun, Abda was a member of a family set apart for
musical service by King David (1 Chr 25:1–6). A parallel biblical list (1 Chr 9:14–16) mentions not Abda
but Obadiah (also derived from the Heb root ˓bd), but the Neo-Babylonian Murašu Archive (dated ca.
429–428 B.C.E.) refers to an Ab-da-˒ son of Aplā (Hilprecht 1898: 45.5; Zadok 1976: 17), demonstrating
the contemporaneous use of this name in Babylon.
Bibliography
Hilprecht, H. V., ed. 1898. The Babylonian Expedition of the University of Pennsylvania. Series A: Cuneiform Texts. Vol. 9.
Philadelphia.
Zadok, R. 1976. The Jews in Babylonia in the Chaldean and Achaemenian Periods in the Light of the Babylonian Sources. Tel
Aviv.
MARK J. FRETZ
ABDEEL (PERSON) [Heb ˓abdĕ˒ēl ( ְֲֹּד ְב ַףל ֵא )]. The father of Shelemiah, an official of unspecified
status under Jehoiakim, King of Judah (Jer 36:26—LXX 43:26). Together with Jerahmeel and Seraiah,
Shelemiah was ordered by the king to seize Baruch the scribe and Jeremiah the prophet (cf. Jer 26:20–
24—LXX 33:20–24, where Uriah the prophet was similarly seized, and then executed). The MT phrase
including ―Shelemiah the son of Abdeel‖ (Jer 36:26) is missing in the LXX, and was likely lost through
homoioteleuton (note the similarities between Heb ben-˓abdĕ˒ēl and the preceding ben-˓azr ˒ēl).
MARK J. FRETZ
ABDI (PERSON) [Heb ˓abd (י ִֹּד ְב ַף)]. 1. A Levite of the clan of Merari, and father of Kishi and
grandfather of Ethan (1 Chr 6:29—Eng6:44). His name appears in an extended genealogy listing Levi‘s
descendants (1 Chronicles 1–9). Abdi‘s son Kishi (Heb qyšy) is probably the Kushaiah (Heb qwšyhw) of 1
Chr 15:17. His grandson, Ethan, served as temple singer under King David and eventually supplanted
Jeduthun as head of the third clan of temple singers (1 Chr 6:16–34—Eng6:31–48; see Williamson 1979:
263).](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-128-320.jpg)
![2. The father of Kish, a Levite who helped cleanse the temple during the reign of King Hezekiah (2 Chr
29:12). See KISH. This Abdi is mentioned in a short list of Levites who cleansed the temple, rather than
in an extended genealogy. However, the appearance of the name ―Abdi‖ in lists from both the Davidic-
Solomonic period (see above) and the Hezekiah period is noteworthy: both Abdi‘s were Levites of the
clan of Merari, their sons had similar names (Kish/Kishi), and their descendants appear to have been
involved in various aspects of temple service. On the one hand, this similarity may be historical: there
may well have been two Levites named Abdi living three hundred years apart, the second of whom named
his offspring Kish and thereby recalled the earlier ―golden age‖ of David and Solomon. On the other
hand, the similarity may be a purely literary creation, a technique whereby the Chronicler supported his
portrayal of Hezekiah as a ―second Solomon‖ (Williamson 1977: 119–25). A third view is that ―Kish the
son of Abdi‖ means ―Kish the descendant of Abdi.‖ According to this view, the legitimizing function of
the Levitical genealogies (1 Chronicles 6) was utilized to indicate not a literal, biological father, but a real
or fictive ancestor for this important Levite, who assisted in cleansing the temple in Hezekiah‘s time.
3. A descendant of Elam who returned from Babylonian exile. This Abdi was one of a number of
returnees who married foreign women from ―the people of the land‖ (Ezra 10:26 = 1 Esdr 9:27 [abdia is a
variant of ōabdeios in 9:27]). Under Ezra, he was subsequently forced by a covenant made with God to
separate himself from his foreign wife and her children (Ezra 10:1–44 = 1 Esdr 8:88–9:36; see also Neh
13:23–31).
Bibliography
Williamson, H. G. M. 1977. Israel in the Books of Chronicles. Cambridge, MA.
———. 1979. The Origins of the Twenty-four Priestly Courses, A Study of 1 Chronicles xxiii–xxvii. Pp. 251–68 in Studies in
the Historical Books of the Old Testament, ed. J. A. Emerton. VTSup 30. Leiden.
MARK J. FRETZ
ABDIEL (PERSON) [Heb ˓abd ˒ēl (ל ֵיא ִֹּד ְב ַף)]. The father of Ahi, a prominent member of the tribe of
Gad (1 Chr 5:15) in the northern Transjordan during the reigns of King Jotham of Judah and Jeroboam II
of Israel (mid-8th century B.C.E.). According to various LXX manuscripts, Abdiel is not the father of Ahi
but instead the father of either zaboucham, or achibouz, or simply the brother (Heb ˒ḥy) of Buz (Gk bouz).
The name ―Abdiel‖ occurs in an extended genealogy of Israel that also identifies tribal locations within
Palestine (1 Chronicles 2–8).
MARK J. FRETZ
ABDON (PERSON) [Heb ˓abdôn (ֹּדון ְב ַף)]. Four individuals mentioned in the OT bear this name,
which is formed on the root ˓bd with an abstract or diminutive ending, thus evoking the sense of ―service‖
or, possibly, ―servile.‖
1. Abdon son of Hillel was from the town of Pirathon in Ephraim (possibly at or near Far˓ata, ca. 10 km
southwest of Shechem). He is one of the tribal leaders who ―judged Israel,‖ for ―eight years,‖ in the
premonarchy period (Judg 12:13–15). Information about him is sketchy. That he had ―forty sons and
thirty grandsons,‖ an odd progression, ―who rode on seventy donkeys‖ may indicate declining wealth and
prominence of one extended family in the central hill country where the territory of Ephraim and
Manasseh merged. Territorial claims were still so unsettled that the area where Abdon lived is also called
―Amalekite hill country‖ (12:15).
2. Another Abdon is the first-mentioned (1 Chr 8:23) of eleven sons of Shashak in a second genealogy
of Benjamin. In contrast to the genealogy in the preceding chapter (1 Chr 7:6–12), chapter 8 is organized
to show distribution of Benjaminite families, at some time not specified, outside as well as within the
―Deuteronomic‖ description of Benjamin‘s territory (Josh 18:11–28; Myers 1 Chronicles AB, 53).
Seemingly contradictory, or inconsistent, genealogies may coexist because they have different functions
(Wilson 1977:203).
3. Another Abdon is the firstborn of Jeiel‘s 9 sons in a list of Saul‘s ancestors which is recorded twice
(1 Chr 8:30 and 9:36).](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-129-320.jpg)
![4. Abdon son of Micah (2 Chr 34:20) is a member of the board of inquiry sent by King Josiah to the
prophetess Huldah, for authentication of the rediscovered ―book of the law.‖ In the parallel account,
however, the name is ACHBOR (2 Kgs 22:14).
Bibliography
Mullen, E. T. Jr. 1982. The ―Minor Judges.‖ CBQ 44: 185–201.
Wilson, R. R. 1977. Genealogy and History in the Biblical World. New Haven.
ROBERT G. BOLING
ABDON (PLACE) [Heb ˓abdôn (ֹּדון ְב ַף)]. Var. EBRON. Located in the tribe of Asher, Abdon is
mentioned three times in the OT, once in the territorial allotment to Asher in Josh 19:28 (MT ˓ebrōn;
RSV Ebron) and twice in the Levitical City lists, Josh 21:30 and 1 Chr 6:59—Eng6:74. The biblical site
has been identified with Khirbet ˓Abda (M.R. 165272), a site located 6 km E of the coastal city, Tell
˒Achzib. (See Boling and Wright Joshua AB; Noth Joshua HAT; Peterson 1977: 29–39.)
Khirbet ˓Abda is situated in the coastal plain of Acco and on the important Wadi el-Qarn. Tell ˒Achzib
is located at the W end of the wadi, and Khirbet ˓Abda is situated where the wadi emerges from the
Galilean hills. The importance of this site should not be minimized since it appears to have dominated an
important trade route from Phoenicia to the Galilee region. The remains lie on a fairly large natural hill,
and so the tell itself is actually smaller than at first appears. The surrounding countryside is lush, with the
coastal plain able to support much agricultural activity. There is an ample water supply at the site.
Since the mid-18th century many geographers have visited the site, identifying it with different degrees
of probability. They include Guérin (1868: 2:67), Kitchener (1881: 170), Garstang (1931: 98), Saarisalo
(1929: 39–40), a survey team from the Palestine Department of Antiquities, and most recently the
Levitical City survey team. From the surface surveys conducted at Khirbet ˓Abda, there is indication of
occupation in the LB Age, Iron I, Iron II, Roman, Byzantine, and Arabic periods.
Bibliography
Albright, W. F. 1921–23. Contributions to the Historical Geography of Palestine. AASOR 2–3.
Abel, F. M. 1938. Géographie de la Palestine. Vol. 2. Paris.
Conder, C. R., and Kitchener, H. H. 1881. The Survey of Western Palestine. Vol. 1. London.
Garstang, J. 1931. Joshua, Judges. London.
Guérin, M. V. 1868. Description géographique, historique et archéologique de la Palestine. Vol. 2. Paris.
Peterson, J. L. 1977. A Topographical Surface Survey of the Levitical ―Cities‖ of Joshua 21 and I Chronicles 6: Studies on the
Levites in Israelite Life and Religion. Diss. Seabury-Western Theological Seminary.
Saarisalo, A. 1929. Topographical Research in Galilee. JPOS 9: 37–40.
JOHN L. PETERSON
ABEDNEGO (PERSON) [Heb ˓ăbēd nĕgô (גו ְדֲנ ֵב ֲף)]. See SHADRACH, MESHACH,
ABEDNEGO.
ABEL (PERSON) [Heb hebel (ל ֶב ֶה)]. Second son of Adam and Eve (Gen 4:2). Abel was a herdsman
who gave as a sacrifice to the Lord the firstborn of his flock and their fat portions. Yahweh‘s acceptance
of this sacrifice and the rejection of the gift of Abel‘s brother, Cain, set the latter at enmity with him,
prompting Cain to murder Abel in a field (Gen 4:8). The subsequent birth of Seth to Adam and Eve is
understood by Eve as a replacement for Abel (Gen 4:25). In the gospels, Jesus assigns the guilt of all
righteous blood—from that of Abel to that of Zechariah—to the Pharisees of his generation (Matt 23:35;
Luke 11:51). The writer of Hebrews notes that by faith Abel brought a more acceptable sacrifice than his
brother, Cain (Heb 11:4). The next chapter of Hebrews argues for the superiority of the blood of Jesus to
that of Abel (Heb 12:24). Three issues surround the figure of Abel in the Bible: the question as to why
God looked with favor on the offering of Abel; the meaning of the phrase ―the blood of Abel‖ as it is used
in the NT; and the meaning of the name ―Abel‖ and its usage in the story of Genesis.
The biblical text gives no explicit reason for God‘s preference for Abel‘s offering. This has given rise to
speculation. Even the writer of Hebrews does little more than observe the offering as characteristic of](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-130-320.jpg)
![faith. Explanations which focus on the difference in the type of offering of Cain and Abel (Gunkel
Genesis HKAT, 37; Skinner Genesis ICC, 105) or on the difference in their disposition, like those which
emphasize the inscrutable choice of God (von Rad Genesis OTL, 104; Westermann Genesis 1–11 BKAT,
403–4), rely upon suppositions not explicit within the text. Nor is there any support for a rivalry between
farmers and herdsmen (as disputed by Sarna 1970: 28). Note that minḥāh, ―offering,‖ can refer to a grain
offering as well as to a meat offering. The text makes a distinction between Abel‘s offering of the ―first‖
and Cain‘s offering of ―some‖ (Cassuto 1961: 206–7; Sarna 1970: 29; Waltke 1986; Wenham Genesis 1–
15 WBC, 103–4). In offering the firstborn, Abel‘s act parallels that of Israelite sacrifices in which the
firstborn represents both that which belongs to God as well as the entirety of the flock. By giving the
firstborn and the best of the animal (i.e., the fat), Abel would be understood as having given everything to
God.
Jesus‘ observation on the blood of Abel refers to the murder of Abel, which is interpreted as similar to
that of a ―prophet‖; and to that of a martyr, apparently due to its association with the worship of God
(Hill, Matthew NCBC, 315; Marshall, Luke NIGTC, 506; Légasse 1982; Fitzmyer, Luke 20–24 AB, 946,
951).
The focus of Heb 11:4 is on the faith of Abel. He represents the first example of the righteous who are
put to death for their faithfulness. In Heb 12:24 Abel‘s blood represents the murder of an innocent victim.
It cries out for vengeance (Gen 4:10). The blood of Jesus could also represent the murder of an innocent
victim. However, instead of a cry for vengeance, the blood of Jesus provides mercy before God (Le Déaut
1961:30–36; Moffatt, Hebrews ICC, 163–65, 218–19; Hughes 1977:453–57, 551–52).
Attempts to trace the meaning of the name ―Abel‖ to the Akkadian aplu, ―heir‖ (IDB 1: 4) or the
Sumerian synonym, ibila (Landersdorfer 1916: 67–68), seem to be speculative. This is true despite the
occurrence of these elements in Mesopotamian personal names. Nor is a relationship with the names Jabal
and Jubal at the end of chapter 4 clear from the text (contra Skinner, Genesis ICC, 103). A simpler origin
for the name can be found in the Hebrew root hbl, those meaning, ―breath,‖ reflects the more basic idea of
that which is transitory (Cassuto 1961:202; von Rad, Genesis OTL, 104; Westermann, Genesis 1–11
BKAT, 398; TWAT 2:337–38; Wenham, Genesis 1–15 WBC, 102). In the narrative of Genesis 4, Abel
represents a figure whose life is cut short before its full time is accomplished. Although one may argue
that Abel‘s name was intended to signify the general condition of humanity as subject to death, it is better
to see the name as an anticipation of Abel‘s premature death.
Bibliography
Cassuto, U. 1961. A Commentary on the Book of Genesis. Pt. 1, From Adam to Noah. Trans. I. Abrahams. Jerusalem.
Hughes, P. E. 1977. A Commentary to the Epistle to the Hebrews. Grand Rapids.
Landersdorfer, S. 1916. Sumerisches Sprachgut im alten Testament. Leipzig.
Légasse, S. 1982. L‘oracle contre ―cette génération‖ (Mt 23, 34–36 par Lc 1,49–51) et la polémique judéo-chrétienne dans la
source des logia. Pp. 237–256 in Logia. Les Paroles de Jésus—The Sayings of Jesus, ed. J. Delobel.
Le Déaut, R. 1961. Traditions targumiques dans le corpus Paluinien? (Hebr 11,4 et 12,24; Gal 4, 29–30; II Cor. 3, 16). Bib 42:
28–48.
Offord, J. 1916. Archaeological Notes on Jewish Antiquities. PEFQS 138–48.
Sarna, N. 1970. Understanding Genesis. Heritage of Biblical Israel 1. New York.
Waltke, B. K. 1986. Cain and His Offering. WTJ 48: 363–72.
RICHARD S. HESS
ABEL-BETH-MAACAH (PLACE) [Heb ˒ābēl bêt-ma˓ăkâ (ה ָכ ֲף ַית־מ ֵלֲב ֵב ָא)]. Var. ABEL OF
BETH-MAACAH. A town in the N part of Israel conquered by Ben-hadad at the beginning of the 9th
century B.C. (1 Kgs 15:20) and then by Tiglath-pileser III in 734 B.C. (2 Kgs 15:29). Its identification with
˒bw€ m in the Execration texts (E47) (Alt 1941: 33) is doubtful, but it can be identified with ibr no. 92 in
the list of Thutmoses III (LBHG, 150) and thus must have been one of the Canaanite centers in the
country. Its role during the revolt of Sheba (2 Sam 20:14–18) may indicate both a certain independence
during the reign of David and the continuation of the Canaanite population. According to the proverb in 2](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-131-320.jpg)
![Sam 20:18, Beth-Maacah must have been famous for its council. The city has been identified with Tell
Abel el-Qamḥ (M.R. 204296), 7 km WNW of Dan.
Bibliography
Alt, A. 1941. Herren und Herrensitze Palästinas im Anfang des zweiten Jahrtansends v. Chr. ZDPV 64: 21–39.
VOLKMAR FRITZ
ABEL-KERAMIM (PLACE) [Heb ˒ābēl kĕrām m (ים ִמ ָש ְלֲכ ֵב ָא)]. A town on the border of the
Ammonites (Judg 11:33), probably identical with Abila in Eusebius‘ Onomast. (32, 14–16 Klostermann).
According to Eusebius, the distance from Abila to Philadelphia/Rabbath Ammon/Amman is 6 roman
leagues. Based on this reference, suggestions for the location of Abel-Keramim form a circle around
Amman: Nā˓ūr (M.R. 228142; GP 2: 233f), Khirbet es-Suq (KISchr I: 159, n. 3), and Kōm Yājūz (M.R.
237160; Mittmann 1969: 75). These identifications were all ruled out by Redford (1982a; 1982b), who
identified Abel-Keramim with the krmm of Thutmosis‘ III list of Asiatic toponyms (see ANET, 242).
However, Redford‘s own identification of Abel-Keramim at Tell el-˓Umeiri (M.R. 234142) is open to
criticism, since excavations there did not corroborate the LB occupation assumed by Redford on the basis
of his survey. See UMEIRI, TELL EL-. Knauf (1984) adduced evidence from the Islamic conquest
narratives, and proposed identifying Abel-Keramim with Saḥāb. According to early Islamic tradition, in
A.D. 634 a battle was fought between ― bil, Z za˒, and Qasṭal‖ (cf. Donner 1981: 113f). The plain N of
Z za˒, NE of Qasṭal, and S of the Ammonite hill country, now transversed by the Hijaz railway and the
location of Amman‘s international airport, would indeed have formed a splendid battleground for cavalry.
To the N, this plain is dominated by Saḥāb. Sahab was a walled city in the 15th century B.C., and
extensively occupied during the Iron Age. See SAHAB. Its vicinity was densely occupied by hamlets and
farmsteads in the Late Byzantine and Umayyad periods (Gustavson-Gaube and Ibrahim 1986).
Abel-Keramim can be translated ―pasture of vineyards,‖ or since *Karam m/Karamen is previously
attested as this place‘s name, ―the pasture of the vineyard town.‖ Place names containing the abel element
have a high frequency in the OT and in the present toponymy of S Syria, Jordan, and Palestine. These
names seem to have originated among the nonurban population of this area in the course of the LB and
Early Iron Age transition. These names may indicate the sociopolitical change which took place in this
period, i.e. the demise of the city-states and the formation of the Aramaean, Israelite, and Ammonite tribal
states.
Bibliography
Donner, F. M. 1981. The Early Islamic Conquests. Princeton.
Gustavson-Gaube, C., and Ibrahim, M. 1986. Sahab Survey, 1984. AfO 33: 283–86.
Knauf, E. A. 1984. Abel Keramim. ZDPV 100: 119–121.
Mittmann, S. 1969. Aroer, Minnith und Abel Keramim (Jdc. 11, 33). ZDPV 85: 63–75.
Redford, D. 1982a. Contact between Egypt and Jordan in the New Kingdom: Some Comments on Sources. Pp. 115–19 in
Studies in the History and Archaeology of Jordan I, ed. A. Hadidi. Amman.
———. 1982b. A Bronze Age Itinerary in Transjordan (Nos. 89–101 of Thutmose III‘s List of Asiatic Toponyms). JSSEA 12:
55–74.
ERNST AXEL KNAUF
ABEL-MEHOLAH (PLACE) [Heb. ˒ābēl mĕḥôlâ (ה ָחול ְלֲמ ֵב ָא)]. A town located in the western
Jordan ghor (Judg 7:22; 1 Kgs 4:12). It was the hometown of the prophet Elisha, son of Shaphat (1 Kgs
19:16), and probably also of Adriel ben Barzillai the Meholathite, the son-in-law of Saul, the first King of
Israel (1 Sam 18:19; 2 Sam 21:8). The name of the settlement means ―meadow of dancing.‖ It is one of a
group of compound names formed with ˒ābēl, ―meadow, well-watered land,‖ as a descriptive first
element. Other examples include Abel-maim, Abel-shittim, Abel-keramim, Abel-mizraim, and Abel-beth-
maacah. While the present spelling and vocalization of the second element means ―dancing,‖ it is possible
that before the medial waw was added as a vowel marker, the nonvocalized consonantal text mḥlh
designated the Manassite clan of Mahlah (Num 26:33; 27:1; 36:11; Josh 17:3; 1 Chr 7:18), indicating that
the meadow where the town was founded belonged to the Mahlah clan.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-132-320.jpg)
![Albright, W. F. 1925. Bronze Age Mounds of Northern Palestine and the Hauran. BASOR 19: 5–19.
Alt, A. 1928. Das Institut im Jahre 1927. Die Reise. PJ 24: 30–73.
Burney, C. F. 1914. The Topography of Gideon‘s Rout of the Midianites. BZAW 87–99.
Glueck, N. 1945–49. Explorations in Eastern Palestine, IV. AASOR 25–28.
Gophna, Y., and Porat, R. 1972. The Land of Ephraim and Manasseh. Pp. 196–243 in Judaea Samaria and the Golan, ed. M.
Kochavi. Jerusalem.
Hölscher, G. 1910. Bemerkungen zur Topographie Pälastinas 2. ZDPV 33: 16–25.
Mittmann, S. 1970. Beiträge zur Siedlungs- und Territorialgeschichte des nördlichen Ostjordanlandes. Wiesbaden.
Naor, M. 1947. Jabesh-Gilead, Abel Meholah, and Zaretan. BJPES 13: 89–99 (in Hebrew).
Noth, M. 1959. Gilead und Gad. ZDPV 75: 14–73.
Payne, E. 1983. The Midianite Arc in Joshua and Judges. Pp. 163–172 in Midian, Moab, and Edom, ed. J. Sawyer and D.
Clines. JSOTSup 24. Sheffield.
Rosel, H. 1975. Studien zur Topographie der Kriege in den Büchern Josua und Richter. ZDPV 92: 10–46.
Simons, J. 1959. Geographical and Topographical Texts of the Old Testament. Studia Francisci Scholten Memoriae Dicata 2.
Leiden.
Zertal, A. 1986. The Israelite Settlement in the Hill-Country of Manasseh. Diss. Tel Aviv University (Hebrew).
Zobel, H. J. 1966. Abel-Mehola. ZDPV 82: 83–108.
Zori, N. 1977. The Land of Issachar: Archaeological Survey. Jerusalem.
DIANA V. EDELMAN
ABGAR, EPISTLE OF CHRIST TO. This correspondence consists of two letters, one from
Abgar V Ukkama ―the Black,‖ toparch of Edessa to Jesus of Nazareth, and Jesus‘ reply. Both are
pseudepigraphic. The earliest surviving versions of this apocryphal epistle, which appear in Eusebius‘
Hist. Eccl. 1.13.6–10 (ca. A.D. 303) may be summarized as follows: Addressing Jesus as ―good Savior,‖
Abgar professes admiration for his cures accomplished ―without medicines or herbs‖ and asserts that he
must be ―God, and came down from heaven to do these things, or … a Son of God.‖ He invites Jesus to
come to Edessa, on the one hand, to heal him of an illness [pathos] and, on the other, to take refuge since
―the Jews are mocking you and wish to ill-treat you.‖ In response, Jesus praises the ruler for his belief
―not having seen me‖ (cf. John 20:29). Yet he replies that he cannot come since he ―must first complete
here all for which I was sent, and after thus completing it be taken up to him who sent me‖ (cf. John 16:5;
17:4). He promises to send one of his disciples to cure Abgar and to ―give life to you and all those with
you.‖
Eusebius claimed to have translated the letters from Syriac documents in the archives of Edessa (Hist.
Eccl. 1.13.5), and he concluded, again claiming to follow his Syriac source, with the story of the
fulfillment after Pentecost of Jesus‘ promises to Abgar, when the apostle Thomas sent Thaddeus (= Syriac
―Addai‖), one of the seventy, to Edessa (Hist. Eccl. 1.13.11–22). The letters appear in their earliest Syriac
versions at the beginning of the Doctrine of Addai ca. A.D. 400 (Howard 1981: 6–8 = Doc.Add.). Here
Jesus‘ reply is spoken to Hanan, Abgar‘s messenger and archivist, who puts it into writing. The wording
of the letters themselves in Syriac is almost identical to Eusebius‘ Greek version. Here, however, and in
later references two new features appear: (1) Jesus‘ letter adds a blessing or promise of protection for the
city of Edessa (Doc.Add. 8:19–20; cf. CChr Ser. Latina 175: 27–105) and (2) Hanan also paints a portrait
of Jesus and brings it back to Abgar with the letter from Jesus (Doc.Add. 8:20–9:4; Evagrius h.e. 4.27).
Apotropaic powers were subsequently ascribed to copies of the letter as well as to the painting, which
came to be known as an acheiropoietos icon (Dobschütz 1899: 102–96; Segal 1970: 75; Runciman 1931:
245–51). Despite the fact that Jesus‘ letter to Abgar was included in the Gelasian decretals‘ list of
apocrypha (A.D. 494), the story of King Abgar and Jesus retained its popularity into the medieval period
(Segal 1970: 75). Early scholarly acceptance of the letters as genuine has given way to various degrees of
skepticism. Following Gutschmid (1887), Burkitt (1904: 10–38) argued that the ruler in question was
Abgar IX (d. ca. A.D. 216) rather than Abgar V (d. A.D. 50) since he is mentioned in the Bardaisanite Book
of the Laws of the Countries (= BLC, see BARDAISAN OF EDESSA) as having forbidden emasculation
in honor of Atargatis when he ―came to the faith‖ (BLC 607). Burkitt held further that, although the letters
were pseudepigraphic, together with the rest of the Doctrine of Addai they shed light on Jewish-Christian
evangelization of Edessa, which began in the latter half of the 2d century. In 1934 Bauer denied any](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-134-320.jpg)
![historical basis for the Abgar legend (Bauer 1971:2–12). Literary models for the legend have been seen in
Josephus‘ account of the conversion of the Jewish rulers of Adiabene (Marquart 1903; Segal 1970: 67–69;
cf. Murray 1975: 8–9) or in Manichaean literature (Drijvers 1980).
Bibliography
Bauer, W. 1963. The Abgar Legend. Pp. 437–44 in New Testament Apocrypha, by E. Hennecke, ed. W. Schneemelcher. Vol. 1.
Philadelphia.
———. 1971. Orthodoxy and Heresy in the Earliest Christianity. Philadelphia.
Burkitt, F. C. 1904. Early Eastern Christianity. London.
Devos, P. 1967. Égérie à Édesse. S. Thomas L‘Apôtre: Le Roi Abgar. AnBoll 85: 381–400.
Dodschütz, E. von 1899. Christusbilder; Untersuchungen zur christlichen legende. TU 18.1–2.
———. 1900. Der briefwechsel zwischen Abgar und Jesus. ZWT 43: 422–86.
Drijvers, H. J. W. 1980. Addai und Mani. Christentum und Manichäismus im dritten Jahrhundert in Syrien. OCA 221: 171–85.
Gutschmid, A. von 1887. Untersuchungen über die Geschichte des königreiches Osroëne. Mémoires de l‘Académie impériale
des Sciences de S. Pétersbourg. Sér. 7, 35.1.
Howard, G. 1981. Labubna bar Sennak. The Teaching of Addai. SBLTT 16. Ann Arbor. (= Doc.Add.)
Marquart, J. 1903. Osteuropäische und Ostasiatische Streifzüge ethnologische und historisch-topographische Studien zur
geschichte des 9. und 10. jahrhunderts (ca. 840–940). Leipzig.
Phillips, G. 1876. The doctrine of Addai the Apostle, Now First Edited in a Complete Form in the Original Syriac. London.
Runciman, S. 1931. Some Remarks on the Image of Edessa. Cambridge Historical Journal 3: 238–52.
Segal, J. B. 1970. Edessa ‗The Blessed City.‘ Oxford.
Tixeront, L.-J. 1888. Les origines de l‘église d‘Édesse et la légende d‘Abgar. Étude critique suivie de deux textes orientaux
inédits. Paris.
KATHLEEN E. MCVEY
ABI (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăb (י ִב ֲא)]. Var. ABIJAH. Wife of Ahaz, king of Judah, and mother of Hezekiah
(2 Kgs 18:2 = 2 Chr 29:1). Abi‘s name appears in the regnal formula of her son, Hezekiah. She is the
daughter of Zechariah, whose place of origin is unknown. In the Chronicler‘s parallel account she is
called Abijah [Heb ˒ab yâ]. See QUEEN.
LINDA S. SCHEARING
ABI-ALBON (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăb -˓albôn (בון ְל ַי־ף ִב ֲא)]. An Arbathite listed in a roster of King
David‘s thirty chief warriors (2 Sam 23:31). His native town is probably Beth-arabah, possibly to be
identified with el-Gharabeh, southeast of Jericho (cf. Jos 18:18, 22). The confusion associated with this
name is signaled by the substitution of the name ―Abiel‖ in the 1 Chr 11:32 parallel list. Several
significant opinions about the name have been offered. Zadok (1979: 105) believes that Heb ˒ăb -˓albôn
may be an altered form of an unattested ˒abi-ba˓lon, and that the MT tendency to change pagan
theophoric elements (such as ba˓lon) to ˒ēl accounts for the variant ―Abiel‖ in 1 Chr 11:32. Mazar (1986:
94) holds that the original text read ―Abibaal son of the Arbathite‖; the replacement of the ba˓al element
with ˒ēl rendered the Abiel associated with ―the Arbathite‖ (preserved in 1 Chr 11:32), while the dropping
of the b consonant in b˓l and fusion with the following word ―son of‖ (Heb bn) rendered ˒by˓lbn Abi-
albon (2 Sam 23:31). McCarter (2 Samuel AB, 492) suggests that an even more complex textual history
lies behind the MT reference to Abi-Albon. He believes that 2 Sam 23:31 originally read ―Abial the Beth-
arabathite‖ (Heb ˒by˓l bt h˓rbty), but that the common prefix for town names, bêt, had been misread bat,
―daughter of,‖ and was ―corrected‖ to ben, ―son of.‖ This ―corrected‖ version is reflected in the LXX:
abiēl huios tou Arabōthitou, ―Abiel son of the Arabathite.‖ Finally, a fusion of the name ―Abial‖ with the
word ―son of‖ resulted in the name ˒by˓lbn, vocalized Abi-Albon.
Bibliography
Mazar, B. 1986. The Early Biblical Period, Historical Studies. Ed. S. Aḥituv, and B. Levine. Jerusalem.
Zadok, R. 1979. The Jews in Babylonia During the Chaldean and Achaemenian Periods, according to the Babylonian Sources.
Studies in the History of the Jewish People and the Land of Israel Monograph Series 3. Haifa.
MARK J. FRETZ](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-135-320.jpg)
![ABIASAPH (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăb ˒āsāp (פ ָס ָיא ִב ֲא)]. One of three sons of Korah (Exod 6:24), who
led an uprising against Moses and Aaron in the wilderness (Numbers 16). Abiasaph is listed as the head of
a Korahite clan in a genealogy relating Aaron and Moses to the Levitical order (Exod 6:14–25; cf. Num
26:5–11).
MARK J. FRETZ
ABIATHAR (PERSON) [Heb ˒ebyātār (ש ָיָת ְב ֶא)]. The son of Ahimelech and priest of David (1 Sam
22:20–23). Abiathar fled to David with an ephod after the massacre of the priests of Nob at the hands of
Doeg the Edomite. Saul had ordered the slaughter after hearing that Ahimelech had harbored David,
supplied him with bread and a sword, and also inquired of God on his behalf. The text is not consistent
concerning the precise location of Abiathar‘s delivery of the ephod to David. Earlier David is reported to
have been in the forest of Hereth in Judah (1 Sam 22:5), yet we are later informed that Abiathar had fled
to David at Keilah (1 Sam 23:6). A common solution, based on the LXX, is to understand this verse as
referring to Abiathar‘s earlier flight and that he later accompanied David to Keilah. There is some
confusion concerning the relationship between Abiathar and Ahimelech. In 2 Sam 8:17 the MT reads
―Ahimelech the son of Abiathar,‖ which conflicts with 1 Sam 23:26 and 30:7, whereas the Syriac reads
―Abiathar son of Ahimelek.‖ The Hebrew of 1 Chr 18:16 points to a similar confusion, but reads
―Abimelech son of Abiathar.‖ The LXX, Syr, and Vg suggest ―Ahimelech‖ in line with 2 Sam 8:17. The
reference to Abiathar in Mark 2:26 is usually explained as a result of this confusion in 2 Sam 8:17.
However, it is difficult to see how Mark could have made such an error when the reference was to the
incident with David at Nob where he accepted the consecrated bread from Ahimelech. The parallel
passages in Matt 12:1–8 and Luke 6:1–5 both omit any reference to Abiathar.
The episode represents an important transition in the narrative of Saul‘s decline and David‘s rise since
Saul has become increasingly isolated, culminating in his complete estrangement from Yahweh. The
murder of the priests of Nob and the transfer of the ephod to David by Abiathar symbolizes Yahweh‘s
complete withdrawal from Saul and his continuing presence with David. Abiathar provides an important
medium of communication between Yahweh and David by consulting the ephod on David‘s behalf (1
Sam 23:9–12). McCarter (1 Samuel AB, 366) understands the episode as depicting David as the protector
and preserver of the priesthood of Nob, whereas Saul is depicted as its destroyer. Gunn (1980: 88)
understands the episode in literary terms; Abiathar provides David with access to the ephod and thus
access to the divine realm of foreknowledge.
Those who treat the narratives in historical terms also see the relationship between David and Abiathar
as particularly significant. During the rebellion of Absalom, Abiathar is willing to accompany David in
his flight from Jerusalem (2 Sam 15:24–36). He and Zadok are said to be responsible for the ark of the
covenant of God. Zadok and Abiathar are told by David to return to Jerusalem (15:27–28). They later
(17:15–22) inform David, through their sons, of Hushai‘s warning not to wait at the fords of the
wilderness. Bright (BHI, 200–1) sees David‘s strategy here as a brilliant move to combine Abiathar, as the
representative of tribal Israel, with Zadok, as the representative of the indigenous Jerusalemite priesthood.
Abiathar‘s support for Adonijah and Zadok‘s support for Solomon in the struggle for succession to the
throne of David is often understood in similar terms. The representatives of tribal Israel were ousted in a
purge at the beginning of Solomon‘s reign with Abiathar being exiled to Anathoth. Solomon spared him
only because of his service to David (1 Kgs 2:26). Zadok‘s appointment in his place (1 Kgs 2:35) is
understood in terms of the victory of urban Canaanite religious specialists. However, in the subsequent
list of Solomon‘s officers, Abiathar is still recorded as priest alongside Zadok (1 Kgs 4:4); presumably,
this refers to the beginning of the reign. The exile of Abiathar is presented in the Deuteronomistic History
as the fulfillment of the word of Yahweh against Eli (1 Sam 2:30–36). This forms part of the common
prophecy-fulfillment scheme in Deuteronomistic History. The implicit assumption that Abiathar was a
descendant of Eli presumably rests upon 1 Sam 14:3.
Bibliography](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-136-320.jpg)
![Gunn, D. 1980. The Fate of King Saul. Sheffield.
KEITH W. WHITELAM
ABIB [Heb ˒āb b (יב ִב ָא)]. The first month of the Canaanite calendar, roughly corresponding to
March–April. See the CALENDARS articles.
ABIB, TEL. See TEL-ABIB (PLACE).
ABIDA (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăb dā˓ (ע ָיד ִב ֲא)]. The son of Midian and grandson of Abraham‘s second
wife, Keturah (Gen 25:4 = 1 Chr 1:33). The name ―Abida‖ may be either a patronym or a toponym. Abida
is used as a patronym both in the genealogy at the end of the Abraham narrative (Gen 25:1–4), and in the
genealogy connecting Adam to Israel/Jacob (1 Chronicles 1). This patronym has traditionally been
associated with the Arabian tribe of Ibadidi (ANET, 286; Glaser 1890: 259; Musil 1926: 292; Abel GP,
287); however, Eph˓al (1982: 89, 217) rejects this identification because it involves two radical a spelling
change of the name ―Ibadidi.‖ Abida may also be a toponym associated with the modern town named al-
Bad˓ (or al-Bed˓; a shortened form of Heb ˒ăb dā˓?), located 25 km east of the Gulf of ˓Aqaba and 120
km south of al-˓Aqaba in northwest Arabia, (Winnett 1970: 192; see also von Wissmann PWSup 12: 544
on al-Bad˓ and Mughayir Šu˓ayb).
Bibliography
Eph˓al, I. 1982. The Ancient Arabs. Jerusalem and Leiden.
Glaser, E. 1890. Skizze der Geschichte und Geographie Arabiens Vol. 2. Berlin.
Musil, A. 1926. The Northern Heǧâz. Vol. 1 of American Geographical Society Oriental Explorations and Studies, ed. J. K.
Wright. New York.
Winnett, F. V. 1970. The Arabian Genealogies in the Book of Genesis. Pp. 171–96 in Translating and Understanding the Old
Testament, ed. H. T. Frank and W. L. Reed. Nashville.
MARK J. FRETZ
ABIDAN (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăb dān ( י ִב ֲאן ָד )]. The son of Gideoni and leader of the Benjaminites
(Num 2:22; 10:24) who assisted Moses in taking a census of the Israelites in the wilderness of Sinai (Num
1:1–16). Abidan also contributed offerings on behalf of the Benjaminites on the ninth day of the
tabernacle dedication (Num 7:60–65).
MARK J. FRETZ
ABIEL (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăb ˒ēl (ל ֵיא ִב ֲא)]. 1. A Benjaminite, the father of Kish and Ner, and the
grandfather of Saul and Abner (1 Sam 9:1; 14:51). The name probably means ―my father is [the god] El.‖
Abiel represents the fourth generation in the Saulide genealogy in 1 Sam 9:1. An identification of Abiel
with Abijah, the son of Becher in the Chronicler‘s genealogy of Benjamin (1 Chr 7:8), has been suggested
on the presumption that Becher can be equated with the Saulide ancestor Becorath, and that the final
divine name elements have been interchanged (Malamat 1968: 171–72, n. 28).
Abiel‘s absence from the Saulide genealogy in 1 Chr 8:29–32 and 9:39–44 has been explained in
different ways. One approach has been to argue that the name was dropped as the ancient records were
adjusted to reflect altered rankings within Saul‘s extended family for possible succession to the Israelite
throne (Flanagan 1981:59). A second approach has been to posit that the name is found in the Chronicles
lists in the corrupted form Ba˓al in 8:30 and 9:36 (Demsky 1971:17). In order for this view to be possible,
it would also need to presume the principle espoused in the first approach to explain why Abiel becomes
the son or brother of Kish in Chronicles instead of his father, as in Samuel. A third approach would be to
suggest that Abiel has been deliberately removed from the genealogies in Chronicles and replaced by Ner
as a means of secondarily linking the Saulide genealogy with the post-exilic genealogy of Gibeon (1 Chr
9:35–38 = 1 Chr 8:29–32). The occurrence of a Ner in the late Gibeonite list (1 Chr 9:36) seems to have
led to the truncation of the early Saulide genealogy and to the substitution of Ner, Saul‘s uncle, for Abiel,](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-137-320.jpg)
![his grandfather. In this way the Ners would appear to be a single individual and the Saulide genealogy
could be grafted onto the Gibeonite one (see NER).
2. The Arbathite, named in 1 Chr 11:32 as one of the ―mighty men‖ of David‘s armies. In a list detailing
the same group of individuals in 2 Sam 23:31 he appears as Abialbon, one of the military elite group
known as the ―Thirty.‖ The variant reading in 2 Sam 23:11, Abiel son of the Arbathite, may indicate that
the original text of that verse read ―Abiel/Abial son of the Arbathite,‖ or ―Abi˓al/Abiba˓al the Beth-
Arabathite‖ (Mc Carter 2 Samuel 492; Mazar 1963: 316 n. 4). The name ―Abial‖ would mean ―my
(divine) father is ˓Al (= the ―High One‖), while the name ―Abibaal‖ would mean ―my (divine) father is
Baal (or ‗the Lord‘).‖ The gentilic Arbathite indicates the person‘s town of origin, or clan association (see
ARBATHITE).
Abiel‘s status within David‘s army is somewhat obscured by his twofold designation as a member of the
―Mighty Men‖ and of ―the Thirty.‖ The correct vocalization and identity of the term usually translated
―the Thirty,‖ šlyšm, is disputed. One group understands it to designate the group of men who served as the
third person of the chariot team (i.e., Haupt 1902). A second group suggests that it designated an
institution not necessarily limited to thirty members that served either as the king‘s bodyguard (Elliger
1935: 68) or supreme command (Mazar 1963: 310). According to a third approach, the single form was a
title meaning ―of the third rank‖ that designated high-ranking officers (Mastin 1979: 153–54; Na˒aman
1988: 71, 75). Of the three possibilities, the last one requires the least number of textual emendations and
provides the most cogent explanation for the required equation of the functions ―military elite‖ (gibbôrîm)
and ―officers‖ (šāl š m) that are assigned to the same list of individuals in the two texts in 2 Sam 23:8–39
and 1 Chr 11:10–47. The group of officers apparently was headed by the commander of the entire militia,
Abishai, and he was followed in rank by ―the Three,‖ Josheb-bassebeth, Eleazer, and Shammah, who
served as commanders of the three subunits of the professional army. The remaining individuals,
including Abiel, then served as commanders over smaller divisions within the three subunits (Na˒aman
1988: 75). See also DAVID‘S CHAMPIONS.
Bibliography
Demsky, A. 1971. The Genealogy of Gibeon (I Chronicles 9:35–44): Biblical and Epigraphic Considerations. BASOR 202: 16–
23.
Elliger, K. 1935. Die dreissig Helden Davids. PJ 31: 29–75.
Flanagan, J. 1981. Chiefs in Israel. JSOT 20: 47–73.
Haupt, P. 1902. The Phrase Rkbm ṣmdym in 2 Kings ix. 25. JBL 21: 74–78.
Malamat, A. 1968. King Lists of the Old Babylonian Period and Biblical Genealogies. JAOS 88: 163–73.
Mastin, B. A. 1971. Was the šāl š the Third Man in the Chariot? VTSup 30: 125–54.
Mazar, B. 1963. The Military Elite of King David. VT 13: 310–20.
Na˒aman, N. 1988. The List of David‘s Officers. VT 38: 71–79.
DIANA V. EDELMAN
ABIEZER (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăb ˓ezer (שֶז ֶיף ִב ֲא)]. ABIEZRITE. Var. IEZER; IEZERITE. The name
of two individuals in the Hebrew Bible. Although Abiezer may mean ―father of help,‖ or ―my father is
help,‖ ˒ab (father) is here a relational noun used as a theophoric (or divine name) element and the subject
of a nominal clause: ―Ab is help‖ (IPN, 33, 67–75, 154). The use of the relational nouns ˒ab and ˒aḥ
(brother) in a theophoric sense, according to Noth, derives from a period in early Semitic tribal history
when the tribe maintained a familial identification with the tribal deity. This special relationship to the
god of the tribe allowed that god to be designated ―father‖ or ―brother.‖ Thus the name ―Abiezer‖ would
designate not a single god, universally identified as ˒ab, but the deity of the respective tribe (cf. Abijah
―Yahweh is father‖). The NT use of the Aramaic Abba for the deity would therefore appear to have its
antecedents in ancient Semitic tribal religion.
1. The name of one of the families of Manasseh (Josh 17:2), named for its male progenitor (1 Chr 7:18).
This Abiezer was the ―son‖ of Gilead, a descendant of Machir; the reference to Iezer (Heb ˒iy˓ezer)
among the ―sons‖ of Gilead and to the family of the Iezerites in Numbers 26:30 probably applies to the](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-138-320.jpg)
![same group. This family received its inheritance west of the Jordan, and the judge and deliverer Gideon
belonged to it (Judg 6:11, 34; 8:2).
2. A Benjaminite warrior among David‘s champions, who was a native of Anathoth (2 Sam 23:27 = 1
Chr 11:28). The same village was home to Abiathar the priest, and his likely descendant, the prophet
Jeremiah. This same Abiezer is listed as the officer over David‘s monthly levies of 24,000 in the ninth
month (1 Chr 27:12). The historicity of this second list, however, and its concomitant figures, is doubtful.
It is more likely that 1 Chronicles 27 reflects more of an idealized view of David‘s military organization
than a real one. As one of David‘s champions (Heb šāliš m; RSV: The Thirty), Abiezer was more likely a
member of an elite corps of fighters loyal only to the king, rather than an officer over his monthly levies.
See DAVID‘S CHAMPIONS .
D. G. SCHLEY
ABIGAIL (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăb gayil (לִיַיג ִב ֲא); ˒ăb gal (לַיג ִב ֲא)]. 1. Wife, first of Nabal, then of
David (1 Samuel 25). She appears as the second wife/mother mentioned in two lists of David‘s sons born
in Hebron (2 Sam 3:2–5 and 1 Chr 3:1–3). The name of her son is problematic, being either Chileab (2
Sam 3:3), Daluiah (LXX—2 Kgdms 3:3), or Daniel (1 Chr 3:1). Abigail first appears in 1 Samuel 25 as
the wife of Nabal the Calebite. She is portrayed as the ―ideal wife‖—both beautiful and intelligent—while
her husband is presented as ill behaved and rude. When Nabal refuses to accommodate David‘s request
for food, it is Abigail who, unknown to her husband, hastily amasses the food and delivers it to David.
Her speech to David, a masterful example of tact and diplomacy (vv 24–31), succeeds in averting David‘s
wrath at Nabal (vv 32–35). Upon hearing of his wife‘s generosity, Nabal‘s heart ―died within him‖ (v 37)
and ten days later he was dead. 1 Samuel 25 concludes with David‘s marriage to both Abigail of Carmel,
and to Ahinoam of Jezreel.
Abigail‘s name appears five times in the OT outside of 1 Samuel 25. Three times it is linked with
Ahinoam of Jezreel. Both Abigail and Ahinoam accompany David to Gath (1 Sam 27:3), where they are
later captured by an invading group of Amalekites (1 Sam 30:5). After their rescue (1 Sam 30:18), they
journey with David to Hebron (2 Sam 2:2) where they bear David children (2 Sam 3:3 = 1 Chr 3:1). Of
the five times Abigail‘s name appears outside of 1 Samuel 25, all except one (1 Chr 3:1) carry with it the
epithet ―widow of Nabal.‖
Recent literary approaches to 1 Samuel 25 underscore Abigail‘s speech and character. J. D. Levenson
(1978) argues 1 Samuel 25 is a ―narrative analogy‖ presenting a ―proleptic glimpse‖ of 2 Samuel 11.
Unlike Bathsheba, Abigail is the ―ideal woman‖ whose ―rhetorical genius‖ prevents David from killing
her husband (Levenson 1978: 11–28). D. Gunn (1980: 98–100), while sharing Levenson‘s appreciation
for the speech‘s artistry, rejects (1980: 154, n. 13) his conclusion that the episode is a ―moral allegory.‖
Abigail‘s speech reveals her to be ―shrewd‖ rather than good, while Nabal is ―unwise‖ rather than evil.
While both Levenson and Gunn analyze Abigail‘s speech, A. Berlin focuses on Abigail‘s characterization.
Abigail is an exaggerated stereotype—the model wife. David‘s treatment of her (as well as of Michal,
Abishag, and Bathsheba) represents an ―indirect presentation‖ of David. Moreover, each ―private‖
response to the women in his life corresponds to a phase of David‘s ―public‖ life. Thus, David‘s ―eager
but gentlemanly response‖ to Abigail mirrors his ―self assurance as a popular leader‖ (Berlin 1983: 30–
33).
Behind the literary presentation of Abigail lies the socio-political realities of her marriage to David.
Nabal was a wealthy and probably influential Calebite. David‘s marriage to Nabal‘s widow was useful in
bringing David much needed support from the south. This support might have been instrumental in
David‘s being crowned king at Hebron—an area associated with the figure of Caleb in the text (Levenson
1978: 24–28).
2. Sister of David (1 Chr 2:16) and Zeruiah (2 Sam 17:25, 1 Chr 2:16); mother of Amasa (2 Sam 17:25,
1 Chr 2:17). The name of Abigail‘s father is unclear. 1 Chr 2:13–16 identifies Jesse as the father of
Abigail, while 2 Sam 17:25 says she was the ―daughter of NAHASH.‖ Most critics prefer the reading in 1
Chronicles 2, explaining the discrepancy by either: (1) understanding ―Nahash‖ as the mother of Abigail](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-139-320.jpg)
![rather than the father; (2) declaring the reading in 2 Sam 17:25 corrupt, an intrusion from v 27; or (3)
positing an earlier husband (Nahash) of Jesse‘s wife, who fathered Abigail and Zeruiah.
The name of Abigail‘s husband is also problematic. The MT of 2 Sam 17:25 gives the name of Amasa‘s
father as ―ITHRA the Israelite,‖ while 1 Chr 2:17 says it was ―JETHER the Ishmaelite.‖ The issue is
further complicated by the variant reading in the M
which identifies him as a ―Jezreelite.‖
J. D. Levenson and B. Halpern (1980) argue that Ithra/Jethro was the real name of Abigail‘s husband
(―Nabal‖) mentioned in 1 Samuel 25. They find it highly unlikely that the only two Abigails in the OT
would be: (1) contemporaries, (2) sister-in-laws, and (3) married to men from the same geographical area
(assuming Ithra/Jethro/Nabal to be from Jezreel and Jezreel to refer to the Judean town near Hebron).
They therefore conclude there was only one Abigail—David‘s sister—who later became David‘s wife.
Later tradition suppressed the memory of this incestuous union.
Bibliography
Berlin, A. 1983. Poetics and Interpretation of Biblical Narrative. Bible and Literature Series 9. Sheffield.
Fokkelman, J. P. 1986. Narrative Art and Poetry in the Books of Samuel. Vol. 2 of The Crossing Fates (I Sam. 13–21 & II
Sam. 1).
Gunn, D. M. 1980. The Fate of King Saul. JSOTSup 14. Sheffield.
Levenson, J. D. 1978. I Samuel 25 as Literature and History. CBQ 40: 11–28.
Levenson, J. D., and Halpern, B. 1980. The Political Import of David‘s Marriages. JBL 99: 507–18.
LINDA S. SCHEARING
ABIHAIL (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăb ḥāyil (לִי ָיח ִב ֲא)]. 1. Father of Zuriel; descendant of Merari, Levi‘s
youngest son (Num 3:35). Abihail‘s name appears in the epithet of his son found in the third and last
division of the census list in Num 3:14–39. The census, ordered by Moses, involved the three Levitical
branches of Gershon, Kohath, and Merari. Abihail‘s son was leader of the Merarite branch during their
journey in the wilderness.
2. Wife of Abishur, of the House of Judah; mother of Ahban and Molid (1 Chr 2:29). Her name appears
in a genealogy of Jerahmeel, the great-grandson of Judah and Tamar.
3. A Gadite (1 Chr 5:14). Abihail is mentioned in the Gadite genealogy found in 1 Chr 5:11–17.
4. Mother of Mahalath; wife of Jerimoth; and daughter of Eliab (2 Chr 11:18). Abihail‘s name occurs in
a genealogical note concerning Rehoboam‘s wives. The reading of the verse, however, is problematic:
KJV: And Rehoboam took him Mahalath the daughter of Jerimoth the son of David to wife, and Abihail
the daughter of Eliab the son of Jesse;
RSV: Rehoboam took as wife Mahalath the daughter of Jerimoth the son of David, and of Abihail …
Some translators (i.e. KJV) conclude v 18 mentions two wives (Mahalath and Abihail) while others (i.e.
RSV) assume only one (Mahalath). Although the Hebrew of v 18 is unclear, the context is helpful in
determining its meaning. Since the following verses (vv 19–20) refer to v 18 using only the feminine
singular, it can be concluded that only one wife, Mahalath, is mentioned. Thus, the reading which
understands Abihail as Mahalath‘s mother (RSV), is to be preferred.
Abihail‘s daughter, Mahalath, is one of eighteen wives credited to Rehoboam, king of Judah. The
marriages of both mother and daughter are particularly interesting. Abihail‘s husband (Jerimoth) and
father (Eliab) were both sons of David. Her daughter married David‘s grandson (Rehoboam). Thus both
Abihail and Mahalath married their cousins. Their marriages reflect a period of intermarriage within the
Davidic house not witnessed elsewhere in the text.
5. Father of Queen Esther; uncle of Mordecai (Esth 2:15; 9:29; cf. also 2:7). His name appears twice in
the epithet of his daughter, the alleged wife of King Ahasuerus.
LINDA S. SCHEARING
ABIHU (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăb h ˒ (יהּוא ִב ֲא)]. One of four sons born to Aaron, the brother of Moses,
by Elisheba (Exod 6:23). At Sinai, Abihu was singled out by God, along with Aaron and Nadab, as one of
those leaders who would accompany Moses up the mountain (Exod 24:1, 9). He also performed priestly
services for God as one of Aaron‘s sons (Exod 28:1; Num 3:2; 26:60; 1 Chr 5:29—Eng6:3; 24:1). When](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-140-320.jpg)
![Abihu and his brother Nadab offered ―unholy fire‖ to the Lord, they were devoured by God‘s holy fire as
punishment (Lev 10:1; Num 26:61; cf. Numbers 16). Although the sin committed by Abihu was not
clearly defined (Lev 10:1–4; see Laughlin 1976 for various opinions), it served as a point of reference in
identifying Abihu within the Bible (Num 3:4; 1 Chr 24:2). In Rabbinic literature the sins of Nadab and
Abihu were multiplied and this incident (Lev 10:1–4) became the basis for teachings on cultic and ethical
behavior in Judaism (see Shinan 1979).
Bibliography
Laughlin, J. C. H. 1976. The ―Strange Fire‖ of Nadab and Abihu. JBL 95: 559–65.
Shinan, A. 1979. The Sins of Nadab and Abihu in Rabbinic Literature. Tarbiz 48: 201–14, II.
MARK J. FRETZ
ABIHUD (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăb h d (יהּוד ִב ֲא)]. A grandson of Ben-jamin through Bela (1 Chr 8:3),
the name ―Abihud‖ is preserved in an extended genealogy of Israel that also identifies tribal locations
within Palestine (1 Chronicles 2–8). According to the MT, the first three sons of Bela were ―Addar, and
Gera, and Abihud‖ (Heb ˒addār wĕgērā˒ wa˒ăb h d); however, the text could easily be emended to read
―Addar, and Gera, that is, the father of Ehud‖ (Heb ˒addār wĕgērā˒ wa˒ăb ˒ēh d). Baker (1980) argues
that the two separate individuals named Gera listed as sons of Bela (1 Chr 8:3, 5) were distinguished by
the waw explicative, which followed the first Gera, providing a detail about him being the father of Ehud.
Thus, MT wa˒ăb h d is divided into wa˒ăb , ―that is, the father of,‖ plus ˒ēhûd ―Ehud,‖ the judge
mentioned elsewhere in his own right as the son of Gera (Judg 3:15). Note also the EHUD who had a son
named Gera (1 Chr 8:6–7). Kuhn (1923) observed that a misunderstanding of the phrase ˒by hwdyh
produced the name ˒ăb h d (―Abihud‖), and the Gk abioud (Matt 1:13) was based on the LXX rendering
of this synthetic name (see ABIUD).
Bibliography
Baker, D. W. 1980. Further Examples of the WAW EXPLICATIVUM. VT 30: 131–36.
Kuhn, G. 1923. Die Geschlechtsregister Jesu bei Lukas und Matthäus, nach ihrer Herkunft untersucht. ZNW 22: 206–28.
Meyer, E. 1986. Die Entstehung des Judenthums. Halle.
MARK J. FRETZ
ABIJAH (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăb yâ ( ֲִב ֲאהָי )]. Var. ABIJAM; ABI. 1. According to the MT, a man from
the tribe of Benjamin (1 Chr 7:6, 8). He was the grandson of Benjamin, being the son of Becher who was
Benjamin‘s son. But some scholars are suspicious of the text of 1 Chr 7:6a. Curtis and Madsen
(Chronicles ICC, 145–49) present a detailed explanation in support of the contention that ―Benjamin‖ in v
6 is a corruption of ―Zebulun‖ and that 1 Chr 7:6–12 contains a Zebulunite genealogy. In that case Abijah
would be from the tribe of Zebulun.
2. The second son of Samuel (1 Chr 6:13—Eng6:28). When Samuel appointed him and his older
brother, Joel, as judges over Israel (1 Sam 8:1), they were corrupted by bribery. This perversion of justice
contributed to Israel‘s disillusionment with the office of judge, which in turn aroused among the people
the desire for a king (1 Sam 8:5).
3. A chief among the descendants of either Eleazar or Ithamar, sons of Aaron (1 Chr 24:3–4, 10). When
David assigned the priests to service in the temple according to divisions determined by lot, Abijah
became the leader of the 8th (1 Chr 24:10) from among 24 divisions. In their service the members of his
division (as of all divisions) were obligated to observe the procedures first instituted by Aaron (1 Chr
24:19). Zechariah, the father of John the Baptist, was serving in the temple with the division of Abijah
(Luke 1:5) when he received the announcement that he would have a son.
4. According to the MT of 1 Chr 2:24, she was the wife of Hezron, the mother of Ashhur, and the
grandmother of Tekoa. She was probably the daughter of Machir (1 Chr 2:21). But the MT is uncertain
here, an uncertainty which the LXX confirms by giving a different reading for v 24a, though it follows the
MT in identifying Abijah as the wife of Hezron. Noting the LXX‘s dissatisfaction with the MT, modern
scholars have attempted to reconstruct the text, and in the process they have altered also the name](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-141-320.jpg)
![Williamson, H. G. M. 1977. Israel in the Books of Chronicles. Cambridge.
KEITH W. WHITELAM
ABIJAM (PERSON) [Heb ˒ab yām (םָי ִב ַא)]. See ABIJAH (PERSON).
ABILA OF THE DECAPOLIS (M.R. 231231). A city belonging to a league of cities called the
Decapolis, originally having ten members.
A. Location and Identification
Abila of the Decapolis has been identified with Quailibah (M.R. 231231) in N Jordan. Eusebius
(Onomast. 32.16) states that Abila was located twelve Roman miles E of Gadara. The name from this
ancient site has continued to modern times—Schumacher (1889) found that local tradition attached the
name Abil to the N tell. In the 1984 excavations a stone inscription with the name ―Abila‖ written in
Greek was found on the site. An inscription (A.D. 133–44) at Tayibeh near Palmyra speaks of ―Well-
heralded Abila of the Decapolis.‖ Ptolemy (Geog. 5.14), lists this Abila separately from the Lysanias
Abila (W of Damascus), and Hierokles (Synekdemos 720, 721) identifies it as part of Provincia Arabia.
Abila probably became a Decapolis city sometime between Alexander‘s conquests and the zenith of
Seleucid power (ca. 198 B.C.). Polybius (5.69–70) states that Antiochus III (ca. 218 B.C.) conquered Abila,
Pella, and Gadara. The Decapolis as a region is mentioned in the Gospels (Matt 4:25, Mark 5:20; 7:31),
but no specific cities are mentioned.
Abila consists of two tells, Abila (N) and Umm el ˒Amad (S) with a ―saddle‖ joining the two. The site is
bordered on the E by Wadi Quailibah, on the N by Wadi Abila, and on the S by Ain Quailibah and its
wadi. Tombs and graves are cut into the soft limestone mainly along the wadi ledges on the E, S, and N.
B. Survey and Excavation
The major inquiry into the site began in 1978 when W. Harold Mare of Covenant Seminary visited
Abila as part of an overview of several Decapolis cities. A cooperative effort ensued with Dr. Adnan
Hadidi, Director of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan, and W. H. Mare as principal investigators to
survey the area and excavate the site over several seasons beginning in 1980.
In 1980 a small survey team, using a time-controlled transect surface sherd collection technique in
segments across the site, determined that there was occupation on the site at various times from the EB
through the Umayyad periods. The heaviest concentration was in the Byzantine and Umayyad periods,
diminishing in the Roman, Hellenistic, Iron Age II, and EB periods, with minimal evidence from the
Chalcolithic, Neolithic, and Islamic periods. The subsequent excavations have confirmed the evidence of
the 1980 survey project.
Ruins of a large rectangular building were found N of the stub of an E-W acropolis wall which stretches
along the S crest of the tell. This building proved to be the remains of a 5th–6th-century triapsidal
Byzantine basilica, with evidence at the central apse that it was built over an earlier Roman building (a
temple?). The Umayyad rebuilding over the basilica and stockpiling of basilica architectural fragments for
further use imply an Umayyad presence and possible construction of a mosque. Excavation N of the
Byzantine basilica produced Byzantine and earlier materials—Byzantine loci and a water channel,
remains of earlier Roman buildings, and reuse of still earlier Hellenistic walls. On the N slope was found
a city wall preserved to a height of ca. 5 m; this proved to be at least of Roman-Byzantine origin. The S
slope of the N tell had remains of a stairway and gate (?).
On the W side of the acropolis of Umm el ˒Amad were ruins of a residential section (areas D 5–7, 8–10)
including a street, market, and a palaestra or residence with a two-column entrance. To the E of the
residential section were the remains of a basilica (areas D 1–4, 11, 12), which Schumacher (1889) had
suggested was a ―temple,‖ but which was another Byzantine basilica. Farther still to the E, was a theater
nestled along the slopes of the ―saddle.‖ The theater overlooked the remains of a massive ruined building
(a Roman bath?) and an ancient road which led eastward over a bridge crossing wadi Quailibah. A third
Byzantine basilica was located on a ledge E of the theater. The three basilicas so far found at the site
suggest a possible Byzantine bishopric headquarters at Abila.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-144-320.jpg)
![Three underground aqueducts have been investigated. The Khureibah Aqueduct stretches 2.5 km,
bringing water from the S to the Ain Qualibah area on the S of Umm el ˓Amad; this aqueduct was
apparently dug during the Roman period. Two other aqueducts (ca. 1400 m long) direct water N from Ain
Quailibah under the E edge of Umm el ˓Amad to the saddle area between the two tells. The upper
aqueduct (one to two m higher on the ledge) seems to date from the Roman-Byzantine period, while the
lower aqueduct was probably built in Hellenistic-Roman times or earlier (Persian or Iron Age).
The excavation of fourteen tombs (both loculus and arcosolium types) and nine simple graves along the
E band of Wadi Quailibah (areas H and J) and the bank S of Ain Quailibah (area K) revealed important
aspects of Early and Late Roman and Byzantine culture. Males and females and children (36 percent of
the persons found had died before their 16th birthday) were buried with a variety of grave goods which
imply a wide range of social stratification. Nine limestone anthropoid busts found in Tomb K 1 point to
cult feasts or annual family reunions.
C. Summary
The research at Abila points to an Early Roman Abila of moderate size, with considerable expansion in
the Late Roman and Byzantine periods. Evidence of the later Umayyad and earlier Hellenistic city is just
emerging. The extent of later Islamic presence and earlier Hellenistic, Persian, Iron, and Bronze Age
periods and still earlier habitations will be revealed through future excavation seasons.
Bibliography
Bowersock, G. W. 1971. A Report on Provincia Arabia. JRS 61: 219–42.
Brünnow, R. E., and Domazewski, A. 1904–9. Die Provincia Arabia, I–III. Strassburg.
Mare, W. H., et al. 1982. ―The Decapolis Survey Project: Abila 1980,‖ ADAJ 26: 37–65.
———. 1983. The Second Campaign at Abila of the Decapolis (1982). Near East Archaeological Society Bulletin, Pt. 1, 21:
5–55; Pt. 2, 22: 5–64.
———. 1985. The Third Campaign at Abila of the Decapolis (1984). Near East Archaeological Society Bulletin, Pt. 1, 24: 5–
98; Pt. 2, 25: 5–70.
———. 1986. The Third Campaign at Abila of the Decapolis (1984). Near East Archaeological Society Bulletin, Pt. 3, 26: 5–
70.
———. 1987. The Fourth Campaign at Abila of the Decapolis (1986). Near East Archaeological Society Bulletin, Pt. 1, 28:
35–76; Pt. 2, 29: 63–88.
McNichol, A.; Smith, R. H.; and Hennessy, B. 1982. Pella in Jordan 1. Canberra.
Schumacher, G. 1889. Abila of the Decapolis. London.
Smith, R. H. 1973. Pella of the Decapolis. Wooster, OH.
W. HAROLD MARE
ABILENE (PLACE) [Gk Abilene (Ἀβιλενε)]. A tetrarchy named after its chief town, Abila, which is
located on the bank of modern Barada (Abana) 18 miles NW of Damascus en route to Heliopolis
(Baalbec). A Moslem legend places Abel‘s tomb near the ruins of an Abilenian temple, thereby
preserving the ancient name. Luke 3:1 identifies Abilene as the tetrarchy of Lysanias (II) at the incipient
stage of John the Baptist‘s ministry. Josephus is careful to associate Abila and Abilene with Lysanias, he
Lusaniou (JW 2, 11.5; Ant 17, 6.10), an association found as late as the time of Ptolemy (ca. A.D. 170).
Two Gk inscriptions from Abila support this association, and coincide with the chronology of Luke 3:1,
i.e., between the years A.D. 14–29 (Yamauchi 1981: 99).
Abilene was originally part of the Ituraean kingdom of Ptolemy Menaeus (ca. 85–40 B.C.). In 36 B.C.,
M. Antonius executed Ptolemy‘s son, King Lysanias I, and divided Ituraea. Cleopatra received part of the
kingdom, which in turn was transferred by her conqueror, Augustus, to Herod the Great in 20 B.C. (Bruce:
1971: 20, 248). Except for an Abila inscription identifying a second Lysanias (above), Abilene‘s history
remains obscure until A.D. 37 when Gaius conferred the title ―king‖ on his friend Herod Agrippa I, along
with Abilene and additional territory. Procurators governed Abilene from the time of Agrippa I‘s death
(A.D. 40) until Claudius conferred it upon Herod Agrippa II in A.D. 53. Upon the latter‘s death, Abilene
became part of the province of Syria.
Bibliography
Bruce, F. F. 1971. New Testament History. New York.
Yamauchi, E. 1981. The Stones and the Scriptures: An Introduction to Biblical Archaeology. Grand Rapids.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-145-320.jpg)
![JERRY A. PATTENGALE
ABIMAEL (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăb mā˒ēl ( ֲֵא ָימ ִב ֲאל )]. A son of Joktan and thus the name of an Arabian
tribe (Gen 10:28; 1 Chr 1:22), which has not been identified nor localized in a satisfactory way. The name
is either to be analyzed as ˒ăb + mā (as an emphasizing enclitic particle) + ˒ēl ― (my) father is truly God‖
or, less probably, as Old S Arabic ˒bm (in the absolute state) + ˒l, i.e., ―Father is God,‖ which may be
compared to the apotropaic formula ˒bm wdm ―Father is (the God) Waddum‖ (CIS IV, 475 and 476; etc.),
or to the Akkadian name abumilum ―Father is God.‖
Hommel (1893: 16) has already pointed out that Old Arabic has a name type that contains the enclitic -
m, e.g., ˒lmnbṭ ―God has truly brought to light,‖ ˒lmyd˓ ―God truly knows,‖ and ˒bm˓ṯtr ―Father is truly
˓Aṯtar.‖ The last-mentioned name occurs as the name of a clan, ˒hl/˒bm˓ṯtr, in the early Sabaean
inscription RES 2740,4 which was written not later than the 5th century B.C. and which had been found in
the ruined ancient town of Haram in the Yemenite Jawf on the N side of the main wadi. The Sabaean
boustrophedon text CIS IV, 516, in which the name ˒lmnbṭ is found (line 26), comes from the same place;
and the fragmentary inscription RES 2847, in which the name ˒lmyd˓ occurs, was discovered in the
neighboring ancient site of Kamnā. From this epigraphic evidence, it can be concluded that proper names
with the enclitic -m were only in use in the region of the town of Haram and are to be reckoned among the
dialectal peculiarities which the inscriptions from this town show. With due reservation, it may therefore
be supposed that the Hebrew form ˒ăb mā˒ēl reflects a hitherto unattested Sabaean name *˒bm˒l which
might have originated from the area of the ancient town of Haram.
The first who connected the biblical name ˒ăb mā˒ēl with the Sabaean name ˒bm˓ṯtr was Halévy (1885:
6–7); he thought, however, that both names contain the contracted form of the word for mother, ˒m, and
are therefore to be interpreted respectively as ―father of the mother of God‖ and ―father of the mother of
˓Attar.‖ The explanation of ˒ăb mā˒ēl as ―father of mā˒ēl‖ must likewise be rejected, since at such an
early time no names are attested which are compounded with the element ˒abû (or ˒ăb ) ―father of,‖ which
later on became common among the Arabs. Another rejected interpretation is the comparison of the last
part of the name, proposed for the first time by Bochartus (1674: 144–45), with the people or region mali
mentioned by the Greek author Theophrastus (Hist. Pl. 9.4); this is, however, only a variant of mamali,
the designation of the W Arabian mining region.
Bibliography
Bochartus, S. 1674. Geographia sacra. Pars prior Phaleg. Francofurti ad Moenum.
Halévy, J. 1885. Recherches bibliques. 3. REJ 10: 1–9.
Hommel, F. 1893. Süd-Arabische Chrestomathie. Munich.
W. W. MÜLLER
ABIMELECH (PERSON) [Heb ˒ab melek (ך ֶל ֶימ ִב ַא)]. Two or three persons in the Hebrew Bible
bear this name.
1. A king of Gerar mentioned in Genesis 20 and 26:1–33. He is tied to the patriarchal narratives with
regard to their pastoral nomadic activities and the fear Abraham and Isaac display whenever entering the
political domain of a powerful ruler. Each enter Gerar, between Kadesh and Shur, seeking pasturage and
water. They obtain both through the use of the ―Wife-Sister‖ deception in which the patriarch, to save his
life, hides his true relationship with his wife (note the first use of this motif in Gen 12:10–20, where the
Pharaoh is the dupe). Once the king has mistakenly taken the patriarch‘s wife, Yahweh‘s displeasure is
aroused against him and his people. Subsequently, Abimelech returns the wife to her husband, and is
forced (through embarrassment and fear) to grant to him, in the form of a parity treaty, grazing rights and
the use of wells within his territory.
The fact that this preliminary episode is found in both the Abraham and Isaac narratives suggests a
literary doublet. It is possible, however, that the name ―Abimelech,‖ like Pharaoh, is simply a throne
name used by all kings of Gerar. Thus whenever the ―Wife-Sister‖ deception is used, it is applied to a](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-146-320.jpg)
![crushed by a grindstone a woman drops from atop the wall (9:50–54). The short flirtation with kingship
ends just after it begins, and it is another century before monarchy is reintroduced in the hills.
The tradition concerning Abimelech is to be dated quite early (see Halpern 1978; Rösel 1983, both with
bibliography), although different critics identify various pieces of the textual formulation as deriving from
later retelling (see Soggin Judges OTL, 163–66). In any case, the archaeological record at Shechem
dovetails nicely with the story: the site was apparently abandoned after a destruction in the mid-12th
century B.C.E. (Wright 1967: 365–66; Campbell 1976: 41), its reoccupation in the 10th century B.C.E.
coinciding with the return of a monarchic government (Shechem commands the interior trade routes of
Ephraim and Manasseh, and is a natural seat of government for the region N of Jerusalem). The reference
in 2 Sam 11:21 to Abimelech‘s death is generally understood to be a token of an early composition. And
Abimelech campaigns for the kingship of Shechem with the slogan that he is their ―flesh and blood‖
(9:2)—that is, he qualifies to be their king because he is their kin. This expression, which must be linked
to the insistence on endogenous kingship in Deut 17:14–16, appears elsewhere only in 10th century B.C.E.
contexts, principally in connection with David (2 Sam 5:1–3; cf. 1 Chr 11:1–3; 12:23–40; and 2 Sam
19:11–13; note the transformation in J in Gen 2:23–24; 29:14, where Jacob ends by ―serving‖ his
kinsman). The slogan that repudiates the claim to kinship and kingship is ―Who is Abimelech?‖ (9:28)—
denouncing the claimant as a stranger. It, too, is used only in 10th century B.C.E. contexts, or in
connection with 10th century figures (1 Sam 25:10; 2 Sam 20:1; 1 Kgs 12:16; see BAR 3: 170; Buccellati
1967: 100). Furthermore, it may be that the later historian misunderstood this tradition—which would be
evidence that he inherited it: Abimelech becomes the son of Gideon‘s Shechemite concubine (Judg 8:31),
i.e., a brother Shechemite, rather than a brother Israelite.
Finally, the memories of fighting at the city gate, differences between lower cities and citadels, dealing
with citadels by burning them down, and socioethnic distinctions in Shechem all bear the mark of
authenticity. The Shechemite depradations on the trade routes also probably reflect premonarchic reality
(and cf. Judg 5:6). A 10th century B.C.E. date for the oldest version of the tale is the latest possible; the
tradition itself probably extends at least into the 11th and perhaps into the 12th century B.C.E. It is
possibly one of the oldest historical traditions Israel has preserved.
Bibliography
Buccellati, G. 1967. Cities and Nations of Ancient Syria. Studi Semitici 26. Rome.
Campbell, E. F. 1976. Two Amarna Notes: The Shechem City-State and Amarna Administrative Terminology. Pp. 39–54 in
Magnalia Dei: The Mighty Acts of God, ed. F. M. Cross; P. D. Miller; and W. E. Lemke. Garden City, N.Y.
Halpern, B. 1978. The Rise of Abimelek ben-Jerubbaal. HAR 2: 79–100.
Richter, W. 1963. Traditionsgeschichtliche Untersuchungen zum Richterbuch. BBB 18. Bonn.
Rösel, H. N. 1983. Überlegungen zu Abimelech und Sichem im Jdc. ix. VT 33:500–3.
Wright, G. E. 1967. Shechem. Pp. 355–70 in Archaeology and Old Testament Study, ed. D. Winton Thomas. London.
BARUCH HALPERN
ABINADAB (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăb nādāb (ב ָדָינ ִב ֲא)]. The name of three individuals. It means ―my
father is noble.‖
1. The father of Eleazar, Uzzah, and possibly Ahio, if the latter is a proper name and not a reference to
Eleazar ―his brother‖ (1 Sam 7:1; Sam 6:3, 4; 1 Chr 13:7). The men of the Gibeonite enclave town of
Kiriath-jearim are reported to have moved the ark from Beth-Shemesh to ―the palace/temple of Abinadab
on the hill‖ (1 Sam 6:19–7:1) at the request of the latter group. Abinadab‘s son Eleazar is said to have
been consecrated as priest to have charge of the ark (1 Sam 7:1). The context suggests that the ambiguous
Hebrew term bêt, which can mean simply ―house,‖ but also ―palace‖ or ―temple,‖ here refers to a temple
or place complex containing a temple. Since it is unlikely that the townspeople would have moved the ark
to the home of a common citizen for safekeeping, and in light of the purported need to seek out someone
who could minister to Yahweh appropriately (cf. Klein 1 Samuel WBC, 60), without invoking divine
wrath (1 Sam 6:19–20), it is likely that Abinadab was himself a well-known priest.
Abinadab need not have been a priest in Kiriath-Jearim; he could have been the high priest for the entire
Gibeonite enclave, connected to the enclave‘s main sanctuary. Kiriath-jearim was one of four cities in the](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-148-320.jpg)
![that they were both born after the first list was made. Abinadab must have been in his early twenties when
he died, since he was eligible for military service, but apparently had not yet married or had any children.
According to Num 26:2, 4, the military draft began at age twenty, although it is not certain whether this
standard would have applied at the beginning of the monarchy. The age of marriage for ancient Israelite
males, either for royalty or the common citizenry, is unknown.
4. For ―son of Abinadab‖ (1 Kgs 4:11), see BEN-ABINADAB.
Bibliography
Aharoni, Y. 1959. The Province List of Judah. VT 9: 225–46.
Blenkinsopp, J. 1969. Kiriath-Jearim and the Ark. JBL 88: 143–56.
———. 1974. Did Saul Make Gibeon His Capital? VT 24: 1–7.
Edelman, D. 1990. Saulide Israel. Winona Lake, IN.
Kallai, Z. 1972. Benjamin and Mt. Ephraim. In Judaea, Samaria and the Golan. Archaeological Survey 1967–1968, ed. M.
Kochavi. Jerusalem.
Mazar, B. 1960. The Cities of the Territory of Dan. IEJ 10: 65–77.
Schunk, K. D. 1963. Benjamin. Berlin.
DIANA V. EDELMAN
ABINOAM (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăb nō˓am (ם ַֹףני ִב ֲא)]. The father of Barak, the military leader
summoned by Deborah the prophetess to lead the Israelites into battle against Sisera, commander of the
Canaanite army (Judg 4:2, 6–7, 12). In the ―Song of Deborah‖ (Judg 5:2–31), two out of the three
occurrences of the name ―Barak‖ (vv 1, 12) are identified by the patronym ―Abinoam.‖
MARK J. FRETZ
ABIR. See NAMES OF GOD (OT).
ABIRAM (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăb rām (ם ָיש ִב ֲא)]. 1. Son of Eliab, a Reubenite, who with DATHAN,
KORAH, and 250 leaders of Israel conspired against the exclusive leadership of Moses and Aaron in the
wilderness (Num 16:1–40). The conspiracy ended when, in the aftermath of a ritual contest with Aaron,
the earth ―swallowed‖ the leaders and fire devoured the 250. The name is theophoric, meaning ―the
exalted one is (my) father‖ (same as Abram). In the LXX the name occurs as Abiron.
It is generally agreed that this narrative represents the later editing of two such independent conspiracy
traditions. Owing to the interest of the postexilic priestly redactor, the dominant strand in the present text
is that concerning the attempted encroachment of the Levite Korah upon Aaronide priestly rights.
However, underlying the story of Abiram is a quite different conspiracy against Moses‘ political
leadership attributable to the epic tradition (J). Here the concern is Moses‘ sole claim to be ―prince‖ (śar,
v 13) over the people. The reference to ―putting out the eyes‖ of the conspirators (v 14) is not to be
dismissed as a figure of speech (so Budd Numbers WBC, 187), but is to be understood as a typical
punishment for political treason. Whereas the Korah tradition ended in conflagration (a case of the
punishment matching the offense), the theme of the earth swallowing the conspirators is at home in the
Dathan-Abiram tradition. This earlier form of the tradition lies behind both Deut 11:6 and Ps 106:17. If Ps
106:17 predates the present form of the story in Numbers, then the mention of fire in the psalm could
account for the development of the ―Korah‖ tradition. That the tradition in the psalm is early is suggested
by the fact that it places the conspiracy prior to both the apostasy at Horeb and the aborted invasion of
Canaan, clearly out of synchronization with the present form of the narrative. The story of Abiram is often
understood as a reflection of the loss of prestige by the tribe of Reuben following the period of settlement.
2. The firstborn son of Hiel of Bethel, the man who rebuilt the city of Jericho in the days of Ahab (1
Kgs 16:34). The text suggests that Abiram was offered by his father as a sacrifice at the laying of the
foundation in order to effect the successful completion of the building program, just as his brother
SEGUB was offered at its conclusion. The offering of such ―foundation sacrifices‖ reflects a custom
attested by archaeological discovery in which infants placed in jars have been found buried within the
gate complex of a city. Whether the children were sacrificed or died of natural causes, the deuteronomist
regards this action as the working out of the curse on Jericho spoken by Joshua in Josh 6:26 (Gray Kings](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-150-320.jpg)
![OTL, 334–35). He also links the episode to the evil deeds of Ahab, particularly Ahab‘s building projects.
The rebuilding of Jericho is thus placed within the context of the deuteronomistic judgment on ―the sins
of Jeroboam‖ (1 Kgs 16:31).
Bibliography
Liver, J. 1961. Korah, Dathan and Abiram. Pp. 189–217 in Studies in the Bible, ed. C. Rabin. Jerusalem.
RODNEY R. HUTTON
ABISHAG (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăb šag (ג ַיש ִב ֲא)]. A beautiful young woman from Shunem whose
parents are unknown (1 Kgs 1:1–4). Her name, with the epithet ―the Shunammite,‖ occurs five times in
the succession narrative in 1 Kgs 1–2 (1:3, 15; 2:17, 21, 22). Seeking a young maiden to attend the ailing
king, David‘s servants locate Abishag ―the Shunammite,‖ who is ―very beautiful.‖ They bring her to
David, but David ―knows‖ her not (vv 3–4). Aside from a brief note about her ministering to David
(1:15), nothing more is heard about Abishag until after David‘s death. Adonijah (Solomon‘s brother) asks
Bathsheba to intercede with Solomon on his behalf. The purpose of this intercession is to secure Abishag
as Adonijah‘s wife (2:16–18). Bathsheba does as Adonijah requests, but Solomon replies, ―Ask for him
the kingdom also …‖ (2:19–22) and has Adonijah put to death (2:24–25).
Attempts to reconstruct the historical Abishag focus on her relationship to David, the nature of her
activities in David‘s court, and the political significance of Adonijah‘s request and Solomon‘s refusal.
Abishag‘s relationship to David is defined by her function in court. Commentators have alternatively
suggested she was David‘s nurse (Montgomery Kings ICC, 72), his concubine (Gray Kings OTL, 77), or
his queen (Mulder 1972: 43–54). The issue is whether Abishag‘s job was to cure or to test David. If
Abishag‘s primary task was to cure him, then she is best likened to a nurse. Her actions constitute a kind
of ―contactual medicine‖ whereby the warmth of a beautiful young maiden was imbued—through
contact—to an aging body. Both Josephus (Ant 7.14.3) and Galen (cited by Montgomery Kings ICC, 72)
attest the practice. If, however, the issue was not David‘s health but his ability to rule, then Abishag‘s
presence is better explained in terms of a test. The king‘s authority (and the nation‘s future) corresponded
to his virility (Gray Kings OTL, 77). Abishag‘s presence ―tests‖ the elderly David‘s sexual prowess. His
failure to ―know‖ Abishag (1:4) indicates his failure as king and precipitates the fight for succession
which follows. If Abishag‘s function was to test David‘s virility, then it is possible she was admitted into
David‘s harem either as concubine or wife.
After David‘s death, Adonijah‘s request for Abishag became the catalyst for his own death. What
motivated this request and why did Solomon refuse? What was Abishag‘s political significance?
Assuming Abishag was part of David‘s harem, Adonijah‘s request can be interpreted as an attempt to
seize Solomon‘s throne. Since the appropriation of a king‘s harem appears to be tantamount to a bid for
the throne itself (cf. 2 Sam 3:7ff.; 16:21ff.), the possession of Abishag as wife would be politically
significant. One could argue, however, that Adonijah would have been a fool to make such an open bid.
Instead, his request might have reflected nothing more ambitious than his desire for Abishag. Regardless
of Adonijah‘s motives, however, Solomon chose to interpret his request as a direct threat (2:22). One can
only speculate as to Solomon‘s reasons for this move. Either Solomon intentionally misunderstood
Adonijah‘s motives; Adonijah did attempt to seize the throne; the whole accusation was a figment of
Solomon‘s paranoid imagination (Gunn 1978: 137 n. 4); or Solomon realized Abishag—as witness to
Bathsheba‘s conspiracy (cf. 1:15)—could be dangerous wed to his rival (Sanda, cited in Montgomery
Kings ICC, 79).
Aside from historical considerations, the story and characterization of Abishag have been the object of
recent literary analysis. David Gunn traces the political (David as King) and the personal (David as Man)
themes found in the story of David and sees both converging in the story of Abishag. David‘s impotence
as a man is echoed by his impotence as a ruler (Gunn 1978: 90–91). Adele Berlin accepts Gunn‘s
observations, but focuses on the characterization of Abishag. For Berlin, Abishag is neither a fully
developed character like other women in David‘s story (cf. Michal, Bathsheba), nor is she a stereotypical
character (cf. Abigail). Rather, Abishag functions as an agent—a character about whom little is known](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-151-320.jpg)
![that is not necessary for the plot. The reader knows Abishag only through the eyes of the narrator or the
other characters in the story. Thus Abishag is the ―younger woman‖ to Bathsheba, a token of kingship to
Solomon, and a symbol of impotence to David (Berlin 1983: 23–33).
Bibliography
Berlin, A. 1983. Poetics and Interpretation of Biblical Narrative. Sheffield.
Gunn, D. M. 1978. The Story of King David: Genre and Interpretation. JSOTSup 6. Sheffield.
Mulder, M. J. 1972. Versuch zur Deutung von sokenet in 1 Kö. i.2, 4. VT 22: 43–54.
LINDA S. SCHEARING
ABISHAI (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăb šay (י ַיש ִב ֲא)]. One of the three sons of Zeruiah, David‘s sister (1 Chr
2:16; 2 Sam 17:25; see ZERUIAH). These men belonged to David‘s ―inner circle‖ and presumably had
served as his advisors and retainers since his early days as a fugitive from Saul (1 Sam 22:1).
The name Abishai is of obscure origin. It may be based on a theophoric element in a nominal clause,
meaning something like ―Father (Heb ˒ab-; i.e., the god) is a gift (Heb šay).‖ It is also possible that the
second particle is a shortened form of a longer three-radical root such as šālôm, in which case Abishai
would be the equivalent of Absalom/Abisalom (see NAMES, HYPOCORISTIC). A third possibility is
that Abishai is the Hebrew form of the Egyptian name A/Ibša (AOT², 51; cf. LXX Abessa) or the
Akkadian name Ibašši (-ilum).
Abishai, who served as one of the chiefs of DAVID‘S CHAMPIONS (Heb šāliš m; RSV: The Thirty; 2
Sam 23:8–39), is depicted as intensely combative toward the enemies of David, especially Saul (1 Sam
26:6–9) and Saul‘s kinsman Shimei (2 Sam 16:9–11). The narrator also implicates Abishai in the murder
of Abner, the son of Ner (Saul‘s cousin and commander of the army) by his brother JOAB (2 Sam 3:30).
Still, no mention of Abishai‘s complicity in this act is made in the account of Abner‘s death (2 Sam 3:20–
27), in David‘s curse upon the perpetrator (2 Sam 3:29), or in David‘s avenging of this deed (1 Kgs 2:5–
6).
Abishai is also credited with having saved David‘s life during the Philistine wars when he struck down
Ishbi-benob, one of the descendants of the Rephaim (2 Sam 21:16–17). Thus, he was a valiant warrior
about whom heroic tales were told—the true mark of a great warrior in ancient society. (Examples from
Greek legend are Achilles, Ajax, Diomedes, and Odysseus at Troy.) Indeed, David appears to have retired
from active military service as a result of this incident, so that the sons of Zeruiah, Abishai and Joab,
appear as the leaders of David‘s army in the campaigns from the time of the Ammonite wars (2 Samuel
10–11; 12:26–31) on. According to 2 Sam 23:18–19, Abishai was commander of the šāliš m (RSV: The
Thirty), an elite corps of renowned warriors within David‘s private army. This position gave Abishai a
command in the army second only to his brother, Joab, the commander-in-chief. Abishai served in this
capacity during the Ammonite wars and in the revolt of Absalom (2 Sam 18:1–5). Prior to the revolt of
Sheba ben Bichri, however, David had removed Joab from his command (probably for killing the rebel
Absalom against the king‘s express orders), so that Abishai initially appeared as the commander of the
Cherethites and Pelethites in that conflict (2 Sam 20:6–7). By the end of the campaign, Joab returned to
his command after killing the tardy Amasa. Thus, not only was Abishai one of David‘s warrior elite, but
he served as second-in-command of the army after Joab, probably because of his status as commander of
the šāliš m (although this status is not mentioned in the summary lists of David‘s officials: 2 Sam 8:15–
18; 20:23–25).
Because Abishai generally appears working closely with his brother Joab, his absence from the intrigue
surrounding the selection of David‘s successor is remarkable (1 Kings 1–2). A logical explanation for this
absence is that Abishai by this time was dead. Certainly, had he been alive, he would have lent his support
to the cause of Adonijah, whom Joab had backed in place of Solomon. Indeed, David‘s warrior elite is
depicted as supporting Solomon, and Joab‘s nemesis emerges in the figure of Benaiah ben Jehoiada,
another of David‘s warrior elite who is variously described as commander of the foreign mercenaries (the
Cherethites and Pelethites; 2 Sam 8:18; 20:23) or commander of the bodyguard (the mišma˓â; 2 Sam
23:23). Since Abishai had commanded the foreign mercenaries during the revolt of Sheba (2 Sam 20:7), it](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-152-320.jpg)
![is likely that Benaiah was a latecomer to this position (Benaiah‘s most prominent role was as commander
of the army under Solomon). It is perhaps not too bold to assume that Abishai had died prior to the
attempt to crown Adonijah, necessitating the promotion of Benaiah. Abishai‘s departure from his
accustomed command allowed for the entry of Benaiah into the drama surrounding Solomon‘s succession
and guaranteed the victory of Solomon‘s party, and eventually, Joab‘s death.
Yet Abishai plays more than an historical role within the Davidic narratives: along with his brother,
Joab, he is made a violent foil for the pious David. Thus the impetuous Abishai accompanies David into
Saul‘s camp at night and urges David to let him kill the sleeping monarch (1 Sam 26:6–12). David
righteously restrains the warrior, however, refusing to put his hand forth against the Lord‘s anointed. A
further incident occurs in the murder of Abner. Although Abner‘s murder by men who are, after all,
David‘s henchmen appears all too convenient to modern observers, the narrator seeks to exculpate David
in the matter and lays the blame squarely on the heads of Joab and Abishai (2 Sam 3:30). Again David
stands forth as the righteous man who refuses to shed the blood of the innocent and who rejects stealth in
killing, while Joab and Abishai are portrayed as treacherous murderers (note the threat to kill Saul while
he sleeps, and the slaying of Abner under the pretense of friendship). David says of Abner‘s death, ―as
one falls before the wicked you have fallen.‖ Abishai appears as a foil a third time when David and his
followers are abandoning Jerusalem in the face of Absalom and his rebel army (2 Sam 16:5–14). A man
of the house of Saul, Shimei ben Gera, meets David and his retainers and curses them:
Begone, begone you man of blood, you worthless fellow!
The Lord has avenged upon you all the blood of the house of Saul, in whose place you have reigned.
And the Lord has given the kingdom into the hand of your son Absalom.
See! Your ruin is upon you—for you are a man of blood. (2 Sam 16:7–8)
Shimei‘s curse highlights a major Tendenz of the Davidic narratives: David‘s burden of guilt for his hand
in the death of Saul and the extermination of Saul‘s line, and the writer‘s efforts to exonerate David in the
matter. As in the camp of Saul, Abishai seeks David‘s permission to kill Shimei on the spot. David again
refuses, rebuking Abishai and implying that Shimei has a right to curse him. Furthermore, David appeals
to the Lord to look upon him in his affliction, and to repay him with good for this cursing. The impression
thus created is that the sons of Zeruiah (who are addressed collectively here, though it is only Abishai
who acts) are ruthless men of blood. Conversely, David righteously rejects even that claim upon his
enemy‘s life and person which normally would have been granted him. Seen in this light, David emerges
as the Wisdom tradition‘s paradigm of the righteous man who leaves vengeance in the hands of the Lord
and does not put forth his hand in violence. Joab and Abishai are, conversely, the paradigmatic violent
men—men of blood, ruthless and unrestrained in their wickedness. While Abishai fulfills this archetype
in several instances, the final curse falls upon Joab, who is said to have avenged ―in time of peace blood
which had been shed in war,‖ and to have put ―the blood of war upon the girdle about his loins and upon
the sandals on his feet‖ (1 Kgs 2:5, MT; contra RSV ―my loins,‖ ―my feet‖). It is precisely the
juxtaposition of these two archetypes—the righteous man who will not put forth his hand to shed blood
versus the wicked who is only too quick to draw his sword—that allows the author (or authors) of the
Davidic narratives to place the blame for the blood shed under David (especially that of Saul‘s house)
upon his nephews and loyal retainers, the sons of Zeruiah.
Thus two pictures of Abishai emerge from the Davidic narratives. As an historical figure, Abishai was
probably one of David‘s staunchest supporters, a member of the king‘s own family who had probably
been with him since his days as an exile from Saul in the Judean wilderness (1 Sam 22:1–2). As a literary
figure, Abishai, along with his brother Joab, provides a violent foil for the self-renunciatory David, who
will not lift his hand in to harm either his enemy, Saul, Saul‘s kinsmen, Abner and Shimei, or even his
own rebellious son, Absalom.
D. G. SCHLEY
ABISHALOM (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăb šālôm (לום ָיש ִב ֲא)]. See ABSALOM (PERSON).](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-153-320.jpg)
![ABISHUA (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăb š a˓ (ֲַישּוע ִב ֲא)]. 1. A high priest of the tribe of Levi and grandson
of Eleazar (1 Chr 5:30–31—Eng6:4–5; 6:35—Eng6:50). In the post-exilic Jewish community, Ezra‘s
authority was legitimized by proof of descent through the high priest Abishua (Ezra 7:5; 1 Esdr 8:2; 2
Esdr 1:2). Wilson (1977) notes that this is one of the functions of genealogical lists; sometimes these lists
simply function to legitimize the positions of important individuals, rather than to transmit all the names
of that person‘s ancestors and/or descendants.
2. A son of Bela the Benjaminite (1 Chr 8:4). This Abishua appears only in this extended genealogy of
Israel (1 Chronicles 2–8), which also identifies tribal locations within Palestine.
Bibliography
Johnson, M. D. 1969. The Purpose of Biblical Genealogies with Specific Reference to the Setting of the Genealogies of Jesus.
SNTSMS 8. Cambridge, MA.
Wilson, R. R. 1977. Genealogy and History in the Biblical World. YNER 7. New Haven.
MARK J. FRETZ
ABISHUR (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăb š r (ישּוש ִב ֲא)]. One of two sons of the Judahite Shammai, a
descendant of Hezron (1 Chr 2:28–29). Abishur, his wife Abihail, and his two sons appear in an
unparalleled list of Jerahmeel‘s descendants (1 Chr 2:25–33) contained within the Chronicler‘s larger
genealogy of Israel (1 Chronicles 2–8).
MARK J. FRETZ
ABITAL (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăb ṭāl (ל ָיט ִב ֲא)]. The mother of Shephatiah and a wife of King David (2
Sam 3:4 = 1 Chr 3:3). Abital‘s name occurs in two lists of sons born to David at Hebron. In one case (2
Sam 3:2–5), this list is inserted within the narrative concerning the strife between the houses of Saul and
David; in the other case, its parallel (1 Chr 3:1–4) forms part of a larger genealogy of Israel (1 Chronicles
2–8).
MARK J. FRETZ
ABITUB (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăb ṭûb (יטּוב ִב ֲא)]. A son of Shaharaim the Benjaminite by Hushim, one
of the two women whom Shaharaim subsequently sent away while he was living in Moab (1 Chr 8:8–11).
The textually questionable MT refers to Hushim and Baara as ―his (Shaharaim‘s) women‖ (Heb nāšāyw),
but then calls Hodesh ―his wife‖ (Heb ˒ištô). Also, the children of the wife Hodesh are distinguished by
the designation ―heads of fathers‘ houses‖ (1 Chr 8:10), and are listed before the sons of the woman
Hushim, who are simply named Abitub and Elpaal. Moreover, the text lists the descendants of Elpaal (1
Chr 8:12), but does not mention Abitub again, which may indicate Abitub‘s relative unimportance or else
the author‘s disfavor of this son of Shaharaim.
MARK J. FRETZ
ABIUD (PERSON) [Gk Abioud (Ἀβιοτδ)]. The son of Zerubbabel and father of Eliakim, according to
Matthew‘s genealogy tying Joseph, the husband of Mary, to the royal house of David and Solomon (Matt
1:13). The name ―Abiud,‖ however, occurs neither in Luke‘s parallel genealogy of Joseph‘s ancestors
(Luke 3:23–38), nor in the OT list of Solomon‘s descendants (1 Chr 3:10–24). This paradox has yielded
no easy explanations. Kuhn (1923), for example, noted that the Chronicler lists a ―HODAVIAH‖ (Heb
hôd-awyāh ) as a descendant of Zerubbabel (1 Chr 3:24), and that the Heb form hôd yâ ―HODIAH‖ is
frequently confused with this term (1 Chr 4:19; Neh 10:10). He then suggests that Matthew‘s abioud
represents Heb ˒ăb h d, and that ˒ăb h d resulted from a combination of ˒by and hwdyh in the (unattested)
phrase zrbbl ˒by hwdyh , ―Zerubbabel (was) the (fore)father of Hodiah,‖ a phrase which perhaps
telescopes the genealogy by conveniently leaping over all the names between Zerubbabel and
Hodaviah/Hodiah. Kuhn believes that this ―Hodiah‖ (Heb hōd yâ) is rendered in Luke‘s parallel
genealogy (3:26) as ―JODA‖ (Gk iōda). Gundry (1982: 17) takes a less direct approach: he suggests that
Matthew noted the name ―Eliezer‖ in Luke‘s genealogy (3:29) and was reminded of the priestly lineage of](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-154-320.jpg)
![Aaron (1 Chr 5:29—Eng 6:3), whose sons‘ names included a similarly spelled Eleazar and Abihu (MT
˒ăb h ˒, but LXX abioud). Gundry proposes that Matthew mistakenly believed that LXX abioud
represented Heb ˒ăb yĕ-hûd (â) (―My father is Judah‖), and that he lifted the name from its priestly
context and inserted it into the genealogy of Joseph to help underscore his Judaean royal lineage.
Bibliography
Gundry, R. H. 1982. Matthew: A Commentary on His Literary and Theological Art. Grand Rapids.
Kuhn, G. 1923. Die Geschlechtsregister Jesu bei Lukas und Matthäus, nach ihrer Herkunft untersucht. ZNW 22: 206–28.
MARK J. FRETZ
ABNER (PERSON) [Heb ˒abner (ש ֶנ ְב ַא)] Var. ABINER. The son of NER and cousin of Saul ben
Kish. The name means ―father is Ner‖ or ―father is a lamp.‖ The variant form ―Abiner‖ means ―my father
is Ner‖; ―my father is a lamp.‖ Abner served as commander of the first national Israelite army during the
reigns of Saul and Eshbaal (1 Sam 14:50, 17:55; 2 Sam 2:8 etc.). The circumstances of his appointment
are not related in the biblical texts, but it was common practice in ancient times to place blood relatives in
positions of trust. The importance of Abner‘s position is indicated by his being seated beside King Saul at
the observance of the New Moon festival (1 Sam 20:25). His status as commander seems to have
prompted the Chronicler to report that he had dedicated war spoils for the maintenance of the temple,
alongside Samuel, Saul, and Joab (1 Chr 26:27–28). Since the temple of Jerusalem did not exist during
the time of any of those named, the tradition should probably be seen to derive from the Chronicler‘s
pious imagination.
By having Saul request Abner to find out David‘s identity after the youth confronted Goliath (1 Sam
17:55–58), the biblical writer introduces irony into his narrative and at the same time, provides a basis
from which to explore the motifs of loyalty and treachery. As Saul‘s loyal and trusted servant responsible
for the kingdom‘s security, Abner is made responsible for the first formal introduction of David, the
divinely chosen successor to Saul, the divinely rejected king. In addition, Saul‘s request to discover
David‘s identity leads Abner to establish formal ties to the youth who will become his rival both within
the Saulide military ranks, and within the political arena, for control of the Saulide throne.
The narrative tradition in 1 Samuel 26 portrays Abner in the additional role of the king‘s personal
bodyguard. It reports that Abner slept next to the king in the camp during the pursuit of David, with the
army surrounding the two, for protection. After David allegedly infiltrates the Saulide camp by night,
stealing the king‘s spear and water jug, David chides Abner for not having kept a close enough watch
over Saul in camp.
The historical reliability of Abner‘s depicted role as Saul‘s personal bodyguard in 1 Samuel 26 is
doubtful. 1 Sam 22: 14 reports that David had served as the commander of Saul‘s personal bodyguard
before his flight from the Saulide court. It appears that Saul had established a separate elite corps of
professional soldiers who were not an official branch of the professional army but were loyal directly to
him. David had a similar group, known as The Thirty (2 Sam 23:18). Abner apparently served as
commander of the regular Israelite forces but was not involved directly with the royal bodyguard, which
was under the command of another officer. It might be possible to presume that Saul was unable to find a
suitable replacement the ranks of his bodyguard after David‘s flight and appointed Abner interim
commander of both groups. It seems more likely, however, that the depiction of Abner in 1 Samuel 26 is
to be understood as shaped by literary rather than historical concerns. Perhaps the author wanted to
contrast David‘s superior service in protecting the king prior to his flight from court with that of Saul‘s
most trusted servant, Abner. In this way he could illustrate the theme of David‘s blamelessness before
Saul and Saul‘s unfounded suspicion and rejection of David.
In the wake of the disastrous battle at Mt. Gilboa that left Saul and his three eldest sons dead, Abner
took Saul‘s remaining son ESHBAAL and crowned him as the new king of Israel at Mahanaim, the
district capital of Saulide holdings in Gilead (2 Sam 2:8–9). Eshbaal was probably a youth under twenty
at the time of his coronation. It can be presumed that Eshbaal‘s kingship would have been acclaimed by
the surviving troops accompanying Abner, commander of the Saulide forces, to Mahanaim. (The army](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-155-320.jpg)
![played a similar role, serving as a convenient quorum of assembled Israelite citizens, in the subsequent
coronations of Omri [1 Kgs 16:16] and Joram [2 Kgs 11:4–12]). During Eshbaal‘s brief two-year reign,
Abner continued to serve as commander of the national Israelite army.
Abner‘s first task as Eshbaal‘s commander-in-chief was to secure the town of Gibeon, which may have
served as the Saulide capital (2 Kgdms 21: 1–9), against seizure by David (2 Sam 2:12–32). Engaging in
representative combat with David‘s men, each side chose 12 men to fight and determine who would
control the city. All 24 died, leading to a draw. In the wake of the fighting that ensued, Abner killed
Asahel, the brother of JOAB, commander of David‘s forces (2 Sam 2:23). Both Asahel and Joab were
David‘s nephews. Three hundred and sixty of Abner‘s men from Benjamin are reported slain in the
ensuing melee, while only nineteen of David‘s men were killed (2 Sam 2:30–31). A desire to portray
Judah as the stronger of the two, and as the unofficial victor, is evident.
According to 2 Sam 3:1, 6, during Eshbaal‘s 2-year reign, there was war between the house of Saul and
the house of David, during which time Abner was making himself strong in the house of Saul. It seems
that Abner decided to take advantage of Eshbaal‘s youth and inexperience in his effort to gain the Israelite
throne. As the longtime commander of the Israelite forces, he would have had most of the army‘s support
in his bid to replace Eshbaal. Abner made further attempt to usurp the throne by having sexual relations
with Saul‘s concubine RIZPAH (2 Sam 3:7), for possession of the royal harem gave a person title to the
throne (de Vaux 1965:115–19). David is later reported to have received Saul‘s wives when he became
king over Israel (2 Sam 12:8). Likewise, Absalom asserted his claim to kingship in Jerusalem by erecting
a tent on the palace roof and having sexual relations with the ten concubines whom David had left behind
―to keep the house‖ when he fled to Gilead (2 Sam 15:16; 16:20–22). After his return, David put the ten
concubines under guard in a separate house, where they were provided for but were left to live out their
lives as if in widowhood (2 Sam 20:3).
The Bible reports that Eshbaal chastised Abner for his actions with Rizpah; in response, Abner vowed
to set up the throne of David over both Israel and Judah, in fulfillment of the divine promise to David (2
Sam 3:9–10). To this end, Abner is said to have negotiated with David, with the consent and support of
the elders of Israel and Benjamin, to make David king over Israel in place of Eshbaal (2 Sam 3:12–21).
The course of historical events underlying the present narrative depiction may have been slightly
different. Abner‘s negotiations with David may have taken place as part of a larger plan for a coup d‘état,
in which Abner sought David‘s help in accomplishing his coup in exchange for promised cooperation
between the two neighboring states. The incident with Rizpah would have been an additional step in the
planned coup. Alternatively, Abner may have offered to deliver Israel to David in exchange for a position
as commander of the combined forces of Israel and Judah, thereby ousting Joab from his post as
commander of the Judahite forces (Josephus Ant 7.1.5; Hertzberg Samuel OTL, 260; VanderKam 1980:
531; cf. Grønbaek 1971:234–42). The occurrence of some sort of collusion between David and Abner is
indicated by David‘s later appointment of Abner‘s son Jaasiel to be the leader of Benjamin, after he
succeeded Eshbaal to the throne of Israel (1 Chr 27:21).
During his negotiations with David, Abner was killed by Joab, David‘s commander, and Joab‘s brother
Abishai, to avenge Abner‘s slaying of their brother Asahel at the battle at Gibeon. Upon learning that
Abner had been conferring with David, Joab tried to convince David that Abner was acting as a spy on
Eshbaal‘s behalf. Without David‘s knowledge, Joab sent messengers after Abner to have him return to
Hebron, whereupon he slew Abner in the city gate while talking to him in private (2 Sam 3:22–30). In
spite of the biblical apologetic, there is growing recognition that David was actively involved in Abner‘s
murder, either directly in a murder plot with Joab; indirectly, through manipulation of Joab by allowing
him to murder Abner as part of a standing blood feud; or independently in some unknown fashion covered
up in the biblical account (i.e. Hertzberg Samuel OTL, 261; Lemche 1978: 16–17; VanderKam 1980:
McCarter 2 Samuel AB, 120–22; Cryer 1985: 392).
David cursed Joab and his father‘s house for the act of blood revenge, and had Abner buried in Hebron
with a great display of public lamentation in order to convince both Judah and Israel that he had not
plotted Abner‘s death (2 Sam 3:31–39). Ironically, Eshbaal‘s head would later be entombed with Abner‘s](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-156-320.jpg)
![the ―abomination‖ in 164 B.C.E., an event recalled ever after by the Jews in the feast of Hanukkah or
Dedication (see MACCABEES, 1–2).
3. Further Observations. A number of further points about the Danielic ―abomination‖ should be
noted.
a. The unusual phrase ―abomination of desolation‖ is commonly seen by scholars as a derogatory
reference to the deity to whom Antiochus rededicated the Jerusalem temple. The new dedication was
probably to Zeus Olympios (so 2 Macc 6:1), who may have been identified with, or at least given the
Semitic name of, the Phoenician god Ba˓al šāmên (= ―Lord of heaven‖). In order to avoid referring to the
pagan deity directly, the author of Daniel parodies, substituting the term šiqqṣ (i.e. abomination) for the
name Baal (or Zeus) and the word šōmēm (i.e. desolating) for the consonantally similar šāmêm (i.e. of
heaven). The term šiqquṣ is frequently used in the OT to designate something filthy or disgusting, and in
particular idols; the substitution of this term for the name ―Baal‖ can be compared to the use elsewhere in
the OT of the word bôšeth (―shame‖) for Baal, as in the names in 2 Sam 4:1, 4, etc. (For a modification of
this view, see Goldstein 1 Maccabees AB, 143–52).
b. There is some doubt as to whether ―of desolation‖ is the best translation for the relevant Hebrew
word(s) in the Daniel texts. The Heb root šmm can have the sense of ―being desolate,‖ e.g., of deserted
places; but it can also mean ―to be appalled.‖ The Greek versions of the OT opt for the first sense, using
the verb erēmoō; but many modern scholars consider that the second meaning is more likely in Daniel,
and that we should translate the whole phrase as ―appalling sacrilege.‖ It is possible, however, that the
author of Daniel intended several connotations: the term may have been a parody of the name of the
pagan god (see above), and may have suggested both the desolation brought to the temple (spiritual
desolation at least), and the appalling nature of what had taken place; it is just possible that there is also an
allusion to Antiochus‘ supposed madness, since the root šmm sometimes has this sense in postbiblical
Hebrew (Rowley 1932: 265).
c. What form did the ―abomination‖ set up by Antiochus take? A reading of 1 Maccabees (1:54,59) and
of Josephus (Ant 12 §252) suggests that a pagan altar was erected on top of the altar of burnt offering in
the temple. There is no explicit mention of an idol being erected, nor of one being destroyed when the
temple was cleansed (1 Macc 4:43). However, the later Christian and Jewish tradition that a statue of Zeus
was erected in the rededicated temple (perhaps also statues of Antiochus himself) may have some
historical foundation. The phrase ―abomination of desolation‖ could be a reference to such an
unmentionable thing, or to some other stone structure(s) associated with pagan worship (Rowley 1953:
310–12; Goldstein 1 Maccabees AB, 143–52). It has been suggested that Antiochus saw his rededication
of the temple as the restoration of the original religion of the Jews rather than as the introduction of a new
religion and deity; but whether this was his theory or whether he more simply saw himself as suppressing
one undesirable and politically subversive religion and replacing it with something superior, the effect on
the Jews was the same. (On Antiochus and his religious outlook, see Mørkholm 1966, and Goldstein 1
Maccabees AB, 104–60).
d. The suggestion that the Babylonian creation myth with its account of Marduk slaying the chaos
monster Tiamat has influenced the Danielic portrayal of the ―abomination‖ is of interest (Heaton Daniel
TBC, 92–96). However, while it is plausible to postulate connections between the Babylonian myth and
the four sea beasts of Daniel 7 and then also with the ―beast‖ of Revelation, it is not clear that the myth
has contributed at all directly to the Danielic description of the abomination.
B. The Gospels and New Testament
The LXX translates the Danielic phrase ―abomination of desolation‖ in 12:11 with the words to
bdelugma tēs erēmōseōs (similar phraseology being used also in 9:26, 11:31; cf. bdelugma erēmōseōs in 1
Macc 1:54). Matthew and Mark use precisely this Greek phrase in their parallel accounts of Jesus‘
eschatological discourse (Matt 24:15; Mark 13:14). In speaking of the future, Jesus warns generally of
sufferings to come, and then says particularly, ―When you see the abomination of desolation standing
where it ought not to be [so Mark; Matt ―in the holy place‖], then let those who are in Judea flee to the
mountains …‖ The picture is of a disaster in Judea and of enormous and widespread suffering, to be](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-158-320.jpg)
![Mørkholm, O. 1966. Antiochus IV of Syria. Copenhagen.
Rowley, H. H. 1932. The Bilingual Problem of Daniel. ZAW 9:256–68.
———. 1953. Menelaus and the Abomination of Desolation. Pp. 303–15 in Studia Orientalia Ioanni Pedersen. Copenhagen.
Wenham, D. 1984. The Rediscovery of Jesus‘ Eschatological Discourse. Sheffield.
DAVID WENHAM
ABORTION IN ANTIQUITY. Abortion, natural and induced, is attested as a legal matter as early
as the mid-2d millennium B.C. This article will consider abortion and related topics in the OT and the
Ancient Near East, in ancient Judaism, the Greco-Roman world, and in early Christianity.
———
A. Abortion in ANE Law and the OT
B. Abortion in the Hellenistic and Roman World
C. Abortion in Ancient Judaism and in the NT
D. Conclusion
———
A. Abortion in ANE Law and the OT
With the exception of the Middle Assyrian Laws (ca. 1600 B.C.), the earliest Near Eastern law codes
(including the legal materials in the OT) do not deal with the willful destruction of the fetus with the
consent of the mother, but mention only natural miscarriages caused by a blow from another party.
According to the injunctions outlined in the Middle Assyrian Laws, if a woman has had a miscarriage by
her own act, when they have prosecuted her (and) convicted her, they shall impale her on stakes without
burying her (Middle Assyrian Laws 53, in ANET 185). This code further directs that if the woman dies in
the process of inducing the abortion, her body will still be impaled (as a kind of poetic justice) and will be
denied burial.
Several of the law codes of the Ancient Near East, the Code of Hammurabi (ca. 1950 B.C.), the Lipit-
ištar Laws, the Sumerian Laws (ca. 1800 B.C.), the Hittite Laws (ca. 1300 B.C.), as well as the Middle
Assyrian Laws contain stipulations providing for compensation when a woman has been caused to
miscarry because of a blow that she received from another person, thus providing at least indirect
evidence concerning the status of the fetus in these societies. The Code of Hammurabi directs that if a
seignior [a man of rank or authority] struck a (nother) seignior‘s daughter and caused her to miscarry, he
shall pay ten shekels of silver for her fetus. If that woman has died, they shall put his daughter to death
(Code of Hammurabi 209–10, ANET, 175). The Code of Hammurabi further provides for compensation
for miscarriages caused to the daughter of a commoner and of a female slave. In each of these cases the
penalty is commensurately smaller: the miscarriage of the fetus of a commoner‘s daughter is assessed at
five shekels of silver, while her death must be compensated by a half mina of silver; causing the
miscarriage of a female slave was fined at two shekels of silver, while the one causing her death was
obliged to pay one third of a mina of silver (Code of Hammurabi 211–14). The Sumerian Laws (4.1–2,
ANET 525), the Lipit-ištar Laws (iii.2´–5´, 7´–13´; Civil 1965: 5), and the Middle Assyrian Laws (21, 50–
52, ANET 181, 184–85), contain provisions similar to those in the Code of Hammurabi, although the
penalties in the Middle Assyrian Laws are somewhat more stringent: the man causing the miscarriage by
his blow must compensate for her fetus with a life. Further, in both the Lipit-ištar and Middle Assyrian
Laws, if the woman dies, the man himself will be put to death (Lipit-ištar iii.7´–8´, Civil 1965: 5; Middle
Assyrian Laws 50, ANET 184). The Hittite Laws provide a further refinement: the fine assessed for a
miscarriage caused in the tenth (lunar) month of pregnancy is twice the amount of the fine when the
miscarriage occurred during the fifth month (Hittite Laws 1.17–18, ANET 190). The fine assessed for a
miscarriage in the tenth (lunar) month of pregnancy suggests a distinction made in the status of the fetus
and the loss that it implies for the father or family. Unlike the other law codes, in the Hittite Laws the
assault on the woman and her possible death as a consequence are not considered.
The codes discussed above were not designed primarily to protect the unborn, although that was
certainly one result of these injunctions, because the exposure or killing of abnormal, deformed, or
otherwise unwanted children was both tolerated and practiced among them (Ebeling RLA 1:322). These](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-161-320.jpg)
![laws and prohibitions were primarily sociopolitical in intent and protected the community from the
potential loss of strength that a normal, healthy child could provide.
Exod 21:22–25 is frequently referred to in discussions of abortion. According to this passage, ―When
men strive together, and hurt a woman with child, so that there is a miscarriage, and yet no harm follows,
the one who hurt her shall be fined, according as the woman‘s husband shall lay on him; and he shall pay
as the judges determine. If any harm follows, then you shall give life for life, eye for eye, tooth for tooth,
hand for hand, foot for foot, burn for burn, wound for wound, stripe for stripe‖ (RSV). These verses
present numerous exegetical difficulties that have resulted in widely differing interpretations. According
to one view, the ―harm‖ (Heb ˒āsôn) in the Hebrew text refers to an injury done to the woman, since
(according to this interpretation of the passage) the miscarriage is explicitly mentioned in contrast or
juxtaposition to the ―harm.‖ Thus, the ˒āsôn done the woman, through either serious injury or death, is
punished more severely than the miscarriage of the fetus, thereby indicating that the fetus was not viewed
as fully human. Those holding to this view also note that this interpretation closely parallels evidence
from other Near Eastern codes (Paul 1970: 71; Loewenstamm 1977: 356; Weinfeld 1977: 129; Sinclair
1978: 179–82; Sinclair 1980: 110). According to others, the first instance refers to a blow that results in a
premature birth, but produces no further complications (˒āsôn) to the child, while the second case refers to
an instance in which the miscarriage results in the death of the fetus. Thus, according to this view, the
fetus could be viewed as having a status similar or identical to that of human beings (Cottrell 1973: 8–
9[604–15]; Jackson 1973: 273–304; Waltke 1976: 3–13; House 1978–79: 117–20). While these differing
interpretations of Exod 21:21–25 influence the view of the status of the fetus in Hebrew law, they provide
at best only indirect evidence for the case of induced abortions.
B. Abortion in the Hellenistic and Roman World
Greek philosophers offered opinions on abortion that diverged as widely as did their perspectives on the
moment of ensoulment. Plato believed that the fetus is a living being (Plutarch De placitis philosophorum
5.15). Still, he recommended abortions for women who conceived after the age of forty (Resp. 5.9).
Aristotle (Pol. 7.15.25[1335b]) allowed abortions only before ―sense and life have begun‖ in the fetus,
which he viewed as coming as forty days for males and ninety for females (HA 7.3; GA 4. 1), and
indicated by the movement of the fetus in the mother‘s womb. According to the Stoics, the fetus remains
a part of the mother until it is born. Although no Greek Stoic whose writings are preserved takes a
position on induced abortion, the Roman Stoic Musonius Rufus (whose views may have paralleled those
of the earlier Greek Stoics) forbade induced abortions. However, it may also be here that the views of
Aristotle and Musonius Rufus were more the result of a concern for the welfare of the state than for the
fetus itself. The exposure of children was a practice tolerated, and in some instances even encouraged, by
the same Greek philosophers and ethicists who took clear positions against abortion, probably for the
same reasons, mentioned above, in the ancient Near Eastern societies: abortion was forbidden in order to
protect the potential contribution to the society that the child would provide. However, once the child was
born and found to be deformed in some way and, thus, a potential drain on the resources of the society, its
death through exposure was allowed (Bennett 1923: 341–51; Eyben 1980–81: 12–19).
The paucity of Greek legislation on abortion makes it difficult to draw any definite conclusions
concerning its legal status. According to a document falsely attributed to Galen, the lawmakers Lycurgus
and Solon both enacted legislation prohibiting abortion and punishing its practice (Moòssides 1922: 64).
While corroborating evidence is wanting, in the light of parallel laws in the ancient Near East, in
particular the Middle Assyrian law punishing induced abortion, it is certainly not beyond the realm of
possibility for induced abortion to have been forbidden in early Greek law as well. Indeed, according to
the 1st-century Stoic philosopher, Aelius Theon, one of the orations by the Attic orator Lysias concerned
―whether the fetus was human and whether abortions might be subject to penalty‖ (Dölger 1934: 10–12).
The Hippocratic oath forbids administering abortifacients (Nardi 1970: 59–60) except to expel a fetus
that was already dead. On the other hand, there are reports of other methods recommended by Greek
physicians in order to abort in the very earliest stages of pregnancy (Moòs-sides 1922: 68; Hèhnel 1936:
235; Crahay 1941: 14–15; Dickison 1973: 160). An inscription from Philadelphia in Asia Minor dating](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-162-320.jpg)
![from about 100 B.C. includes prohibitions against the taking of drugs to prevent birth (atokeion) or to
cause abortions (phthoreion [Nardi 1970: 193–94]). This differs from other Kultsatzungen of the
Hellenistic period in that the use of birth control devices and abortifacients are not merely viewed as the
source of cultic impurity, but as ethical and moral failings (Dölger 1934: 19–20; Weinfeld 1977: 132; but
cf. Crahay 1941: 17).
While induced abortion is only occasionally mentioned in Rome during the period of the Republic, it
seems to have been very common during the early centuries of the Empire. In reaction to this growing
permissiveness, eminent writers of the period raised their voices in praise of those who avoided it and
against those who practiced it. Borrowing a military metaphor, Ovid says that the woman who first
aborted a fetus ―deserved to die by her own weapons‖ (Am. 2.14. 5–6). Seneca pays tribute to his own
mother for never having ―crushed the hope of children that were being nurtured in [her] body‖ (Helv.
16.3). Suetonius, Juvenal, and Pliny the Younger each report the tragic account of Julia, the niece of the
emperor Domitian, whom he seduced and later compelled to undergo an abortion that resulted in her
death (Suet. Dom. 22; Juv. 2.32–33; Pliny Ep. 4.11.16). Further, the exposure of unwanted infants, rare
during the Republican period, appears also to have been commonplace under the Empire (Eyben 1980–
81: 14).
C. Abortion in Ancient Judaism and in the NT
The LXX translators rendered Exod 21:22–23 in a manner that is markedly different from the received
Hebrew text, apparently reflecting an awareness of the various strands of Greek philosophical thought on
the status of the fetus: ―If two men fight and they strike a woman who is pregnant, and her child comes
out while not yet fully formed, he will be forced to pay a fine; whatever the woman‘s husband imposes,
he will pay with a valuation. But if it is fully formed, he will give life for life, eye for eye, tooth for tooth,
hand for hand, foot for foot, burning for burning, wound for wound, stripe for stripe.‖ Whereas in the
Hebrew text the term ˒āsôn may be understood as referring either to the fetus or to the woman, the LXX
rendering of this phrase as ―fully formed‖ makes explicit its reference to injuring the fetus, not the
woman. Further, the use of the term ―not fully formed‖ and ―fully formed‖ is reminiscent of Aristotle‘s
distinction between fetuses in which ―sense and life have begun‖ and those that have not. The LXX
translation implies a view about the status of the fetus that is basically Aristotelian and takes a middle
position between the Stoic and Platonic views (Gorman 1982: 34–35; cf. Salvoni 1975: 27). It stipulates
the death penalty in the event of the death of a fully developed fetus that was caused to miscarry when the
woman was struck by another person.
Philo of Alexandria (25 B.C.–A.D. 41), in his treatise on the Ten Commandments and other Jewish laws,
Special Laws (Spec Leg III 108–9), discusses in the section on the commandment ―Thou shalt not kill‖ the
situation reflected in Exod 21:22–23. In this passage Philo says that if a man assaults a pregnant woman
and strikes her in the belly, he will be required to pay a fine if the fetus is as yet unformed, as
compensation both for the blow itself and for the fact that he has deprived ―nature of bringing a human
being into existence. However, if the fetus is formed, he will be put to death.‖ Philo compares the formed
fetus in the womb to ―a statue lying in the sculptor‘s workshop needing nothing more than to be taken
outside and released from confinement.‖
While retaining the LXX‘s distinction between the fetus that is ―fully formed‖ and one that is not, Philo
changes the specific situation that results in harm to the fetus from a fight between two men into one
man‘s intentional assault on a pregnant woman. Most significant, however, is the moral tenor of his
discussion. Unlike the text of Exodus, which is primarily concerned with nice legal distinctions, Philo
emphasizes the moral wrongness of such an assault on the unborn. In Philo‘s view, one who injures a
fetus that is not fully formed is guilty of an outrage against nature, while one who harms the formed fetus
is guilty of the murder of a human being and is thus deserving of death (Gorman 1982: 35–36).
It is significant to note that the context in which Philo is speaking is part of an a fortiori argument
against exposure. According to Philo, although Moses never includes exposure among prohibited
practices, it is certainly implied, since Philo understands the law as prohibiting the destruction of life in
utero. He is also challenging the justification of abortion by legal, medical, and philosophical authorities](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-163-320.jpg)
![fetus was viewed as being a neighbor with the same rights—including the right to life—that the neighbor
would have. Similarly, the early Christian apocalyptic literature reflects a moral abhorrence of willful
abortion. The Apocalypse of Peter, roughly contemporary with the Did. and the Ep. Barn. and at one time
included in the canon of scripture (in the Muratorian Fragment and by Clement of Alexandria), paints a
graphic portrait of hell‘s population, which includes a scene in which women who have obtained
abortions are in a gorge, up to their throats in excrement, while fire shoots forth from the infants who
were aborted and strikes the women on the eyes. The Apocalypse continues by stating that the infants will
be given to Temlakor, while the women who aborted them ―will be tortured forever‖ (Apoc. Pet. [Ethiopic
8 = Akhmim Fragment 26]; cf. Clement of Alexandria Ecl. 41, 48–49 = PG 9.717–20; Quasten 1950: 144;
Gorman 1982: 50–51).
From the 2d century on, opposition by Christian writers to induced abortion on ethical grounds
continued, if not increased. The Christian apologist Athenagoras, in response to the charge that the
Christians engaged in the ritual slaughter of children, asked what reason they might have to commit
murder when they already assert that women who induce abortions are murderers and will have to give
account of it to God. The same person, Athenagoras reasons, would not regard the fetus in the womb as a
living thing and, therefore, an object of God‘s care and then kill it (Presbeia 35 = PG 6.969) For Clement
of Alexandria (Ecl. 50.1–3 = PG 9.720–21; cf. Dölger 1934: 28–29), Tertullian (An. 27; cf. Emmel 1918:
33–44, 90–97), and Lactantius (De opificio Dei 17.7 = CSEL 27.56), ensoulment takes place at or
immediately after conception. Thus, abortion at any stage of the pregnancy is viewed by them as
unacceptable. The view in subsequent centuries is equally insistent on the moral right of the fetus to life.
The councils of Elvira in A.D. 305 (Canons 63, 68 = PL 84:308–9; cf. Connery 1977: 46–49) and Ancyra
in 314 (Canon 21; Cf. Nardi 1970: 496–501) contained canons against abortion. Similarly, the voices of
Jerome (Ep. 22 ad Eustochium 13 = CSEL 54:160; Ep. 121 ad Algasiam 4 = CSEL 56:16), Ambrose
(Exameron 5.18.58 = CSEL 32:184–85), and Augustine (De nuptiis et concupiscentiis 1.17 = CSEL
42:230) in the Latin West, and Basil of Caesarea (Ep. 188.2 = PG 32:671) and John Chrysostom (Hom. in
Rom. 24 = PG 60:626–27) in the Greek East were raised against abortion and in defense of the life of the
unborn (Nardi 1970: 483–582; Eyben 1980–81: 62–74; Gorman 1982: 53–73). See also RAC 1: 55–60; 2:
176–83.
D. Conclusion
In the ancient Near East, only the Middle Assyrian Laws provide explicit sanctions against those
practicing the pre-meditated abortion of a fetus. The text in Exodus 22 gives only implicit evidence for the
question of willful abortion. As a result, some scholars have attempted to elicit from other biblical texts an
ethic that could be applied to the question of abortion (Waltke 1976: 3–13; Kline 1977: 193–201; Kurz
1986: 668–80). However, even where the evidence concerning the status of the fetus is somewhat
ambiguous, there is no indication that premeditated abortion was tolerated in ancient Israel. On the other
hand, the relatively permissive attitude in the ancient Near East toward the exposure of unwanted infants
(for which there is no evidence available in ancient Israel) suggests that the prohibition of abortion, even
where it existed, was designed more to protect the society from the loss of potentially productive
members than from any particular concern with the rights of the fetus itself. A roughly analogous
situation existed among the Greeks during the Hellenistic period: there was a general, though by no means
uniform or monolithic, indisposition toward premeditated abortion, while the exposure of unwanted
infants was widely tolerated. In Imperial Rome, the attitude toward abortion was more permissive than in
the Hellenistic world, while exposure was also widely tolerated under the Empire. A significant
development in attitude toward abortion can be seen in the writings of formative Judaism, particularly in
Philo, as well as in early Christianity: not only is abortion prohibited—and exposure, too—but this
prohibition rests upon an ethical concern for the fetus and the newly born. A further dimension to the
discussion on abortion is added in the rabbinic writings, where the health and well-being of the expectant
mother are taken into consideration.
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Dickison, S. K. 1973. Abortion in Antiquity. Arethusa 6: 159–66.
Dölger, F. 1934. Das Lebensrecht des ungeborenen Kindes und die Fruchtabtreibung in der Bewertung der heidnischen und
christlichen Antike. Antike und Christentum 4: 1–61.
Emmel, K. 1918. Das Fortleben der antiken Lehren von der Beseelung bei den Kirchenvätern. Borna-Leipzig.
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Gorman, M. J. 1982. Abortion and the Early Church. New York.
Hèhnel, R. 1936. Der künstliche Abortus im Altertum. Archiv für Geschichte der Medizin 29: 224–25.
House, H. W. 1978/79. Miscarriage or Premature Birth: Additional Thoughts on Exodus 21: 22–25. WTJ 41: 108–23.
Huser, R. J. 1942. The Crime of Abortion in Canon Law. Washington.
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Jackson, B. S. 1977. The Problem of Exod. 21:22–25. VT 27: 352–60.
Kline, M. 1977. Les Talionis and the Human Fetus. JETS 20: 193–201.
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STEPHEN D. RICKS
ABRAHAM (PERSON) [Heb ˒abrāhām (ם ָה ָש ְב ַא)]. Var. ABRAM. The biblical patriarch whose
story is told in Genesis 12–25.
———
A. The Biblical Information
1. Outline of Abraham‘s Career
2. Abraham‘s Faith
3. Abraham‘s Life-style
4. Abraham, Ancestor of the Chosen People
B. Abraham in Old Testament Study
1. Abraham as a Figure of Tradition
2. Abraham as a Figure of History
C. Abraham—A Contextual Approach
1. Abraham the Ancestor
2. Abraham‘s Career and Life-style
3. Abraham‘s Names
4. Abraham‘s Faith
5. Objections to a 2d Millennium Context
D. Duplicate Narratives
E. Conclusion
———
A. The Biblical Information](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-166-320.jpg)
![Gen 47:30). Comparisons made between Abraham‘s purchase of the cave reported in Genesis 23 and
Hittite laws (Lehmann 1953) are now seen to be misleading (Hoffner 1969: 33–37). However, the report
is not a transcript of a contract, and so cannot be tied in time to the ―dialogue document‖ style fashionable
in Babylonia from the 7th to 5th centuries B.C., as Van Seters and others have argued (Van Seters 1975:
98–100), and at least one Babylonian deed settling property rights survives in dialogue form from early in
the 2 millennium B.C. (Kitchen 1977: 71 gives the reference).
3. Abraham’s Names. Abram, ―the father is exalted,‖ is a name of common form, although no example
of it is found in the West Semitic onomasticon of the early 2d millennium B.C. The replacement,
Abraham, is given the meaning ―father of a multitude‖ (Gen 17:5). That may be a popular etymology or a
play on current forms of the name ―Abram‖ in local dialects for the didactic purpose of the context, the
inserted h having analogies in other West Semitic languages. The name ―Aburahana‖ is found in the
Egyptian Execration Texts of the 19th century B.C. (m and n readily interchange in Egyptian transcriptions
of Semitic names [EHI, 197–98]). Genesis introduces the longer name as part of the covenant God made
with Abram, so the new name confirmed God‘s control and marked a stage in the Patriarch‘s career (see
Wiseman 1983: 158–60). No other person in the OT bears the names ―Abram‖ or ―Abraham‖ (or ―Isaac‖
or ―Jacob‖); apparently they were names which held a special place in Hebrew tradition (like the names
―David‖ and ―Solomon‖).
4. Abraham’s Faith. A monotheistic faith followed about 2000 B.C. is, so far as current sources reveal,
unique, and therefore uncomfortable for the historian and accordingly reckoned unlikely and treated as a
retrojection from much later times. The history of religions undermines that stance; the astonishing impact
of Akhenaten‘s ―heresy‖ and the explosion of Islam demonstrate the role a single man‘s vision may play,
both imposing a monotheism upon a polytheistic society. Abraham‘s faith, quietly held and handed down
in his family until its formulation under Moses, is equally credible.
Contextual research helps a little. Further study has traced the ―gods of the fathers‖ concept far beyond
Alt‘s Nabatean inscriptions to the early 2d millennium B.C., when the term referred to named deities, and
the god El could be known as Il-aba ―El is father‖ (Lambert 1981). Discussion of the various names and
epithets for God in the Abraham narratives continues, revolving around the question whether they all refer
to one deity or not (see Cross 1973; Wenham 1983). Some ancient texts which apply one or two of these
epithets to separate gods (e.g., the pair ˒l ―God‖ and ˓lywn ―Most High,‖ in an 8th-century Aramaic treaty,
ANET, 659), may reflect later or different traditions; the religious patterns of the ancient Levant are so
varied that it is dangerous to harmonize details from one time and place with those from another. The OT
seems to equivocate over the antiquity of the divine name yhwh. Despite Exod 6:3, the Abraham
narratives include the name often. Apart from the (unacceptable) documentary analysis, explanations
range from retrojection of a (post-) Mosaic editor to explanations of Exod 6:3 allowing the name to be
known to Abraham, but not its significance (see Wenham 1983:189–93). The latter opinion may find a
partial analogy in the development of the Egyptian word aten from ―sun disk‖ to the name of the supreme
deity (Gardiner 1961: 216–18). However, the absence of the divine name as an indubitable element in any
pre-Mosaic personal name should not be overlooked. Abraham naturally had a similar religious language
to those around him, with animal sacrifices, altars, and gifts to his God after a victory. He found in
Melchizedek another whose worship he could share, just as Moses found Jethro (Gen 14; Exod 2:15–22;
8), yet he never otherwise joined the cults of Canaan.
5. Objections to a 2d Millennium Context. a. Anachronisms. The texts about Sargon of Akkad are
pertinent to the question of anachronisms in the Abraham stories. In those texts, Sargon is said to have
campaigned to Turkey in aid of Mesopotamian merchants oppressed there. Documents from Kanesh in
central Turkey attest to the activities of Assyrian merchants in the 19th century B.C., but not much earlier.
Therefore the mention of Kanesh in texts about Sargon and his dynasty is considered anachronistic. At the
same time, the incidents those texts report are treated as basically authentic and historically valuable
(Grayson and Sollberger 1976: 108). The anachronism does not affect the sense of the narrative. In this
light, the problem of the Philistines in Gen 21:32, 34 may be viewed as minimal. Naming a place after a
people whose presence is only attested there six or seven centuries later than the setting of the story need](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-172-320.jpg)
![(Sin 211, Gosudarstvennyj Istoričeskij Muzej 869, fols. 76–90, Moscow) and dates to the 16th century
(see Philonenko-Sayer and Philonenko 1981; Rubinkiewicz 1977; 1987).
C. The Integrity of the Text
Most critics distinguish two parts in the Apocalypse of Abraham: the haggadic section (chaps. 1–8) and
the apocalyptic section (chaps. 9–32). The two sections were probably written by different authors. Later,
the two documents were most likely joined together into a single work. It seems, however, that only
chapter 7 did not belong to the original text of the pseudepigraphon, and maybe also chapter 23 (the
description of the sin of Adam and Eve, which undoubtedly reflects Jewish sources; the chapter could
have been introduced into the Apocalypse of Abraham from another pseudepigraphon). A special problem
is presented by Apoc. Ab. 29:4–13. Generally one assumes that the Man ―going out from the left, the
heathen side‖ (29:4), worshipped by the great crowd of the heathen, and insulted by some of the people of
Israel, represents the figure of Jesus. Therefore, some critics claim that this passage is a Christian
interpolation (ANRW 2/19/1: 137–51) or that it could be a ―Jewish view of Jesus as an apostle to the
heathen‖ (EncJud 1: 125–27). However, an exact analysis of the vision in Apoc. Ab. 29:4–13 proves that
it must be original, and that it ―has little in common with a Christian view of Jesus but recalls the beast in
Rev 13:1–4‖ (Hall 1988). The heathen man may be identified as the Roman emperor. Only ―the phrase
identifying the man who is worshiped as a child of Abraham (29:9b) must be understood as a gloss,
probably by a Christian interpolator who found Christ in the author‘s ‗antichrist‘ ‖ (Hall 1988).
In addition to these three passages, we may note some glosses, perhaps because of the Bogomil editor
(ANRW 2/19/1: 137–51; Rubinkiewicz 1987; contrary Philonenko-Sayar and Philonenko 1981). The very
strange statement that Abraham‘s issue are ―the people (associated) with Azazel‖ must be understood in
the light of the gloss ―ljudii s Azazilomû sii sout‖ (22:5), ―this is the people with Azazel,‖ found in one of
the manuscripts in the correct form. In the other manuscripts it is slightly different and incorporated into
the main phrase. This fact explains the strange association of Azazel with the people of God and is in the
spirit of the medieval slavonic sect of the Bogomils.
D. Original Language
The original language of the Apocalypse of Abraham was undoubtedly Semitic, either Aramaic or
Hebrew. Many Semitisms are found in the text which cannot be explained simply by the influence of
Septuagintal style. For example, Apoc. Ab. uses the positive instead of the comparative, indicating a
Semitic original. The awkward Slavonic construction ―heavy of (a big stone)‖ (1:5) renders Semitic kbd
mn, which should be interpreted ―heavier than (a big stone).‖ Also, prepositions are sometimes used
according to Hebrew rather than Slavonic syntax (e.g., 8:4; 12:10; see Rubinkiewicz 1980).
E. Date and Origin
The Apocalypse of Abraham was written after A.D. 70, as is evident from its reference to the destruction
of the Temple. If one assumes that plagues 1, 3, 5, 7, 9, (Apoc. Ab. 30:4–8) refer to the events from A.D.
69 and 70, and that plagues 2, 4, 6, 8, 10 (Apoc. Ab. 30:4–8) refer to the eruption of Vesuvius in A.D. 79,
then it may be surmised that the text was composed between A.D. 79–81. This opinion is reinforced by the
symbolic interpretation of the haggadic material found in Apoc. Ab. 1–6 (the idols symbolize the hostile
kingdoms and kings: Marumat = Rome, Barisat = Babylon, [Su]zuch = Persia, ―five other gods‖ = Galba,
Otho, Vitellius, Vespasian, and Titus), but this explanation must remain hypothetical (see Rubinkiewicz
1982).
The author of Apoc. Ab. belonged to the priestly environment. Some doctrinal affinities of the text with
the Qumran writings—e.g., the opinion regarding the High Priest in the Temple, the liturgical milieu of
the pseudepigraphon concentrated around the Feast of Tabernacles as the Feast of the renewal of the
Covenant, and predeterminism contained in the text of this work—show at least some dependency on
Essene doctrine. Despite these similarities, there is no convincing argument that the author of Apoc. Ab.
was an Essene. The views expressed in the pseudepigraphon correspond equally well to the concepts
represented by the priestly environment of Palestine in general, not just the Essene environment.
F. Theology](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-176-320.jpg)
![Charlesworth, J. H. 1976. The Pseudepigrapha and Modern Research. SCS 7. Missoula.
Denis, A.-M. 1970. Introduction aux pseudepigraphes grecs d‘Ancien Testament. SVTP 1. Leiden.
Hall, R. G. 1988. The ―Christian Interpolation‖ in the Apocalypse of Abraham. JBL 107: 107–10.
Lunt, H. 1985. On the Language of the Slavonic Apocalypse of Abraham. Studia Hierosolymitana 7: 55–62.
Philonenko-Sayar, B., and Philonenko, M. 1981. L‘Apocalypse d‘Abraham. Sem 31.
———. 1982. Die Apocalypse Abrahams. JSHRZ 5. Gütersloh.
Rubinkiewicz, R. 1977. L‘Apocalypse d‘Abraham en slave. 2 vols. Diss. Rome [typescript].
———. 1980. Les sémitismes dans l‘Apocalypse d‘Abraham. Folia Orientalia 21: 141–48.
———. 1982. Apokalipsa Abrahama 1–6: Propozycja interpretacji symbolicznej. RocTKan 29/1: 79–94.
———. 1984. Die Eschatologie von Henoch 9–11 und das Neue Testament. ÖBS 6. Klosterneuburg.
———. 1987. L‘Apocalypse d‘Abraham en vieux slave. Lublin.
Rubinstein, A. 1953. Hebraisms in the Slavonic ―Apocalypse of Abraham.‖ JJS 4: 108–15.
———. 1954. Hebraisms in the ―Apocalypse of Abraham.‖ JJS 5: 132–35.
———. 1957. A Problematic Passage in the Apocalypse of Abraham. JJS.
RYSZARD RUBINKIEWICZ
ABRAHAM, TESTAMENT OF. Although titled a ―testament‖ in many of the extant manuscripts,
the Testament of Abraham exhibits few of the traits of that genre. Abraham is instructed to make a
testament in preparation for his death, but he neither relates his own personal history in order to instruct
his descendants, nor imparts ethical advice to those who have gathered at his bedside. The ―Testament‖ of
Abraham is more closely related to the apocalyptic dramas, the descriptions of otherworldly journeys, and
the legends about the death of Moses, which circulated widely in the Hellenistic and Roman periods, than
it is to the other testamentary literature. The ―Testament‖ focuses on the inevitability of death, God‘s just
and merciful judgment (in contrast to Abraham‘s quick condemnation of sinners), and the fate of souls
after death. The figure of Abraham bears some resemblance to the biblical character in that he is presented
as hospitable and righteous, but he is also seen in the story as disobedient (refusing to go with God‘s
appointed messengers) and self-righteous (condemning nearly everyone that he sees during his heavenly
journey).
The work survives in two distinct Greek recensions, a longer version (A) and a shorter version (B). The
two recensions probably derive from a common source, but neither is directly dependent on the other.
Whereas the long version is thought to preserve the more original contents and order, the short version
often preserves earlier wording and simpler vocabulary (James 1892: 49; Nickelsburg 1976: 85–93).
The story contains two parallel and symmetrical divisions: In the first part, Michael is sent by God to
retrieve Abraham‘s soul (chaps. 1–15); in the second part, Death is sent to complete the task (chaps. 16–
20; Nickelsburg 1984: 61). In part one, Abraham receives the visitor Michael with great hospitality, but
after he discovers why Michael has come, he refuses to die (A2–7; B = Abraham tries to postpone death).
Michael continues to try to persuade Abraham to obey God‘s will, but Abraham instead strikes a bargain
with Michael that would allow him to see all the inhabited world before he dies (A8–9; B = ―all God‘s
creation‖). During the journey, Abraham is repulsed by the wickedness that he sees, and he immediately
calls for the death of the sinners (A10). God orders the tour to stop before Abraham condemns everyone;
he then instructs Michael to take Abraham to the place where Abel is carefully weighing the deeds of the
dead so that Abraham can see God‘s compassionate judgment (A11–13). God‘s merciful treatment of the
souls persuades Abraham to pray on behalf of those he had condemned during his journey (A14).
Although Michael has fulfilled his part of the bargain, Abraham still refuses to die. Michael then returns
to heaven and God sends Death to reclaim Abraham‘s soul (A15–16). Death attempts to frighten Abraham
by showing him all manner of gruesome deaths (A17), and then tries to persuade him that a swift death is
something to be sought because such a death precludes any further punishment (A17–19). Abraham still
is reluctant to die; finally he is tricked by Death, and dies. The story concludes with the angels taking
Abraham‘s soul to heaven (A20).
Aside from the minor differences mentioned in the summary, the longer and shorter recensions differ in
two major ways: (1) the shorter recension places the judgment scene before the tour of the world; and (2)
the judgment scene in the shorter recension is much less fully developed.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-178-320.jpg)
![The two recensions are preserved in approximately thirty Greek MSS ranging from the 13th to the 17th
century (for a full list, cf. Schmidt 1986: 1–3; Denis 1970: 32–33). The noteworthy other languages are
Coptic (which generally follows B, but some elements resemble A; cf. Sparks‘ introduction to Turner
1984: 393), Ethiopic (based on the Coptic; cf. HJP² 3/2: 765), Arabic (also based on the Coptic),
Roumanian (cf. Turdeanu 1981: 201–18, 440), and Slavonic (follows B; cf. Turdeanu 1981: 201–18,
440).
Scholars such as Ginzberg and Kohler argued for a Hebrew original for the work, but the consensus
today is that the longer version of the Testament was composed in Septuagintal, or Semitic, Greek (cf.
OTP 1: 873; Delcor 1973: 32–34). This position is strengthened by the close vocabulary parallels between
the long recension and other books such as the Wisdom of Solomon and 2,3,4 Maccabees, which were
clearly composed in Greek. The shorter version can easily be retroverted to Hebrew, but as Sanders notes,
the Hebrew that results is a classical biblical prose style, not the Hebrew of the Greco-Roman period as
evidenced by the Dead Sea Scrolls and early rabbinic literature (OTP 1: 873). It is therefore likely, though
still not settled, that the shorter recension was also composed in Greek (cf. Schmidt 1986).
There are no historical allusions in the Testament. Thus estimates of the date of composition have
ranged from the 2d century B.C.E. up to the 6th century C.E. (for the final form of the long recension),
although most scholars regard the 1st century B.C.E. or 1st century C.E. as the most likely (OTP 1: 874;
Schmidt; Delcor: 73–77; Collins: 226; Denis 1970: 36).
An Egyptian provenience for the Testament has been widely accepted (OTP 1: 875; Collins: 226; Denis
1970: 36; Nickelsburg 1984: 63). Cited in its favor are the similarities in vocabulary between the
Testament and other works thought to derive from Egyptian Jewry (3 Maccabees, Testament of Job, 3
Baruch), the balancing of deeds (weighing of souls; chaps. A11–13), the three levels of judgment (which
may reflect the three levels of jurisdiction in Roman Egypt; cf. Sanders: 875; Delcor: 18), and the
portrayal of the figure of death as a heavenly courtier and servant of God (Nickelsburg 1984: 63). Schmidt
has argued for a Palestinian provenience (see also Janssen), but he bases his claim on the doubtful
position that the shorter recension was composed in Hebrew.
Undoubtedly a Jewish work, the Testament (especially the longer recension) does contain a few
Christian additions (most notably in the judgment scene; cf. HJP² 3/2: 763; Nickelsburg 1984: 63).
Whether any identifiable group within Judaism is responsible for its composition is still debated. Kohler
and Ginzberg suggested that the work derived from the Essenes, and that idea, in a slightly diluted form,
has been picked up by Schmidt, who argues that the work originated from ―a popular Essenism.‖ Delcor
(70–73) has suggested that the work may have been written by the Therapeutae, an Essenelike group, but
Sanders has refuted this position convincingly, noting especially that Abraham is presented in the
Testament as a city dweller whereas the Therapeutae were strictly nonurban dwellers (according to Philo),
and that the Judaism presented in the Testament is a ―lowest-common-denominator Judaism‖ which lacks
any sectarian attributes (OTP 1: 876; but cf. HJP² 3/2: 762).
Bibliography
Delcor, M. 1973. Le Testament d‘Abraham. SVTP 2. Leiden.
Denis, A. M. 1970. Introduction aux pseudépigraphes grecs d‘Ancien Testament. SVTP 1. Leiden.
James, M. R. 1892. The Testament of Abraham. TextsS 2/2. Cambridge.
Janssen, E. 1975. Testament Abrahams. JSHRZ 3: 193–256.
Nickelsburg, G. W. E. 1976. Studies on the Testament of Abraham. SCS 6. Missoula, MT.
———. 1984. Stories of Biblical and Early Post-Biblical Times. Pp. 60–64 in Jewish Writings of the Second Temple Period,
ed. M. E. Stone. CRINT 2.2. Philadelphia.
Schmidt, F. 1986. Le Testament grec d‘Abraham.Texte und Studien zum Antiken Judentum 11. Tübingen.
Stone, M. E. 1972. The Testament of Abraham. SBLTT 2; Pseudepigrapha Series 2. Missoula, MT.
Turdeanu, E. 1981. Le Testament d‘Abraham en slave et en roumain. Pp. 201–18, 440 in Apocryphes slaves et roumains de
l‘Ancien Testament. SVTP 5. Leiden.
Turner, N. 1984. The Testament of Abraham. Pp. 393–421 in The Apocryphal Old Testament, ed. H. F. D. Sparks. Oxford.
JAMES R. MUELLER
ABRAM (PERSON) [Heb ˒abrām (ם ָש ְב ַא)]. See ABRAHAM (PERSON).](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-179-320.jpg)
![ABRON (PLACE) [Gk abrōna (ἀβπωνα)]. A wadi along which the Assyrian general Holofernes razed
all the cities in his western campaign during the Persian period (Jdt 2:24). However, the location of Abron
is uncertain, and given the genre of the book of Judith, the historicity of this campaign and the ―Assyrian‖
general is doubtful. The campaign is set in the territory of Cilicia (Jdt 2:21–25), suggesting that Abron is
located somewhere between the NW bend of the Euphrates and the Mediterranean Sea. The confusion is
compounded by the textual variants (Codex Sinaiticus chebrōn; Vg mambre [2:14]), which suggest that
some ancient translators may have located Abron in the Hebron/Mamre region of Palestine. Some
scholars, following Movers (1835), explain Gk abrōna as a translator‘s misunderstanding of the Heb
phrase b˓br hnhr (―beyond the river‖), designating ―east of the Euphrates River,‖ or ―Mesopotamia‖ (cf.
Josh 24:2, 14–15). However, from the Mesopotamian point of view, this phrase designated the region, or
an administrative district, west of the northern bend of the Euphrates River (namely, Syria-Palestine; see
Rainey 1969). In this phrase the Heb ˓br was mistaken by the translator to be the actual name of the river.
Others identify Abron with the Habur River (see HABOR), which joins the Euphrates 31 km NW of Dura
(Soubigiou Judith Sainte Bible, 516).
Bibliography
Movers, F. C. 1835. Über die Ursprache der deuterocanonischen Bücher des alten Testaments. ZPKT 13: 31–48.
Rainey, A. F. 1969. The Strategy ―Beyond the River.‖ AJBA 1: 51–78.
MARK J. FRETZ
ABRONAH (PLACE) [Heb ˓abrōnâ (ה ָֹנש ְב ַף)]. An Israelite camp-site on the exodus itinerary,
located between the stations of Jotbathah and Ezion-geber, N of the Gulf of ˓Aqaba (Num 33:34–35; see
Deut 2:8; 10:6–7). The historical location of the site of Abronah remains uncertain, as do most of the sites
on the wilderness itinerary (Num 33:1–49), and any proposed location of these sites presumes a
theoretical travel route (Aharoni LBHG, 198). A modern site named both Ar ˓Ain ed-Def yeh or Dāfiya,
and also ˓Ein Avrona (Hebrew), located 15 km N of the Gulf of ˓Aqaba, is one identification (Rothenberg,
et al., 1961: 89; Baly 1963: 166; see also RNAB, 114), while Aharoni and Avi-Yonah (MBA, 174) allow
for the tenuous possibility of Elat (modern Umm Rashrash; M.R. 145884), situated on the northern shore
of the Gulf of ˓Aqaba.
Bibliography
Baly, D. 1963. Geographical Companion to the Bible. London.
Rothenberg, Beno; Aharoni, Y.; and Hashimshoni, A. 1961. God‘s Wilderness: Discoveries in Sinai. London.
MARK J. FRETZ
ABSALOM (PERSON) [Heb ˒abšālōm (ֹלם ָש ְב ַא)]. Var. ABISHALOM.
1. Third son of David. His mother was a foreigner, MAACAH, daughter of Talmai, king of Geshur (2
Sam 3:3; 1 Chr 3:2). He was one of six sons born to David at Hebron by six different wives. He was at the
center of a long-running series of troubles that David had with his sons: he killed his older brother
AMNON and later rebelled against David himself.
Absalom first appears in the story of Amnon‘s rape of their sister Tamar (2 Samuel 13). After the rape
was committed, Absalom hated Amnon (13:22) with the same hatred that the latter had shown for Tamar
(13:15–19), and he bided his time for revenge.
After two years, Absalom was able to lure Amnon—who himself had lured his sister into a trap—as
well as ―all the king‘s sons‖ to festivities at Baal-hazor, near Ephraim, during the time of sheepshearing
(13:23–29). There, Absalom had Amnon killed and the brothers fled. David first mourned the death of
Amnon, and then he mourned the absence of Absalom, who had fled to his mother‘s household in Geshur,
where he remained for three years (13:30–39). David appears here and throughout as a noble, yet
somewhat passive and detached hero.
Absalom was finally brought back through the efforts of Joab, David‘s general and nephew (2 Samuel
14). In an episode reminiscent of Nathan‘s parable that entrapped David into acknowledging his sin, Joab
recruited a wise woman from Tekoa to masquerade as a bereaved mother whose remaining son‘s life was](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-180-320.jpg)
![threatened. When David‘s compassion led him to intercede, she pointed out to him that Absalom‘s lot was
the same as her son‘s. Acknowledging her point, David restored Absalom from exile, but perhaps showed
considerable insensitivity in not allowing him to come into his presence for 2 years (14:28). At this point
we are told of Absalom‘s great beauty (just as his sister had been beautiful) and his full head of hair (14:
25–27). A reconciliation with his father finally was brought about after some persistence on Absalom‘s
part (14:29–33).
Immediately thereafter, Absalom began an active campaign of subversion against his father (15:1–12).
Just as people had admired his great beauty (14:25), so they now admired what they saw as his great
wisdom (15:3–6). He conspired to be made king at Hebron, his birthplace and—ironically—the place of
his father‘s acclamation as king and early reign over Judah and all Israel. (The duration of this campaign
is uncertain; it was likely 40 days or 4 years, and not the 40 years of the MT at 15:7; see Conroy 1978:
106–7, n. 40.)
In the narrative, Absalom temporarily fades into the background after 15:12; the story now focuses on
David‘s flight to the Jordan River and his encounters with various opponents and supporters along the
way (15:13–16:14). As the conspiracy gained supporters (15:12), David was persuaded to flee from
Jerusalem, along with his household and warriors loyal to him (15:13–23). Among these loyal ones was
Ittai, leader of six hundred men from Gath and one of three generals who led the climactic battle against
Absalom (18:2). David directed the priests Abiathar and Zadok that the ark should not accompany him in
his flight (15:24–29), a contrast with earlier attitudes toward the ark (1 Samuel 4). David also met Ziba
and Shimei (16:1–14), foreshadowing later events unrelated to Absalom (19:17–31—Eng19:16–30).
After David‘s departure, Absalom was able to enter Jerusalem without resistance (16:15). Ahithophel,
David‘s respected counselor, had joined Absalom (15:12, 30–31), and he advised him to consolidate his
position as king by taking his father‘s concubines, which Absalom did (16:20–23). He also counseled a
selective strike that would kill only David (17:1–4). To counter Ahithophel‘s defection, David had
enlisted one Hushai, the Archite, who then entered Absalom‘s court as a spy (15:32–37; 16:15–19).
Hushai, acting in David‘s interests, advised a large-scale mobilization instead, and Absalom took his
advice, prompting the rejected Ahithophel to commit suicide (17:5–14, 23). YHWH‘s hand was evident in
this, since Ahithophel‘s advice had been good counsel (17:14)—the delay in mobilization allowed Hushai
to send word to David about Absalom‘s plans via the two priests‘ sons Ahimaaz and Jonathan, setting the
stage for the military confrontation (17:15–22).
The confrontation took place across the Jordan, in the dense Forest of Ephraim in Gilead. Absalom‘s
forces were no match for David‘s seasoned followers, and many were lost to the sword or to the forest
(18:1–8). The narrative slows to describe the death of Absalom and its announcement to David (18:9–32).
Absalom‘s hair had gotten caught in a tree in the dense woods, and Joab killed him, aided by ten of his
armor-bearers. The suspense builds as David awaits word of the battle, brought by two messengers. The
moving climax is reached abruptly, in David‘s reaction to his son‘s death and his poignant lament (18:33).
Absalom had three sons, and a comely daughter whom he named after his sister (14:27). In light of
18:18, it appears that his sons died early in life. If he is the Abishalom of 2 Kgs 15:2, 10, then he had
another daughter (or granddaughter), named for his mother, Maacah (contra the OG reading of 2 Sam
14:27b). She was the wife of Rehoboam, mother of Abijam, and (grand)mother of Asa (2 Kgs 15:2, 10,
13; cf. 2 Chr 11:20–22). The ―Absalom‘s Monument‖ that he built to commemorate his own name due to
his lack of heirs (2 Sam 18:18) is not the ―Absalom‘s Tomb‖ that can be seen today on the eastern slope
of the Kidron Valley. The latter dates to a much later period.
The story of Absalom has been seen as part of a large document known as the ―Succession Narrative‖ (2
Samuel 9–20, 1 Kings 1–2; see Rost 1982, Whybray 1968), in which the primary concern is the struggle
for succession to David‘s throne. However, this hypothesis fails to do justice to the appendix to 2 Samuel
(chs. 21–24), and the evidence for the succession theme within the Absalom narrative itself (2 Samuel 13–
18 [or 20]) is meager. Thus caution should be exercised here, to avoid subordinating too much to this one
theme (Conroy 1978: 101–5; IOTS: 266–80).](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-181-320.jpg)
![Z. Kafafi and R. Gordon of the Institute of Archaeology and Anthropology at Yarmouk University
visited the site in 1983 as a result of a note published by E. Gillet and C. Gillet (1983) in which they
mentioned having collected Neolithic and EB pot sherds and flint tools. Several visits followed to gather
surface sherds and flint tools, which were dated to the Late Neolithic (Yarmukian), EB I, Roman, and
Byzantine periods. As a result of these preliminary investigations, the Institute of Archaeology and
Anthropology of Yarmouk University sponsored two seasons of excavations in 1984 and 1985 (Kafafi
1985a; 1985b; 1986a; 1986b), and conducted a survey in the area around the site in 1985 (Gordon and
Knauf 1986).
B. The Results of the Excavations
Two main occupational phases were identified—the earliest dates to the Late Neolithic 1, the second
phase is assigned to the EB I. These two phases are separated by a mixed fill, consisting mostly of small-
sized stones. Both phases yielded architectural remains. Those of the Late Neolithic consisted of rounded
and rectangular houses in addition to storage pits (Kafafi 1985b). The EB I buildings were rectangular
with benches. All were built of medium-sized boulders and the Neolithic floors were made of either mud
or pebbles, while those of the EB were of plaster.
The Yarmukian pottery assemblage consisted of both fine and coarse wares, red painted slip, and
decorations consisting of incised herringbone chevrons, and red paint with parallel incisions. The forms
represented were cups, simple bowls, deep bowls, and simple hole-mouth and globular jars. The flint tools
consisted primarily of arrow-heads and sickle blades. In addition, points, knives, scrapers, burins, and
spearheads were represented along with grinding and ground stones. The excavations also produced some
bone tools, shells, and human and animal figurines.
The preliminary analysis of the botanical remains indicates that the following plants were predominant
in the subsistence strategy: lentils, field pea, row barley, wheat, pistachio, and almond.
Although the samples for radiocarbon dating have not yet been analyzed, based on parallel, and
stratigraphic, studies, the early phase of Abu Thawwab is consistent with the 6th millennium B.C. (Late
Neolithic, ―Yarmukian‖) and the late phase is consistent with the EB I.
Bibliography
Coughenour, R. A. 1976. Preliminary Report on the Exploration and Excavation of Mugharet el-Wardeh and Abu Thawab.
ADAJ 21: 71–78.
Gillet, E., and Gillet, C. 1983. Jebel Abu Thawab, Jordan. Levant 15: 187–91.
Glueck, N. 1939. Explorations in Eastern Palestine, III. AASOR 18–19.
Gordon, R. L., and Knauf, E. A. 1986. Rumman-Survey. AfO 33: 282–83.
Kafafi, Z. A. 1985a. First Season of Excavations at Jebel Abu Thawwab (er-Rumman), 1984: Preliminary Report. ADAJ 30:
57–68.
———. 1985b. Late Neolithic Architecture from Jebel Abu Thawwab, Jordan. Paléorient 11/1: 125–27.
———. 1986a. Second Season of Excavations at jebel Abu Thawwab (er-Rumman), 1985: Preliminary Report. ADAJ 30: 57–
68.
———. 1986b. Gabal Abu Tawwab. AfO 33: 156–68.
ZEIDAN A. KAFAFI
ABUBUS (PERSON) [Gk Aboubos (Ἀβοτβορ)]. The father of Ptolemy, son-in-law and murderer of the
high priest Simon Maccabeus and governor over the plain of Jericho (1 Macc 16:11–12, 15). No other
information concerning Abubus is available since his name occurs only in this narrative concerning the
murder of Simon Maccabeus.
MARK J. FRETZ
ABYSS, THE [Gk abyssos (ἀβτςςορ)]. ―Bottomless,‖ ―unfathomed,‖ or ―unfathomable deep‖; with the
feminine article, it signifies ―the deep‖ or ―the underworld.‖ The term occurs at least 34 times in the LXX,
where in 30 instances it renders Heb. tĕhôm (or its plural); once for mĕṣûlâ, depths (Job 41:23—LXX
41:22—Eng 41:31); once for ṣûlâ, ―depths‖ (Isa 44:27); and twice where the text is uncertain (Job 36:16;
41:24a—LXX 41:23a—Eng 41:32a).
In the OT, ―the abyss‖ is not widely used in the English versions, although it is found in some of the
more recent translations, rendering tĕhôm (NAB, 11 times; NEB, 7 times; NJB, 6 times; and AB, once).](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-185-320.jpg)
![NAB uses the word 3 times for ˒ăbaddôn, ―destruction‖ (Job 31:12; Prov 15:11, 27:20). JPS uses it once
for ma˓ămaqq m, ―depths‖ (Isa 51:10, where it is parallel with tĕhôm).
The more usual English renderings of the words behind the LXX abyssos in the OT are ―the deep,‖ ―the
depths,‖ and ―deep.‖ These terms, along with ―the abyss,‖ are used in the following senses which reflect
meanings of Heb tĕhôm and its synonyms: (1) the primordial ocean (e.g., Gen 1:2); (2) the (deep) sea
(e.g., Jonah 2:6—Eng2:5; Job 28:14, 38:16, 41:23—LXX 41:22—Eng 41:31); (3) the Red Sea (e.g., Ps
106:9—LXX 105:9; Isa 51:10, 63:13—with mythological overtones); (4) subterranean waters (e.g., Gen
7:11, 8:2; Prov 3:20; Ps 78:15—LXX 77:15); and (5) the depths of the earth, i.e., Sheol (Ps 71:20—LXX
70:20).
In intertestamental literature, ―the abyss‖ carries a number of meanings: (1) the great deep under the
earth, namely, that part of the universe set in opposition to the height of the heavens (Sir 1:3, 16:18, 24:5,
29, 42:18); (2) a poetic reference to the Red Sea where a personified wisdom delivered Israel (Wis 10:19);
(3) the depths of the earth (Jub. 5:10); and (4) the abyss of fire, i.e., the place of torment for sinners and
fallen angels (1 En. 10:13; 18:11).
In the NT, there are 9 occurrences of Gk abyssos, which, in the older English versions, are usually
rendered by ―the deep‖ (Luke 8:31, Rom 10:7) and ―bottomless‖ or ―the bottomless pit‖ (seven times in
Revelation). Other English versions use ―the abyss‖ or ―the Abyss‖ with more or less frequency (RSV,
twice; NASB, 7 times; JB, GNB, NIV, NJB, 8 times; NEB all 9 times). In 2 Pet. 2:4, NJB renders Gk
zophos, ―dark, gloomy (place),‖ as ―the dark abyss‖ (i.e., hell).
There are two meanings for ―the abyss‖ in the NT. First, it refers to (1) the place to which the forces of
evil are consigned (e.g., the demons in Luke 8:31), and from which they come by way of a shaft (the
demonic ―locusts‖ of Rev 9:1–11; cf. ABADDON; Apollyon). From the abyss comes the beast (Rev
11:7), and into it is cast the dragon, i.e. Satan (Rev 20:1, 3). Second, in one passage ―the abyss‖ is a
synonym for Hades (Rom 10:7). See also DEAD, ABODE OF THE.
HERBERT G. GRETHER
ACACIA. See FLORA.
ACCAD (PLACE) [Heb ˒akkad (ד ַכ ַא)]. One of the cities of Nimrod listed in the Table of Nations of
the Yahwist (Gen 10:10). It is listed along with Babel and Erech (and possibly Calneh) in the land of
Shinar. These cities are called the ―rē˒š t of his kingdom.‖ This Hebrew word can mean either
―beginning‖ (cf. Isa 46:10) or ―chief,‖ ―mainstay‖ (cf. Amos 6:1 and Jer 49:35). If the connotation
―beginning‖ is correct, then it means that the cities formed the original nucleus of Nimrod‘s empire. But if
the meaning is ―main-stay,‖ then Accad and the other cities are described as the most important ones of
his kingdom (on the latter, see Speiser Genesis AB). Either interpretation is possible within the context.
Accad was known by the Sumerian name ―Agade‖ (A-GA-DÈ
ki
). This city was founded in the 24th
century B.C.E. by Sargon I of Agade, and was the capital of his dynasty until it was destroyed during the
fall of that dynasty in the 22d century B.C.E. It was never rebuilt. A Sumerian composition from the late
3d millennium B.C.E., known as The Curse of Agade, relates a legendary version of the demise of the city
(for a translation and commentary, see Cooper 1983). Agade is mentioned occasionally in subsequent
Mesopotamian literature, but its location has not yet been determined with any certainty. The name
―Agade‖ continued to survive in the title ―the land of Sumer and Akkad,‖ referring to Babylonia, and in
Akkadian (akkadû), the word for the Semitic language spoken by the people of Sargon. It is clear that Gen
10:10 refers to the city Agade, not the region of Babylonia, since it is listed along with other cities in
Mesopotamia. It is interesting to note that the Yahwist must have had a source mentioning a city that had
ceased to exist before the end of the 3d millennium B.C.E.
The reading of the LXX is Archad. There is no obvious reason for the change. It is possible that the reš
was accidentally added in a Hebrew manuscript in reminiscence of the reš in the preceding word ―Erech.‖
In any case, this form of the name is clearly secondary and incorrect.
Bibliography
Cooper, J. S. 1983. The Curse of Agade. Baltimore.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-186-320.jpg)
![JAMES R. DAVILA
ACCENTS, MASORETIC. See MASORETIC ACCENTS.
ACCO (PLACE) [Heb ˓akkô (כו ַף)]. Var. PTOLEMAIS. One of the most prominent coastal cities in
Canaan, mentioned only once in the OT in connection with the tribe of Asher‘s inability to drive out its
inhabitants (Judg 1:31). On the basis of various Gk mss, it has been suggested that in Josh 19:30 Ummah
(MT ˓mh) should be read Acco (˓kw). The city was renamed Ptolemais during the Hellenistic-Roman
periods, and it was there that the apostle Paul stayed for one day while en route from Tyre to Caesarea at
the end of his third missionary journey (Acts 21:7).
Acco‘s importance may be attributed to its location at the juncture between the coastal road and the
inland road leading through Galilee and Transjordan to Syria. OT Acco is identified with el-Fukhkhar
(M.R. 158258) at modern Acre/Akko NE of the Naaman River and 700 m inland. The original size of the
tell was ca. 200 dunams; however, its S side, apparently affected by its proximity to the river and by late
destructions, has been almost totally destroyed. Here there are still remains of the swamps created near the
outlet of the river. From the Persian period on, the settlement of Acco gradually moved off the tell and to
the NW, along the Mediterranean.
A. History of the City
Acco is first mentioned in the Egyptian Middle Kingdom Execration Texts, where a Canaanite ruler of
Acco named Tr‘mw appears. Later, Acco is frequently mentioned in the Egyptian sources, which
indicates that the population of the city was mainly Canaanite while the rulers were of Hurrian and
Indoeuropean origins. These sources include the Karnak list of Thutmose III (ANET, 242), Amarna letters
(13 times), and in a relief from the Karnak temple from the period of Rameses II, all of which testify to
the city‘s importance. In the Ugaritic and Akkadian texts from Ugarit, Acco is among the few Canaanite
cities mentioned. From the same period is a letter recently found in Aphek with the name of a high-ranked
official, Adlaha of Acco.
In the 8th and the 7th centuries B.C., Acco appears to have been an important Phoenician city.
According to Assyrian sources, the city (Akku) rebelled against Assyrian rule and was captured first by
Sennacherib and finally by Ashurbanipal, who destroyed it and exiled its people. From the time of
Cambyses on, Acco (Gk akē) was an important military and administrative center of the Persian empire.
In 332 B.C., Acco surrendered peacefully to Alexander the Great and remained autonomous. Throughout
the wars of the Diadochi, it changed hands, but eventually, the city remained under Ptolemy II
Philadelphus, who there established a polis. Acco-Ptolemais (as it was known) became a prominent trade
center at that time, as indicated by the correspondence of Zenon. Following the Syrian wars, the city
became a permanent part of the Seleucid empire and was renamed Antiochia-at-Ptolemais by Antiochus
IV Epiphanes. Alexander Balas made Acco his second capital and royal fortress. During the Maccabean
revolt, Acco was hostile to the Jewish cause; in fact, the city defeated Simon in 163 B.C., and it was there
also that Jonathan was captured by Tryphon in 142 B.C. In 104 B.C., Alexander Jannaeus seized the city
from him (later he had to surrender it to his mother, Cleopatra III). Acco was then captured by Tigranes of
Armenia in 83 B.C.
The Roman phase in the history of Acco began with the arrival of Pompey and annexation of Judea to
Rome in 63 B.C. Under Roman rule, Acco-Ptolemais became autonomous under the supervision of the
Roman proconsul in Syria.
B. Excavations on the Tell
Prior to the systematic excavations in the 1970s, archaeological research of the city concentrated in
uncovering tombs and in emergency digs occasioned by rubble-clearing work of new building projects in
modern Acre. The tell itself, which had for hundreds of years been exposed to robbery and destruction
and then to steady agricultural cultivation, had been subjected to several archaeological surveys, including
that of Saarisalo (1929).](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-187-320.jpg)
![Saarisalo, A. 1929. Topographical Researches in Galilee. JPOS 9: 27–40.
MOSHE DOTHAN
ACHAIA (PLACE) [Gk Achaia (Ἀφαια)]. Var. ACHAEA. A Greek region which twice gave its name
to all of Greece before its Achaean League (280–146 B.C.) fell to the Romans (Polyb. 2.41; Thuc. 1.111,
115). All relevant NT references involve Corinth, Achaia‘s capital (Acts 18:12, 27; I Cor 16:15; 2 Cor
1:1).
The Achaean people came from the east and pushed out the region‘s original inhabitants, the Ionians.
The latter are credited with founding the twelve coastal cities which became the fulcrum of the Achaean
League. Following the Dorian invasions (ca. 1250 B.C.) Achaia, thus named by Homer after Achilles‘
men and Agamemnon‘s followers, realized an alliance of powerful cities between Elis and Sicyon. It was
a commander-in-chief of the Achaean League, Aratus of Sicyon, who spearheaded their constitution (251
B.C.). Achaia managed several successful colonies, e.g., Sybaris and Croton, and is perhaps part of
Philistine ancestory (AHL, 214). Although Achaia aligned with Rome in 198 B.C., it lost its autonomy in
146 B.C., when, after years of disputes, the Romans razed Corinth. Julius Caesar turned Rome‘s attention
again to Achaia in 46 B.C. and rebuilt its former isthmian city, which became the Roman capital of Achaia
in 27 B.C. (Apul Met. 10.18). Achaia now included all of the southern half of the Greek peninsula (Paus.
8). In this same year the Romans made the northern part of (former) Achaia into Macedonia, with a
southern border stretching from the Eubian gulf west-northwest to around Actium. This division prefaces
the reference ―Macedonia and Achaia‖ which generally implied all of Greece (Acts 19:21; Rom 15:26; I
Thess 1:8). The Romans often just used ―Achaia‖ to define the parameters of Greece, excluding Thessaly.
The early Christians recognized Macedonia and Achaia as one of the thirteen major Roman provinces
(MCBW, 218). By A.D. 65 the provinces of Thessaly and Epirus were clearly defined and constituted
Achaia‘s northern border; Actium, and the coastal territory to its immediate south, became part of Epirus.
Paul‘s eighteen-month stay in Corinth is dated by an Achaean inscription at Delphi which chronicles the
tenure of proconsul Gallio (SIG 3.108). By the time of Nero‘s accession, Christianity had a permanent
hold in Achaia, already boasting at least twenty churches.
JERRY A. PATTENGALE
ACHAICUS (PERSON) [Gk Achaikos (Ἀφαικορ)]. A Corinthian Christian who, along with Stephanas
and Fortunatus, traveled from Corinth to be with Paul in Ephesus (1 Cor 16:17). The name ―Achaicus,‖
which means ―one who is from Achaia,‖ suggests that he was a slave or former slave from that region
since slaves were often named after the province from which they came. Paul rejoiced at the arrival of
these three messengers because, as Paul expressed it, they made up for the absence of the other
Corinthians which Paul keenly felt (16:17). He remarks that their presence refreshed his spirit (16:18),
apparently because they relieved some of his worries about the Corinthian community. In turn, Paul
observed that their coming would also lift the Corinthians‘ spirits, probably because they would know
their envoys had brought him much comfort. Finally, Paul urges the Corinthians to ―recognize these
people‖ (16:18). That Paul concludes with this appeal suggests that they were among ―Paul‘s people‖ in
the community (cf. 1:12).
It is possible that the three men had brought a letter to Paul, although one should not deduce that they
were therefore among those Corinthians who delivered the communication referred to in 7:1, nor among
―Chloe‘s people‖ (1:11), since those groups brought disturbing reports to Paul. After their visit with Paul,
Achaicus and the others probably carried 1 Corinthians back with them to Corinth (see Fee 1 Corinthians
NICNT, 46–66).
The reference to the household of Stephanas immediately preceding the reference to Achaicus and
Fortunatus in 16:17 could imply that the latter two were members of that household, either slaves or
attached freedmen, and thus that they were numbered among Paul‘s first converts in Achaia and were
themselves ministers to the community in Corinth (16:15). (Indeed a few mss in the Western tradition
read ―and Fortunatus and Achaicus‖ in 16:15, but their inclusion here is most likely an assimilation to v
17.)](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-192-320.jpg)
![JOHN GILLMAN
ACHAN (PERSON) [Heb ˓akan (ן ַכ ַף)]. Var. ACHAR. Achan, the son of Carmi, son of Zabdi, son of
Zerah, of the tribe of Judah, appears in the MT of Joshua 7 (the full form of his name is found in vv 1 and
18; shortened form in vv 19, 20, 24). In the Old Greek of Joshua and in the MT and Old Greek of 1 Chron
2:7, the name appears as Achar (in the preceding verse his grandfather‘s name is recorded as Zimri). This
variation may be explained by graphic confusion between resh (r) and nun (n) at the end of the name in
Hebrew. Or the two forms may represent a change from original ―Achan‖ to ―Achar‖ under the influence
of the verbal root ˓kr, meaning to ―trouble,‖ which appears in Joshua 7:25 (so also in 6:18).
In defiance of a command from Joshua (6:17–19), Achan took of the booty from Jericho (specifically:
―a beautiful mantle from Shinar, two hundred shekels of silver, and a bar of gold weighing fifty shekels‖)
and hid the loot in his tent. He did not come forth on his own to confess. Rather, Joshua cast lots,
beginning by tribes and working his way down to Achan himself. Confronted by this divine sleuthing,
Achan finally confessed. His admission of guilt did not, however, save him from a drawn-out punishment
of burning and stoning. Although the specific sin was Achan‘s, blame was shared widely. First by all
Israel (see v 1), which suffered a defeat at Ai directly after Achan‘s theft. In some sense, Israel was to
blame, if only indirectly. Achan‘s family was implicated more directly and suffered the same punishment
as their leader.
Many scholars view Joshua 7:1–8:24 as a composite of two originally separate traditions—one dealing
with Achan and the other with the battles for Ai. Some posit a primarily etiological basis for the Achan
tale. They point to the statement, found in Joshua 7:26, that a mound of stones heaped upon Achan
remained ―to this day‖ in the Valley of Achor (a site usually identified by contemporary scholars with the
modern el-Buqe˓ah, a large plain SW of Jericho). Outside of Joshua 7, the Valley of Achor is found in
Josh 15:7, Hos 2:15 (―I will make the Valley of Achor a door of hope‖), and Isa 65:10 (―the Valley of
Achor shall become a place for herds to lie down‖).
In the judgment of others, the story of Achan originated as intertribal polemic, with the tribe of Judah
coming up on the losing side. Read in its present form, the story yields significant theological insight: all
Israel must be totally obedient to Yahweh and his regulations for Divine Warfare if Israel is to be
victorious. The sin of even a few is imputed to the entire community.
Although Achan/Achar is not mentioned in the Bible outside of the passages listed above, allusions to
him have been detected at two points in the New Testament (see further Derrett 1986): in the story of
Ananias and Sapphira (Acts 5:1–10) and in the Parable of the Pounds (Luke 19:11–27) or Talents
(Matthew 24:14–30). Later Jewish traditions emphasize Achan‘s confession and the further trouble he
averted thereby (so Sanh. 43b; also ˒Abot R. Nat. and Num. Rab.). Although his sin cost him his life in
this world, his confession gained him a place in the world to come. See also EncJud 2:211; Boling and
Wright Joshua AB; and Butler Joshua WBC.
Bibliography
Derrett, J. D. M. 1986. A Horrid Passage in Luke Explained (Lk 19:27). ExpTim 97: 136–38.
Drucker, R. 1982. Yehoshua. The Book of Joshua. ArtScroll Tanach Series. Brooklyn, NY.
LEONARD J. GREENSPOON
ACHBOR (PERSON) [Heb ˓akbôr (בוש ְכ ַף)]. 1. Father of Baal-hanan, a king of the Edomites prior to
Israel‘s monarchy (Gen 36:38–39; 1 Chr 1:49). Achbor‘s name occurs in parallel lists of Edomite kings,
the dates and duration of whose reigns are uncertain (Gen 36:31–39 = 1 Chr 1:43–51).
2. The son of Micaiah, father of ELNATHAN, and a courtier of King Josiah (ca. 640–609 B.C.E.; 2 Kgs
22:12, 14; Jer 26:22; 36:12). After the book of the law was found and read to Josiah, Achbor was sent as
part of a royal delegation to inquire of Huldah the prophetess concerning the words of this book (2 Kgs
22:11–20; see 2 Chr 34:19–28, where ―Achbor son of Micaiah‖ is replaced by ―Abdon the son of Micah‖
[v 20]). Elnathan the son of Achbor played an important role in the administration of King Jehoiakim (ca.
609–598 B.C.E.).](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-193-320.jpg)
![MARK J. FRETZ
ACHIM (PERSON) [Gk Achim (Ἀφιμ)]. The son of Zadok and father of Eliud in Matthew‘s genealogy
of Joseph, the husband of Mary (Matt 1:14). Although Achim is absent in Luke‘s parallel genealogy
(3:23–38), his mention in Matt 1:14 may associate him with the lineage of the high priest Zadok (1 Chr
5:34–35—Eng6:8–9; Gundry 1982: 18). Also, the name ―Achim‖ may be a shortened form of the name of
Zadok‘s son Ahimaaz (1 Chr 5:34–35—Eng6:8–9; MT ˒ăḥ mā˓aṣ = LXX acheimaas; for Gk acheim, cf.
LXX 1 Chr 11:35; 24:16—Eng24:17).
Bibliography
Gundry, R. H. 1982. Matthew: A Commentary on His Literary and Theological Art. Grand Rapids.
MARK J. FRETZ
ACHIOR (PERSON) [Gk Achiōr (Ἀφιωπ)]. Achior the Ammonite appears only in Judith, in which he
plays a prominent role as a gentile who embraces Judaism. He was among the leaders of Israel‘s
neighbors whom Holofernes, general of Nebuchadnezzar, had summoned to inform him about the
Israelite nation, who alone among the Western peoples dared to resist his army. In Jdt 5:5–21 Achior
surveys Israel‘s biblical history from Chaldean origins to the post-exilic period. His rather deuteronomic
claim that God would permit Holofernes to defeat them only if they had sinned nearly cost Achior his life
(5:22). The general decided to postpone his execution and remarks ironically that the Ammonite would
not see his face ―until I take revenge on this race that came out of Egypt‖ (6:5). Achior was delivered to
the Israelites of Bethulia, to whom he reported the conversation with Holofernes (6:10–21). Later Judith
herself confirmed that what Achior had told the general was correct (11:9–10). Moreover, after Judith had
beheaded Holofernes, Achior once more saw his face and was able to verify that the head she had brought
to Bethulia was indeed the general‘s (14:5–10; Vg places these vv before 14:1). Achior then firmly
believed in God and was circumcised, thus converting despite the command of Deut 23:3.
The name ―Achior,‖ which does not occur in the Hebrew Bible, has been explained in various ways
(Steinmann 1953: 55–62; Moore Judith AB, 158, 162–63). One possibility is that it reproduces the
Semitic name ˒ḥy˒wr (―my brother is light‖), which could be taken as a reference to the true insight which
he brings in the book (Enslin 1972: 86). A second option, defended by H. Cazelles (1951: 125–37, 324–
27), is to view it as a mistake for ˒ḥyqr, the name of another gentile—the sage in the book of Ahiqar (in
Tob 11:20 the Vg reads Achior where the LXX [v 19] has Achikar). Apart from the shared consonants at
the beginning of the two names, there is little reason to think they have been confused. A third hypothesis
is that the name is a corrupt form of ˒ḥyhwd (―[my] brother is Judah‖). In support of this option one
should note that in Num 34:27 the name ˒ḥyhwd appears in the LXX as achiōr (Cowley APOT 1: 252);
and in the Syriac version of Judith Achior is spelled ˒ḥyhwd (Steinmann 1953: 55). If this appealing
suggestion is correct, then Achior‘s name, like that of Judith (―a Jewess‖), would symbolize the role that
he, a convert from a nation that was related to Israel (Gen 19:30–38), plays in the book.
Bibliography
Cazelles, H. 1951. Le personnage d‘Achior dans le livre de Judith. RSR 39: 125–37, 324–27.
Enslin, M. S. 1972. The Book of Judith. Jewish Apocryphal Literature 7. Leiden.
Steinmann, J. 1953. Lecture de Judith. Paris.
JAMES C. VANDERKAM
ACHISH (PERSON) [Heb ˒āk š (יש ִכ ָא)]. Philistine ruler of Gath, from whom David sought asylum
when he fled from Saul. In 1 Sam 27:2 his father‘s name is given as Maoch (mā˓ôk), which closely
resembles Maacah (ma˓ăkâ), father of King Achish of Gath according to 1 Kgs 2:39. There were probably
two kings by this name: Achish I, son of Maoch, who was succeeded by Maacah, father of Achish II. In
the title of Psalm 34, he is called Abimelech, a Semitic title perhaps adopted by Philistine rulers, rather
than a personal name (cf. Gen 20:1–2; 21:34).
The name is not Semitic in form and has been related to Agchioses, a king in the neighborhood of Troy
at the time of the Trojan War (Hom. Il. 2: 819). The name probably corresponds to that of Ikausu (ANET,
291), a Philistine king of Ekron in the days of Esarhaddon (681–669 B.C.) and Ashurbanipal (668–629](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-194-320.jpg)
![B.C.). Two names in a list of Keftui names from Egypt have been identified with Achish, particularly
since the Philistines were reputed to have come from Caphtor (Keftui) in Amos 9:7 (Strange 1980).
Corney (IDB 1: 27) has explained the name from Hurrian akk sha (rur), ―the king gives.‖
From a literary perspective, the figure of Achish is related to that of Goliath, another Philistine
champion from Gath (1 Sam 17), in the narrative of David‘s rise to power (cf. Miscall 1986: 173–77). The
story of David and Goliath concludes with the curious statement that ―David took the head of the
Philistine and brought it to Jerusalem‖ (1 Sam 17:54), foreshadowing David‘s rise to power in that city.
When David slew Goliath, the women sang, ―Saul has slain his thousands, and David his ten thousands‖
(1 Sam 18:7), a refrain which appears again on the lips of both the servants of Achish (1 Sam 21:11—Eng
21:10) and the Philistine commanders addressing Achish (1 Sam 29:5), forming a kind of frame around
the story of David and Achish and connecting it to the earlier story of Goliath.
In his first encounter with Achish, David carried Goliath‘s sword with him, which he had received from
the priest Ahimelech (1 Sam 21:9—Eng 21:8). Perhaps this explains his fear and feigned madness before
Achish, king of Goliath‘s hometown (1 Sam 21:13–14—Eng 21:12–13). David‘s conduct on this occasion
has been compared to that of other great men who feigned madness in difficult circumstances, such as
Ulysses (Cic. Off. 3, 26), L. Junius Brutus (Dion Hal. 4, 68), the astronomer Meton (Ael. VH 13, 12), and
the Arabian king Bacha (Schultens, Anth. Vet. Hamasa, p. 535). Subsequently, Achish accepted David
and his men as mercenaries and gave David the city of Ziklag in exchange for his raids on southern tribes
hostile to the Philistines (1 Sam 27:1–12). Because of the suspicion of some of his commanders, however,
Achish excused David from participation in the fateful battle of Mount Gilboa in which Saul and his sons
died.
There is an interesting play on the word ―head‖ in the concluding episodes of the story of David and
Achish. The Philistine commanders suggested that David would be reconciled to his lord (Saul) ―with the
heads of the (Philistine) men here‖ (1 Sam 29:4). Earlier, Achish had appointed David to be ―the keeper
of my head forever‖ (i.e., his permanent body guard; 1 Sam 28:2). After the battle of Mount Gilboa, the
Philistines ―cut off (Saul‘s) head … and fastened his body to the wall of Beth-shan‖ (1 Sam 31:9–10). In
the tradition of Jephthah of old, David became both ―head and leader over them‖ (Jdg 11:11), as
foreshadowed in the words of Achish and his Philistine cohorts.
Bibliography
Bertholet, A. 1896. Die Stellung der Israelitu und der Juden zu den Freunden.
Dothan, T. 1982. The Philistines and Their Material Culture. New Haven.
Mazar, B. 1964. The Philistines and the Rise of Israel and Tyre, Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities Proceedings, 1:
1–22.
Miscall, P. D. 1986. 1 Samuel: A Literary Reading. Bloomington, IN.
Strange, J. 1980. Caphtor/keftui: A New Investigation. Leiden.
DUANE L. CHRISTENSEN
ACHOR (PLACE) [Heb ˓ākōr (ֹשכ ָף)]. A valley (˓ēmeq) on Judah‘s northern border (Josh 15:7)
identified with modern day El Buqê˓ah. According to biblical tradition, Achan and his family were stoned
and buried at the Valley of Achor after he violated the ban following the battle of Jericho. Achan‘s crime
(Joshua 7) was the first Israelite act of disobedience after Israel crossed the Jordan; his death was the first
divinely commanded punishment in the new land. Josh 7:25–27 (probably secondary) offers an etiological
explanation of Achor‘s name. Joshua declares that Achan has troubled (Heb ˓kr) Israel and that God will
trouble (˓kr) him; the site of his execution is therefore called ―trouble‖ (˓ākôr). The word play is further
developed by LXXB
, Syriac, and 1 Chron 2:7, where Achan‘s name is rendered ―Achar.‖
The Valley of Achor is included among the sites marking Judah‘s northern border (Josh 15:7), a list
which moves uphill from the Jordan to Jerusalem. The reference to the Valley of Achor is omitted from
the description of Benjamin‘s southern boundary (Josh 18:15–19), which otherwise parallels the list
delineating Judah‘s northern border.
The negative character of both Achor‘s name and the Achan tradition allows Achor to function as a
figure of eschatological change. According to Hos 2:17—Eng2:15, the Valley of Trouble will be made a](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-195-320.jpg)
![door of hope. Hosea‘s mention of Achor as a ―doorway‖ may be a reference to an old road which F. M.
Cross (CMHE, 110) has identified as an ancient route from the Ḥajle Ford through El Buqê˓ah to
Jerusalem. Isa 65:10 promises that the Valley of Sharon to the east and the Valley of Achor to the west
will be given as rich pasture land to those who seek God.
Noth (1955: 42–55) has identified the Valley (˓ēmeq) of Achor with present day El Buqê˓ah (―little
valley‖), a small plain (approximately five miles long and up to two miles wide) in the northern Judean
wilderness, between Hyrcania and Qumran. El Buqê˓ah is bounded on the north by the Wâd Dabr
system, and on the south by Wâd en-Nár (the Kidron Valley). According to Noth, El Buqê˓ah is the only
site in the area around Jericho which could properly be called an ˓ēmeq (that is, an arable, defensible
depression, bordered by hills or mountains).
Noth‘s identification has achieved near consensus among biblical scholars. Wolff (1954: 76–81) has
presented the strongest alternative proposal. He locates the Valley of Achor in Wâd en-Nuwē˓ime, a
valley one-half mile wide by one mile long situated north of Jericho, a location which fits both the
Benjaminite context of Joshua 7 and the northern prophet Hosea‘s reference to Achor. However, Wâd en-
Nuwē˓ime is too far into Benjaminite territory (perhaps near the Ephramite border) to be cited as a marker
for the Judean-Benjaminite boundary. That the Valley of Achor is included in the Judean but not the
Benjaminite description of their joint border suggests that it belonged to Judah. Joshua 7 (long recognized
as independent from the account of the conquest of Ai in Joshua 8) would then be a Judean story which
had been carried to Gilgal and incorporated into its Benjaminite legends.
F. M. Cross and J. T. Milik‘s exploration of El Buqê˓ah (1956: 5–17) uncovered three Iron Age II
settlements (Khirbet Abu Ṭabaq [M.R. 188127], Khirbet es Samrah [M.R. 187125], and Khirbet el
Maqari [M.R. 186123]) which they have identified with the desert cities Middin, Secacah, and Nibshan
(Josh 15:61–62). The proposal has been well received; however, in the absence of evidence directly
linking the desert cities to the Valley of Achor, or the Iron Age ruins to the desert cities, the identification
must be considered tentative.
Bibliography
Cross, F. M., and Milik, J. T. 1956. Explorations in the Judaean Buqê˓ah. BASOR 142: 5–17.
Noth, M. 1955. Das Deutsche Evangelische Institut für Altertumswissenschaft des Heiligen Landes Lehrkursus 1954. ZDPV
75.
Stager, L. E. 1974. El-Bouqê˓ah. RB 81: 94–96.
———. 1976. Farming in the Judean Desert. BASOR 221: 145–58.
Wolff, H. W. 1954. Die Ebene Achor. ZDPV 70: 76–81.
CAROLYN J. PRESSLER
ACHSAH (PERSON) [Heb ˓aksâ (ה ָס ְכ ַף)]. The daughter of Caleb (1 Chr 2:49) and the wife of the
Israelite judge Othniel (Josh 15:16–17 = Judg 1:12–13). For sacking the city Kiriath-sepher (Debir, see
Josh 15:15 = Judg 1:11), Othniel received Achsah as a prize from Caleb. Subsequently, in addition to
receiving territory in the Negeb, Achsah charmed Caleb into giving her the arable land known as the
Upper and Lower Springs (Josh 15:13–19 = Judg 1:11–15; see Mosca 1984). Although the derivation of
her name is uncertain, relating Achsah to those charming, seductive anklets that attracted attention in Isa
3:16–18 (Heb hā˓akās m) would certainly deepen our appreciation of the wordplays in these verses.
While in this story Achsah is Caleb‘s daughter and Othniel is ―the son of Kenaz, the brother of Caleb‖
(Josh 15:17; cf. Judg 1:13; 3:9–11; 1 Chr 4:13), the genealogical relationship between Achsah and her
spouse is not self-evident (see Webb 1987: 233, n. 25). Since the name ―Caleb‖ occurs as the son of both
Jephunneh (see e.g., Numbers 13–14; Joshua 14–15; Judges 1; 1 Chr 4:15) and Hezron (1 Chronicles 2),
but never occurs as the son of Kenaz (cf. 1 Chr. 4:15 where Caleb is the grandfather of Kenaz), therefore,
contrary to the implication of Josh 15:17 = Judg 1:13, Achsah is not literally Othniel‘s niece. The
relationship must be understood, rather, within the framework of how genealogies function in the Bible.
According to Wilson (1977: 183), genealogies can be used to delineate social and political ties between
two groups and, in particular, to incorporate marginally affiliated clans in a central tribe. Since the
genealogies of Caleb and Othniel are related in this way to the tribe of Judah (Yeivin 1971: 13–14), it can](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-196-320.jpg)
![be inferred that Joshua uses the term ―brother‖ to express that Caleb and Othniel belonged to a common
group, which was assimilated into the tribe of Judah (Meyer 1906: 348–49; Johnson 1969: 6). Thus, the
marriage of Achsah to Othniel would have functioned to strengthen the ties between the clans of Othniel
and Caleb.
Bibliography
Johnson, M. D. 1969. The Purpose of Biblical Genealogies with Specific Reference to the Setting of the Genealogies of Jesus.
SNTSMS 8. Cambridge, MA.
Meyer, E. 1906. Die Israeliten und ihre Nachbarstämme. Halle.
Mosca, P. 1984. Who Seduced Whom? A Note on Josh 15:18 // Judges 1:14. CBQ 46: 18–22.
Webb, B. G. 1987. The Book of Judges: An Integrated Reading. JSOTSup 46. Sheffield.
Wilson, R. R. 1977. Genealogy and History in the Biblical World. YNER 7. New Haven.
Yeivin, S. 1971. The Israelite Conquest of Canaan. Uitgaven van het Nederlands Historisch-Archaeologisch Instituut te
Istanbul 27. Istanbul.
MARK J. FRETZ
ACHSHAPH (PLACE) [Heb ˒akšāp (פ ָש ְכ ַא)]. An ancient Canaanite city-state. Its antiquity and
importance are known from a few early records. The Egyptian Execration Texts (ca. 20th–18th century
B.C.), lists Achshaph among 64 other place names. These were well-known city-states ruled by a king, so
the fact that Achshaph was included in the list is indicative of its prominence. The Karnak List of Towns
conquered by Thutmose III (15th century B.C.) refers to Achshaph as a city in the Plain of Jezreel and
Acco, in the district of Gaza. The Tell el-Amarna Letters (ca. 14th century B.C.) state that the kings of
Acco and Achshaph (spelled ˒akšapa) provided military assistance to the King of Jerusalem and
Shuwardata (Gath). The Papyrus Anastasi 1 (13th century B.C.) indicates that a road from Megiddo
reached the Plain of Acco close to Achshaph, although it spelled Achshaph with an ˓ayin instead of an
˒alep.
Achshaph is mentioned in the Bible solely in the book of Joshua. It is one of the city-states that joined
the coalition of the northern kings (Josh 11:1) to fight Joshua and the Israelites. Obviously, on being
defeated, it became a part of Asher‘s territory (Josh 19:25).
The reference to Achshaph in the book of Joshua is significant for two reasons. First, the tradition
behind the book preserved a memory that Achshaph was a royal city in the N plain during the ancient
times. Second, by mentioning a renowned ancient city the Deuteronomistic theologian illustrated that
when the Israelites were obedient to the Lord, the cities of the northern coalition, the powerful Achshaph
included, were defeated and their land given to Israel.
The location of Achshaph remains uncertain. Some identify it with Tel Keisan, which is located 6 miles
SE of Acco. Remains from the Bronze Age and early Iron Age were found there. See KEISAN, TELL.
Another likely site is Khirbet el-Harbaj (M.R. 158240), which is situated at the S end of the plain of Acco.
PAUL BENJAMIN
ACHZIB (PLACE) [Heb ˒akz b (יבִז ְכ ַא)]. Var. CHEZIB. 1. A town allocated to the tribe of Judah
(Josh 15:44). From the context of its placement among the other cities, it appears to have been in the
Shephelah, probably at its juncture with the Judean hills. In Mic 1:14, it is mentioned among several
towns on which the prophet presents various puns, playing upon the similarity of the sounds of the name
of the town Achzib (Heb ˒akz b) with ―deceit‖ (Heb ˒akzāb). The town may be connected with the birth of
Judah‘s son, Shelah, who was born to him by a Canaanite woman—the name of the city, CHEZIB
(PLACE) (Heb kēz b), is an apparent variation of Achzib.
While certain identification is not possible, Eusebius (Onomast. 172) identified the site with Chasbi,
which is modern Tell el-Beida (M.R. 145116) near Adullam.
2. A tell on the Mediterranean coast (M.R. 159272) N of Acco. According to Josh 19:29, it was part of
the territory of Asher, but they proved unsuccessful in expelling the Canaanites from the site (Judg 1:31).
Excavations directed by M. W. Prausnitz in 1963–64 revealed that at the end of the MB I, a trench had
been dug in the kurkar E of the tell which had transformed the Achzib peninsula into a Mediterranean port](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-197-320.jpg)
![Cremation urns were also found clustered around the foundations of a large pavement covered by lime
and chalk plaster which had been frequently resurfaced. There was an area surrounded by a wall in which
was an altar—this is believed to have been a bamah. The absence of scarabs or other funerary gifts with
the urns near the bamah leaves only typological and stratigraphic criteria for determining its date,
apparently 8th century B.C.E. The types of kraters and storage jars used in this cemetery and the stelae
have close parallels with those found in the lower levels of the Precinct of Tanit at Carthage. The
preference for kraters as cremation urns in association with the contemporary Achzib red-slipped jugs
clearly points to the continuation of Syro-Hittite traditions at Achzib.
Each of the cemeteries represents a separate cultural tradition—Late Canaanite-Sidonian, Israelite, and
Syro-Hittite. Only after the 6th century B.C.E. did they become known as Phoenician.
Bibliography
Oren, E. D. 1975. The Pottery from the Achzib Defence System, Area D: 1963 and 1964 Seasons. IEJ 25: 211–25.
Prausnitz, M. W. 1963. Notes and News. Achzib. IEJ 13: 337–38.
———. 1965. Notes and News. Tel Achzib. IEJ 15: 256–58.
———. 1975. The Planning of the Middle Bronze Age Town at Achzib and its Defences. IEJ 25: 202–10.
M. W. PRAUSNITZ
ACRABA (PLACE) [Gk Egrebēl (Ἐγπεβηλ)]. A town situated southeast of Dothan in the eastern hills
of Samaria (Jdt 7:18). The Assyrian general Holofernes had the Edomites and Ammonites stationed in
this area while his troops cut off the water supply to the Israelite town of Bethulia. However, the location
of Acraba is uncertain, and given the genre of the book of Judith, the historicity of this campaign and the
―Assyrian‖ general is doubtful. Most scholars (see Moore Judith AB, 173) identify Acraba with Acrabeta
(modern ˓Aqraba), located 40 km north-northeast of Jerusalem. Acraba may also be associated with the
site AKRABATTENE (1 Macc 5:3), where Judas Maccabaeus defeated the Idumeans who were killing
Jews in 164 B.C.E. (Goldstein 1 Maccabees 294).
MARK J. FRETZ
ACRE (PLACE). See ACCO (PLACE).
ACROSTIC. A device employed in poetry whereby the initial letters or signs of each line, read
downward, constitute a name, a sentence, or an alphabetic pattern.
The earliest examples of name/sentence acrostics are Babylonian. Two can be dated to the reigns of
Ashurbanipal and Nebuchadnezzar II respectively, since they mention those kings by name. The best-
known Babylonian acrostic, the so-called Babylonian Theodicy, has been provisionally dated ca. 1000
B.C.E. (Lambert 1960: 67). The acrostic may spell out a name (e.g., ―God Nabu‖) or a sentence (e.g., in
the Theodicy, ―I, Sag-gil-kinam-ubib, the incantation priest, am adorant of the god and the king‖). Six of
the seven extant Babylonian acrostic poems (surveyed in Soll 1988: 305–11) are stanzaic. In all but one of
the stanzaic acrostics, each line within the strophe begins with the same sign that began the strophe. This
repeating stanzaic pattern is the typical pattern for the Babylonian acrostics. In the Babylonian writing
system, one sign could represent more than one sound. Most of the acrostics make use of this polyphony
of sign values. Thus, the most important consideration was a conceptual or visual one: the use of the same
sign. Two of the prayers incorporate not only an acrostic, but also a telestic: the terminal letters of each
line, read downward, also form a phrase.
Name/sentence acrostics also occur in Greek literature. The Christian acrostic in the Sibylline Oracles
8.217–50 reads iēsous chreistos theou huios sōtēr stauros, which in turn utilizes the well-known Christian
acrostic ichthys.
The Hebrew Bible contains a number of alphabetic acrostics. The earliest biblical acrostics are probably
the damaged acrostic in Psalms 9–10 and the partial acrostic (through kap) in Nahum 1; both are usually
dated to the period of the Judaean monarchy. Many of the remaining biblical acrostics are probably either
exilic or postexilic. Psalm 37 and Lamentations 1, 2, and 4 are stanzaic acrostics (see
LAMENTATIONS); repeating stanzaic acrostics may be found in Lamentations 3 (3-line strophes) and
Psalm 119 (8-line strophes). In Psalms 111 and 112, each individual colon (half of a normal line) begins
with a consecutive alphabetic character. Psalms 25 and 34 both omit a waw line and add a pe line after](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-199-320.jpg)
![taw. This pe line thus becomes the last letter of the acrostic and combines with ˒alep and lamed (the first
and middle letters of the acrostic) to form the consonants of the first letter of the alphabet, ˒lp (Skehan
1971: 74). The remaining biblical acrostics are Psalm 145 and Proverbs 31: 10–31. There are also three
psalms from Qumran (see Sanders 1965) which are alphabetic acrostics: the Hebrew text of Sirach 51:
13–30 (11QPsa
Sirach, which also adds a pe line), the so-called Apostrophe to Zion (11QPsa
Zion) and the
partial acrostic (through pe) 11QPsa
155 (also known [Syriac] Psalm III). For a more detailed discussion of
alphabetic acrostics in the biblical period, see Marcus (1947), Holm-Nielsen (1960), and Soll (1990, chap.
1).
While acrostic poetry depends on knowledge of the art of writing and is therefore ―scribal‖ in the sense
that all ancient written literature is scribal, the acrostic should not be seen as exclusively, or even
primarily, wisdom literature. Included among the biblical alphabetic acrostics are hymns (e.g., Psalm
145), prayers (e.g., Psalm 25), and wisdom poems (e.g., Prov 31:10–31). This same distribution of genres
is found in Babylonian name/sentence acrostics as well.
While the biblical alphabetic acrostic is often considered to be a mnemonic device (e.g., Paul IDBSup,
600–1), this position is difficult to maintain in the light of parallel Babylonian acrostics, which no one
supposes were written with a mnemonic end in view (for further discussion, see Soll 1988: 320–22). The
use of the acrostic form is best understood by analogy with metrical or rhyme schemes as an aesthetic
constraint. It provided ancient poets with stimulus, direction, and limit as they drew on their stock of
divine epithets, lament motives, petitions, and other conventional features of religious poetry which could
otherwise be piled on indefinitely.
In the case of a name/sentence acrostic, the acrostic identifies the poem‘s author, the purpose of the
composition, the one to whom it is addressed, or some combination of these. Although the poet began
with the acrostic text as a matrix for the work, habit causes the reader to begin reading horizontally rather
than vertically. Thus the impression of the finished product is the reverse of the process of composition:
the poem gives the appearance of generating the acrostic, as if revealing a secret about itself. All
Babylonian name/sentence acrostics had some way of alerting the reader to the presence of the acrostic
pattern.
The alphabetic framework is, by contrast, abstract; it does not say anything. Rather, it says everything,
for the 22 letters of the alphabet can be used to make any combination of words. The alphabet is a ready
metaphor for totality and completeness (Gottwald 1954: 23–32) and thus serves as an excellent frame for
praising the qualities of God (Psalms 111 and Psalms 145), the just man (Psalm 112), or the capable
woman (Prov 30:10–31). Even in poems not concerned with the enumeration of qualities, use of the
alphabet evokes a sense of completeness without having to be comprehensive. The fact that the Semitic
alphabet gave a much greater impression of organization than any of its adaptations to other languages
and scripts (Driver 1976: 179–85) may also have led to its use as an ordering device for poetry.
The alphabetic framework was a fixed sequence that did not have to be justified, but was simply there,
ready to be built on. The only variation in this order is the inversion of the ˓ayin-pe sequence: pe precedes
˓ayin in Lamentations 2, 3, and 4; Psalm 10; and the LXX of Proverbs 31:10–31. The pe-˓ayin inversion
occurs in some epigraphic abecedaries as well (Cross 1980: 9–13), so variation on this point in the
acrostics was not a question of poetic license, but of adherence to different ordering conventions.
The alphabetic sequence may have been understood as being complete numerically as well as
linguistically, which would account for the 22-line poems in the Bible. This number of lines is clearly a
deliberate choice in Lamentations 5, since the rest of the book consists of alphabetic acrostics. Psalms 33,
Psalms 38, and Psalms 103 are also 22-line poems.
Bibliography
Cross, F. M. 1980. Newly Found Inscriptions in Old Canaanite and Early Phoenician Scripts. BASOR 238: 1–20.
Driver, G. R. 1976. Semitic Writing. London.
Freedman, D. N. 1972. Acrostics and Metrics in Hebrew Poetry. HTR 65: 367–92.
Gottwald, N. K. 1954. Studies in the Book of Lamentations. SBT 14. Chicago.
Holm-Nielsen, S. 1960. The Importance of Late Jewish Psalmody for the Understanding of the Old Testament Psalmodic
Tradition. ST 14: 1–53.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-200-320.jpg)
![Lambert, W. G. 1960. Babylonian Wisdom Literature. Oxford.
Marcus, R. 1947. Alphabetic Acrostics in the Hellenistic and Roman Periods. JNES 6: 109–15.
Sanders, J. A. 1965. The Psalms Scroll of Qumran Cave 11. DJD 4. Oxford.
Skehan, P. W. 1971. Studies in Israelite Poetry and Wisdom. CBQMS 1. Washington.
Soll, W. 1988. Babylonian and Biblical Acrostics. Bib 68: 305–23.
———. 1990. Psalm 119: Matrix, Form and Setting. CBQMS 24. Washington, DC.
WILL SOLL
ACTS OF ANDREW. See ANDREW, ACTS OF.
ACTS OF ANDREW AND MATTATHIAS. See ANDREW AND MATTATHIAS, ACTS OF.
ACTS OF JOHN (BY PROCHORUS). See JOHN, ACTS OF (BY PROCHORUS).
ACTS OF PAUL. See PAUL, ACTS OF.
ACTS OF PETER. See PETER, ACTS OF.
ACTS OF PETER AND PAUL. See PETER AND PAUL, ACTS OF.
ACTS OF PETER AND THE TWELVE. See PETER AND THE TWELVE, ACTS OF.
ACTS OF PHILIP. See PHILIP, ACTS OF.
ACTS OF PILATE. See PILATE, ACTS OF.
ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. See LUKE-ACTS, BOOK OF.
ACTS OF THEKLA. See THEKLA, ACTS OF.
ACTS OF THOMAS. See THOMAS, ACTS OF.
ACTS, BOOK OF. See LUKE-ACTS, BOOK OF.
ADADAH (PLACE) [Heb ˓ad˓ādâ (ה ָד ָף ְד ַף)]. A city situated in the Negeb region of Judah toward
Edom (Josh 15:22). In the Bible this name occurs only as part of a list of Judah‘s territorial inheritance
(Josh 15:20–63). According to most scholars (e.g., Boling and Wright Joshua AB, 379), the MT
wĕ˓ad˓ādâ, ―and Adadah,‖ should be emended to read Heb w˓r˓rh, ―and Ararah‖ (cf. LXX variants
arouēl, arouēr, as well as adada). Some scholars, therefore, identify Adadah with ˓Ar˓arah (modern
Khirbet Aroer; see Alt 1934: 19; Keel and Küchler 1982: 337), a site located some 20 km southeast of
Beer-sheba, to which David redistributed some of the spoils of the Amalekites (1 Sam 30:28; see
McCarter 1 Samuel AB, 436). Alternatively, Kallai (KHG 351) suggests that if no evidence of an Iron
Age settlement is yielded from ˓Ar˓arah, then Tell ˒Esdar, located 2 km farther north-northeast should be
considered. Aharoni (LBHG, 117) suggests that the name was originally Heb *Aroer-˓Ar˓arah, ―˓Ar˓arah
the ruin‖ (Heb ˓ărô˓ēr indicates ―a ruin‖ as does Arabic khirbet). Epigraphically, therefore, the name
―Adadah‖ may have resulted from a transmutation in the name ―˓Ar˓arah ‖of the Heb letter resh to daleth,
since these letters are difficult to distinguish in script.
Bibliography
Alt, A. 1934. Das Institut im Jahre 1933. PJ 30: 5–31.
Keel, O., and Küchler, M. 1982. Orte und Landschaften der Bibel, Ein Handbuch und Studienreiseführer zum Heiligen Land.
Vol. 2. Göttingen and Zürich.
MARK J. FRETZ
ADAH (PERSON) [Heb ˓ādâ (ה ָד ָף)]. The name ―Adah‖ seems to have been common in the ancient
Semitic world (compare Minaean ˓dt [?]; Thamudic ˓dh/˓dy; Safaitic ˓d˒/˓dy; Aramaic ˓dyh; Neo-Punic
˓dyt [?]; Syrian ˓addā/˓iddô; Samaritan ˓āda; Nabataean ˓dyw; and Arabic ˓addijj). It appears to be the
shortened form of a personal name containing the element *˓dw/y, ―to decorate, embellish‖ (Weippert
1971: 250; Stamm 1980: 130) (e.g., Heb ˓ad ˒ēl, ˓adāyāh ( , ˒el˓ādâ, ˓ād n (ā˒ [?], and ˓iddô (˓ [?];
Sabaean/Safaitic/Ammonite [?] ˓d˒l; Libyanite ˓dwn [?]; Minaean/Safaitic ˓dyn [?]; and Gr Kosadou [gen.
from qs˓d?]). Two women in the Hebrew Bible bear this name.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-201-320.jpg)
![1. The first of Lamech‘s two wives, according to the genealogy in Gen 4:17–19. To her two sons, Jabal
and Jubal, are attributed the life-style of the tentdweller and the herdsman, as well as the cultural
achievement of musical performance.
2. The daughter of Elon the Hittite, and one of Esau‘s Canaanite wives (Gen 36:2). She was considered
to be one of the Edomite tribal ancestresses alongside of Oholibamah and Basemath. Eliphaz, her only son
and Esau‘s eldest, was born in Canaan (Gen 35:4, 10) and became the father of Teman, Omar, Zepho,
Gatam, Kenaz, Amalek (and Korah?) (Gen 36:11–12), who are listed a few verses later as the ―tribal
chiefs‖ (˒all p m) of Edom (vv 15–16). The three contradictory texts Gen 36:2–3, 26:34, and 28:9 are
based on different traditions of P, hence the lack of harmony (Speiser Genesis AB, 279; Westermann
Genesis 1–11 BK, 684).
Bibliography
Moritz, B. 1926. Edomitische Genealogien I. ZAW 44: 81–93.
Stamm, J. J. 1980. Beiträge zur hebräischen und altorientalischen Namenkunde. OBO 30. Göttingen.
Weippert, M. 1971. Edom. Studien und Materialien zur Geschichte der Edomiter auf Grund schriftlicher und archäologischer
Quellen. Diss. Tübingen.
ULRICH HÜBNER
ADAIAH (PERSON) [Heb ˓ădāyâ (הָי ָד ֲף); ˓ădāyāh (הּוָי ָד ֲף)]. 1. A Levite of the clan of Gershom,
son of Ethan, father of Zerah, and grandfather of Ethni (1 Chr 6:26–27—Eng6:41–42). His name occurs
in the middle of a genealogical list whose purpose was to substantiate the Levitical pedigree of Asaph,
one of the temple singers appointed by King David (1 Chr 6:16–17, 33—Eng6:31–32, 48). With some
justification this Adaiah [˓ădāyâ] has been equated with Iddo [˓iddô] in 1 Chr 6:6—Eng6:21 (Schumacher
IDB 1:42) but this identification is not absolutely certain. Although there are four names (Gershom,
Jahath, Zimmah, Zerah) common to the two Gershomite Levitical lists involved (1 Chr 6:5–6—Eng6:20–
21; 1 Chr 6:24–28—Eng6:39–43), the pertinent inner patterns Zimmah-Joah-Iddo-Jeatherai and then
Zimmah-Ethan-Adaiah-Zerah-Ethni illustrate equally the configuration of differences. It is also worth
noting that Chronicles traces Asaph‘s lineage through Adaiah to Levi‘s son ―Gershom,‖ not the more
traditional ―Gershon.‖
2. A Benjaminite, one of the sons of Shimei (1 Chr 8:21). His name is found in a list of Benjamin‘s
descendants who are distinguished as heads of families living in Jerusalem (1 Chr 8:28). This Shimei
[Heb šim˓ ] is probably a textual corruption of the name SHEMA [Heb šema˓] mentioned ealier in 1 Chr
8:13. The complex 1 Chronicles 2–8 contains three epicenters: the lists of the tribe of Judah at the
beginning, those of Levi in the middle, and those pertaining to the tribe of Benjamin at the end. This
threefold arrangement reflected something of the territorial, social, and political realities of the postexilic
period (see Weinberg 1981: 111–12).
3. The father of Maaseiah, who is seemingly listed as one of the ―commanders of hundreds‖ [śārê
hammē˒ôt] that conspired with Jehoiada the priest to overthrow Queen Athaliah and install young Joash
upon the Judean throne (2 Chr 23:1). According to 2 Kgs 11:4 these individuals were ―the captains of the
Carites and of the guards.‖ By contrast, the Chronicler, true to his own ideology, apparently reports the
plot as carried out exclusively by priestly and Levitical guards in order to avoid any hint of the
desecration of the temple area by ―foreign mercenaries‖ (Myers 2 Chronicles AB, 131; Williamson
Chronicles NCB, 315). On the connection of Levites with martial activities, see Spencer 1984: 270–71.
Dillard, moreover, makes the intriguing observation that, whereas the first three occurrences of names
(Azariah, Ishmael, Azariah) in 2 Chr 23:1 are introduced with the preposition le, the last two names
(Maaseiah ben Adaiah, Elishaphat) are proceeded by the object marker ˒et before ―the commanders of
hundreds.‖ While representative possibly of no more than a stylistic variation, this change in pattern may
just as well indicate that for the Chronicler Maaseiah ben Adaiah was not intended to be included among
the ―commanders of hundreds.‖ However, that the writer regarded the commanders as Levites seems to be
implied in the activities envisioned in 1 Chr 23:6–7, 9 (see Dillard 2 Chronicles WBC, 177 n.1c, 180–81).](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-202-320.jpg)
![4. The maternal grandfather of King Josiah (2 Kgs 22:1). It is characteristic of the Deuteronomistic
history to introduce Judean kings through a fixed scribal formula. Included in this formula is the name of
each king‘s mother. Jedidah, Josiah‘s mother, is cited as the daughter of Adaiah of Bozkath. BOZKATH
(Josh 15:39) appears to be a SW Judean village in the vicinity of Lachish (Tell ed-Duweir) and Eglon
(Tell el-Ḥesi).
5. A Judahite, the son of Joiarib, and father of Hazaiah (Neh 11:5). He is mentioned as an ancestor of
Maaseiah, one of the Judean family heads resident in Jerusalem after the return from exile. The parallel
text in 1 Chr 9:5 (RSV) makes no reference to Adaiah ben Joiarib but speaks rather of ―the Shilonites:
Asaiah [= Maaseiah?] the first-born, and his sons.‖ However, the presence of Judah‘s two sons Perez
(Neh 11:4; 1 Chr 9:4) and Zerah (1 Chr 9:6) in these two otherwise synoptic lists suggests that the MT
behind the RSV‘s ―the Shilonite/the Shilonites‖ [haššilōn /hašš lôn ] in Neh 9:5 and 1 Chr 9:5 might well
be revocalized to read ―the Shelanite/the Shelanites‖ [haššēlān /haššēlān ] (see NEB), thus making this
Adaiah actually a descendant of Judah through his third son Shelah (Gen 38:5; Num 26:20).
6. The son of Jeroham (1 Chr 9:12 = Neh 11:12) and one of the priests listed who returned from exile to
live and work in Jerusalem. Adaiah and his brethren, heads of fathers‘ houses, are reported to have
numbered 242 persons. A comparison of the two parallel verses cited reveals that Nehemiah 11 carries his
ancestry back to the seventh generation, adding three additional names (Pelaliah, Amzi, Zechariah) to
Adaiah‘s ancestry as given in 1 Chr 9:12.
7. A son of BANI (Ezra 10:29 = 1 Esdr 9:30) and 8. a son of BINNUI (Ezra 10:39), two individuals
who had married foreign women and who were induced to put them away along with their children, in the
time of Ezra (Ezra 10:44 = 1 Esdr 9:36). The double occurrence of the name ―Bani‖ in both Ezra 10:29
and 10:34 and the similar name ―Binnui‖ in Ezra 10:39 have given rise to a number of textual
emendations. Not all is settled even with respect to the name ―Adaiah‖: thus 1 Esdr 9:30 reads iedaios for
Adaiah in Ezra 10:29; accordingly, the text-critical apparatus of BHS suggests that the name ―Adaiah‖
here be amended to read either ye˓adya or yeda˓ya. For the second Adaiah named in Ezra 10:39, there is
no corresponding name parallel whatsoever in 1 Esdr 9:34. There, in fact, Binnui has become a one of
Bani‘s sons!
Bibliography
Kellerman, U. 1966. Die Listen in Nehemiah 11 eine Dokumentation aus den letzten Jahren des Reiches Judas? ZDPV 82:
209–27.
Spencer, J. R. 1984. The Tasks of the Levites. ZAW 96: 267–71.
Weinberg, J. P. 1981. Das Wesen und die funktionelle Bestimmung der Listen in 1 Chr 1–9. ZAW 93: 91–114.
ROGER W. UITTI
ADALIA (PERSON) [Heb ˒ădalyā (ֲָי ְל ַד ֲא)˒]. One of the ten sons of Haman (Esth 9:8). The names of
Haman‘s sons appear within Esth 9:1–19, a passage long thought to be the denouement of the Esther
story, although recent research has shown it to be independent of both the main story (Esth 1–8) and the
two appendices; one on the origin of Purim (Esth 9:20–32), the other the praise of Mordecai (Esth 10:1–3)
(Clines 1984: 39–49, 158–62). This passage resolves the question of what happened after king Ahasuerus
granted the Jews permission to defend themselves against the attacks of hostile neighbors incited by
Haman (Esth 8:11–12). In this narrative context the killing of Haman‘s male progeny is the reversal of his
attempt to annihilate the Jews (Esth 3:9–15) (Berg 1979: 105ff.).
The authenticity of the names of Haman‘s sons is a matter of dispute. There are variant lists of the
names in the LXX, the A-Text (= LXX L?) and other ancient versions (see the lists in Moore Esther AB,
xlii–xliii; Haupt 1907–8: 175). It has been suggested from this that the spelling of certain names in MT
may be corrupt, the Greek versions perhaps preserving a more accurate spelling (Moore Esther AB, xliv).
Against this, the attestation in Iranian onomastica of a few of the names in MT Esther and the likelihood
that many of them can be given sensible Iranian etymologies has renewed confidence in the superiority of
the MT orthography (Millard 1977; Zadok 1986). While this also counters the claim that the names are
the product of the writer‘s imagination, the use of probable real names proves nothing about the veracity](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-203-320.jpg)
![of the story. Many of the names of Haman‘s sons are, however, otherwise unattested, perhaps reflecting
our limited knowledge of Iranian onomastica. The current state of knowledge of Iranian dialects leaves
the analysis of many of the names uncertain and the etymologies given are often conjectural. For the
analysis of many of the names there is often no advancement on the classic studies of Oppert (1894: 35–
41), Justi (1895), Scheftelowitz (1901), and Bartholomae (1904). Their work on Iranian names in Esther
is summarized by Paton (1908: 66–71). The most recent comprehensive survey of Iranian names is Hinz
(1975), supplemented by Zadok (1986) on names in Esther.
˒ădalyā˒ (LXX barsa) has a number of proposed Old Iranian etymologies for which see Paton (Esther
ICC, 70f.) and Gehman (1924: 327), but none are convincing. ˒ădalyā˒ may be related to the name ˒dlyn
attested in a 6th century B.C.E. Aramaic text from Egypt (Bauer and Meissner 1936 line 16; TAD, 11–13),
although this name also proves to be difficult to analyze (Grelot 1972: 500f.; Kornfeld 1978: 113 for
Hurrian derivation). For an explanation of the LXX spelling, see Haupt (1907–8: 176).
Bibliography
Bartholomae, C. 1904. Altiranisches Wörterbuch. Strassburg.
Bauer, H., and Freedman, D. N. 1936. Ein aramäische Pachtvertrag aus dem 7. Jahre Darius‘ I. Pp. 414–24 in Sitzungsberichte
der Press. Akad. der Wiss., Philol.-hist. Kl. Berlin: Akademie der Wissenschaften.
Berg, S. B. 1979. The Book of Esther: Motifs, Themes and Structure. SBLDS 44. Missoula, MT.
Clines, D. J. A. 1984. The Esther Scroll. JSOTSup 30. Sheffield.
Grelot, P. 1972. Documents araméens d‘Egypt. LAPO Paris.
Haupt, P. 1907–8. Critical Notes on Esther. AJSL 24: 97–186. Repr., pp. 1–90 of Studies in the Book of Esther, ed C. A.
Moore. New York, 1982.
Hinz, W. 1975. Altiranisches Sprachgut der Nebenüberlieferungen. Wiesbaden.
Kornfeld, W. 1978. Onomastica Aramaica aus Ägypten. Vienna.
Justi, F. 1895. Iranisches Namenbuch. Marburg. Repr. Hildescheim, 1963.
Millard, A. R. 1977. The Persian Names in the Book of Esther and the Reliability of the Hebrew Text. JBL 96: 481–88.
Oppert, J. 1894. Problèmes Bibliques. Review des études juives 28: 32–59.
Scheftelowitz, I. 1901. Arisches in Alten Testament. Vol. 1. Berlin.
Zadok, R. 1986. Notes on Esther. ZAW 98: 105–10.
PETER BEDFORD
ADAM (PERSON) [Heb ˒ādām (ם ָד ָא)]. The Hebrew noun ˒ādām generally denotes ―human being,‖
―humankind.‖ The term is also used of the male individual in the Gen 2:4b–3:24 creation narrative.
A. Etymology and Use in the OT.
The etymology of the word is uncertain. ˒ādām has often been associated with the root ˒dm ―red.‖
Evidence cited in support of this association is widespread. In Akkadian, adamu means ―blood, red
garment,‖ and adamatu ―black blood.‖ In Aramaic, ˒ădām and other cognate terms refer to ―blood,‖ while
in biblical Hebrew ˒ādōm means ―red‖ (adj.), and the verb ˒ādōm ―to be red.‖ The Ugaritic verb ˒adm
appears in several places in connection with bodily cleansing and anointing, and is usually translated ―to
rouge or redden.‖ It has been suggested that the use of ˒ādām for ―human‖ arises because of the reddish
color of human skin.
The play on words in Gen 2:7 and 3:19 between ˒ādām and ˒ădāmâ ―ground, earth,‖ has not been
overlooked in the search for an etymology of the former. The name ˒ādām is given to the human creature
believed to have come from the ˒ădāmâ. Of course, word plays in themselves do not necessarily indicate
the etymology of a word. They could simply be used by writers or editors for literary effect. However, in
this case the suggested etymological connection ought not to be ruled out. The Akkadian adamātu, ―dark
red earth‖ (used as a dye), suggests that the Hebrew ˒ădāmâ could also be derived from the root ˒dm, ―to
be red.‖ ˒ādām and ˒ădāmâ could have been derived from the same root separately or the latter could have
given rise to the former because of the similarity of skin tone to the color of the soil itself.
While we cannot draw any firm conclusions about the origins of biblical ˒ādām, we should note that the
word has cognates in other Northwest Semitic languages. ˒dm appears in both Ugaritic and Phoenician as
―human being.‖ In the former, the high god El is called ˒ab ˒adm, ―the father of humankind.‖ The
development of ˒dm for ―humankind‖ would seem to have been confined to the Northwest Semitic](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-204-320.jpg)
![Such a line of argument is in keeping with early Jewish exegetical interpretations of Genesis 3 (e.g. Apoc.
Mos. 15–21; Pirqe R. El. 1, 13).
Bibliography
Beker, J. C. 1980. Paul the Apostle: The Triumph of God in Life and Thought. Philadelphia.
Kramer, S. N. 1961. Sumerian Mythology. Rev. ed. New York.
Lambert, W. G., and Millard, A. R. 1969. Atrahasis: The Babylonian Story of the Flood. Oxford.
Niditch, S. 1983. The Cosmic Adam: Man as Mediator in Rabbinic Literature. JJS 34: 137–46.
Sharp, J. L. 1973. Second Adam in the Apocalypse of Moses. CBQ 35: 35–46.
Wallace, H. N. 1985. The Eden Narrative. HSM 32. Atlanta.
Westermann, C. 1984. Genesis 1–11. Trans. J. Scullion. London.
HOWARD N. WALLACE
ADAM (PLACE) [Heb ˒ādām (ם ָד ָא)]. A city located in the Transjordan N of the place where the
Israelites crossed the Jordan into Palestine (Josh 3:14–17). According to the biblical account of the
crossing, the waters of the Jordan ―rose up in a heap‖ at Adam (Josh 3:16). A strategic city, Adam was
situated near the fords of the Jordan (Judg 7:24), S of the mouth of the Jabbok River and N of the mouth
of wadi Far˓ah. At Adam, significant travel routes intersected (2 Sam 18:23; Hos 6:9), which made it
easily accessible to Pharaoh Shishak individual (ca. 945–924 B.C.E.) of Egypt, who captured Adam while
on a military campaign through Palestine (1 Kgs 14:25–28; 2 Chr 12:1–12; see Kitchen 1973: 438; Mazar
1986: 146). Most scholars have traditionally located this site at Tell ed-Dāmiyeh (modern Damiya; see
Glueck 1951: 331; Boling and Wright Joshua AB, 169), where landslides have been known to dam up the
Jordan (Aharoni LBHG, 34; Keel and Küchler 1982: 491; Noth Josua HAT, 37).
The translation of the MT of Josh 3:16 reads, ―one heap arose a great distance from Adam, the city
which is beside Zarethan,‖ and the written text (Heb bē˒ādām) differs from what is to be read (Heb
mē˒ādām). The LXX rendering differs quite radically from the MT: ―forming a single heap over a very
wide area, as far as the frontier of Kiryath-Jearim‖ (see Boling and Wright Joshua AB, 156). Whereas the
MT identifies the location of the obstruction of the water in relation to Adam, the LXX expresses the
expanse of the flooding in relation to Kiriath-Jearim. Thus, a single story about the extent of flooding is
formulated from two different points of reference.
The city of Adam may also refer to a sacred location in biblical poetry (see Mazar 1985: 17–18).
Several verses of poetry which contain the Heb word ˒ādām, traditionally translated ―man,‖ could be
clarified by translating it ― (the city) Adam.‖ Consequently, Ps 68:19–Eng 68:18 and Ps 78:60 could
benefit from this proposal (Goitein 1947), as could Hos 6:7 (even though LXX hōs anthrōpos, ―as man,‖
supports the traditional rendering of ―man‖; see Andersen and Freedman Hosea AB, 439).
Bibliography
Glueck, N. 1951. Explorations in Eastern Palestine, IV. Pt. I: Text. AASOR 25–28. New Haven.
Goitein, S. D. 1947. The City of Adam in the Book of Psalms? JPES 13: 86–88.
Keel, O., and Küchler, M. 1982. Orte und Landschaften der Bibel, Ein Handbuch und Studienreiseführer zum Heiligen Land.
Vol. 2. Göttingen and Zurich.
Kitchen, K. A. 1973. The Third Intermediate Period in Egypt (1100–650 BC). Warminster, England.
Mazar, B. 1985. Biblical Archaeology Today: The Historical Aspect. Pp. 16–20 in BibAT. Jerusalem.
———. 1986. The Early Biblical Period, Historical Studies, ed. S. Aḥituv and B. A. Levine. Jerusalem.
MARK J. FRETZ
ADAM AND EVE, LIFE OF. Among several related narrative elaborations of the biblical account
of Adam and Eve, the most important are the Greek Apocalypse of Moses and the Latin Vita Adae et
Evae. An Armenian recension was translated loosely from the Apocalypse of Moses, or possibly from the
Syriac (Conybeare 1895: 216–35), at least by 1000 C.E., although more probably during the 5th or 6th
centuries. A Slavonic recension, translated from the Greek between 950 and 1400 C.E., combines the
Apocalypse of Moses and Vita 1–11. Other documents, while part of the Adam cycle of literature, have no
direct literary relationship with the Apocalypse of Moses and Vita Adae et Evae: the Cave of Treasures,
the Combat of Adam and Eve (Ethiopic), the Testament of Adam, and the Apocalypse of Adam from Nag
Hammadi.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-207-320.jpg)
![The Apocalypse of Moses and Vita Adae et Evae, though sharing much material, also contain unique
traditions:
Ap. Mos. Vita
1.
Adam and Eve search for food and repent by standing in the Jordan and Tigris
rivers.
—— 1–8
2. Satan, disguised as an angel, convinces Eve to curtail her penitence. —— 9–11
3. Satan explains his fall and consequent enmity toward Adam. —— 12–17
4. Eve escapes death and bears Cain by means of Adam‘s intercession. —— 18–22
5. Eve bears (Cain [Ap. Mos. 1:3]), Abel, Seth, et al. 1:1–5:1 23–24
6. Adam reveals to Seth his rapture to paradise to see God. —— 25–29
7.
Adam, on his deathbed, sends Eve and Seth on an unsuccessful quest for the oil of
mercy.
5:2–14:3 30–44
8.
Eve exhorts her children to obey by recounting the temptation by Satan and
expulsion from paradise.
15–30 ——
9. Adam dies. 31–32 45
10. Adam is pardoned. 33–37 46
11. Adam is buried.
38:1–
42:2
47–48
12.
Eve commands her children to preserve her and Adam‘s life on tablets of stone
and clay.
——
49:1–
50:2
13. Eve dies and is buried.
42:3–
43:4
50:3–
51:3
The redactors of the Apocalypse of Moses and Vita Adae et Evae shape their mutual (e.g., Apoc. Mos.
5:2–14:3 and Vita 30–44) and unique (e.g., Apoc. Mos. 15–30) traditions in different ways, as a
comparison of three major characteristics of both stories will demonstrate. First, Satan is prominent in
Apoc. Mos. 15–30, where he is responsible for the deception of the serpent, Eve, and Adam, yet his role is
even more prominent in Vita Adae et Evae. Satan deceives Eve a second time (chaps. 9–11), then explains
thoroughly why he maliciously pursues Adam (chaps. 12–17). According to Vita 37–39, a ―serpent‖
whom Seth recognizes as Satan, the ―cursed enemy of truth, (and) chaotic destroyer,‖ attacks him; in the
parallel passage of Apoc. Mos. 10–12, only a rebellious ―wild beast‖ attacks Seth.
Second, Eve is culpable for the first transgression in both accounts, but the redactor of Vita Adae et
Evae, particularly in the unique material (chaps. 1–22), consciously denigrates Eve and exonerates Adam.
Eve‘s unrealistic solution to hunger following explusion is to have Adam murder her, since she sinned, so
that God may return him to paradise (chaps. 1–6); in contrast, Adam suggests sensibly that they repent.
While the Jordan stops its flow and the entire animal world gathers around Adam when he repents, Eve
succumbs again to Satan‘s deceit (chaps. 7–11). Subsequently, when she departs to die, Eve experiences
birthpangs but receives no mercy, despite her desperate prayers, until Adam intercedes (chaps. 18–22).
Third, God‘s mercy, a significant theme in both stories, is interpreted differently. One message of Vita
Adae et Evae is that penitence, properly performed, evokes God‘s mercy. The editor presents details of
Adam‘s penitence in the Jordan (chaps. 6–8) and adds similar details to Seth‘s prayer at paradise (chap.
40; cf. Apoc. Mos. 13:1) to provide the readers with models of penitence. Because Adam repented
properly, he was pardoned during his lifetime (chap. 46). In contrast, the main theme of the Apocalypse of
Moses is that mercy is accessible only following death. Adam faces death, uncertain that God will be
merciful (chaps. 31–32). He dies and, after a lengthy and suspenseful account of angelic intercession, is
pardoned (chaps. 33–37). Finally, he receives the promise of resurrection twice (39:1–3; 41:2–3).](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-208-320.jpg)
![Hierarchy the archons control the weather; the authorities take care of the sun, moon, and stars; and the
powers keep the demons from destroying the whole of creation. The nine classes of angels are in
ascending order: angels, archangels, archons, authorities, powers, dominions, thrones, seraphim, and
cherubim.
Although versions of the Horarium and Prophecy sections of the Testament have been found in Greek,
Arabic, Ethiopic, Old Georgian, and Armenian, Syriac has been demonstrated to be the original language
of the document in all three of its sections. Evidence for this are the puns and wordplays in the text that
work only in Syriac. Also, the manuscript evidence for the Syriac text is considerably older than that for
any other version, the earliest being British Museum MS Add 14,624, which dates from the 9th century.
Corruptions in the Greek version have proved to result from mistaking one Syriac word for another,
therefore demonstrating that the Greek is dependent upon the Syriac. The Arabic, Old Georgian, and
Armenian versions did not appear until after a Syriac version was well established and well attested, and
must therefore be secondary to it. The Ethiopic version is dependent upon the Arabic.
It is likely that the first section of the Testament, the Horarium, is taken from Jewish traditions which
circulated before the 3d century C.E., since it completely lacks the Christian elements which are so
prominent in the Prophecy and Hierarchy and since it displays several affinities with the Wisdom
literature of the OT. This Jewish material appears to have been joined together with the Prophecy by a
Christian redactor in the 2d or 3d century to form the present Testament of Adam. The Prophecy itself,
though heavily Christianized, preserves some Jewish traditions about Adam and Eve found in other
Jewish literature but not in the OT, among them the idea that Adam left to his posterity an esoteric
understanding of creation and a knowledge of the future history of the world. But in the present
document, the substance of Adam‘s legacy has been turned by the redactor into a Christian proof text.
Subsequently, perhaps between the 3d and 5th century, the Hierarchy was added to the Prophecy and
Horarium, because its angelology complemented theirs, though the addition never really caught on, being
found in only one Syriac MS.
Bibliography
Robinson, S. E. 1982. The Testament of Adam: An Examination of Syriac and Greek Traditions. Chico, CA.
———. 1983. The Testament of Adam. Pp. 989–95 in OTP 1.
STEPHEN E. ROBINSON
ADAMAH (PLACE) [Heb ˒ădāmâ (ה ָמ ָד ֲא)]. A fortified city within Naphtali‘s territorial boundaries,
the exact location of which is unknown (Josh 19:36; LXX variants also reflect the uncertainty). Adamah
is not to be identified with Adam in the Transjordon (Josh 3:16), nor with Adami-neqeb (Josh 19:33; see
Boling and Wright Joshua AB, 459). Aharoni (LBHG, 429) suggests a location 7 km W of the Sea of
Galilee associated with Shemesh-adam (modern Qarn-ḥaṭ-ṭin). Rogerson (RNAB, 129) associates this
same site with Madon (Josh 11:1; 12:19), and suggests that an unidentified location 7 km N of
Capernaum may also be the location of biblical Adamah.
MARK J. FRETZ
ADAMI-NEKEB (PLACE) [Heb ˒adām neqeb (ב ֶרֶיֲנ ִמ ָד ַא)]. After the conquest described in
Joshua 6–12, the Transjordan tribes of Reuben, Gad, and half of Manasseh returned to the E bank of the
Jordan River. The W bank proper was then divided among the remaining tribes. Several major tribal units
were settled and Joshua cast lots (18:10) for the remaining seven. The sixth portion went to the tribe of
Naphtali (Josh 19:32–39). The S border of Naphtali (and part of the N border of Issachar) ran from
Heleph to the Jordan River where it comes out of the Sea of Galilee. Simons (GTTOT 194) says this is not
a border but just a list of cities. Aharoni (LBHG 259) suggests the border ran just S of the line of Wadi
Fajjas/Fegas. Kallai (HGB 235) considers it a border. RSV refers to the boundary while the Jerusalem
Bible refers to the territory of Naphtali. One of the border sites, v 33, is Adami-nekeb.
Wright (WHAB 42) shows Adami-nekeb within the SW corner of Naphtali‘s territory, near its W
boundary with Zebulun (which is Zebulun‘s E boundary). Verses 35–38 list Naphtali‘s fortified cities but](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-213-320.jpg)
![ADAR [Heb ˒ădār (ש ָד ֲא)]. The twelfth month of the Hebrew calendar, roughly corresponding to
February and March. See CALENDARS (HEBREW).
ADASA (PLACE) [Gk Adasa (Ἀδαςα)]. The town where Judas Maccabeus and his military band
camped and subsequently defeated the Syrian general Nicanor and his troops (1 Macc 7:40–45).
Josephus‘ account of this story locates Adasa 30 stades (ca. 4 km) from Beth-horon (Ant 12.10.5; see also
his reference to the town Acedasa, in the province of Gophna, JW 1.1.6). Some scholars identify Adasa
with modern Khirbet ˓Adaseh, a militarily strategic site located midway between Jerusalem and Beth-
horon, ca. 8 km (60 stades) SE of Beth-horon, rather than the 30 stades recorded by Josephus (Abel GP,
238; Goldstein 1 Maccabees AB, 341). Adasa has also been identified with the ˒Adasa northeast of Beth-
horon in the province of Gophna, which was known to Eusebius (HJP² 1: 170).
MARK J. FRETZ
ADBEEL (PERSON) [Heb ˒adbĕ˒ēl (ל ֵא ְב ְד ַא)]. The third of Ishmael‘s twelve sons (Gen 25:13 = 1
Chr 1:29). The LXX, however, transposing the letters beta and delta, spells the name nabdeēl (Gen 25:13)
or nabdaiēl (1 Chr 1:29) in these parallel lists, and adds ragouēl kai nabdeēl ―Ragouel (or Reuel) and
Nabdeel‖ to the list of Dedan‘s sons in Gen 25:3. But the Lucianic version of 1 Chr 1:29 reads Gk abdiēl,
and Josephus spells the name abdeēlos in his list of Ishmael‘s descendants (Ant 1.12.4). This rather
consistent metathesis of the letters beta and delta in the Gk texts suggests that the difference in spelling is
not simply a scribal error. Based on the LXX use of an initial N, Albright (1956: 13–14) suggests that
Nadab is a hypocoristic doublet of Heb ˒adbĕ˒ēl, and identifies Nadab with the Arabic name Idiba˒il.
Other scholars identify Adbeel with the Arabian tribal and personal name Idiba˒ilu, which appears in the
inscriptions of Tiglath-Pileser III (ANET, 283; Eph˓al 1982: 215–16; Montgomery 1934: 45; Musil 1926:
291). Tiglath-Pileser III (744–727 B.C.E.) first subjugated this northwest Arabian tribe, then appointed
Idibi˒lu to the wardenship of the Egyptian border.
Bibliography
Albright, W. F. 1956. The Biblical Tribe of Massa‘ and Some Congeners. Vol. 1, pp. 1–14 in Studi Orientalistici in Onore di
Giorgio Levi della vida. Rome.
Eph˓al, I. 1982. The Ancient Arabs. Jerusalem and Leiden.
Montgomery, J. A. 1934. Arabia and the Bible. Philadelphia.
Musil, A. 1926. The Northern Ḥeǧâz. American Geographical Society Oriental Explorations and Studies 1. New York.
MARK J. FRETZ
ADDAN (PERSON) [Gk Charaathalan (Χαπααθαλαν), Charaathalar (Χαπααθαλαπ)]. A leader of the
exiles, who returned to Palestine from Tel-melah and Telharsha in Babylon (1 Esdr 5:36). The RSV form
―Addan‖ is derived from the difficult LXX phrase, rendered by codex Vaticanus hēgoumenos autōn
charaathalan kai allar , ―their leaders (were) Charaathalan and Allar‖ (codex Alexandrinus spells the
names charaathalar and alar). Bewer (1922: 30) argues that Gk charaathalan should be two words
(charaath and alan), and that Gk alan resulted from a confusion in the transmission of Gk adan, since the
triangular form of uppercase Gk lambda closely resembles the ―tee pee‖ form of uppercase Gk delta. He
bases this suggestion on the place name ―Addan,‖ attested in Ezra 2:59 and Neh 7:61. See ADDAN
(PLACE). The occurrence of Addan as a personal name is unique to the list of returnees in 1 Esdras 5.
Bibliography
Bewer, J. A. 1922. Der Text des Buches Ezra. Göttingen.
MARK J. FRETZ
ADDAN (PLACE) [Heb ˒addān (ן ָֹּד ַא)]. Var. ADDON. A place in Babylon from which a group of
Jews of undocumented ancestry returned to Palestine (Ezra 2:59 [LXX ēdan] = Neh 7:61 [Heb ˒addôn;
LXX ērōn]). The location of this site is unknown.
MARK J. FRETZ](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-215-320.jpg)
![ADDAR (PERSON) [Heb ˒addār (ש ָֹּד ַא)]. The first son of Bela and grandson of Benjamin (1 Chr 8:3).
The name ―Addar‖ appears only in this portion of an extended genealogy (1 Chronicles 7–8) listing
Benjamin‘s descendants. Parallel genealogies list ―Ard‖ as either a son of Bela (Num 26:40), or a son of
Benjamin (Gen 46:21); however, the list of Benjamin‘s descendants in 1 Chronicles 7 has neither name.
See ARD. Albright (1939: 179–80), noting the similarity of the Hebrew letters dalet, kap, and reš (cf.
Josh 16:2, 5; 18:13), argues that the names ―Addar‖ and ―Ard‖ are actually corrupted forms of the
(unattested) Hebrew clan name *erek ―Erech‖ (cf. the gentilic ˒ark ―Archite‖). See ARCHITE.
Bibliography
Albright, W. F. 1939. Review of GP. Vol. 2. JBL 58: 177–87.
MARK J. FRETZ
ADDAR (PLACE) [Heb ˒addār (ש ָֹּד ַא)]. A border town in the southern Negeb region of Judah, near
Hezron and Karka (Josh 15:3). The name ―Addar‖ occurs as part of a lengthy list of Israelite tribal
boundary sites (Joshua 15–17). The precise location of Addar is unknown. The name may be synonymous
with Hazar-addar (cf. Num 34:4; see Noth 1935: 188), or possibly a parenthetical comment regarding the
location of the border of Judah, e.g., ―It went around Hezron (more specifically, it went up to Addar)‖
(see Boling and Wright Joshua AB, 365).
Bibliography
Noth, M. 1935. Studien zu den historisch-geographischen Dokumenten des Josuabuches. ZDPV 58: 185–255 = ABLA 1: 229–
80.
MARK J. FRETZ
ADDAX. See ZOOLOGY.
ADDI (PERSON) [Gk Addi (Ἀδδι)]. 1. The patronym of a clan of Israelite laypersons who returned from
Babylonian exile (1 Esdr 9:31). Members of the clan of Addi were listed (after the sons of Bani) with
those who married foreign women from ―the people of the land,‖ and who, under Ezra, were subsequently
forced by covenant to separate themselves from these foreign wives and their children (cf. Neh 13:23–31).
The name ―Addi‖ does not appear in Ezra‘s parallel list (Ezra 10:18–44), although there the name
―ADNA‖ does appear right after the listing of the sons of Bani (Ezra 10:30).
2. The son of Cosam and father of Melchi in Luke‘s geneaology of Joseph, the husband of Mary (Luke
3:28). The name ―Addi‖ is absent in Matthew‘s parallel genealogy (Matt 1:1–17). Kuhn (1923: 214) finds
an analogue in the MT name pĕdāyâ (2 Kgs 23:36), which the LXX renders edeil. The LXX apparently
presupposes Heb ˓dyl, ―ADIEL‖ (1 Chr 4:36; 9:12; 27:25), a variant of which combines Heb ˓dy [Gk
addi] and an alternate theophoric ending (Heb yh) resulting in ―ADAIAH.‖ Given the unpredictable
occurrence of Gk addi as a variant in manuscripts of four unrelated passages (Num 26:25—Eng26:16,
RSV ―Iddo‖; 1 Chr 6:21, RSV ―Eri‖; 2 Chr 28:12, RSV ―Hadlai‖; 1 Esdr 9:31, RSV ―Addi‖), and the
tenuous nature of identifying a specific individual simply on the basis of a particular form of a name, the
Addi in Luke 3:28 must remain anonymous.
Bibliography
Kuhn, G. 1923. Die Geschlechtsregister Jesu bei Lukas und Matthäus, nach ihrer Herkunft untersucht. ZNW 22: 206–28.
MARK J. FRETZ
ADDITIONS TO DANIEL. See DANIEL, ADDITIONS TO.
ADDITIONS TO ESTHER. See ESTHER, ADDITIONS TO.
ADDITIONS TO JEREMIAH. See JEREMIAH, ADDITIONS TO.
ADDON (PLACE) [Heb ˒āddôn (ֹּדון ָא)]. See ADDAN (PLACE).
ADDUS (PERSON) [Gk Addous (Ἀδδοτρ)]. The name of one of the 17 families descended from
Solomon‘s servants that returned to Jerusalem from Babylon (1 Esdr 5:34). The name ―Addus‖ occurs
only in that portion of the list providing names not attested in parallel lists (Myers 1 & 2 Esdras AB, 68).](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-216-320.jpg)
![impossible that such a temple could date to the EB IV. On the basis of excavations in Jordan over the past
15 years, it is becoming increasingly clear that the EB IV was a period of urban regression, and not a
nomadic interlude. Moreover, the strong continuities now apparent between the EB III and the EB IV
suggest that the collapse of the city-state system at the end of EB III and the subsequent adaptation to
nonurban subsistence strategies (small towns, villages, and pastoralism) were a result of gradual internal
processes, not nomadic invasions as earlier scholarship presupposed (Richard 1986).
C. Iron Age and Roman Remains.
On the main tell, excavation uncovered occupation of the Iron Age II and the Roman/Byzantine periods,
although earlier EB IV occupation was noted. Only fragments of walls and associated Iron Age II pottery
represent the Iron Age occupation on the mound. More substantial remains of the Roman/Byzantine
period were found. The city wall was constructed in the Late Roman period (2d–3d centuries A.D.).
Excavation showed that a tower on the N city wall, well built with a front wall of ashlars, dated to the
Late Roman Period, but had been repaired in the Byzantine period. The domestic occupation uncovered
within the city wall consisted of several walls comprising a fairly well-preserved room with a great deal
of Roman (3d century) pottery. Below the floor of this room there was discovered a cist burial, in which
some Nabatean sherds were also found. Interestingly, among the rubble within the room the excavators
found a stone with a Hebrew inscription, thought to date from the Byzantine period.
Bibliography
Albright, W. F. 1924. The Archaeological Results of an Expedition to Moab and the Dead Sea. BASOR 14: 1–12.
———. 1934. Soundings at Ader, a Bronze Age City of Moab. BASOR 53: 13–18.
Albright, W. F.; Kelso, J. L.; and Palin, T. J. 1944. Early Bronze Pottery from Bâb ed-Drâ˓ in Moab. BASOR 95: 3–13.
Cleveland, R. L. 1960. The Excavation of the Conway High Place (Petra) and Soundings at Khirbet Ader. AASOR 34–35.
Cambridge, MA.
Glueck, N. 1934. Explorations in Eastern Palestine. AASOR 14: 3, 45–47. Philadelphia.
Mallon, A. 1924. Voyage d‘exploration au sud-est de la Mer Morte. Bib 5: 413–455.
Richard, S. 1980. Toward a Consensus of Opinion on the End of the Early Bronze Age in Palestine-Transjordan. BASOR 247:
4–37.
———. 1986. The Early Bronze Age: The Rise and Collapse of Urbanism. BA 50: 22–43.
SUZANNE RICHARD
ADIDA (PLACE) [Gk Adida (Ἀδιδα)]. Mentioned in 1 Macc 12:38 and 13:13 as a Judean town fortified
and occupied by Simon, the second brother of Judah the Maccabee. Adida is probably the biblical Harim
of Ezra 2:32 (Heb ḥārim; Gk arōth) and which occurs in Neh 7:37 as Hadid (Heb ḥādid; Gk adid). Ezra
and Nehemiah list Harim/Hadid along with Lod and Ono in whose vicinity Adida lay. Josephus describes
Adida as located on a hill overlooking the plains of Judea (Ant 13.6.5 §203). Abel (1926: 218, 511 and
GP 2: 340) considers Josephus‘ description of a hill as an exaggeration but deems Adida to be the modern
˒el-Ḥaditheh located 6 km NE of Lod (M.R. 145152).
Bibliography
Abel, F.–M. 1926. ―Topographie des campagnes machabéennes,‖ RB 35: 206–22 and 510–33.
MICHAEL E. HARDWICK
ADIEL (PERSON) [Heb ˓ăd ˒ēl (ל ֵיא ִד ֲף)]. 1. A Simeonite prince who, during Hezekiah‘s reign, was
involved in Simeonite expansion to Gedor in search of pasture lands (1 Chr 4:36). His name appears in a
list of Simeon‘s descendants (1 Chr 4:24–43) preserved within an extended genealogy of Israel (1
Chronicles 2–8).
2. The father of the priest Maasai, an exile who returned from Babylon to live in Jerusalem (1 Chr 9:12).
In a parallel list of priests who lived in Jerusalem under Nehemiah (Neh 11:10–14), the name ―Adiel‖ is
replaced with Azarel (LXX variants include esdriēl, ezriēl). A possible connection between the names
―Adiel‖ and ―ADDI‖ must be rejected as being too tenuous.
3. The father of Azmaveth, the administrator in charge of the ―treasuries‖ of King David, presumably in
Jerusalem (1 Chr 27:25; see Rudolf Chronikbücher HAT 180). This name occurs in a list of stewards of
crown property (1 Chr 27:25–31).](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-218-320.jpg)
![MARK J. FRETZ
ADIN (PERSON) [Heb ˓ād n (ין ִד ָף)]. The father of a clan of returnees who settled in the area of
Jerusalem during the reign of the Persian ruler Artaxerexes (Ezra 2:15; 8:6; Neh 7:20; 1 Esdr 5:14 [where
LXX renders the name variously as adeiliou and adinou]). While this leader‘s name occurs as a patronym
in parallel lists of returnees (Ezra 2 = Nehemiah 7 = 1 Esdras 5), his descendants were variously
numbered as 454 (Ezra 2:15 = 1 Esdr 5:14) or 655 (Neh 7:20; Codex Alexandrinus reads 654, as do
variant readings of Ezra 2:15 and 1 Esdr 5:14; see Allrick 1954: 22). As a prince under Nehemiah, Adin
set his seal to the covenant made with the Lord (Neh 10:17—Eng10:16).
Bibliography
Allrik, H. L. 1954. The Lists of Zerubbabel (Nehemiah 7 and Ezra 2) and the Hebrew Numeral Notation. BASOR 136: 21–27.
MARK J. FRETZ
ADINA (PERSON) [Heb ˓ăd nā˒ (אָינ ִד ֲף)]. The son of Shiza and leader of a band of Reubenites
associated with King David‘s chief military men (1 Chr 11:42). This group of Reubenite warriors
reinforced David‘s armies, perhaps during his wars in the Transjordan (Mazar 1986: 102). The
Chronicler‘s expansion (1 Chr 11:41b–47) of the parallel lists of David‘s military elite (1 Chr 11:10–41a
= 2 Sam 23:8–39) includes Adina and 15 other men from the Transjordan. There is general agreement that
these verses were not part of the original list, and Williamson (1 & 2 Chronicles NCBC, 104) and others
(Mazar 1986: 101–2; Rudolf Chronikbücher HAT, 101) have argued convincingly that the Chronicler or a
later redactor did not fabricate these names.
Bibliography
Mazar, B. 1986. The Military Élite of King David. Pp. 83–103 in The Early Biblical Period: Historical Studies, ed. S. Aḥituv,
and B. Levine. Jerusalem.
MARK J. FRETZ
ADITHAIM (PLACE) [Heb ˓ăd tayim (םִי ַית ִד ֲף)]. One of 14 towns grouped together in the
Shephelah (foothills) of Judah (Josh 15:36). The name ―Adithaim‖ occurs only here and the location is
unknown. Abel (GP 2: 238; see also RAB, 148) suggests modern el-Ḥad theh, a site 4 km NNW of Yâlō,
based on a comparison with Egyptian kdtm (no. 25 of the Shishak list); however, others dispute this and
prefer to leave the location unspecified (Albright 1939; Noth ABLA 2: 78).
Bibliography
Albright, W. F. 1939. Review of GP. JBL 58: 177–87.
MARK J. FRETZ
ADLAI (PERSON) [Heb ˓adlay (י ַל ְד ַף)]. Father of Shaphat, the official in charge of King David‘s
herds in the valleys (1 Chr 27:29). Adlai is unknown outside this list of stewards of crown property (1 Chr
27:25–31).
MARK J. FRETZ
ADMAH (PLACE) [Heb ˒admâ (ה ָמ ְד ַא)]. One of the ―cities of the plain‖ associated by biblical
tradition with Sodom and Gomorrah (Gen 14:2, 8). Admah is mentioned (along with Sodom, Gomorrah,
and Zeboiim) among the points marking the Canaanite‘s southern border (Gen 10:19). Shinab, King of
Admah, was one of the five allies (along with the kings of Sodom, Gomorrah, Zeboiim, and Zoar) who
were defeated by Chedorlaomer and his three confederates in the Battle of the Valley of Siddim (Gen
14:2, 8) (see also CHEDORLAOMER). While Admah is not specifically mentioned in the account of the
destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah (Gen 19:24–28), the tradition that it was also destroyed as judgment
for its sin is attested twice. Like Sodom and Gomorrah, Admah and Zeboiim function as proverbial
symbols of divine judgment. The fate of all four cities is held out as a warning to Israel not to disobey the](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-219-320.jpg)
![covenant (Deut 29:22—Eng29:23). Hosea 11:8 also recalls the divine overthrow of Admah and Zeboiim
(cf. Wis 10:6).
The historicity of Admah‘s association with Sodom and Gomorrah is uncertain. Several scholars cite the
greater number of references to Sodom and Gomorrah as evidence that Admah and Zeboiim are
secondary additions to a core tradition. Admah and Zeboiim are, however, consistently associated with
Sodom and Gomorrah within the written biblical tradition.
The site of Admah is uncertain. Simons (1959: 222–29) and others locate the cities of the plain in the
SE corner of the Jordan Valley, to the N of the Dead Sea. Albright (1924: 8), tentatively identifying
Admah with Adamah (Josh 3:16), also suggests that Admah and Zeboiim were located in the Jordan
Valley, although he situates Sodom and Gomorrah under the shallow S bay of the Dead Sea. The Early
Bronze Age ruins of Bab edh-Dra˓, Numeira, Feifeh, Khanazir, and Es-Safi, on the SE edge of the Dead
Sea, have been hailed as the cities of the plain (van Hattem, 1981: 87–92). However, the archaeological
evidence is inconclusive. See also SODOM, ZEBOIIM.
Bibliography
Albright, W. F. 1924. The Expedition of Xenia Theological Seminary and the American Schools. BASOR 14: 1–12.
Harland, J. P. 1942. Sodom and Gomorrah. BA 5: 17–32.
Hattem, W. C. van 1981. Once Again: Sodom and Gomorrah. BA 44: 87–92.
Simons, J. 1959. The Geographical and Topographical Texts of the Old Testament. Leiden.
CAROLYN J. PRESSLER
ADMATHA (PERSON) [Heb ˒admātā˒ (א ָת ָמ ְד ַא)]. One of seven wise princes who counseled King
Ahasuerus concerning matters of the law and judgment (Esth 1:14; cf. Ezra 7:14). Since the historicity of
the book of Esther is uncertain, the identification of the characters cannot be verified. The name
―Admatha‖ is absent in the LXX, which seems to have suffered corruption in this verse since it lists only
three names (Gk arkesaios, sarsathaios, and malēsear).
MARK J. FRETZ
ADMIN (PERSON) [Gk Admin (Ἀδμιν)]. The son of Arni and father of Aminadab (Luke 3:33) in
Luke‘s genealogy of Joseph, the husband of Mary (Luke 3:23–38). Matthew‘s parallel genealogy (Matt
1:1–17), replaces Luke‘s name sequence of Hezron—Arni—Admin—Aminadab with the sequence
Hezron—Aram—Aminadab. According to the LXX, this Aram is Aminadab‘s father in Ruth 4:19 (MT
reads rām; LXX variants include aram and arran), and in 1 Chr 2:9–10 (MT reads rām; LXX lists ram
and aram). Luke‘s passage (3:33) contains a number of variant spellings of the name (e.g., admin, aram,
and admi), attesting to the problems encountered by the copyists in attempting to establish the identity of
Admin (Brown 1979: 60).
Bibliography
Brown, R. E. 1979. The Birth of the Messiah. Garden City.
MARK J. FRETZ
ADNA (PERSON) [Heb ˓adnā˒ (אָנ ְד ַף)]. 1. A descendant of Pahathmoab and one of a number of
returning exiles who married foreign women (Ezra 10:30). Under Ezra, Adna was subsequently forced by
covenant to separate himself from his foreign wife and her children (Ezra 10:1–44 = 1 Esdr 8:88–9:36;
see also Neh 13:23–31). LXX variants include aidaine, idane, and edne, and the apparent parallel in 1
Esdr 9:31 lists addi (see ADDI).
2. Head of the priestly family of Harim in the days of the high priest Joiakim (Neh 12:15). Adna may
have been a contemporary of Adna no. 1 above, since the name of his father, ―HARIM,‖ also appears in
connection with the issue of foreign wives (see especially Ezra 10:21; Neh 3:11); his priestly lineage,
however (Neh 12:12–21), sets this Adna apart from the descendent of Pahathmoab.
MARK J. FRETZ](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-220-320.jpg)
![ADNAH (PERSON) [Heb ˓adnaḥ (ח ַנ ְד ַף); ˓adnâ (ה ָנ ְד ַף)]. 1. One of seven military leaders from the
tribe of Manasseh who defected from King Saul‘s troops to serve David (1 Chr 12:21—Eng12:20) prior
to the confrontation with the Philistines in which Saul died (1 Samuel 31). The wary Philistines did not
permit David to enter into this battle (1 Samuel 29), and before David could return to Ziklag, Amalekites
had raided the town; so Adnah (Heb ˓adnaḥ), and the others were in a position to assist David against
these raiders (1 Chr 12:21; see also 1 Samuel 30).
2. One of King Jehoshaphat‘s chief military officials who commanded an army of 300,000 soldiers in
Judah (2 Chr 17:14). In the Bible his name (Heb ˓adnâ) occurs in a large list of commanding officers who
served Jehoshaphat (2 Chr 17:13b–19). This rare biblical name is inscribed on a stone bowl unearthed at
Kuntillet-˓Ajrud. Based on archaeological and epigraphical evidence at ˓Ajrud, and on Adnah‘s biblical
connection with Jehoshaphat, Meshel (1978: 54) tentatively raises the possibility that the inscription and
the Bible refer to the same person.
Bibliography
Meshel, Z. 1978. Kuntillet ˓Ajrud, an Israelite Religious Center in Northern Sinai. Expedition 20: 50–54.
MARK J. FRETZ
ADONAI [Heb ˒ădōnāy (יָֹנד ֲא)]. One of the various names of God in the Hebrew Bible. The term is
derived from Heb ˒ādôn (―lord‖), which in the biblical text refers both to the deity and to human rulers.
Adonai is a modified form of the plural of ˒ādôn: it bears the first-person suffix ―my‖ and has been
vocalized in a slightly different manner than ―my lords,‖ receiving a lengthened final a. Although based
on a plural, it is usually translated into English as ―my lord‖ or simply ―Lord.‖
Adonai appears in the MT both as a title in its own right and as a substitute for the personal name of
God, Yahweh. In order to preserve the sanctity of the Name, the Masoretes placed the vowel letters of
Adonai underneath the consonants of Yahweh. This common substitution technique, called qere/kethib
(―read/written‖), clues readers to pronounce the Name as Adonai. In cases in which Adonai already
appears, the hybrid form is read ―Elohim.‖ The RSV renders the substitution form as ―LORD‖ (with all
letters capitalized) while Adonai itself is translated ―Lord‖ (with only the first letter capitalized).
The failure to recognize this substitution technique led later translators of the Hebrew Bible to render
the form as it appears. Vocalizing the consonants YHWH with the vowels of Adonai (e, o, a) produced
the new form ―Yehowah,‖ or in English ―Jehovah.‖ According to Kaufmann Kohler (JEnc 1: 201), this
misreading can be traced to a Christian translator working in 1520 C.E. (See also YAHWEH.)
JULIA M. O‘BRIEN
ADONI-BEZEK (PERSON) [Heb ˒ădōn bezeq (רֶז ֶיֲבִֹנד ֲא)]. The name of a Canaanite king
reportedly defeated by the tribe of Judah in battle near Bezek (Judg 1:4–7). Wright (1946: 105–14) argued
that this king was identical with Adoni-Zedek of Jerusalem (who was defeated and killed by Joshua,
[Joshua 10]). Since nothing is said of this king‘s ruling over Jerusalem, and both names are distinctive,
there is no substantive textual reason indicating that Adoni-Zedek was corrupted to Adoni-Bezek. The
difficulty with Adoni-Bezek is that while the name is constructed as if Bezek were a divine name (cf.
Adoni-Zedek—―My Lord is ZDQ,‖ or Adonijah—―My Lord is Yahweh‖), Bezek is unattested as a divine
name. It is possible that there was a deity, Bezek, whose name was related to the Hebrew word bāzāq,
found once with the meaning of ―lightning‖ (Ezek 1:14). Until the discovery of such a deity, however,
this suggestion is no more than guesswork.
A better possibility is to derive Bezek from the Hebrew word bezeq, meaning ―fragment,‖ or ―sherd.‖
This term is found as the name of a (rocky?) place in Judg 1:4–7 and 1 Sam 11:8. The site in Judg 1:4–7
would seem to lie near Jerusalem; but that in 1 Sam 11:8 may be identified with modern Ibziq, northeast
of Shechem on the road to Beth-Shean. Since Bezek was a city, Adoni-Bezek is best read as ―Lord of
Bezek‖ (with ˒ădōn - forming the construct of ˒ādôn, as is frequently the case with masculine nouns in the
construct state (BLe, 525, §65j). That Adoni-Bezek was the ruler of Bezek is implied in that the men of](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-221-320.jpg)
![Judah ―came upon Adoni-Bezek at Bezek‖ (Judg 1:4). Having captured this Canaanite king, the Israelites
cut off his thumbs and big toes (Judg 1:6). Thereupon Adoni-Bezek said, ―Seventy kings with their
thumbs and big toes cut off used to pick the scraps from under my table; as I have done, so has God
repaid me.‖ That Adoni-Bezek was then carried back to Jerusalem, where he died, is probably a later
gloss dating from the time when the Israelites controlled the city (See also ADONI-ZEDEK; BEZEK).
Bibliography
Wright, G. E. 1946. The Literary and Historical Problem of Joshua 10 and Judges 1. JNES 5: 105–14.
D. G. SCHLEY
ADONI-ZEDEK [Heb ˒ădōn -ṣedeq (ר ֶד ֶי־קִֹנד ֲא)]. A Canaanite king of Jerusalem (Josh 10:1–3)
whose name means either ―My Lord is righteousness‖ (i.e., Heb ṣedeq = ―righteousness‖), or ―My Lord is
Zedek.‖ The latter is more likely, since Adoni-Zedek is constructed as a noun clause with a theophoric
element (or divine name). The Yahwistic equivalent of Adoni-Zedek is Adonijah—―My Lord is
Yahweh.‖ A Canaanite king of Salem (= Jerusalem; cf. Ps 76:2) bears a name with the same theophoric
element: Melchi-Zedek (Gen 14:18; Ps 110:4)—―My King is Zedek.‖ The theophoric element ṣdq also
occurs in the syllabic writings from Ugarit in the names Ili-Ṣaduq—―My God is Ṣaduq‖ —and Ḥammi-
Ṣaduq—―My Warmth (?) is Ṣaduq.‖ Adnṣdq is also attested, providing a parallel to the biblical name
Adoni-Zedek (PTU, 187). Although the term sedeq by itself never occurs in the Hebrew Bible as the
name of a deity, the above evidence probably indicates the existence of an old Canaanite god, Ṣedeq (Ug
Ṣaduq), who was at one time the patron deity in Jerusalem.
Further evidence indicates that this tradition continued into the Davidic monarchy. David‘s choice of a
priest of unknown origin, Zadok ((Heb Ṣādôq, Ug Ṣaduq), to serve alongside Abiathar, may have resulted
from a desire (or need) to secure the loyalty of the Jebusite cult in Jerusalem. This was done by
recognizing its priest-king (Zadok) as high priest in Israel. That the Davidic kings viewed themselves as
heirs to the Jebusite royal tradition is suggested by the writer of Ecclesiastes, ostensibly Solomon, who
boasts of acquiring wealth ―more than all who had been before me in Jerusalem‖ (Qoh 2:7).
Adoni-Zedek is depicted in Joshua 10 as the leader of a coalition of five southern Canaanite cities—
Jerusalem, Hebron, Jarmuth, Eglon, and Lachish—formed to punish the Gibeonites after they had made
peace with Joshua. These kings came up against Gibeon and encamped by the city. Joshua, having made a
forced march from Gilgal at night, surprised the Canaanite army and threw it into a panic. The Israelites
smote them as they fled by way of the ascent of Beth-Horon (which runs west-southwest from Gibeon to
the Shephelah). According to the biblical account, Yahweh also smote them with hailstones as they fled,
and at Joshua‘s request, caused the sun to stand still while the Israelites finished the slaughter (Josh
10:11–13). The five kings escaped and hid themselves in the cave at Makkedah, whence Joshua took them
and hanged them on five trees in the vicinity (Josh 10:16–27). It has been argued that this Adoni-Zedek is
identical with Adoni-Bezek, the Canaanite king in Judges 1, but this proposition is doubtful. See also
ADONI-BEZEK; ZADOK; MELCHIZEDEK (PERSON); GIBEON.
Bibliography
Baudissin, W. W. von. 1929. Kyrios als Gottesname im Judentum. Vol. 3. Giessen.
Johnson, A. 1967. Sacral Kingship in Ancient Israel. Cardiff.
Wright, G. E. 1946. The Literary and Historical Problem of Joshua 10 and Judges 1. JNES 5:105–14.
D. G. SCHLEY
ADONIJAH (PERSON) [Heb ˒ădōn yāh (û) (הּוָיִֹנד ֲא)]. A name given three OT characters which
means ―Yah (weh) is (my) Lord.‖
1. The fourth son of David by his wife Haggith in Hebron, while David was king of Judah (2 Sam 3:4; 1
Chr 3:1–2); and heir apparent to the throne at the time of Solomon‘s accession. Adonijah‘s personal
ambition led to his own demise in a story that echoes that of the rebellion and death of his elder brother
Absalom.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-222-320.jpg)
![Long, B. O. 1984. 1 Kings. Grand Rapids.
Veijola, R. 1975. Die Ewige Dynastie, David und die Entstehung seiner Dynastie nach der deuteronomistischen Darstellung.
Helsinki.
Zalewski, S. 1973. The Character of Adonijah. Beth Mikra 19: 229–55 (in Hebrew).
———. 1974. The Struggle between Adonijah and Solomon over the Kingdom. Beth Mikra 20: 490–510 (in Hebrew).
DUANE L. CHRISTENSEN
ADONIKAM (PERSON) [Heb ˒ădōn qām (ם ָירִֹנד ֲא)]. The father of a clan who, along with other lay
families, returned from Babylon to Palestine (Ezra 2:13 = Neh 7:18 = 1 Esdr 5:14; also Ezra 8:13 = 1 Esdr
8:39). The precise number of returnees in Adonikam‘s clan is uncertain, owing to the occurrence of this
name in multiple lists where the Hebrew-Aramaic numeral notation may have been miscounted (Allrik
1954). Adonikam may be identical with the ADONIJAH mentioned in a list of lay family heads (Neh
10:17—Eng10:16), since both are listed in conjunction with otherwise similar persons (Myers Ezra-
Nehemiah 239: Williamson Ezra, Nehemiah WBC, 329).
Bibliography
Allrik, H. L. 1954. The Lists of Zerubbabel (Nehemiah 7 and Ezra 2) and the Hebrew Numeral Notation. BASOR 136: 21–27.
MARK J. FRETZ
ADONIRAM (PERSON) [Heb ˒ădōn ram (ם ַישִֹנד ֲא)]. The son of Abda and an official in Solomon‘s
court who was in charge of the forced labor used in many of the major building projects (1 Kgs 4:6; 9:15).
This office was first mentioned late in David‘s reign and continued into the rule of Rehoboam (2 Sam
20:24; 1 Kgs 12:18). In the reign of David and Rehoboam, this office was held by Adoram. Some scholars
take this to be a shortened form of the name ―Adoniram.‖ If this is the case, then one person held this
office from late in David‘s reign until the crisis under Rehoboam—a period of some 40 years. The LXX
supports this identification and uses the name ―Adoniram‖ consistently in the passages referring to this
official. Other scholars believe that it is possible, but not likely, that one person would have held this
office for such a length of time.
Two factors suggest the importance of Adoniram‘s office: (1) the position is included in the small
number of offices listed at the royal court, and (2) control of a force of 30,000 men certainly would have
been given only to a most trusted individual (1 Kgs 5:28—Eng5:14).
Forced labor was a part of many societies in the Ancient Near East. Israel‘s distaste for this practice is
probably to be seen in the demand for lighter burdens under Rehoboam (1 Kgs 12:4). When Rehoboam
refused to change his harsh policies, Adoniram, the overseer of the hated forced labor, was murdered by
the angry Israelites (1 Kgs 12:18).
PHILLIP E. MCMILLION
ADOPTION. The creation of a kinship relationship between two individuals that is recognized as
essentially equivalent to one stemming from natural descent. In the ancient Near East, such ties were
typically between adoptive parent(s) and a son or daughter, but individuals were adopted into other roles
as well. Frequently the parties were relatives before the adoption took place. Adoption differs from
fosterage in that the latter is a temporary arrangement which is not legally binding. The foster child
receives support but not the status of son or daughter.
———
A. Extrabiblical Sources
1. Cuneiform
2. Egyptian
3. Jewish
B. Adoption in the Bible
1. Possible Cases
2. Metaphorical Use
3. Issues](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-224-320.jpg)
![———
A. Extrabiblical Sources.
Because biblical references to adoption are both limited in number and seldom unambiguous, they have
been interpreted with the aid of extrabiblical sources, particularly cuneiform texts.
1. Cuneiform. Relevant documents date at least from the beginning of the 2d millennium B.C.E. to the
Achaemenid period, the majority coming from Old Babylonian (OB) and Middle Babylonian (MB) times.
Since our sources span both a wide geographical range and the better part of two millennia, details of
adoption practice from a given time and place were not necessarily universal.
Law collections (often called law codes) and adoption contracts are our primary types of documentation.
The latter are more abundant and also more reliable, since the function of the collections is debated and
their treatment of adoption incomplete. Contracts have their limitations as well; they do not as a rule
present the circumstances leading to the adoption, or the age of the parties. Stipulations regarding
adoption differed from contract to contract and ―code‖ to ―code‖ so that one cannot expect to discover
general laws which governed Mesopotamian (or biblical) practice.
Schorr (1913) and Kohler, Koschaker, and Ungnad (1909–23) have collected a number of OB adoption
texts; see also texts and bibliography in Ellis 1975. Speiser (1930) and Cassin (1938) present MB Nuzi
texts with discussion (see also dissertations cited in Eichler 1989: 116–17 nn. 51, 56). References to
adoption in the law collections (see ANET) are Codex Hammurabi (CH) §§170–71, 185–93; Laws of
Eshnunna §35; and Middle Assyrian Laws (MAL) §A 28; cf. doubtfully MAL §A 41, Lipit-Ištar §27.
Other types of documents occasionally mention adoption. We read of the adoption of a foundling in
―The Legend of Sargon‖ (ANET, p. 119) and, with details of the adoption procedure, in the lexical series
ana ittišu (Landsberger 1937: 44–47). In addition, there are records of litigation over custody or
inheritance rights of adoptees.
The most common Akkadian way to say ―adopt‖ is ana mārūtim leqŭ ―take for son/daughtership.‖
Individuals could also be adopted into other roles, such as that of brother (aḫḫūti, ―brotherhood‖), sister
(aḫātūti/atḫūti), or even father (abbūti). In cases known especially from Nuzi, women adopted in order to
be given in marriage would receive the ―status of (adopted) daughter‖ (mārtūtu), daughter-in-law
(kall[at]ūtu), daughter or daughter-in-law (mārtūtu u kall[at]ūtu), or sister (aḫātūtu); for literature see
Eichler 1989; nn. 36, 56, 61.
Adoptions were usually effected by an agreement between two parties, the adopter and the parent or
guardian of the adoptee, but occasionally adoptees would act on their own behalf. A written contract
recording the adoption typically included a statement of the adoptive relationship, clauses regarding its
dissolution, a record of the oath of the parties, the names of witnesses, and the date. Some sources hint at
an adoption ceremony.
Adoption in the cuneiform Kulturkreis took many forms. An individual might be adopted as heir, or into
apprenticeship. Slaves were manumitted by adoption (Schorr 1913: nos. 23–35), and illegitimate children
legitimated. Females were often adopted with a view to giving them away in marriage. An adoptive sister
relationship between co-wives could promote family unity. A man without male offspring might adopt his
son-in-law to keep property within the family. Money, land, or services often played a role in the adoption
arrangement. At Nuzi, in particular, land sales took the form of an adoption (Cassin 1938: 51–274). The
buyer was adopted and given land as an ―inheritance‖ in exchange for a ―gift‖ of equivalent value. These
―sale adoptions‖ have often been seen as circumventing a prohibition against alienating ancestral property
(cf. Lev 25:23–28); for this and other interpretations see Maidman 1976: 92–123.
2. Egyptian. Far fewer texts are preserved from Egypt (see Allam 1972). The ―Story of Sinuhe‖ may
contain an example of the adoption of a son-in-law in Syro-Palestine (ANET pp. 19–20). The
―Extraordinary Adoption‖ text (ca. 1100 B.C.E.; Thompson 1974: 229 n. 141) refers to the adoption of a
wife as the daughter and heir of her childless husband. Following the latter‘s death, the wife freed and
adopted three slaves (her husband‘s children by a concubine?). One of them, a woman, married the wife‘s
brother, whom the wife then adopted as son and heir. In a text from ca. 656 B.C.E., the Nitocris Adoption](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-225-320.jpg)
![Obed in her bosom (bĕḥêqāh) ―and became his ˒ōmenet‖ (―supporter,‖ a vague term), whereupon the
neighbors remarked ―a son has been born to Naomi.‖ The custom of an adoptive mother offering her
breast to an adoptee is known among the Arabs and in other cultures, and an adoption account might have
served to ―Judaize‖ Obed (King David‘s ancestor), who would otherwise have had a Moabite mother. We
do not know, however, that offering a breast to an adoptee was a Hebrew custom or that Naomi did so.
The neighbors‘ words need not be taken literally. Adoption, it seems, would have deprived Ruth of
someone to carry on Mahlon‘s name, and it is questionable if Naomi could unilaterally effect a change in
Obed‘s status.
e. Illegitimate Son. Jephthah appears to have been legitimated and hence adopted, if legitimation in
Israel was effected as in Mesopotamia (Schorr 1913: no. 12, Thompson 1974: 260; cf. CH §§170–71
[ANET, 173]). Although his mother was a prostitute, Jephthah was entitled to share his father‘s
inheritance (Judg 11:1–2).
f. Nephew or Male Relative. The custom by which the offspring of a levirate marriage is ascribed to a
childless deceased brother or male kinsman has been viewed as a postmortem adoption.
g. Orphan. Mordecai (Esth 2:7) supported his cousin Hadassah/Esther (ōmēn ˒et-hădassâ) and, after
her parents‘ death, adopted her (lĕqāḥāh … lĕbat; similarly Akk ana mār (t ūtim leq ). It is doubtful that
an unmarried woman of Esther‘s age could live with Mordecai except for an adoptive relationship.
Although both were Jewish, they were living under Persian rule (as were those in the Jewish text from
Elephantine), so it is not certain that a Jewish practice is reflected.
h. Slave. Manumission of slaves by adoption is well known in the ancient Near East, and manumitted
slaves occasionally are named heir (e.g., Schorr 1913: no. 35; Muhammad‘s adopted son Zaid ibn
Ḥāritha). Abram‘s fear that his slave would be his heir (Gen 15:2–3) seems to imply the slave‘s (possibly
future) adoption, since normally only a relative could inherit (see e.g., Num 27:8–11). Although in
Hurrian law an unrelated ewuru ―heir‖ could inherit by default, there is no hint of this in biblical law. On
Genesis 15, see further Thompson 1974: 203–30.
Jarha (1 Chr 2:34–35) is a probable example of the manumission and adoption of a slave. According to
the common Mesopotamian practice, the slave (and foreigner) Jarha would have been manumitted by
adoption before being married to his master Sheshan‘s daughter. Jarha‘s children are listed as Sheshan‘s
descendants.
i. Son-in-law. Jarha also serves as an example of an adopted son-in-law. Barzillai, who married and
took his father-in-law‘s name (Ezra 2:61, Neh 7:63), is probably another. Many features of the Jacob and
Laban narrative, and particularly parallels to two Nuzi adoption texts (ANET, pp. 219–20, nos. 2 and 3),
have suggested it as another example. Other features, however, distinguish this case from standard
Mesopotamian adoption arrangements, and similarities to herding contracts have been noted. See recently
Eichler 1989: 114–16.
j. Wife. An adoption of a wife as daughter is known from Egypt, but the oft-repeated notion that in
Hurrian practice a wife could be adopted as her husband‘s sister and that this explains the ―wife-sister‖
motif in the Bible (Gen 12:13 and parallels) is now widely rejected as based upon the (mis)interpretation
of a small number of texts (Eichler 1989: 112–13).
2. Metaphorical Use. The father-son relationship of Yahweh and Israel may have been conceived at
times as an adoptive one (Jer 3:19; explicitly in Rom 9:4). The relationship between God and king is
illustrated using what are evidently adoption formulae in Ps 2:7, 2 Sam 7:14 (Tigay EncJud 2: 300–1).
See Paul 1979–80: 177–80, 184.
Adoption (huiothesia) appears as a metaphor five times in NT writings ascribed to Paul (Rom 8:14, 23;
9:4; Gal 4:5; Eph 1:5), where it serves to distinguish the believer‘s sonship from that of Jesus and to
illustrate the Christian‘s change of status, both accomplished and prospective. The background of the
metaphor has variously been seen as Roman, with its concept of strong paternal authority; Greek, as the
term huiothesia implies; or Hebrew, as implied in Paul‘s use of the semitic term abba in describing the
adoptive father.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-227-320.jpg)
![3. Issues. Definitions of adoption have varied, leading to varying evaluations of the extent to which it
was practiced in Israel. Attempts to adhere to the strict meaning of Latin adoptio have led some scholars
to include as true adoption only those cases where a person under paternal authority (patria potestas) is
transferred to the authority of a third (free) individual and appointed heir. Adoption, thus narrowly
defined, has been said not to have existed in Israel. But in addition to running counter to the general usage
by scholars of the ancient Near East, this definition ignores the concept of adoption reflected in our texts.
Adoption into sonship (ana mārūtim), for example, can occur when the adopter is a slave (Speiser 1930;
no. 5) or a woman (Schorr 1913: no. 29); when the adoptee is a foundling (Landsberger 1937: 44–46), the
adopter‘s illegitimate child (Schorr 1913: no. 12: cf. CH §§170–71) or a free individual (adrogation;
Kohler, Koschaker, and Ungnad 1909–23: no. 1425); and in numerous cases where an inheritance is not
mentioned.
Although adoption was practiced in ancient Israel, it is impossible to say to what extent this was true.
Many of the biblical cases occur in the patriarchal narratives or on foreign soil, involve foreigners, or are
uncertain. Moreover, adoption is not mentioned in biblical law. The nature of our sources is no doubt
partly responsible for the seeming scarcity of biblical adoption. Biblical references are generally not
explicit enough to allow confirmation (or denial) of proposed cases. The silence of biblical law collections
may simply reflect their selective and incomplete nature; compare the haphazard notice adoption receives
in the Mesopotamian collections. Since adoption was, it seems, of little theological interest (except as a
metaphor), there was no particular reason to mention it; if we read of a barren woman, it is often only to
set the stage for a miraculous birth.
The absence of adoption in postbiblical Jewish law, however, suggests that it was not prevalent in
Israel, at least in later periods. Various explanations have been suggested (Boecker 1974): the importance
of blood lineage to the Hebrews, the practice of polygyny, the custom of levirate marriage, and the belief
that fertility or barrenness reflected God‘s will, which adoption would circumvent. No single explanation
is completely satisfactory, and all address only the ―demand‖ side of the equation, without explaining, for
example, the place of orphaned or unwanted children in Israelite society.
For bibliography not listed below see especially Paul 1979–80: 175 n. 1.
Bibliography
Allam, S. 1972. De l‘adoption en Egypte pharaonique. OrAnt 11: 277–95.
Boecker, H. J. 1974. Anmerkungen zur Adoption im Alten Testament. ZAW 86: 86–89.
Cassin, E.-M. 1938. L‘Adoption à Nuzi. Paris.
Donner, H. 1969. Adoption oder Legitimation? Erwägungen zur Adoption im Alten Testament auf dem Hintergrund der
altorientalischen Rechte. OrAnt 8: 87–119.
Eichler, B. L. 1989. Nuzi and the Bible: A Retrospective. Pp. 107–19 in DUMU-E2-DUB-BA-A: Studies in Honor of Åke W.
Sjöberg, ed. H. Behrens, D. Loding, and M. T. Roth. Philadelphia.
Ellis, M. de J. 1975. An Old Babylonian Adoption Contract from Tell Harmal. JCS 27: 130–51.
Kohler, J.; Koschaker, P.; and Ungnad, A. 1909–23. Hammurabi‘s Gesetz. Vols. 3–6. Leipzig.
Landsberger, B. 1937. Die Serie ana ittišu. MSL 1. Rome.
Leon, H. L. 1960. The Jews of Ancient Rome. Philadelphia.
Maidman, M. P. 1976. A Socio-economic Analysis of a Nuzi Family Archive. Ph.D. Diss. University of Pennsylvania.
Mendelsohn, I. 1959. A Ugaritic Parallel to the Adoption of Ephraim and Manasseh. IEJ 9: 180–83.
Paul, S. 1979–80. Adoption Formulae: A Study of Cuneiform and Biblical Legal Clauses. Maarav 2: 173–85.
Schoenberg, M. W. 1963. Huiothesia: The Word and the Institution. Scr 15: 115–23.
Schorr, M. 1913. Urkunden des altbabylonischen Zivil- und Prozessrechts. VAB 5. Leipzig.
Speiser, E. A. 1930. New Kirkuk Documents Relating to Family Laws. AASOR 10: 1–73.
Stade, B. 1886. Miscellen. 15. ―Auf Jemandes Knieen gebären.‖ ZAW 6: 143–56.
Thompson, T. L. 1974. The Historicity of the Patriarchal Narratives. BZAW 133. New York.
FREDERICK W. KNOBLOCH
ADORAIM (PLACE) [Heb ˒adôrayim (םִי ַדוש ַא)]. Var. ADORA. A town in the central hill country
of Judah, listed among the cities fortified by Rehoboam near the beginning of his reign (2 Chr 11:9). An
examination of the list of cities fortified by Rehoboam (2 Chr 11: 5–12) shows that they form a logical
and fairly consistent defensive line on the western, southern, and eastern frontiers of Rehoboam‘s](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-228-320.jpg)
![domains, supplemented by additional fortresses at key road junctions (LBHG, 290–94). This strongly
suggests that the author of Chronicles had access to some sort of official military document delineating
the defenses of the Kingdom of Judah. During Hellenistic and Roman times, this fortress-town was
known as Adora (GK adōra). According to 1 Macc 13:20–21, Simon Maccabeus stopped the advance of
Trypho at Adora. Josephus records (Ant 13.9.1) that Adora was captured by John Hyrcanus following the
death of Antiochus 7 in 129 B.C., and that it still remained in Hasmonean hands at the time of Janneaus
(Ant 13.15.4). It must have fallen into Roman hands soon thereafter, for it was among the cities rebuilt in
59 B.C. by Gabinius, proconsul of Syria (Ant 14.5.3). In the form ―Aduram,‖ this town appears in the book
of Jubilees (38:9–24) as the location of the burial of Esau following his battle with Jacob. The ancient
name is clearly reflected in the modern town of Dura, located approximately 7 km W, and slightly S, of
Hebron (M.R. 152101). There is little doubt that the ancient town is to be located here, or at least in the
immediate vicinity.
WADE R. KOTTER
ADRAMMELECH (DEITY) [Heb ˒adrammelek (ך ֶל ֶמ ַש ְד ַא)]. In 2 Kgs 17:31 it is reported that the
Babylonians who were resettled in Samaria ―burned their children in the fire to Adrammelech and
Anammelech, the gods of Sepharvaim.‖ The place name ―Sepharvaim‖ may refer to the Babylonian city
of Sippar, but the identity of the Babylonian god Adrammelech is unknown.
A. KIRK GRAYSON
ADRAMMELECH (PERSON) [Heb ˒adrammelek (ך ֶל ֶמ ַש ְד ַא)]. According to 2 Kgs 19:37 (= Isa
37:38), one of the sons of the Assyrian king Sennacherib who, along with his brother Sharezer,
assassinated their father. This Adrammelech may be identical with Arda-Mulishi, who is identified as a
son of Sennacherib in Assyrian sources.
Bibliography
Parpola, S. 1980. The Murderer of Sennacherib. Mesopotamia 8: 171–182.
A. KIRK GRAYSON
ADRAMYTTIUM (PLACE) [Gk Adramytteion (Ἀδπαμτσσειον)]. An ancient city of Mysia located
along the NW coast of the Roman province of Asia (modern Turkey). A ship from this city, probably a
small trading vessel, is mentioned in Acts 27:2. The ship was homeward bound when Paul, Luke,
Aristarchus, and Julius the Centurion boarded it in order to journey from Caesaria to Rome via the Asian
coast.
This city, located at the base of Mt. Ida, controlled a substantial port from its position at the head of the
Gulf of Adramyttium (Hdt. 8: 42), which is across from the island of Lesbos. Today the harbor is filled
with alluvial deposits and the site of the city is known as Karatash, while the original appellation is
preserved in the name of the nearby town Edremit.
The founding of the city is problematic with three prevalent theories: it is the Pedasus of Homer; it was
founded by Adramys, the brother of Croesus, in 3 B.C.; or it was one of many colonies established by
merchants from the spice-rich area of S Arabia known as Hadhramaut (Harris 1925). The reading of the
name with a rough breathing is indicated in the Vulgate rendering as navem Hadrumetinam. This may
lend credence to Harris‘ theory.
The commercial importance of the city, indicated by the coins found at the site, peaked when Pergamum
was the capital of the region but had faded by the NT period. Adramyttium, one of the chief cities of the
province, was chosen to be the host of the provincial governor‘s law court, the assizes (conventus) of the
NW district of the Roman province of Asia. It was the original place of the worship of Castor and Pollox
and home of the orator Xenocles (the tutor of Cicero) (See Strabo 8: 1.66; Plutarch, Cicero 4).
Adramyttium was noted for the production of a special ointment (Pliny N.H. 13: 2.5).
Bibliography
Harris, J. R. 1925. Adramyttium. The Contemporary Review 128: 194–202.
Leaf, W. 1923. Strabo on the Troad. Cambridge.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-229-320.jpg)
![JOHN D. WINELAND
ADRIA, SEA OF (PLACE) [Greek Adrias (Ἀδπιαρ)]. An arm of the Mediterranean between Italy and
the Balkan Peninsula joining the Ionian Sea in the southeast, commonly known as the Adriatic Sea. It is
mentioned in the NT in relation to the apostle Paul‘s journey to Rome (Acts 27:27). Today, the name
denotes the sea which extends from northwest to southeast, a length of nearly five hundred miles. The
Italian shore is low, especially in the northeast basin around the delta of the Po, which is the largest river
that flows into it. The east coast is rather rugged and fringed with islands. This allows for many good
harbors on the Dalmatian coast as opposed to the relatively few found on the Italian side. The northeast
winds, together with the prevalence of sudden squalls, makes navigation in winter difficult and dangerous.
The Sea was known in antiquity as Adrias, Adriatike Thalasa, Adriatikon Pelagos in Gk, and
Adriaticum Mare, Adrianum Mare, or Mare Superum in Latin. According to Strabo (5.1), the name was
derived from the old Etruscan city-colony ATRIA located north of the Po River. Justin (20, 1.9), however,
suggests a Greek origin for the name. Originally, the name was applied to the upper (northwestern) part of
the sea, but it became gradually extended southeastward some 6000 stadia (approx. 700 miles) as far as
the Ionian Sea (Strabo 2,123), and even to the Sicilian Sea, including waters between Crete and Malta
(Orosius 1, 2.90). Thus in antiquity it was understood that Malta lay at the western extremity of the
Adriatic Sea (Procopius 1, 14), while Crete was surrounded by the same on the west (Strabo 3.17) and the
same waters encompassed Sicily on the east (Strabo 3.4, 15). It seems that the name was first used
interchangeably with the Ionian Sea, and gradually came to include it. ―The Ionian Sea is part of what is
now called the sea of Hadria,‖ wrote Strabo (2, 5.20). According to Livy (5,33), Italy was surrounded by
two seas, the Tuscan on the west and the Hadriatic on the east. The name therefore is more restricted
today than it was in the past, when it not only included waters between Sicily and Crete, but might have
been applied to the whole of the eastern Mediterranean with the exception of the Aegean Sea.
Therefore, it would be misleading to limit the reference from the Acts to what is today known as the
Adriatic Sea. Because many of the Gk manuscripts call Malta Melite (with several variations in Greek and
also Latin manuscripts), some have tried to see in the name an island other than Malta, namely modern
Mljet in the Adriatic. Yet the most probable east-northeast direction of the wind called Northeaster (Gk
euroklydon or eurakylon, Acts 27:14) would not support this suggestion. Scholars are still more inclined
to understand the NT reference to adrias in a more general way, as opposed to the more restricted modern
usage of the term.
To avoid a possible confusion in the use of different names some have suggested a strict distinction in
the use of the terms the ―Adrian Sea‖ and the ―Adriatic Sea.‖ Even though this may be done today,
Ptolemy used the two names interchangeably (3. 4:Adria, and 3.17:Adriatic).
Acts 27:27 states that the vessel upon which Paul was going to Rome was ―driven up and down‖ for
fourteen days by high winds before its shipwreck on Malta. That the sea earned a tempestuous reputation
in ancient times can be documented by records of such famous writers as Josephus (Vita 3) and Horace
(Odes 1, 33).
Bibliography
Avi-Yonah, M., and Malamat, A., eds. The World of the Bible. New York.
Meinardus, Otto F. A. St. Paul‘s Last Journey. New Rochelle, NY.
ZDRAVKO STEFANOVIC
ADRIEL (PERSON) [Heb ˓adr ˒ēl (ל ֵיא ִש ְד ַף)]. A Meholathite, the son of Barzillai, and son-in-law of
King Saul through marriage to one of the two royal princesses. There is some confusion as to which
daughter of Saul he married. According to 1 Sam 18:19, he married the elder daughter MERAB, who had
been promised to David, while the MT and LXX Codex Vaticanus of 2 Sam 21:8 report that he married
the younger daughter MICHAL (PERSON). In 2 Sam 21:8, other manuscripts (LXXLN
and 2 Heb mss)
read Merab in agreement with 1 Sam 18:19 (instead of Michal). The Targum, in an attempt to resolve the
conflicting readings, combines the names in the phrase myrb drby‘t mykl, lit. ―Merab who is the [young]
girl of Michal,‖ which identifies Adriel‘s wife (Merab) while introducing a new element to the](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-230-320.jpg)
![relationship between Michal and Merab. Most scholars favor Merab as the true spouse, although a
minority favor Michal, in spite of the conflicting traditions, believing the MT testimony in 2 Sam 21:8 to
be the more difficult reading and the tradition to be an older and more reliable source than 1 Sam 18:19
(i.e., Stoebe 1958: 229; Glück 1965; Lemche 1978: 7–8). The royal marriage produced at least five sons,
who were later executed by the Gibeonites for Saul‘s bloodguilt (2 Sam 21:8).
As a Meholathite, Adriel was an inhabitant of the town of Abel-Meholah, probably located at Tell Abû
Sûs, in the W ghor (see ABEL-MEHOLAH). His marriage to a Saulide princess may have sealed a treaty
between his city-state and Saul‘s new Israelite state (Edelman 1990). Such diplomatic marriages were an
established convention in the ancient Near East (Malamat 1963:8–10). Abel-Meholah did not become a
corporate part of the Israelite state until David or Solomon‘s reign, as indicated by the city‘s inclusion in
Solomon‘s fifth district (1 Kgs 4:12). His name means ―El is my help,‖ and seems to be Aramaic. Some
manuscripts read ˓zry˒l, which has the same meaning, but substitutes the Hebrew word ˓zr for its Aramaic
cognate ˓dr (Nestle 1897; McCarter 2 Samuel 439).
Bibliography
Edelman, D. 1990. Saulide Israel: A Study in Secondary State Formation in Ancient Canaan. Winona Lake.
Glück, J. J. 1965. Merab or Michal? ZAW 77: 72–81.
Lemche, N. P. 1978. David‘s Rise. JSOT 10: 2–25.
Malamat, A. 1963. Aspects of the Foreign Policies of David and Solomon. JNES 22: 1–17.
Nestle, E. 1897. Some Contributions to Hebrew Onomatology. AJSL 13: 169–76.
Stoebe, H. J. 1958. David und Michal—Überlegungen zur Jugendesgeschichte Davids. Pp. 224–43 in Von Ugarit nach
Qumran, ed. W. F. Albright, W. Baumgartner, J. Lindblom, et al. BZAW 77. Berlin.
DIANA V. EDELMAN
MARK J. FRETZ
ADUEL (PERSON) [Gk adouēl (ἀδοτηλ)]. The son of Gabael and great grandfather of Tobit, a
descendant of the tribe of Naphtali (Tob 1:1). The name ―Aduel‖ is a possible variant of ADIEL; the yod
in Heb ˓ăd ˒ēl (1 Chr 4:36; 9:12; 27:25), if replaced with waw, would result in the Heb consonants ˓dw˒l,
logically transliterated as Gk adouēl. Nonetheless, the name ―Aduel‖ only occurs in this genealogy of
Tobit.
MARK J. FRETZ
ADULLAM (PLACE) [Heb ˓ădullām (ם ָל ֻד ֲף)]. ADULLAMITE. A city in the Shephelah region at
approximately the midpoint of a line running from Bethlehem to Gath. It has been identified with modern
Tell esh Sheikh Madhkur (Albright 1924:3–4; M.R. 150117).
In Gen 38:1, 12, and 20, in the story about Judah and Tamar, a character is identified as Hirah the
Adullamite. He is called Judah‘s friend (38:12,20) and is entrusted with the deliverance of a pledge
(38:20).
Adullam appears twice in Joshua. The king of Adullam is listed in Joshua 12 as one of the local kings
whom the Israelites defeated on the west side of the Jordan (Josh 12:15). Adullam was allotted to the tribe
of Judah (Josh 15:35).
Adullam occupies a prominent place in the story of David‘s rise to kingship. David fled from Saul to a
cave near Adullam and there surrounded himself with a band of about 400 men (1 Sam 22:1). That this
was a place of security for David‘s warriors is spelled out in 1 Chronicles 11, which refers to the place as
―the rock.‖ The syntax of the parallel passage in Samuel is confusing and probably the result of scribal
error. Apparently there has been a substitution of the word for ―harvest‖ or ―harvesttime‖ (Heb qāṣ r;
BDB, 894) for ―the rock‖ or ―the secure place‖ (Heb haṣṣūr; BDB, 849), the second of which is the term
employed in Chronicles. Some versions of the LXX also have ―the rock‖ instead of ―harvesttime‖ at 1
Sam 23:13.
Chronicles lists Adullam as among the cities which Solomon‘s successor REHOBOAM fortified in
anticipation of the invasion of Judah by the Pharaoh SHISHAK ca. 918 B.C.E. (2 Chr 11:7). Many
commentators and historians accept the placing of this list in the reign of Rehoboam (see BHI, 233;](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-231-320.jpg)
![Na˒aman 1986:6). Others, partly on the basis of archeological evidence at these sites, feel that the list
belongs to the reign of another king, either JOSIAH (Fritz 1981) or HEZEKIAH (Na˒aman 1986).
MICAH, a contemporary of Hezekiah‘s, mourns over Adullam among the cities of the Shephalah (Mic
1:15), possibly in advance of Sennacherib‘s invasion (see 2 Kgs 18:13 = 2 Chr 32:1).
Adullam appears twice in postexilic contexts. It is named as one of the places where the people of Judah
settled after the Exile (Neh 11:30). In the time of the Maccabean revolt, Adullam once again served as a
refuge, this time for Judas Maccabeus and his army after they defeated GORGIAS, the governor of
Idumea (2 Macc 12:38). Here the place is referred to with a variant Greek spelling, odollam.
Bibliography
Albright, W. F. 1924. Researches of the School in Western Judaea. BASOR 15: 2–11.
Fritz, V. 1981. The ―List of Rehoboam‘s Fortresses‖ in 2 Chr 11:5–12: Document from the Time of Josiah. EI 15: 46–53.
Na˒aman, N. 1986. Hezekiah‘s Fortified Cities and the LMLK Stamps. BASOR 261: 5–21.
JEFFRIES M. HAMILTON
ADULTERY [Heb ni˒up m (ים ִץ ֻאִנ); also zĕn t (נּותְז), zĕn n m (יםִנּונְז), ―whoredom,‖ ―harlotry‖].
Sexual intercourse between a married or betrothed woman and any man other than her husband. The
marital status of the woman‘s partner is inconsequential since only the married or betrothed woman is
bound to fidelity. The infidelity of a married man is not punishable by law but is criticized (Mal 2:14–5;
Prov 5:15–20). Biblical law shows similar leniency for sexual relations before a woman‘s betrothal (Exod
22:15–6; Deut 22:28–29; for possible exceptions [Lev 21:9, Deut 22:13–21], see below).
———
A. Adultery as a Crime and Sin
B. Adultery and the Betrothed Maiden
C. The Prosecution of Adultery
1. The Death Penalty
2. Divorce
3. Public Stripping of Adulteress
4. Mutilation
D. Means of Execution
E. Adultery in the ANE
F. Adultery in the Biblical Narrative
G. Adultery in the Prophetic Books
H. Adultery in Wisdom Literature
———
A. Adultery as a Crime and Sin.
Adultery was a capital crime according to Lev 20:10 and Deut 22:22. Both parties must die. The reasons
for the gravity of this crime are never explicitly stated in the OT, yet the patrilineal nature of Israelite
society strongly suggests that mistaken paternity would surely be dreaded. If an act of undetected adultery
produced offspring, a likely result would be the bequeathal of the family inheritance to this illegitimate
heir. This is emphasized by Ben Sira (23:22–23); for a similar thought, see Qoh 6:1–2. Philo remarks that
the deceived husband would be like a ―blind man knowing nothing of the covert intrigues of the past,‖ yet
―forced to cherish the children of his deadliest foe as his own flesh and blood‖ (Dec 24:126–29). Fustel de
Coulanges (1956:97) writes ―… by adultery the series of descendants was broken; the family, even
though living men knew it not, became extinct and there was no more divine happiness for the ancestors.‖
While these remarks concern ancient Greece in particular, it is probable that the same could be said
regarding Israel. Dread of the extinction of the family line is evident in the Priestly Code, among other
places, with its punishment of karet (Gen 17:14, Exod 30:33,38, Lev 17:4,9, 20:3,5–6, etc.) and
childlessness (Lev 20:20–21). The term karet, according to traditional Jewish exegesis, refers to early
death and childlessness or the death of one‘s progeny without issue (see Rashi, Ibn Ezra, and S. D.
Luzzato on Gen 17:14). According to the LXX and traditional Jewish law, the issue from an adulterous](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-232-320.jpg)
![union, like all prohibited unions, is the mamzer or ―bastard‖ of Deut 23:3 (m. Yebam. 4:13; m. Qidd,
3:12), who is excluded from membership in the assembly of the Lord.
The economic aspect of the crime, i.e. as a simple violation of the husband‘s property, seems to have
played a minor role compared with the social and religious dimensions of the crime. Adultery is the
height of treachery (Jer 9:1; Mal 3:5; Ps 50:18) and adulterers are linked with murderers (Job 24:14–15).
Adultery is an assault upon the sanctity of the nuclear family, which is divinely ordained (Gen 2:18,24;
Prov 18:22). The prohibition of adultery, the 7th commandment of the Decalogue, along with the 5th—
―Honor your father and mother …‖—seek to protect this sacred institution. This may be the reason for the
reversal of the 6th and 7th commandments and thus the juxtaposition of the 5th and 7th in the Nash
Papyrus, some manuscripts of the LXX, and Philo (Dec 24:121).
Both parties to the illicit union are ritually defiled or rendered impure (ṭm˒; Lev 18:20; Num 5:13; Ezek
18:6; 23:13,17; 33:26). The adulterer commits an ―abomination‖ (tô˓ēbâ; Ezek 22:11), while adultery is
included in the Pentateuch‘s catalog of sexual crimes which defile the land of Israel, causing it to ―spew
out its inhabitants‖ (Lev 18:20,24–25). It is considered a ―great sin‖ (ḥăṭā˒â gĕdōlâ) by the biblical author
(Gen 20:9) and a ―sin against God‖ (Gen 20:6; 39:9; Ps 51:6).
This characterization of adultery as a ―great sin‖ was not limited to Israel. It is found in texts from
Ugarit (Moran 1956: 280–81) and Egypt (Rabinowitz 1956: 73; see ANET, 24, where adultery is labeled a
―great crime‖). In several Akkadian texts, ḫaṭû, cognate to Heb ḥṭ˒, ―to sin,‖ refers specifically to adultery
(CAD 6:157); ḫāṭ tum (fem. sing. part. of ḫaṭû) indicates an adulteress (CAD 6:153).
That the prohibition of adultery was included in the Decalogue, the only direct and unmediated address
of YHWH to Israel (Exod 20:19; Deut 4:10; 5:20–21), indicates its grave nature. In accordance with the
later conception of the Decalogue as the epitome of biblical law, Saadiah Gaon, followed by Abraham Ibn
Ezra and Abarbanel, understood the 7th commandment as inclusive of all sexual acts prohibited in the
Torah. While dealt with in the Decalogue and books of Leviticus (20:10) and Deuteronomy (22:22),
adultery is neglected in the 4th major law collection of the Pentateuch, the so-called Covenant Code
(Exodus 21–23).
B. Adultery and the Betrothed Maiden.
The betrothed maiden is one for whom a bride-price (mōhar has been paid, but who still resides in her
father‘s house awaiting consummation of the marriage (inferred from Exod 22:15–16; Deut 20:7 and
comparative material, cf. Code of Hammurabi 130 [ANET, 171]; and the Laws of Eshnunna 26 [ANET,
162]). She is also subject to the Bible‘s harsh penalty for adultery. Deut 22:23–24 prescribes death for the
betrothed woman who is found having sexual relations with a man ―in the city‖ if their discovery is not
prompted by her calls for help; her compliance is therefore assumed.
Deuteronomy‘s law concerning the slandered newlywed wife (22:13–21) may be another instance of the
Bible‘s equation of betrothal and marriage. She is condemned to death for ―whoring in her father‘s house‖
(v 21) but this, according to traditional Jewish exegesis, refers to her defloration subsequent to betrothal
but before cohabition with her husband, when she still resided in her father‘s house. If, on the other hand,
this law prescribes capital punishment for sexual relations which occurred before the woman‘s betrothal,
Deuteronomy‘s harsh stand is unique both for the Bible and ancient Near Eastern law. Other laws
prescribe a relatively light penalty for the ravisher of the unbetrothed virgin (Exod 22:15–16; Deut 22:28–
29; also Code of Hammurabi 130 [ANET, 171] and Middle Assyrian Laws 55–56 [ANET, 185]).
Finkelstein writes that while adultery was treated with the utmost gravity, the rape of an unmarried
woman, by contrast, ―seems to have been treated as a relatively mild offense, and except for the talionic
element in Middle Assyrian Law 55 … was considered only an economic injury to the girl‘s father—or
master, where the victim was a slave girl‖ (1966: 366–67).
According to Lev 19:20, the betrothed (neherepet, literally ―assigned‖) slave girl and her lover are not
executed because she ―has not yet been freed,‖ i.e. the regular penalty for adultery does not apply because
she is still a slave and not because her ―assignment‖/betrothal is anything less than marriage (Milgrom
1977: 44–45): in the Bible, as in the ancient Near East in general, a slave girl is not a legal person and her](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-233-320.jpg)
![sexual violation is treated as a transgression of her owner‘s property for which he would seek
compensation, not prosecution (Finkelstein 1966: 360).
C. The Prosecution of Adultery
1. The Death Penalty. Determining the legal reality in ancient Israel for the prosecution and punishment
of the adulteress and her partner is problematic. At the close of the law on adultery, the Deuteronomist
commands his audience to ―sweep away evil from Israel‖ (Deut 22:22), which suggests that members of
the community have the right and obligation to initiate proceedings against known adulterers in their
midst. The collective divine punishment envisioned by the legislators of Deuteronomy and the so-called
Holiness Code (Leviticus 17–26) make it imperative that transgressors of the law be prosecuted
irrespective of the wishes of the offended party (Lev 18:24–30; 26:14–41; Deut 28:15–68). M. Greenberg
contends that the law codes‘ decree of capital punishment was carried out ―in all events. There is no
question of permitting the husband to mitigate or cancel the punishment. For adultery is not merely a
wrong against the husband, it is a sin against God, an absolute wrong‖ (1960: 12).
Others maintain that in practice, however, the penalty for adultery in Israel was more flexible, and
further, that the initiation of proceedings against the offenders was the exclusive right of the husband
(Loewenstamm 1962: 55–59; Jackson 1973: 33–34; Yaron 1969: 188, n. 77; McKeating 1979: 62–65).
According to this view, Israelite judicial practice would have resembled that of Mesopotamia. While
Mesopotamian law codes allow for the death penalty, the injured husband retained the right of pardon
(Code of Hammurabi 129 [ANET, 171]; Middle Assyrian Law 15 [ANET, 181]; Law of Eshnunna 28
[ANET, 162] on its face doesn‘t allow for mitigation, but see Yaron 1969: 188–90).
Greenberg thinks that the biblical law‘s demand for execution was uncompromising because of the
Israelite view that adultery was a sin against God; thus man could not opt to forgo it. Yet ancient
Mesopotamia seems to have held a similar view of adultery, i.e. as an offense to the deity (see above;
Lambert BWL, 119, 131), but its law codes do indeed allow the husband to mitigate the punishment.
Perhaps this same dichotomy existed de facto in Israel.
Prov 6:32–35 suggests that execution was the maximum penalty imposed and that the fate of the
adulterers was at the husband‘s discretion. The enraged husband will ―show no pity on his day of
vengeance; he will not have regard for any ransom.‖ The cuckold, according to Proverbs 6, will not accept
ransom (kōper) because of his insatiable anger, not because of its prohibition. Num 35:31–32 specifically
rules out ransom in the case of homicide but not adultery (in which case it may have been permissable).
On the other hand, the compensation mentioned in Proverbs 6 may refer to an illegal payment of money
to the husband to avert prosecution; šoḥad, the parallel of kōper in v 35 suggests this (cf. Exod 23:8; Isa
5:23). Further, the international flavor of the book of Proverbs and scholarship‘s imperfect understanding
of the ―foreign woman‖ pericopes (Proverbs 2 and 5–7; see below) advises against viewing Israelite
jurisprudence in the light of Prov 6:32–35.
Job refers to marital infidelity as an ˓āwōn pĕl l m (31:11), which Speiser (1963: 304) translates as ―an
assessable transgression‖ in accordance with his view that all examples of the root pll in Hebrew share the
underlying concept of ―assess.‖ This suggests that the adulterer could compensate the cuckolded husband,
who would determine the amount of damages according to his own discretion. Yet this translation appears
inaccurate given its context. Job also calls adultery zimmâ, a word used regularly for ―indecent and
disgusting sexual conduct‖ (Pope, Job AB, 203) and a ―fire burning down to Abaddon‖ (31:12).
―Assessable transgression,‖ however, suggests the relative mildness of the offense, which can be
compensated by payment rather than corporal or capital punishment. Until our understanding of the root
pll in this verse and its counterparts (Job 31:28 and Deut 32:31) is more certain, the preferred translation
remains ―criminal iniquity‖ or ―criminal offense,‖ which better conveys the severity of the deed.
Several biblical texts suggest that other measures short of execution were utilized to punish the
adulteress.
2. Divorce. The Pharisaic school of Shammai suggested that the legal, biblical term for divorce, ˓erwat
dābār (Deut 24:1–4), literally ―nakedness of a thing,‖ referred to adultery as a ground for such action (m.
Git. 9:10), but this has been convincingly rejected (Neufeld 1944: 178–89; Lieber, EncJud 6: 123–24).](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-234-320.jpg)
![Both Jer 3:8 and Hos 2:4 suggest that the adulteress was divorced, but since the former text refers
symbolically to the exile of the N kingdom, divorce (Heb šlḥ, literally ―send off,‖ ―dismiss‖) provides the
most appropriate metaphor. Hos 2:4 echoes the ancient Near Eastern formula for divorce, ―You are not
my wife‖ (Gordon 1936: 277–80, Yaron 1961: 46–47), although there is some doubt that divorce is
intended here because ―there would be no basis for all that follows‖ (Andersen and Freedman Hosea AB,
222).
3. Public Stripping of Adulteress. Stripping is mentioned in Hos 2:5, 12; Jer 13:22–26; Ezek 16:37, 39;
and 23:26, 29. In all of these cases, the faithless wife who suffers this penalty is a symbol for apostate
Israel (cf. Nah 3:5). Stripping, however, may have served as a prelude to execution rather than as an
alternative to it (Ezek 16:37–41; Susanna 32). In m. Soṭa 1:5 the suspected adulteress is partially stripped
before drinking the potion of ―bitter waters‖ (Num 5:11–31).
4. Mutilation. Mutilation of the adulteress is mentioned in Ezek 23:25, but this should not be viewed as
an Israelite practice since the prophet himself states, ―and they (Oholibah‘s former lovers) shall judge you
according to their law‖ (v 24; cf. Middle Assyrian Law 15 [ANET, 181]).
It should be noted that the biblical texts alluding to divorce, public stripping, and mutilation contain
prophetic metaphors and hence they are not dependable sources for actual Israelite legal practice. In Ezek
16:39 and 23:26, 29, personified Jerusalem is stripped by her lovers, not her husband. In Hos 2:5, Jer
13:26, and Akkadian sources, the offending wife is stripped by her husband or his family to symbolize the
withdrawal of her maintenance (Gordon 1936: 277; Greenberg, Ezekiel AB, 287). Apparent in Ezekiel 16
and 23, then, is the intrusion of the tenor of the metaphor, Israel‘s pillaging by foreign armies.
Obviously the de facto procedure for the prosecution of adultery is uncertain. In the biblical law of
murder, the prosecution and execution of the murderer is left in the hands of the wronged individual, the
kinsman of the deceased or ―redeemer of blood‖ (Num 35:19–21, Deut 19:6, 12), yet the Bible‘s
legislation seeks to regulate this ancient practice and transfer some responsibility to the public domain
with the appointment of the refuge cities and the participation of public officials to distinguish between
the intentional and unwitting manslayer (Exod 21:13–14; Num 35:9–29; Deut 19:1–13). After all, if the
redeemer shirks his responsibility or kills an unintentional manslayer (the intention of dām nāq , ―blood
of the innocent‖ of Deut 19:10), all Israel would be subject to blood-guilt (Num 35:33–34; Deut 19:10).
Similarly, the criminalization of adultery in Israel was an expected development. An act which
transgressed Israel‘s covenent with YHWH, the basic principles of which are found in the Decalogue,
endangered the entire community, and so it was only natural that the prosecution of adulterers be
transformed from a right which individuals may forgo to a duty incumbent upon all members of the
community.
D. Means of Execution.
The method of execution for the guilty pair is not stated explicitly in either Lev 20:10 or Deut 22:22.
The unchastity of the betrothed virgin of Deut 22:24 is punished by stoning, as is the premature
defloration of the newlywed bride in Deut 22:13–21. Ezek 16:40 and 23:47 list stoning and stabbing
among the punishments for wayward Jerusalem, yet here the crime is compounded by idolatry and
infanticide.
The LXX of Susanna, v 62, mentions flinging those who accused the heroine of adultery into a ravine
(see Deut 19:16–19); this practice coincides with the rabbinic mode of ―stoning‖–casting the criminal into
a rocky ravine rather than casting stones at the criminal (m. Sanh. 6:4). The Talmudic means of execution
for adultery was strangulation; this according to the exegetical rule that anytime the death penalty was
decreed but the means not specified in the biblical text, strangling was intended (Sipra, Qedoshim 10:8; b.
Talm. Sanh. 52b; according to R. Josiah, this was because it was the most merciful).
Burning is mentioned in Genesis 38 as the penalty for Tamar, whose status was that of a married
woman (because she was promised to her levir Shelah). While fornication for the lay Israelite is not
penalized in the law codes (see above on Deut 22:13–21), a priest‘s daughter who ―defiles herself through
harlotry‖ is burned to death because of the extraordinary demand of holiness for the priesthood (Lev
21:9).](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-235-320.jpg)
![Both parties, when known, are executed (Lev 20:10; Deut 22: 21, 22). According to A. Phillips (1970:
110), the execution of the adulteress in addition to the adulterer is an innovation of the Deuteronomic
reform, but this is based on his uncommon notion that the Decalogue was addressed only to male
Israelites and therefore only they were penalized. In the Bible‘s decree of the death sentence in Lev
20:10b, a singular verb, yûmat, is found with the compound subject, ―the adulterer and the adulteress,‖
which suggests to some that the latter is an addition (Noth, Leviticus OTL, 150; Phillips 1970: 111). Yet
this grammatical irregularity is common enough in Biblical Hebrew (GKC, 145o), while Fishbane
attributes it to the fact that the penalty clause môt yûmat is a frozen technical term (1974: 25, n.2). The
equal punishment of both parties is typical of Mesopotamian law (Code of Hammurabi 129 [ANET, 171];
Middle Assyrian Law 13 [ANET, 181]; Hittite Law 197–98 [ANET, 196]). This serves to preclude the
possibility that two of the involved parties conspired against the third. The phrase gam šĕnêham, ―one as
well as the other,‖ (Deut 22:22), echoes this demand for equal justice.
E. Adultery in the ANE.
Several features distinguish Israel‘s laws on adultery from those of her neighbors.
1. Hittite Law 197 (ANET, 196) and perhaps Middle Assyrian Law 15 (ANET, 181; see Driver and
Miles 1975: 45–50) allow the cuckolded husband to execute the couple with impunity if he finds them in
flagranti delicto, i.e., in the very act of adultery. The biblical laws of jurisprudence seem to forbid this
(Deut 17:6–7, 19:15, Num 35:30).
2. The paramour‘s knowledge about or ignorance of the woman‘s marital status is taken into account. If
he was not aware that she was married, he would be acquitted (Finkelstein 1966: 369–70; Middle
Assyrian Laws 13–14 [ANET, 181]). Biblical laws make no such allowance. Gen 20:3 suggests that in
YHWH‘s eyes, the guilt of adultery is absolute.
3. The Mesopotamian law codes are more comprehensive, dealing with other matters tangential to
adultery. For example, all of the major law codes deal with the cohabitation of a married woman with a
second man in the event of desertion by her husband or his prolonged captivity in a foreign land (Laws of
Eshnunna 29–30 [ANET, 162]; Code of Hammurabi 134–36 [ANET, 171]; Middle Assyrian Law 36
[ANET, 183]). Only later Jewish law takes up this issue (for sources, see Schereschewsky, EncJud 2: 429–
33). Akkadian laws also deal with the accusation of adultery by a third party (Middle Assyrian Law 17–
18 [ANET, 181]; Code of Hammurabi 132 [ANET, 171]; the Bible deals only with accusation brought by
the woman‘s husband [Num 5:11–31; Deut 22:13–21]); and pandering as incidental to adultery (Middle
Assyrian Law 22–24 [ANET, 181–82]).
F. Adultery in Biblical Narrative.
The theme of adultery is found several times in the book of Genesis. Both Abraham and Isaac try to
pass off their wives as their sisters, allowing them to be taken (or nearly taken) by foreigners (Genesis
12:10–20; 20; 26:1–11). Both patriarchs assume that the people of Gerar and Egypt took the ―great sin‖ of
adultery very seriously and would rather make widows out of Sarah and Rebecca than incur the guilt of
adultery (David Kimchi). YHWH‘s punishment for adultery in all three chapters is collective (12:17;
20:7, 17; 26:10).
In Genesis 38, Judah sentences his daughter-in-law Tamar to be burned for apparent adultery, i.e.,
having sexual relations while waiting for her levir to come of age. In Genesis 39 is found another false
accusation of adultery, here in the guise of the attempted rape of a married woman, which is treated
alongside uncoerced adultery in the law codes (Deut 22:23–27; Law of Eshnunna 26; Code of Hammurabi
130; Hittite Law 197–98).
King David committed adultery with Bathsheba, daughter of Eliam and wife of Uriah the Hittite, one of
his faithful warriors (2 Samuel 11; 23:39). David‘s guilt is compounded by his successful plot to have
Uriah killed in battle. This was necessary to prevent the disclosure of the king‘s role in Bathsheba‘s
pregnancy. His fear was prompted certainly by the expected popular censure of his deed (Prov 6:33) but
perhaps also by the application of Israel‘s law even to the king himself (Deut 17:19; cf. 1 Kings 21, where
the limitation of royal power in Israel is apparent).
G. Adultery in the Prophetic Books.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-236-320.jpg)
![a fertility goddess and that her sexual activity has a cultic function (1935: 103–55); or (4) she symbolizes
either a Canaanite goddess and her cult, non-Israelite religion in general, or ―the seductions of this world‖
(so Saadiah Gaon); most recently Fishbane (1974: 44) labeled Prov 6:20–35 an ―inner biblical midrash on
the Decalogue‖ in which the foreign woman symbolizes ―the seduction of false wisdom‖ in direct contrast
to divine wisdom in Proverbs 8 and 9.
Prov 30:20 underlines the nonchalance of the adulterous woman who euphemistically ―eats, wipes her
mouth,‖ and then says, ―I have done no wrong.‖ According to Job, the adulterer wears a disguise to
conceal his identity and, like the murderer and robber, waits for the cover of night to commit his crime
(24:13–16). In his oath of piety, Job curses himself with his own wife‘s infidelity if ―his heart was
ravished by the wife of his neighbor and he lay in wait at his door‖ (31:9–12).
Bibliography
Bostrom, G. 1935. Proverbia Studien: die Weisheit und das fremde Weib in Spr. 1–9. LUÅ N.F. I, 30. Lund.
Cohen, G. 1966. The Song of Songs and the Jewish Religious Mentality. Pp. 1–21 in The Samuel Friedland Lectures, 1960–66.
New York.
Driver, G. R., and Miles, J. C. 1975. The Assyrian Laws. Oxford.
Finkelstein, J. J. 1966. Sex Offenses in Sumerian Law. JAOS 86: 355–72.
Fishbane, M. 1974. Accusations of Adultery: A Study of Law and Scribal Practices in Num 5:11–31. HUCA 45: 25–45.
Fustel de Coulanges, Numa Denis. 1956. The Ancient City. Garden City, NY.
Gordon, C. 1936. Hosea 2:4–5 in the Light of New Semitic Inscriptions. ZAW 54: 277–80.
Greenberg, M. 1960. Some Postulates of Biblical Criminal Law. Pp. 5–28 in Yehezkel Kaufmann Jubilee Volume, ed. M.
Haran. Jerusalem.
Jackson, B. 1973. Reflections of Biblical Criminal Law. JJS 24: 8–38.
Kornfeld, W. 1950. L‘Adultere dans L‘Orient Antique. RB 57: 92–109.
Loewenstamm, S. 1962. The Laws of Adultery and Murder in Biblical and Mesopotamian Law. Beth Mikra 13: 55–59 (in
Hebrew).
———. 1964. The Laws of Adultery and Murder in the Bible. Beth Mikra 8–9: 77–78 (in Hebrew).
McKeating, H. 1979. Sanctions against Adultery. JSOT 11: 57–72.
Milgrom, J. 1976. Cult and Conscience. Leiden.
———. 1977. The Betrothed Slave Girl, Lev 19:20–22. ZAW 89: 43–50.
Moran, W. L. 1956. The Scandal of the ―Great Sin‖ at Ugarit. JNES 18:280–81.
Muffs, Y. 1965. Studies in Biblical Law, IV: The Antiquity of P. Lectures at the Jewish Theological Seminary of America.
New York (mimeographed).
Neufeld, E. 1944. Ancient Hebrew Marriage Laws. New York and London.
Phillips, A. 1970. Ancient Israel‘s Criminal Law. Oxford.
———. 1981. Another Look at Adultery. JSOT 20: 3–25.
Rabinowitz, J. J. 1956. The ―Great Sin‖ in Ancient Egyptian Marriage Contracts. JNES 18:73.
Snijders, L. A. 1954. The Meaning of zar in the Old Testament. OTS 10: 1–154.
Speiser, E. 1963. The Root pll in Hebrew. JBL 82: 301–6.
Wenham, G. J. 1972. Betulah: ―A Girl of Marriageable Age.‖ VT 22: 326–48.
Yaron, R. 1961. Introduction to the Law of the Aramaic Papyri. Oxford.
———. 1969. The Laws of Eshnunna. Jerusalem.
ELAINE ADLER GOODFRIEND
ADUMMIM (PLACE) [Heb ˒ădumm m (ים ִמ ֻד ֲא)]. After the conquest described in Joshua 6–12,
Joshua divided the land by lot among the tribes of Israel. Joshua 15 describes the lot which fell to the tribe
of Judah and gives a description of the boundaries of Judah. The N boundary (v 5) ran from the mouth of
the Jordan River, where it empties into the Dead Sea, to Debir from the Valley of Achor and northward,
turning toward Gilgal, which is opposite the ascent, ma‘aleh of Adummim—which is on the S side of the
valley (v 8). In Josh 18:11, we find a description of the lot falling to the tribe of Benjamin. The S
boundary (v 15) goes from Kiriath-jearim to the Dead Sea and the mouth of the Jordan River (v 19). In
18:17 we read that the border goes from Enshemesh (˓ên šemeš) to Geliloth which is opposite the ascent
of Adummim (LXX Aithamin).
The root means ―red‖ (BDB, 10) and is in the plural form so one might translate it ―double red‖ or ―Big
Red.‖ It has also been translated ―red places.‖ Smith (1974:180–81) thinks the name is from the ―curious
red streaks‖ which appear from time to time on the stone. These in turn provided meaning for later names](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-238-320.jpg)
![like the Red Khan (inn), Khan el-Ahmar (M.R. 181133), one of the sites of the Inn of the Good Samaritan
(Luke 10:34). The Arabic name for a nearby hill and fortress NE or the Khan is Tal˒at ed-Dumm, the
ascent of blood, which probably also refers to the red marl rock formations, rather than the more pietistic
derivation of the wounded traveler of the Good Samaritan story, or Jerome‘s reference that the pass was
the way of the robbers.
The fortress was the Crusaders‘ Chastel or Citerne Rouge built by the Templars to protect the pilgrims
going down to the Jordan River to the site of Jesus‘ baptism. The Crusaders also called the place la Tour
Maledoin, perhaps following Eus. (Onomast. 260–340), who refers to the place as Maledomni, i.e.,
ma˒ale-adum-mim, the ascent of Adummim. It was already a fortress in an earlier day. Eus. refers to a
castle. Jerome (342–420) lists Adummim as a stronghold midway between Jerusalem (2500 ft. above sea
level) and Jericho (770 feet below sea level). It is ca. 6 m SW of Jericho. Josephus (JW 4.8.3 § 474)
describes the Jericho-Jerusalem distance as 18 Roman mi. 150 stadioi. He claims the Tenth Legion
(Fretensis) came this way for the seige of Jerusalem (5.2.3 §69–70). The road itself is the middle one of
three ancient caravan or trade routes from the Jordan Valley to the hill country. It follows the Wadi Qelt
up through this pass at Adummim to Jerusalem (the N one goes to Bethel and the S one to Mar Saba).
From Adummim, Jericho can be seen in one direction and the Mt. of Olives at Jerusalem in the other.
The name ―Adummim‖ appears in the lists of Thutmose III and Sheshonk I and again in Papyrus
Anastasi I, the Egyptian letter of Hori (ANET 242, 475–79). The latter asks sarcastic questions of a
would-be scribe named Amen-em-Opet. These refer to locations in Canaan such as Shechem, Hazor,
Adummim, Beth-shan, the Jordan River, etc. (ANET 477). However, these references may be to a
different Adummim. Aharoni (LBHG, 61) identifies this Adummim with Adami-Nekeb while S. Ahituve
considers it Tel Qarnei Hittin, the Horns of Hittin (quoted by Na˒aman, 1986: 128 n.23).
Bibliography
Helmbold, A. K. 1975. Adummim. 1.66. The Zondervan Pictorial Encyclopedia of the Bible, 5 vols., ed. M. C. Tenney and S.
Barabas. Grand Rapids.
Na˒aman, N. 1986. Borders and Districts in Biblical Geographical Lists. Jerusalem.
Smith, G. A. 1974. The Historical Geography of the Holy Land, 25th ed. London.
HENRY O. THOMPSON
ADVERSARY. See SATAN.
ADVOCATE [Gk paraklētos (παπακλησορ)]. Originally paraklētos had a passive sense, ―one who is
called alongside [to someone‘s aid],‖ and so was rendered in Latin as ―advocatus.‖ In the NT it is used in
an active sense (as is ―advocate‖ in current English): ―one who appears on another‘s behalf,‖ ―mediator,‖
―intercessor,‖ or ―helper.‖ In 1 John 2:1, Jesus Christ is referred to as our paraklētos who intercedes with
(God) the Father on behalf of sinners. Some English versions paraphrase the word: ―one to plead our
cause‖ (NEB), ―someone who pleads … on our behalf‖ (GNB), or ―one who speaks in our defense‖ (NIV).
In the Gospel of John (14:16, 26; 15:26; 16:7), paraklētos is identified with the Holy Spirit and is
variously translated as the ―Comforter‖ (KJV, ASV), ―Counselor‖ (RSV, NIV), ―Advocate‖ (JB, NEB), and
―Helper‖ (GNB, NASB). R. Brown (John 13–21 AB, pp. 637, 649, 685, 703; note also appendix V),
recognizing that no single English word covers all the meanings of paraklētos, employs a virtual
transliteration, ―Paraclete‖ (see also NAB and NJB).
HERBERT G. GRETHER
AENEAS (PERSON) [Gk Aineas (Αἰνεαρ)]. A man at Lydda, bed-ridden with paralysis, whom Peter
was instrumental in healing (Acts 9:32–35). This person is not otherwise attested, though the name itself
is fairly common and is found in Greek classical writers and in Josephus (Ant 14.10.22).
HERBERT G. GRETHER
AENON (PLACE) [Gk Ainon (Αἰνον)]. John the Baptist baptized at this well-watered site along the
Jordan River. According to Eus. (Onomast 40.1), this site is 6 miles S of Roman Scythopolis (Beth-
shean), the capital of a Decapolis territory. John 3:23 identifies a nearby Salim (Salumias), a description
in agreement with Eus. Aenon, perhaps from Ar ˒ain spring, is appropriate for an area near Tell Sheikh
Selim which has several springs. Wadi Far˓ah qualifies Nablus, E of Shechem, as yet another possibility](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-239-320.jpg)
![for Aenon (Albright 1954). Ironically, modern Salim, 3.5 miles E of Nablus, is also a contending site
(Albright 1924). But the ancient location of Salim (Gen 14:18; Jer 48:5) was nearer to the aforementioned
wadi Far˓ah than the modern site bearing the same name.
A Madeba mosaic map (ca. 560 A.D.). from Jordan complicates a positive location of Aenon. The map,
on a Madeba church floor, shows two Aenon sites. One of the two sites positions Aenon W of the Jordan
and may be synonymous with modern Salim, mentioned above. The mapmaker identifies this vaguely
placed site as ―near Salim,‖ and a row of bluish-green cubes. Atheria (ca. 385 A.D.) qualifies Aenon as in
a garden with a pool or spring, perhaps represented by the colored cubes. The second map site is N of the
Dead Sea, on the E side of the Jordan, yet S of the first map site. The second site, near a hill and a spring,
may also be the hill of Elijah, i.e., where he ascended to heaven.
Bibliography
Albright, W. F. 1954. Recent Discoveries in Palestine and the Gospel of St. John. Pp. 153–55 in The Background of the New
Testament and its Eschatology, ed. W. D. Davies and D. Daube. Cambridge.
———. 1924. Some Observations Favoring the Palestinian Origin of The Gospel of John. HTR 17:193–94.
JERRY A. PATTENGALE
AESORA (PLACE) [Gk Aisōra (Αἰςωπα)]. A site mentioned in the book of Judith, whose exact
location is unknown (Jdt 4:4). It forms part of the list of towns N of Jerusalem called upon to defend the
city from attack by HOLOFERNES. The Greek name may be a translation of the Hebrew Hazor (Heb
ḥāṣôr) or Hebrew Jazer (Heb ya˓zēr; see HAZOR; JAZER). If it is a translation of biblical Hazor, there
are five cities in the Hebrew Bible with this name (Josh 11:1; Josh 15:23; Josh 15:25; Neh 11:33; Jer
49:28). Of these five, the two likeliest candidates for identification are the Hazor in Josh 11:1, located 10
miles N of the Sea of Galilee (modern Tell el-Qedah), or the Hazor in Neh 11:33, a town located in
Benjaminite territory (modern Kh. Hazzūr). The likelier identification is with biblical Jazer, a fortified
city in Gilead (Num 21:32, 32:35), which was disputed among the Israelites, Ammonites, and Moabites. It
has been identified by Avi-Yonah and Aharoni (MBA, 179, map 211) with Kh. es-Sar (M.R. 228150),
located 7 miles SW of Philadelphia in Transjordan, and thus in the line called for by the book of Judith,
between Samaria and Jerusalem. However, given the genre of the book of Judith, it is possible that the
name is entirely fictitious.
SIDNIE ANN WHITE
˓AFFULA, EL- (M.R. 177223). The remains of ancient ˓Affula are located within the modern town of
that name, on the N slopes of the hill of Moreh in the heart of the Jezreel Valley. Little of the mound
survives, but its occupation is known to extend from the mid-4th millennium through the Roman period,
with Crusader and Ayyubid remains attested as well.
The name apparently derives from early Semitic ˓ōpel, or ―citadel.‖ The site may be mentioned in the
Egyptian Execration texts of the 19th century B.C., and again in the well-known list of Thutmose III in the
15th century B.C. In the Israelite period, ˓Affula would have been reckoned as one of the ―daughters‖ of
Megiddo (Josh 17:11). It may be identified with Arbela of Eusebius‘ Onomasticon (14.20) and with Afel
of the medieval period.
˓Affula was excavated by E. L. Sukenik in 1926 and 1931; again in 1937 by Sukenik and N. Avigad;
and then in 1950–51 by I. Ben-Dor and M. Dothan. These excavations, however, were little more than
scattered soundings and clearance of tombs, and no final reports have appeared.
Stratum X belongs to the Late Chalcolithic and EB I (mid-late 4th millennium B.C.). The remains were
mostly hearth and pits/silos, with pottery of the gray-burnished ―Esdraelon‖ type marking the latest
occupation. Stratum IX, later in EB I, with band-slipped wares, had crude house foundations. After a gap,
Stratum VIII represented a reoccupation in EB III; few building remains were found, but the characteristic
KHIRBET KERAK WARE appears. Stratum VII belongs to EB IV (ca. 2400–2000 B.C.). Subrectangular
dwellings with ovens were found, together with typical large storejars, with ―folded envelope‖ ledge
handles.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-240-320.jpg)
![Strata VI–V belong to the MB, spanning perhaps the entire period ca. 2000–1500 B.C. A planned
settlement revealed streets, courtyards, domestic dwellings, pits/silos, pottery kilns, and several dozen
intermural tombs.
Late Bronze I was not attested, but Stratum IV belongs to LB II (ca. 1400–1200 B.C.). Little but tombs
were found, some containing Mycenaean and Cypriot imported pottery.
Stratum IIIB-A was the only Iron Age settlement, belonging to Iron I, and following closely in the
ceramic tradition of Stratum IV. Phase IVB contained some Philistine Bichrome ware; phase IIIA was
apparently destroyed in the mid-11th century B.C., perhaps during the time of Saul. A few large courtyard
houses marked the first phase, as well as granaries, a kiln, and a few tombs. Only a few Iron II remains
were noted, including a few sherds of Samaria ware.
Stratum II dates to the Roman period (2d–4th centuries A.D.), and Stratum I to the Crusader and
Ayyubid period (11th–13th centuries A.D.).
Bibliography
Dothan, M. 1955. The Excavations at ˓Afula. ˓Atiqot 1: 19–70 (in Hebrew).
———. 1975. ˓Afula. EAEHL 1: 32–36.
Sukenik, E. L. 1936. Late Chalcolithic Pottery from ˓Affuleh. PEFQS, 150–54.
———. 1948. Archaeological Investigations at ˓Affula. JPOS 21: 1–79.
WILLIAM G. DEVER
AGABUS (PERSON) [Gk Hagabos (Ἁγαβορ)]. A Christian prophet from Judea (Acts 11:27–30 and
21:10–14). In 11:27–30 Agabus goes with a group of other prophets from Jerusalem to Antioch and
prophesies that there would be a famine ―over all the world.‖ Luke states that the prophecy was fulfilled
during the reign of Emperor Claudius (41–54 C.E.). Although no worldwide famine occurred during the
reign of Claudius, there are references to isolated famines throughout the Roman Empire during this time
(Tac. Ann. 12.43; Seut. Claud. 18.2; Dio Cas. 60.11). According to Josephus (Ant 20.2.5 §49–53; 20.5.2
§100–1), there was a famine in Palestine during the procuratorship of Tiberius Alexander (46–48 C.E.),
during which Queen Helena of Adiabene bought grain from Egypt and figs from Cyprus and distributed
them in Jerusalem. Agabus‘s prophecy stirred the Christians in Antioch to send a collection by Paul and
Barnabas to aid the Judean Christians (cf. Eus. Hist. Eccl. 2.3.4).
In 21:10–14 Agabus goes to Caesarea and delivers a prophecy accompanied by a vivid symbolic act in
the fashion of the classical prophets (e.g. Isaiah 20; Jer 13:1–11; Ezekiel 4–5). He takes Paul‘s girdle and
binds his own hands and feet and prophesies that the Jews would bind Paul and hand him over to the
Romans if he proceeded to Jerusalem. His prophecy was not strictly fulfilled, for although the Jews did
seize Paul, they did not hand him over to the Romans. Rather the Romans rescued Paul from the Jews and
bound him in chains in order to protect him from the Jewish rabble (21:33). In any case, Luke clearly
holds the Jews responsible for delivering Paul to the Romans (28:17).
Late tradition identifies Agabus as one of the Seventy and a martyr at Antioch.
Bibliography
Lake, K. 1933. The Famine in the Time of Claudius. Pp. 452–55 in The Beginnings of Christianity, vol. 5. Ed. F. J. Foakes
Jackson and K. Lake. London.
Patsch, H. 1972. ―Die Prophetie des Agabus.‖ TZ 28: 228–32.
JOANN FORD WATSON
AGAG (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăgag (ג ַג ֲא)]. The name of two kings of the Amalekites (Num 24:7 and 1 Sam
15:8–9, 20, 32–33), and perhaps a traditional or common name of all their kings—like Pharaoh in Egypt
and perhaps Abimelech (Achish) among the Philistines. Though the etymological meaning is not certain,
it is usually taken from Akkadian agāgum, ―to get angry, furious.‖ The Greek name ―Ogygos,‖ which
appears to be Semitic in origin, has been derived from ˒āgag, ―to flame‖ (Astour 1964: 200).
1. The name of a (legendary?) king mentioned by Balaam in an archaic poetic context, ―his king shall be
higher than Agag‖ (Num 24:7). Its usage here appears to be a wordplay on the term gag, ―roof,‖ which is
found in Ugaritic and South Canaanite (EA 287:37). The context suggests a mythological character,
which is rendered by LXX as Gōg, a figure that later leads the evil forces that rise up to war against](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-241-320.jpg)
![Yahweh in a climactic eschatological battle (Ezekiel 38–39). In Num 24:23 the term ―Gog‖ (or more
frequently ―Og‖) is inserted by LXX in an obscure passage, which has been rendered (Albright YGC 14,
n. 40):
And he saw Gog and delivered an oracle about him, saying:
The isles shall be gathered from the north,
And ships from the farthest sea;
And they shall harass Aššur and harass ˓Eber,
But he (Gog) will perish forever.
2. The name of a king of the Amalekites whom Saul spared, contrary to a sacred ban imposed by
Samuel in which the Amalekites were devoted to destruction because of their opposition to Israel at the
time of the Exodus (1 Sam 15:2–3). Samuel‘s inference of perpetual war against the Amalekites seems to
reflect the content of another fragment of archaic Hebrew poetry concerning Amalek (Exod 17:16) which
has been rendered (Christensen 1975: 48):
For the hand is on Yahweh‘s banner;
The battle belongs to Yahweh,
Against Amalek from generation to generation.
In the Holy War tradition of ancient Israel, Amalek apparently played the role of archenemy. It would
appear that Agag was the name of the king of Amalek within a body of archaic poetry, the ―Song of the
Wars of Yahweh‖ (cf. Num 21:14).
W. R. Smith (1927: 491–92) has argued that Saul spared Agag in order that he might be sacrificed
according to an ancient Arab pattern for victorious warriors on their return from a foray; and that Samuel
actually accomplished this offering by slaying Agag ―before Yahweh‖ in Gilgal. In the biblical story,
Saul‘s disobedience at this point occasioned his final break with Samuel.
The term ―Agag‖ appears also in the book of Esther as the gentilic name of Haman (ch. 3:1, 10; 8:3, 5;
and 9:24). Haupt (1906: 8, 12–14, 42 [nn. 111, 112]) argued that the designation ―Agagite‖ here, perhaps
a Hebrew adaptation of the epithet Gagite (Gōgaios, ―northern barbarian‖), was used to indicate to a
Hebrew what ―Macedonian‖ would to a Greek; and that it meant ―Amalekite‖ in the sense of a
contemptible, hateful person, but not implying that Haman actually had any genealogical tie with Amalek.
However, Jewish tradition makes much of the connection, arguing that Samuel‘s execution of Agag came
one day too late. It was during that brief interval between Saul‘s sparing of Agag and his execution by
Samuel that he became the progenitor of Haman (Meg. 13a, Targ. Sheni; to Esther 4:13). See also
AGAGITE.
Bibliography
Astour, M. 1964. Greek Names in the Semitic World and Semitic Names in the Greek World. JNES 23: 193–201.
Christensen, D. L. 1975. Transformations of the War Oracle in Old Testament Prophecy. HDS 3. Missoula.
Haupt, P. 1906. Purim. Baltimore.
Smith, W. R. 1927. Lectures on the Religion of the Semites. 3d ed. New York.
Winckler, H. 1898. Gog. Altorientalische Forschungen 2. Leipzig.
DUANE L. CHRISTENSEN
AGAGITE (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăgāg (יִג ָג ֲא)]. A gentilic name identifying HAMAN, the enemy of the
Jews in the book of Esther (Esth 3:1, 10; 8:3, 5; 9:24). By identifying Haman as an offspring of ―Agag the
descendant of Amalek‖ (Aram ˒gg br ˓mlq), the Targums elaborate on the MT, and Josephus supports this
identification by referring to Haman as ―the Amalekite‖ (Ant 11.6.5, 12). However, the LXX and its
variant manuscripts prefer Gk bougaion, gōgaion, or makedōn. In the Latin witnesses, support is found
for the MT (Vg. Agag), as well as for Gk bougaion (OL bagogeum).
Such diverse readings indicate that the ancient translators, like modern scholars, were attempting to
interpret the term ―Agagite.‖ Of the modern scholars who support the MT reading, Paton (Esther ICC,
194) represents the position well. He suggests that the term ―Agagite‖ literarily identified Haman as a
descendant of Agag the king of the Amalekites, Israel‘s ancient and continual antagonists (Exod 18:8–16;](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-242-320.jpg)
![Num 24:7; Deut 25:17–19; 1 Samuel 15). Based on this premise, other scholars point out that the term
―Agagite‖ fits the typology of ―the enemy‖ of the Jews, which may account for LXX variants like
bougaion, gōgaion, and makedōn, since these were ―the enemy‖ at different periods of time (Altheim and
Stiehl 1963: 212; Ringgren and Weiser Esther ATD, 127; Moore Esther AB, 35; Stein 1982: 569). Other
suggestions are that Agagite may be a nickname for Haman (Simons 1959: 485), possibly an official title
like ―Pharaoh‖ (Keil Chronicles, Ezra, Nehemiah, Esther BKAT, 632), or simply an Elamite name A/Ag-
ga-ga (Zadok 1984).
Of those who emend the MT, Haupt (1908: 123) posits an original Heb *g˒gy, ―Gagean or northern
barbarian,‖ from Codex Vaticanus‘ Gōgaios (Esth 3:1; see LXX gōg in Num 24:7), and also based on the
correspondence of spelling in Gk and Heb. He thus identifies Haman as a northern enemy of the Persians,
rather than of the Jews. Lewy (1939: 134), viewing the LXX bougaion as a transmutation of the West-
Iranian word baga, ―god,‖ proposes an original Heb *bwgy, ―Bougaite or worshipper of Baga,‖
identifying Haman as a devotee of the god Mithra (Esth 3:1; Add Esth 12:6). He contends that a
Babylonian story about the persecution of Marduk worshipers (―Mardukians‖) by their enemies, the
―Bougaions‖ (worshipers of Mithra), was adapted to the Jewish experience by supplying the appellative
―Agagite.‖ In Homeric literature Gk bougaion means ―braggart‖ (Il. 13.824; Od. 18.79), but this
seemingly has no relation to the LXX use of the term. Finally, based on evidence also cited by Lewy
(above), and on the assumption that Gk bougaios and bagaios are the same, Hoschander (1923: 23)
emends Heb h˒ggy to read hbgy, ―the Bagoan.‖ However, unlike Lewy, he views this not as the name of a
deity, but as a Persian gentilic name.
On literary grounds, it can be seen that the term ―Agagite‖ functions on more than one level. As the
textual variants cited by most scholars suggest (see e.g. Paton Esther ICC, Moore Esther AB), the term
―Agagite‖ harkens back to the story of Agag (1 Samuel 15), with which the Esther story has some
parallels (McKane 1961: 260), especially since Mordecai, like Saul (1 Sam 9:1–2), was a ―son of Kish, a
Benjaminite‖ (Esth 2:5). Within the book of Esther, Haman‘s role as the sole enemy of the Jews is
indicated by the term ―Agagite‖ (3:10; cf. 8:1; 9:10; see Clines 1984: 14, 42). Definition of the term
―Agagite‖ is provided by parallel occurrences of other appellatives with the name ―Haman‖ (Jones 1978:
40): the most complete identification of Haman, ―Haman, the Agagite, the son of Hammedatha, the
enemy of (all) the Jews‖ (3:10; 9:24), can be abbreviated by omitting one or the other of the appellatives.
Therefore, in Esth 3:1 and 8:5 Haman is identified simply as ―the Agagite,‖ whereas in 9:10 the only label
applied to him is ―the enemy of the Jews.‖ Also, the identification ―Haman, the enemy of the Jews‖ (8:1)
is complemented by ―Haman, the Agagite‖ (8:3). These variant identifications of Haman in parallel verses
in Esther clearly make ―Agagite‖ virtually synonymous with ―the enemy of the Jews.‖
Bibliography
Altheim, F., and Stiehl, R. 1959–63. Die aramäische Sprache unter den Achaimeniden, Vol. 1/2. Frankfurt am Main.
Clines, D. J. A. 1984. The Esther Scroll. JSOTSup 30. Sheffield.
Haupt, P. 1908. Critical Notes on Esther. AJSL 24: 97–186.
Jones, B. W. 1978. The So-Called Appendix to the Book of Esther. Semantics 6: 36–43.
Hoschander, J. 1923. The Book of Esther in the Light of History. Philadelphia.
Lewy, J. 1939. The Feast of the 14th Day of Addar. HUCA 14:127–51.
McKane, W. 1961. A Note on Esther 9 and 1 Samuel 15. JTS 12: 260–61.
Simons, J. 1959. The Geographical and Topographical Texts of the Old Testament. Leiden.
Stein, E. 1982. Un Essai D‘Adaptation de la Fête de Pourim dans L‘Alexandrie Hellenistique. Pp. 567–76 in Studies in the
Book of Esther, ed. C. A. Moore. New York.
Zadok, R. 1984. On the Historical Background of the Book of Esther. BN 24: 18–23.
MARK J. FRETZ
AGAPE MEAL [Gk agapē (ἀγαπη)]. ―Love feast,‖ a specialized Christian use of the Greek word for
love (agapē) to refer to a fellowship meal which was a principal occasion for charity to the poorer
members of the church.
Agapē occurs with this meaning in the NT only in Jude 12 (―These are blemishes on your love feasts, as
they boldly carouse together, looking after themselves‖) and as a variant reading in the parallel passage in](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-243-320.jpg)
![AGE In the OT usually in the sense of the age of a person or of people. In this sense it renders a number
of terms or expressions in Hebrew. See OLD AGE. While this meaning also is found in the NT, much
more often there it is used in the sense of one or both of the two ages (Gk aiōn) of the world, as conceived
in late Jewish thought. This meaning is found in expressions such as ―this age,‖ ―the present age,‖ ―the
end of the age,‖ and ―that age,‖ ―the age to come.‖
HERBERT G. GRETHER
AGEE (PERSON) [Heb ˒āgē˒ (א ֵג ָא)]. The father of the Hararite Shammah, one of King David‘s three
chief ―mighty men‖ (2 Sam 23:11). The name Agee only occurs once within this roster of David‘s
―mighty men‖ (2 Sam 23:8–17) and is conspicuously absent in the parallel passage 1 Chr 11:11–19; the
Lucianic text of LXX reads ēla, to which Mazar (1986: 91) emends the MT. However, based on
occurrences of the term ―Hararite‖ in the Samuel list and its Chronicles parallel, Agee may be related to
another of these ―mighty men.‖ Compare the MT of the following verses:
(1) 2 Sam 23:11a šammā˒ ben-˒āgē˒ hārār
(2) 2 Sam 23:32b–33a yĕhônātān šammâ hahărār
(3) 1 Chr 11:34b yônātān ben-šāgēh hahărār
(1) ―Shammah the son of Agee the Hararite‖ and (2) ―Jonathan, Shammah the Hararite‖ become in
Chronicles 11 (3) ―Jonathan the son of Shagee the Hararite.‖ It may be suggested that Heb šāgēh (1 Chr
11:34b) results from a combination of šammā˒ and ˒āgē˒ (2 Sam 23:11a), which reflects an association
between Agee and Jonathan in 2 Samuel 23 (see Elliger 1935: 31). According to some scholars (McCarter
2 Samuel AB, 493), the term ―Hararite‖ (Heb hrry; see 2 Sam 23:11), together with its close variant
(hhrry, see 2 Sam 23:33 and 1 Chr 11:34–35) and other proximate forms in these lists (h˒rry, see 2 Sam
23:33; hḥrdy, see 2 Sam 23:25; hhrwry, see 1 Chr 11:27), is a gentilic associated with an unknown clan.
Others hold that ―Hararite‖ is the name of Agee‘s hometown, and identify it with ―Araru‖ of the Amarna
Letters (Elliger 1935: 56).
Bibliography
Elliger, K. 1935. Die dreissig Helden Davids. PJ 31: 29–75.
Mazar, B. 1986. The Early Biblical Period, Historical Studies, ed. S. Aḥituv and B. Levine. Jerusalem.
MARK J. FRETZ
AGIA (PERSON) [Gk Augian (Αὐγιαν)]. The daughter of Barzillai and wife of Jaddus, whose sons
returned from exile and laid claim to the priestly office without proof of priestly ancestry (1 Esdr 5:38).
The name Agia is absent in the parallel lists of Ezra 2:61 = Neh 7:63). Although the sons of Jaddus were
excluded from priestly service, their ancestral lineage through Agia to Barzillai gave them venerable
connection to Israel since the family of Barzillai had been especially favored by King David (2 Sam
17:27; 19:31–40; 1 Kgs 2:7).
MARK J. FRETZ
AGING. See OLD AGE.
AGORA (PLACE) [Gk agora (ἀγοπα)]. A gathering place in the city or town that was used for
business, social, and political purposes. The word derives from ageirein, meaning ―to bring together.‖
Paul and Silas were dragged to the agora at Philippi by irate citizens who were bringing a complaint there
before the Roman authorities (Acts 16:19–21). Paul also debated with Epicurean and Stoic teachers in the
agora in Athens (Acts 17:17). In view of such use of the space, some modern versions render the word as
―public square‖ or ―city square,‖ rather than the traditional ―market place‖ (RSV).
In the Gospels, the word is rendered ―market place,‖ and the contexts show that it referred to a place
where more than buying and selling went on: An employer found workers (Matt 20:3), men liked to be
greeted with respect (Matt 23:7 and parallel), and children played (Matt 11:16). But there is no evidence
in the Gospels that the market places of Palestinian towns were used for political purposes.
HERBERT G. GRETHER
AGRAPHA. A word used to designate the noncanonical ―sayings‖ of Jesus.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-246-320.jpg)
![diseases, locust attacks (Amos 7:1; Joel 1:4; 2:25), and other pests such as mice, worms, fruit bats, and
weeds. Several of the plant diseases are mentioned either by name (smut, Heb šiddāpôn; rust, Heb
yērāqôn; bunt, Heb bo˒šâ) or by symptom (black rot in grapes, Heb bĕ˒ūš m, Isa 5:2, 4; loss of olives to
peacock eyespot, Deut 28:40; see Borowski 1987: 153–162).
On the other hand, the farmer could restore soil fertility and increase his yield by several methods which
are not specifically mentioned in texts but can be surmised from written descriptions of certain practices
or through analysis of the technology available to the farmer. Fallowing, using the Sabbatical Year (Exod
23:10–11) or another program, and organic fertilizing were probably used to a certain degree, the latter
included the use of dung, compost, and ash. There is a very strong possibility that crop rotation, suggested
by Isa 28:24–29 (see Borowski 1987: 148–151), was also used as a method for increasing crop yield and
lowering plant diseases. One of the elements available to the biblical farmer for crop rotation and
increased yield was ―green manuring,‖ the cultivation of legume plants to increase nitrogen presence and
its availability to other plants (Borowski 1987: 148–149).
C. Agricultural Products. (See also FLORA.)
1. Field Crops. The biblical farmer did not introduce new plants to the variety already existing,
however he chose those which suited his needs best. Field plants cultivated by the biblical farmer, as
attested in the Bible and archaeological remains, included cereals (Heb dāgān), and legumes (Zohary
1982: 74–76, 82–84). Most common among the cereals were wheat (Triticum durum Desf. and Triticum
vulgare [VIII.] Host.; Heb ḥiṭputâ), emmer (T. dicoccum [Schrank] Schuebl.; Heb kussemet), barley
(Hordeum; Heb śĕ˓ōrâ), and millet (Panicum miliaceum and Setaria italica; Heb dōḥan). Legumes
included lentil (Lens culinaris Medic.; Heb ˓ădāš m), broad bean (Vicia faba; Heb pôl), bitter vetch (Vicia
ervilia Wild.), chick-pea (Cicer arientum; Heb ḥām ṣ[?];), pea (Pisum sativum), and fenugreek (Trigonela
graecum). In addition, the biblical farmer cultivated several spice plants such as black cumin (Nigella
sativa; Heb qeṣaḥ), cumin (Cuminum cyminum; Heb kammōn), and coriander (Coriandrum sativum; Heb
gad). Other plants were flax (Linum usitatissimum; Heb pištâ) and sesame (Sesamum indicum).
2. Vegetables. Vegetables (Heb zēr ˓ m; yārāq) were part of the agricultural repertoire, although not as
highly regarded as the other plants (Dan 1:11–16). They were grown in small plots or gardens and
included cucumbers (Cucumis sativus or C. chate; Heb qiššū˒ m), watermelon or muskmelon (Citrulus
vulgaris or Cucumis melo; Heb ˒ăbaṭ-ṭ h m), leeks or other greens (Heb ḥās r), onion (Allium cepa; Heb
bĕṣāl m), and garlic (Allium sativum; Heb s m m).
3. Fruit Trees. Fruit trees were as important an element in biblical agriculture as field crops; however,
they were not domesticated as early as cereals and legumes (Zohary and Spiegel-Roy 1975). The earliest
remains of fruits in Canaan come mostly from the EB Age, although fig remains were found in Neolithic
and Chalcolithic Jericho. The most popular fruit tree in biblical times was the grapevine (Vitis vinifera;
Heb gepen), the fruit of which was used for making wine (yayin), raisins (ṣimm q m), and syrup (mišrat
˓ănāb m). Other common fruit trees were fig (Ficus carica; Heb tĕ˒ēnâ), pomegranate (Punica granatum;
Heb rimmôn), date (Phoenix dactylifera; Heb tāmār) and sycamore (Ficus sycomorus; Heb šiqmîm). Less
common were the tap-păḥ (possibly quince or apricot), and mulberry (Heb bākā˒). One common tree not
mentioned specifically in the Bible is the carob (Ceratonia siliqua); however, there is no question that it
was cultivated in biblical times.
The olive (Olea europaea; Heb zayit) was as important to the economy of ancient Israel as was the
grapevine. Its fruit was made into oil (Heb šemen) to be used for cooking, lighting, ointments, and other
religious and secular purposes. Like wine, oil was exported to other parts of the Near East and was one of
the three main elements of the agricultural economy along with grain (Heb dāgān) and wine (Heb t rôs;
Hos 2:10—Eng2:8; etc.).
Several nuts were also cultivated, including almond (Prunus amygdalus Stokes; Heb šāqēd), pistachio
(Pistacia atlantica Desf.; Heb boṭn m), and walnut (Juglans regia; Heb ˒ĕgôz).
D. Field Work.
The agricultural seasons are well enumerated in the OT; however, the best source of information is the
Gezer calendar, a 10th century B.C.E. inscription from the site of biblical Gezer, which reads:](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-253-320.jpg)
![two months of ingathering [olives]/two months
of sowing [cereals]/two months of late sowing [legumes and vegetables]
a month of hoeing weeds [for hay]
a month of harvesting barley
a month of harvesting [wheat] and measuring [grain]
two months of grape harvesting
a month of ingathering summer fruit
A study of this inscription shows that sowing of cereals started after the Festival of Booths
(Tabernacles) in the N Kingdom (end of October), harvesting barley commenced at the Passover festival
(end of March), and the conclusion of wheat harvesting was celebrated with the festival of
weeks/Pentecost (end of May; Borowski 1987: 31–44).
According to the Gezer calendar, sowing took place in the fall. Two months were devoted to sowing
cereals and two more to late sowing and planting of legumes and vegetables. Since no sowing could have
been done without plowing, either before or after, the farmer had to wait for the first autumn rains to
soften the ground. Plowing was done with a wooden-frame plow to which a metal point (copper, bronze,
and later iron) was attached, pulled by a team of animals, usually oxen. The same was done in large
orchards and vineyards. In small plots, on slopes, and near the plants, a hand-held hoe was used. Sowing
was performed either by broadcasting or by a seed drill attached to the plow.
Harvesting agricultural produce started in the spring, first with reaping barley, then wheat (see book of
Ruth), followed by grapes and other fruit (see HARVESTS, HARVESTING). The Gezer calendar assigns
seven months to the harvest. Harvesting cereals (qāṣ r) was followed very closely by threshing and
winnowing to separate the grain. Grapes were immediately turned into wine or raisins and the same was
done with other fruits. Storage of agricultural produce in its raw or finished state was done in specially
constructed structures underground in pits and silos and above the ground in small rooms or large store-
houses. The produce was stored in bulk or jars, depending on its nature and the nature of the storage
facility.
Much of the technology used in processing agricultural produce is known from biblical descriptions,
archaeological discoveries, and artistic representations from different parts of the Near East. Threshing
was done either by stick for small quantities of certain types of plants (cumin) or by a threshing sledge or
a wheel-thresher. Winnowing took place during times when the threshed material could be thrown in the
air by a fork (mizreh; Isa 30:24) or a wooden shovel (raḥat; Isa 30:24) and be separated to its components
(grain, straw, chaff) by the wind according to weight. Final cleaning was done with two different types of
sieves, kĕbārâ (Amos 9:9) and nāpâ (Isa 30:28). The clean grain (bār) was stored in jars or in storage
facilities such as grain pits (˒ăsām m) or storage houses (miskĕnôt).
Wine had to be produced immediately after harvest (zām r or bāṣ r) because fresh grapes could not be
stored. The grapes were treaded on a flat, hard surface, and the juice which ran into a reservoir hewn in
the rock or built out of stones and clay was collected into large jars, which were put for fermentation in a
cool storage place. Raisins and raisin cakes were also made at that time by drying fresh grapes. The same
process was used for drying and making cakes of figs and dates. These and other fruits such as
pomegranates were also used for wine making.
Oil, like wine, was one of the exported commodities produced in ancient Israel. During the Iron II
period, oil production technology made great strides with the development of the beam press. Until then,
oil production was a simple matter. The olives were beaten or cracked in a mortar and then placed in
straw baskets directly under stone weights. The pressed oil flowed into a container from where it was
scooped into jars and stored. Small quantities of oil were produced by placing the beaten olives in water
and scooping the floating oil. The beam-press innovation enabled the exertion of a much greater pressure
on the olives by tying weights to a beam used as a lever under which the baskets were placed. This
method facilitated the production of larger quantities of oil in less time and less effort (Eitam 1979; Gitin
1985; Kelm and Mazar 1989: 47–49).
E. Influence on Culture.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-254-320.jpg)
![Agriculture dominated not only the economy but the whole of Israelite daily life. The Bible is saturated
with agricultural symbolism, similes, and metaphors in parables, proverbs, prophecies, admonitions,
hymns, and other literary forms (Judg 8:2; 9:8–15; Isa 5:1–8; Ezek 17:6–10). Many laws related to
agriculture were formulated, such as those protecting the family inheritance (Num 27:1–8), concerning
the protection and support of the poor, taxation, etc. (Exod 23:11; Lev 23:22; Deut 24:21). Israelite laws
also regulated many aspects of agriculture such as the age at which fruit trees could be harvested, types of
plants and where they could be planted (the law of kil˒ayim, Lev 19:19, Deut 22:9), and fallowing
(sabbatical year). Religion and cult were strongly dominated by agricultural themes. The three main
festivals associated with pilgrimages to Jerusalem all celebrate the beginning or ending of agricultural
seasons. Passover (Heb pesaḥ) celebrates the beginning of cereal (barley) harvesting; Weeks (or
Pentecost; Heb šābū˓ôt) celebrates the end of the wheat harvest and with it the end of cereal harvesting;
Booths (Heb sukkôt) marks the end of fruit ingathering and the beginning of the sowing season. Sacrifices
and contributions to the Temple and its personnel were agricultural in nature (Num 18:8–32; Deut 18:1–
9). Finally, and significantly, the rewards for observing the covenant with YHWH were spelled out in
agricultural terms; ample rain in its appropriate season and resistance to plant diseases which led to
abundance were the direct benefits of adherence to the covenant (Deut 28:22).
Bibliography
Aharoni, Y. 1956. A Survey of the Galilee: Israelite Settlements and Their Pottery. EI 4:56–64.
Borowski, O. 1987. Agriculture in Iron Age Israel. Winona Lake.
Butzer, K. W. 1971. Agricultural Origins in the Near East as a Geographical Problem. Pp. 209–35 in Prehistoric Agriculture,
ed. S. Struever. Garden City.
Dimbleby, G. W. 1967. Plants and Archaeology. London.
Eitam, D. 1979. Olive Presses of the Israelite Period. TA 6: 146–55.
Evenari, M.; Shanan, L.; Tadmor, N.; and Itzhaki, Y. 1971. The Negev: The Challenge of a Desert. Cambridge.
Flannery, K. V. 1973. The Origin of Agriculture. Annual Review of Anthropology 2: 271–310.
Gitin, S. 1985. Dramatic Finds in Ekron. ASOR Newsletter 36 (3): 2–3.
Hopkins, D. C. 1985. The Highlands of Canaan. Decatur, GA.
Kelm, G. L., and Mazar, A. 1989. Excavating in Samson‘s Country. BARev 15 (1): 36–49.
Nissen, J. H. 1988. The Early History of the Ancient Near East 9000–2000 B.C. Trans. E. Lutzeier. Chicago.
Renfrew, J. M. 1973. Palaeoethnobotany: The Prehistoric Food Plants of the Near East and Europe. New York.
Stager, L. E. 1981. Highland Village Life in Palestine Some Three Thousand Years Ago. The Oriental Institute News & Notes
69: 1–3.
———. 1985a. The Archaeology of the Family in Ancient Israel. BASOR 260: 1–35.
———. 1985b. The Firstfruits of Civilization. Pp. 172–88 in Palestine in the Bronze and Iron Ages, ed. J. N. Tubb. London.
Zohary, D., and Hopf, M. 1973. Domestication of Pulses in the Old World. Science 182: 887–94.
Zohary, D., and Spiegel-Roy, P. 1975. Beginning of Fruit Growing in the Old World. Science 187: 319–27.
Zohary, M. 1982. Plants of the Bible. Cambridge.
ODED BOROWSKI
AGRIPPA (PERSON) [Gk Agrippas (Ἀγπιππαρ)]. The name held by two Herodian rulers in 1st
century Palestine. Josephus‘ writings constitute our primary source of information for both, although both
are also mentioned in the NT book of Acts: Agrippa I as the ―Herod‖ who persecuted the early church in
Jerusalem (12:1–23), and Agrippa II as the king who, years later, heard Paul‘s defense prior to Paul‘s
journey to Rome (25:13–26:32).
1. Agrippa I was born in 10 B.C., son of Aristobulus and Bernice and thus, through Aristobulus,
grandson of Herod. In early childhood he was sent with his mother to Rome. There he was brought up in
the company of Claudius, who was his same age, and Drusus, son of Tiberius, who was slightly older. At
the imperial court he made connections which were to prove vital to him in later life—not only with
Claudius and Drusus, but also, through his mother, with Antonia, wife of the elder Drusus (Tiberius‘
brother), and with others besides, not least imperial freed-men (Ant 18.143, 191). It was largely in the
pursuit of such connections that Agrippa borrowed and spent large sums of money. After the premature
death of his companion Drusus in A.D. 23, Agrippa returned to Judea in a state of considerable poverty
and, we are told, contemplating suicide.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-255-320.jpg)
![robe; the crowd, impressed with his radiance, acclaimed him a god. He did not reject the acclamation, and
this act of vainglory was seen as the reason for his death (Ant 19.343–52; Acts 12:22–23).
Agrippa and Cypros had several children: Marcus Julius Agrippa (= Agrippa II); Drusus, who died
before his father; Bernice; Mariamme; and Drusilla. Their names indicate a mixture of Jewish and family
traditions with a concern for the Roman imperial family (Braund 1984: 111). Agrippa‘s own
nomenclature, Julius Agrippa, indicates not only the Roman citizenship which he had inherited through
Herod but also his family‘s links with the Roman Agrippa, a stalwart of Augustus‘ regime. Agrippa must
have had a Roman forename, but this is not known: Marcus is usually assumed on the grounds that his
son was Marcus, but it is also likely since the Roman Agrippa had also been Marcus. Like his son after
him, Agrippa as king boasted the titles ―Great King, Friend of Caesar, Pious and Friend of the Romans‖
(HJP², 452; cf. 475). The book of Acts is exceptional in according him the name ―Herod.‖
2. Agrippa II—or, to give him his Roman name, Marcus Julius Agrippa—was born in A.D. 28 the son of
Agrippa I and Cypros (War 2.220 with Ant 19.354). At the time of his father‘s death in 44 A.D., young
Agrippa was in Rome, where he was being brought up at the court of the emperor Claudius. Claudius, we
are told, wished immediately to appoint him as his father‘s successor on the throne: Josephus implies that
Claudius‘ formal treaty with Agrippa I may have contained some mention of the succession (Ant 19.360–
2). However, the emperor‘s advisers dissuaded him from this plan in the light of Agrippa‘s youth and the
kingdom‘s importance. In his stead Claudius therefore appointed a Roman governor (Ant 19.363).
While at Claudius‘ court, Agrippa took the opportunity of representing Jewish causes (Ant 15.407;
20.10ff. and 135). Claudius gave him the kingdom left vacant by the death of Herod of Chalcis, husband
of his sister Bernice, in about A.D. 50 (Ant 20.104; War 2.223, with HJP², Appendix 1). Josephus reckons
the years of Agrippa‘s reign there from A.D. 49 (JW 2.284; cf. Ant 20.138). In 52 A.D. Agrippa was in
Rome once more (Ant 20.134ff.). In A.D. 53, instead of Chalcis, he was given the former domains of
Philip, Lysimachus, and Varus (Ant 20.138; with HJP², 472 n. 7). Nero added parts of Galilee and Peraea,
most importantly Tiberias, Tarichea, and Julias (Ant 20.159; War 2.252). These additions may be linked
with the new eras which appear on his coinage in 56 A.D. and 61 respectively. In Nero‘s honor he
renamed Caesarea Philippi as Neronias (Ant 20.211).
Agrippa has been acccused of excessive slavishness towards the Romans (notably by Schürer [HJP²,
474]); however, the accusation is not easily substantiated. His concern for Judaism is not in doubt; his
discussions on Jewish legal matters with Rabbi Eliezer ben Hyrcanus tend to indicate as much (as Schürer
[HJP², 475] allows). That Agrippa‘s sister‘s husbands underwent circumcision may or may not be a
further indication (pace HJP², 475, who overemphasizes this). The book of Acts tends to suggest some
interest in matters of religion, if a little detached, for he and his sister Bernice wished to see and hear Paul
(25:22ff., especially 26:3). In particular, Agrippa‘s support of Jewish causes with Claudius ought not to be
forgotten (above), nor the fact that he took costly steps to save the Temple from subsidence (War 5.36;
Ant 15.391).
In A.D. 66 Agrippa was in Alexandria to congratulate Tiberius Julius Alexander, a man of Jewish origin
who had become Roman prefect of Egypt. As the Jewish revolt developed in that year, Agrippa returned
to Jerusalem to quell it. He failed to do so and became a target himself as the revolt flared up and split
into factions (War 2.426). He was left little choice but to join with the Romans, which gave him the
considerable military might and resources at his disposal (War 2.500–3; 523–5). Parts of his kingdom
joined the revolt, notably Tiberias, Tarichea, and the fortress of Gamala, but Agrippa preferred to rule
through delegates. He spent much of his time outside his kingdom at Berytus, a favorite city of the
Herods, until the arrival of Vespasian in A.D. 67. Thereafter he kept close to Vespasian and his son Titus,
who had also spent his youth at the court of Claudius (HJP², 477).
Upon Nero‘s death in A.D. 68, Agrippa left for Rome together with Titus in order to congratulate the
new emperor, Galba. In the course of their journey news arrived that Galba had been assassinated and
replaced. Agrippa continued to Rome, but Titus returned to his father. On July 1, A.D. 69, Vespasian was
proclaimed emperor at Alexandria; war with the other claimant, Vitellius, followed, so Agrippa returned](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-257-320.jpg)
![from Rome, staying with Titus, whom his father had left to deal with the Jewish revolt (Tacitus Historiae
2.1–2; 2.81; 5.1).
When Vespasian had established himself as emperor and the Jewish revolt had been crushed, Agrippa
was rewarded for his loyalty with additional territory (details are lacking; see HJP², 478). In Rome in A.D.
75 Agrippa was awarded the symbols of praetorian rank. Thereafter he all but disappears from history.
Josephus tells us that Agrippa corresponded with him on the subject of his book on the Jewish War,
praising its accuracy and admitting that he owned a copy (Life 65; AgAp 1.9). Agrippa seems to have died
in the reign of Vespasian‘s younger son, Domitian, about A.D. 93 (HJP², 480–83). His attitude toward the
Romans, in part at least, is summed up in the speech which Josephus attributed to him. If Agrippa did not
actually deliver this speech in trying to quell the revolt, he apparently later read and approved of it. The
main point of the speech seems notably well-reasoned: namely, that the Romans were simply too strong to
succumb to any uprising which Jewish revolutionaries could mount (War 2.345ff.).
Agrippa seems not to have married and not to have fathered any children. It was rumored that his
relationship with his sister Bernice was incestuous: Josephus‘ denial of that rumor is as predictable and
inconclusive as Juvenal‘s eager acceptance of it (Ant 20.145; Juv. 6.158).
Bibliography
Braund, D. C. 1984. Rome and the Friendly King. New York.
Schürer, E. 1973. The History of the Jewish People in the Age of Jesus Christ (175 B.C.–A.D. 135). Ed G. Vermes and F.
Millar. Edinburgh.
DAVID C. BRAUND
AGUE See SICKNESS AND DISEASE.
AGUR. (PERSON) [Heb ˒āgûr (גּוש ָא)]. The son of Jakeh, and author of a collection of Proverbs
beginning in Prov 30:1. It remains unclear whether the pericope ends with the conclusion of the chapter or
at an earlier point (verse 14?). See McKane Proverbs OTL, 643 for discussion. Cohen (Proverbs SonB,
200) cited a midrash that identified Agur as Solomon, the one who ―stored up‖ (˒agar) wisdom and
(nqh?) ―spewed it out‖ (hiqqi—for Jakeh) by taking many wives. Another ancient view of the passage
understood ―Agur‖ allegorically, i.e., as a reference to Solomon and saw ―Jakeh‖ as David. Apparently,
the Vulgate translated ˒āgûr as a passive participle, hence, ―the Assembler‖ (from ˒āgûr ―to gather‖), an
appellative rather than a proper name. The LXX reads ―fear (my words)‖ based on the Hebrew gûr or
tāg r (BHS:1315), from gûr (―to dread‖).
The collection displays no unique character that would aid in recovery of information on the obscure
Agur. The translation of the proper names (Agur and Jakeh) provides a preferred solution for the difficult
passage, but the solution itself is not beyond question. Some commentators (e.g., Ringgren Sprüche ATD;
Scott Proverbs AB, 175) read hammassa˒ (―the Massaite‖) for the difficult hammassā˒ (―the oracle‖).
Keil and Delitzsch (1950: 266–67) translated Prov 30:1 as ―The words of Agur the son of Jakeh, of the
tribe (the country) of Massa,‖ claiming that both Agur and LEMUEL were Arabs. The name Agur does
occur in Sabean inscriptions, though it is not found elsewhere in the Hebrew Bible. The word hamassā˒
has been emended to mašālô (―his mašal‖) by a number of recent interpreters. The most popular approach
has been to read massā˒ as the common noun meaning ―burden‖ or ―oracle.‖ Toy‘s suggestion that the
word be omitted as a gloss is the most extreme solution (Proverbs ICC, 518). He also suggested that Agur
was either a sage who lived well after Solomon, or an older figure whose authority was used by a later
writer.
Bibliography
Keil, C. F. and Delitzsch, F. 1950. Biblical Commentary on the Proverbs of Solomon. Vol. 2. Grand Rapids.
DONALD K. BERRY
AHAB (PERSON) [Heb ˒aḥ˒āb (ב ָא ְח ַא)]. The name of two persons in the Hebrew Bible.
1. Son and successor of Omri, who ruled N Israel during the second quarter of the 9th century B.C. The
exact dates of his reign are disputed: 871–852 B.C. (Begrich 1929; Jepsen and Hanhart BZAW 88); 874–](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-258-320.jpg)
![and alliances with the neighboring states, especially Judah and Phoenicia. The border skirmishes with
Judah, which had erupted periodically since the division of the kingdom at the time of Rehoboam, were
probably terminated by Omri, but certainly by Ahab. The new state of peace and alliance was sealed by a
political marriage: ATHALIAH (more likely a sister [2 Kgs 8:26] than a daughter of Ahab [2 Kgs 8:18])
was given in marriage to the Judean crown prince Jehoram. In the following period the Judean kings
appear as partners in alliance with the N Israelite monarchs of the Omride dynasty.
In similar fashion, the relationship with the Phoenicians was placed on a new footing. Ahab, probably
already as crown prince, married the Phoenician princess Jezebel, daughter of ―Ethbaal, King of the
Sidonians‖ (1 Kgs 16:31) or ―Ittobaal, king of Tyre and Sidon‖ (Josephus Ant 8.13.1). It is doubtful
whether the area of Mt. Carmel—which from time to time was in the hands of the Phoenicians—was
returned to Israel in connection with the new alliance (Alt, RGG3
1: 189). By the time of Ahab, however,
it was firmly under Israelite control. Furthermore, the alliance with the Phoenicians probably was
intended less to settle territorial disputes than to insure a condition of peace in the NW and to encourage
trade with the Mediterranean coast.
Finally, even the border wars with the Philistines (1 Kgs 15:27; 16:15) ceased. During Ahab‘s reign and
beyond, relations with the Philistine city states seem to have been peaceful (2 Kings 1). East of the Jordan
Ahab initially maintained Israel‘s hegemony over Moab and secured the S frontier of the Israelite
settlement of the wadi Heidan against the mounting pressure from the Moabites. He doesn‘t seem to have
attempted to recapture the territory between the Heidan and the Arnon, which was occupied by the
Moabites. Thus, Ahab achieved a truce on all borders, and in some areas even secured allies, in order to
meet the Aramean threat in the N.
C. Ahab’s Domestic Policies
Ahab‘s domestic policies likewise were aimed at consolidating power. In order to relieve and obviate
internal tension he pursued a policy designed to strike a balance between the Israelite population and
traditionally Canaanite segments of the population. The speculation that Ahab opened his new capital of
Samaria to the Canaanite influence in particular while his secondary residence Jezreel was intended
primarily for the Israelite component of the citizenry (Alt KlSchr2
3: 258–302) cannot be documented. Yet
it has a certain ring of truth, because Jezreel maintained its role as royal residence only among the rulers
from the House of Omri and apparently lost this function after the revolution of Jehu and the anti-
Canaanite purge of Samaria (2 Kings 9–10).
Ahab‘s policy of balancing Israelite and Canaanite interests also had consequences in the religious
sphere. The Canaanite cult of Baal attained equal status and even received special governmental support
through the influence of Queen Jezebel and her court. In Samaria, Ahab erected a temple to Baal with a
Baal altar and an image of Asherah (1 Kgs 16:32f.). The god Baal who was worshipped there was
identical to the Phoenician god Melkart whom Jezebel knew from her homeland. Ahab himself, however,
was hardly a Baal worshipper (contrary to 1 Kgs 16:31); the names of his sons Ahaziah and Jehoram
contain the root of Yahweh‘s name, and these names were Ahab‘s way of demonstrating his attachment to
the God of Israel. Nevertheless, his policies of religious compromise and coexistence earned him the
opposition of circles more zealously loyal to Yahweh, especially the prophet Elijah, who viewed Ahab‘s
policies as a challenge to the requirement of exclusive worship of Yahweh (cf. 1 Kgs 18:21). This violent
opposition continued among the prophetic groups even after the death of Ahab and has led to the dim
view of Ahab preserved in the biblical tradition. Subsequently this portrait was adopted and further
intensified by the Deuteronomistic redactors of the book of Kings (1 Kgs 16:30–33).
D. Traditions about Ahab
1. The Drought and the Contest on Carmel. The reign of Ahab is linked to the tradition of a severe
drought whose beginning and end was traced to the activity of Elijah the prophet (1 Kgs 17:1; 18:41–46).
It seems, however, that at this point the two were not yet antagonists. It is debatable whether this drought
is identical with the one which Menander of Ephesus alleges occurred under Itto-baal of Tyre in Phoenicia
(Josephus Ant 8.13.2), or whether the link between them was established by Josephus himself. The
implication that the drought was caused by Ahab‘s idolatry (1 Kgs 16:29–17:1) was a construction of the](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-260-320.jpg)
![Deuteronomistic redaction: The original prophecy itself (17:1) contained no such attribution. It is possible
(if not provable) that, like other originally basic information (e.g., a more detailed identification of the
rank of Ahab and of the place of the prophecy), the original ―cause‖ for the drought was deleted by the
redactors in favor of their own explanation.
The tradition of the contest on Mt. Carmel was originally unrelated to Ahab. True, he is mentioned in
the introduction (18:20), but he appears nowhere else in the entire narrative (18:21–40). The contest on
Mt. Carmel was thus definitely not a ―Haupt- und Staatsaktion‖ (Alt, KlSchr4
2: 147), but was likely a
much more limited, local event in which the powers of state were unlikely to have participated. Nor does
the first half of chapter 18 contain any historically reliable information on Ahab. The passage which
describes how Ahab and his house minister, Obadiah, scour the whole country in search of feed for the
royal mares (vv 3–6) most likely does not recount an historical incident, but is intended to demonstrate
vividly the severity of the drought‘s burden on the land. The scene of the encounter between Ahab and
Elijah (vv 16–20) serves primarily to link the theme of the drought to the tradition of the ―divine
judgment on Mt. Carmel.‖
2. Naboth’s Vineyard. The story of Naboth‘s vineyard at Jezreel (1 Kings 21), on the other hand, is
explicitly an Ahab tradition. In the present form of the chapter it is Jezebel, to be sure, who is the chief
character of the episode. Yet it is Ahab who was most likely the original focus of the tradition. This is
already evident in the fact that, at first, Elijah addresses only Ahab (vv 17–22), while the word of
judgment over Jezebel appears as a later addition to the story (v 23). Furthermore, there exists a short
parallel tradition to this story in 2 Kgs 9:25–26. Here, too, only Ahab is mentioned as the offender;
Jezebel is not mentioned at all. Similarly, the story‘s motif of ―intrigue‖—Jezebel staging a fast day with
Naboth presiding, bribing false witnesses to denounce him, and then putting him to death on trumped up
charges—probably should be attributed to a secondary embellishment of the tradition. Originally it is
probable that Ahab on his own initiative appropriated a piece of land belonging to Naboth of Jezreel
(more likely a field outside the city [2 Kgs 9:25f] than a vineyard next to the royal palace [1 Kgs 21:1]) by
falsely accusing Naboth (of high treason?) and executing him together with his sons (2 Kgs 9:26), who
would retain a legal claim to the land.
This was probably an instance of conflict between the old Israelite property laws and the interests of the
king. The former guaranteed the Israelite protection from sale or exchange of his inherited land, while the
latter accommodated the expansion and consolidation of crown property. According to 1 Kgs 21:2, Ahab
shared the belief common in the ancient Orient (as well as in Canaan) that property could be freely traded,
bought, exchanged, or mortgaged (not unlike his father Omri, who purchased the hill of Samaria, 1 Kgs
16:24). He was thwarted, however, by Naboth‘s implicit appeal to the Israelite law of property (21:3)
which prohibited the sale or exchange of inherited land except for its transferral as inheritance. The intent
of this tradition was probably to show how Ahab employed the power of his royal office to eliminate
Naboth and his sons unlawfully and to gain possession of their land. This instance of might before right
was a perversion of the king‘s role, and indicates that in some ways the Israelite monarchy resembled
ancient Oriental despotism. Consequently, Ahab received an announcement of impending judgment; in 1
Kgs 21:17ff. it is understood to have been conveyed by Elijah, but in 2 Kgs 9:25–26 it is mentioned only
as the word of Yahweh without naming any prophet. According to the latter text the judgment was
executed not against Ahab but his son Jehoram. See NABOTH.
3. Building Projects. The reign of Ahab brought Israel not only military strength and security, but also
increase of commerce, economic prosperity, and material culture. As might be expected, Ahab‘s building
activity is also emphasized by the Deuteronomistic frame (16:32f.; 22:39) which itself derives from the
royal records. It is likely that he completed the construction of the new capital, Samaria, which his father
Omri had founded. Mention has already been made of the construction of a Baal temple with altar and
Asherah statue (16:32f.), which was intended primarily for Jezebel and her retinue, but also for a wider
Canaanite population. The shrine was totally demolished during Jehu‘s rise to power (2 Kgs 10:25–27)
and therefore it is no longer accessible to archaeological examination. According to 1 Kgs 22:39, Ahab](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-261-320.jpg)
![AHARAH (PERSON) [Heb ˒aḥĕraḥ (ח ַש ְח ַא)]. The third son of Benjamin, following Bela and Ashbel
in 1 Chr 8:1 (LXX variants include aara, deira, and iaphaēl). Since the name Aharah does not occur in
parallel genealogies of Benjamin (Gen 46:21; Num 26:38; 1 Chr 7:6), it is difficult to identify him. These
various genealogies differ in the names, number (from three to ten), and order of sons listed. The close
variant name ―Ahiram‖ is listed as the 3d son of Benjamin in Num 26:38 (like Aharah, this name occurs
only once), suggesting that the list in 1 Chronicles 8 is dependent on Numbers 26.
MARK J. FRETZ
AHARHEL (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăḥarḥēl (ל ֵח ְש ַח ֲא)]. The son of Harum and bearer of the family name
(1 Chr 4:8). Located within a fragmented list of Judah‘s descendants (vv 1–23), the MT shows no
connection between this verse and the surrounding context. The MT of v 8 (wĕqōs hōl d ˒et-˓ān b wĕ˒et-
haṣṣobēbâ mišpĕḥōt ˒ăḥarḥēl ben-hār m, ―And Koz was father of Anub, and Zobebah, and the families
of Aharhel the son of Harum‖) may be connected to v 7, if it is assumed that Heb wĕqōṣ has dropped out
of the end of v 7 through haplography (Williamson 1, 2 Chronicles NCBC, 59). This would make Koz the
last named son of Ashhur and Helah, and thereby relate his offspring to Judah. Similarly, v 8 and v 9 are
not interconnected, unless it is assumed that Jabez was also a son of Koz (Curtis and Madsen Chronicles
ICC, 107).
Most scholars agree that the text of 1 Chr 4:5–9 is corrupt, and that v 8 stands apart from the preceding
and succeeding verses. Therefore, genealogical connections between individuals in these verses are not
easily established. If, as the MT suggests, Aharhel is indeed the son of Harum, it seems unlikely for him
also to be a son of Koz (Rudolf Chronikbücher HAT, 30). If Harum is a gentilic variant of ―Ram‖ (Heb
rûm), with a prefixed definite article, then Aharhel is a descendant of Ram (Yeivin 1971: 199, n. 109).
The LXX reading suggests a third possibility: The name Aharhel itself (˒ăḥarḥēl) is a textual corruption
of the phrase ˒ăḥ rēkab, ―brother of Rechab‖ (gennēseis adelphou Rēchab huiou Iareim, ―the progeny of
the brother of Rechab, the son of Iarim‖). Since the names Aharhel and Harum do not occur elsewhere in
the Bible, and the foregoing questions cannot be satisfactorily resolved, no clear identification of Aharhel
is possible.
Bibliography
Yeivin, S. 1971. The Israelite Conquest of Canaan. Uitgaven van het Nederlands Historisch-Archaeologisch Instituut te
Istanbul 27. Istanbul.
MARK J. FRETZ
AHASBAI (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăḥasbay (י ַב ְס ַח ֲא)]. The father of Eliphelet (2 Sam 23:34), one of
David‘s champions (the šāliš m; RSV: The Thirty). That Ahasbai was from Maacah may indicate that he
was a Syrian (see MAACAH), making his son one of the many foreign nationals among David‘s
retainers. The town of Abel, in Beth-Maacah (2 Sam 20:14) probably refers to the region of Maacah in
southern Syria as well (cf. Aharoni LBHG 167). On the other hand, 1 Chr 2:48; 4:19 list Maacah as a
family group in southern Judah, raising the possibility that Ahasbai was a Judean. The parallel list in
Chronicles (1 Chr 11:35b–36a) reads Eliphal the son of Ur, followed by Hepher the Mecherathite, instead
of Eliphelet, the son of Ahasbai of Maacah. In this case it seems probable that the scribe misread the
Hebrew consonantal text ˒ḥsby as ˒wr ḥpr, though in other instances it appears as if the Chronicler is
working with a somewhat different text from that in 2 Sam 23:8–39 (see DAVID‘S CHAMPIONS).
D. G. SCHLEY
AHASHTARITES [Heb hā˒ăḥaštār (י ִש ָת ְש ַח ֲא ָה)]. See HAAHASHTARI.
AHASUERUS (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăhašwērôš (שוש ֵו ְש ַה ֲא); Gk asyēros (ἀςτηπορ)].
1. The Persian king who chose Esther to be his queen (Esth 1:1; 2:16–17; cf. also Ezra 4:6). See
ESTHER. He is to be identified with the famous XERXES (485–465 B.C.), but was mistakenly identified](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-264-320.jpg)
![in Jewish Midrash with Artaxerxes. Hoschander (1923) argued that Ahasuerus was to be identified with
Artaxerxes II (403–359 B.C.). But extrabiblical evidence leaves little doubt that Ahasuerus was Xerxes,
the son of Darius I. Shea (1976: 228) is able to list the spelling of both Xerxes and Artaxerxes in seven
languages: Greek, Old Persian, Elamite, Aramaic, Hebrew, Akkadian, Egyptian (there is always a t in the
spelling of the latter name).
Apart from Esther, this Ahasuerus is mentioned only in Ezra 4:6 in relation to an accusation which was
lodged against the Jews in his reign. Morgenstern (1956, 1957, 1960, 1966) postulated a destruction of
Jerusalem in 485 B.C. in the reign of Xerxes as the immediate background of Ezra and Nehemiah, but
most scholars regard such a thesis as highly improbable.
Herodotus, in addition to depicting Xerxes‘ role in the invasion of Greece in 480 B.C., presents an
unflattering portrait of the king as an impatient, hot-tempered monarch with a wandering eye for women.
According to Herodotus (9.108–13), Xerxes (Gk assouēros) not only tried to have an affair with his
brother‘s wife, but also did have an affair with her daughter.
According to Barucq (1961: 3), the role which Ahasuerus holds in Esther ―conforms perfectly to
Xerxes‖ as we know him from Herodotus. Moore (1975: 69) agrees: ―Much of what the author of Esther
says about King Xerxes corresponds fairly well with what the classical writers had to say about such
things, for example, … his nasty and at times irrational temper (1:12; 7:7–8) …‖
Ahasuerus is prominently portrayed on his throne in a fresco of the famous Dura Europos synagogue
(Levit-Tawil 1983).
2. The father of Darius the Mede (Dan 9:1). See DARIUS THE MEDE.
3. The ruler who helped Nebuchadnezzar destroy the city of Nineveh (Tob 14:15). However, given the
romantic and unhistorical nature of this apocryphal book, the identity of this character is in doubt. The
author‘s chronological sequence seems to be so skewed (cf. Tob 1:4, which condenses events two
centuries apart into one generation) that it is impossible to determine which ancient ruler he had in mind.
He may have regarded this as the same Ahasuerus mentioned in Esth 1:1 and Ezra 4:6 (i.e., the Persian
Xerxes; see 1. above), who came to the throne about 75 years after Nebuchadnezzar died. Other ancient
sources confirm that Nineveh was actually destroyed in 612 B.C. by a coalition led by Nebuchadnezzar‘s
father Nabopolassar and Cyaxares (Uvaxšatra) the Mede.
Bibliography
Barucq, A. 1961. Esther et la cour de Suse. BTS 39: 3–5.
Hoschander, J. 1923. The Book of Esther in the Light of History. Philadelphia.
Levit-Tawil, D. 1983. The Enthroned King Ahasuerus at Dura. BASOR 250: 57–78.
Littman, R. J. 1975. The Religious Policy of Xerxes and the Book of Esther. JQR 65: 145–55.
Millard, A. R. 1977. The Persian Names in Esther and the Reliability of the Hebrew Text. JBL 96: 481–88.
Moore, C. A. 1975. Archaeology and the Book of Esther. BA 38: 62–79.
Morgenstern, J. 1956. Jerusalem—485 B.C. HUCA 27: 101–79.
———. 1957. Idem. HUCA 28: 15–47.
———. 1960. Idem. HUCA 31: 1–29.
———. 1966. Further Light from the Book of Isaiah upon the Catastrophe of 485 B.C. HUCA 37: 1–28.
Olmstead, A. T. 1948. History of the Persian Empire. Chicago.
Shea, W. H. 1976. Esther and History. AUSS 14: 227–46.
Yamauchi, E. 1980. The Archaeological Background of Esther. BSac 137: 99–117.
EDWIN M. YAMAUCHI
AHAVA (PLACE) [Heb ˒ahăwā˒ (א ָו ֲה ַא)]. Var. THERAS. The river (and possibly also a town)
mentioned in Ezra‘s memoirs as the place where Ezra first gathered the exiles and proclaimed a fast
before departing to return to Palestine (Ezra 8:15, 21, 31). Although limited data is available, and all
proposed identifications assume a particular route for Ezra‘s return, Ahava presumably was located within
a radius of 200 km from Babylon (Zadok 1979: 117).
One obstacle to identification lies in the abundant textual variants found in the relevant verses. In v 15,
the Ethiopic ahua reflects MT tradition, but LXX variants including euei (m) and thousi do not support
the MT. In vv 21 and 31, the LXX reads variously thoue, aoue, daouath. The 1 Esdras 8 parallels read](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-265-320.jpg)
![theran (41, 60—Eng8:61), while a variant of v 41 reads potamon (river) as the proper name itself.
Josephus mentions no name, but simply refers to the place as the ―other side of the Euphrates‖ (Ant
11.5.2). It is difficult to decipher whether the various mss reflect different vorlagen, or whether the scribes
were attempting to make an identification of the site.
Although the canal Ahava still has not been positively identified by scholars (Delitzsch 1881: 193), and
may simply refer to a large, unsettled area outside Babylon, it may be associated with various settlement
sites. According to Williamson (1, 2 Chronicles NCBC, 116), Ahava may have been one of Babylon‘s
artificial canals or waterways constructed for defensive purposes, whose source was the Euphrates.
Winckler (1901: 518) identifies Ahava with the ancient city of Opis (Babylonian Upi), which was
probably located north of Sippar along the Tigris. Obermeyer (1929: 15) identifies Ahava with ―Awana‖
(where ―na‖ signifies a district), a village located ca. 53 km north of Baghdad near the Tigris. Based on
LXX aoue and euei, Gutman (EncMiqr 1: 122) proposes Itu (modern H t, probably the same as ˒Is), a city
located ca. 200 km northwest of Babylon on the Euphrates.
Bibliography
Delitzsch, F. 1881. Wo lag das Paradies? Leipzig.
Obermeyer, J. 1929. Die Landschaften Babylonien im Zeitalter des Talmuds und des Gaonats. Schriften der Gesellschaft zur
Förderung der Wissenschaft des Judentums 30. Frankfurt am Main.
Winckler, H. 1901. Altorientalische Forschungen. Vol. 3. Leipzig.
Zadok, R. 1979. The Jews in Babylonia During the Chaldean and Achaemenian Periods according to the Babylonian Sources.
Studies in the History of the Jewish People and the Land of Israel Monograph Series 3. Haifa.
MARK J. FRETZ
AHAZ (PERSON) [Heb ˒āḥāz (ז ָח ָא)]. The name is a hypocoristicon: a shortened form of names such
as Ahaziah and Jehoahaz, ―the LORD holds.‖ These names probably reflect confidence in God‘s
imminent presence, as in Ps 73:23, ―I am always with you, you hold (˒āḥaztā) my right hand‖ (IPN, 179).
1. The great-great-grandson of Saul, mentioned only in post-exilic genealogies (1 Chr 8:35, 36, and
9:41, 42; Ahaz is absent in the Hebrew of 9:41, probably as a result of haplography). These verses appear
in the two nearly identical genealogies of Saul‘s family in 1 Chr 8:33–40 and 1 Chr 9:39–44. This list is
from the end of the First Temple period (Demsky 1971: 20), and was preserved by Benjaminite families
that survived the Babylonian exile (Williamson 1979: 356). The existence and preservation of the Saulide
genealogy probably reflects the continued prominence of Saul‘s family, and perhaps even their hope that
they would return to power (Ackroyd, Chronicles Ezra Nehemiah CBC, 42; Flanagan 1982: 25). The
genealogy of Benjamin in 1 Chronicles 8 corresponds to the genealogy of Judah in chaps. 2–4, forming a
frame around the other tribes of Israel. Benjamin and Judah are given this prominent position by the
Chronicler because of their past loyalty to David and the Temple (Williamson, Chronicles NCB, 46–47)
and because they are the two main tribes that returned from the exile (Ezra 1:5). The repetition of the
genealogy in chap. 9 serves as a bridge to the narrative of Saul‘s death in chap. 10 (Demsky 1971: 17).
Bibliography
Demsky, A. 1971. The Genealogy of Gibeon (1 Chronicles 9:35–44). BASOR 202: 16–23.
Flanagan, J. 1982. Genealogy and Dynasty in the Early Monarchy of Israel and Judah. Pp. 23–28 in Proceedings of the Eighth
World Congress of Jewish Studies. Division A: The Period of the Bible. Jerusalem.
Williamson, H. G. M. 1979. Sources and Redaction in the Chronicler‘s Genealogy of Judah. JBL 98: 351–59.
MARC Z. BRETTLER
2. The son and successor of Jotham, who assumed the throne when he was 20 years old and reigned for
16 years, ca. 742–727 B.C.E. (2 Kgs 16:2). The fuller form of the name Jehoahaz is found in the Assyrian
annals of Tiglath-pileser III as Yauhazi (ANET, 282–4). The chronological difficulties connected with this
reign are notoriously difficult. The precise timing of Ahaz‘s accession is obscured by the conflicting
references in 2 Kgs 16:2 and 2 Chr 28:1 when compared with the contradictory information about the
death of Ahaz and the accession of Hezekiah (2 Kgs 16:19–20; 18:1). If Hezekiah succeeded Ahaz when
he was 25 years old (2 Kgs 18:2), then Ahaz could only have been 11 years old when he became a father
since he is said to have been 36 at the time of his death (2 Chr 28:2).](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-266-320.jpg)
![Deuteronomistic ideal highlights the significance of this chapter within the Deuteronomistic History.
Ahaz is presented as adding significantly to this spiral of cultic decline by following the abominable
practices of the nations driven out by Yahweh and sacrificing and burning incense on the high places,
hills, and under every green tree. His cultic failings are couched in language that makes his crime in the
eyes of the Deuteronomists unambiguous and unforgivable. The appeal to Tiglath-pileser against the
Syro-Ephraimite coalition, his subsequent building of the altar on the Damascus model, the payment of
tribute, and various alterations to the temple are introduced without explicit comment or condemnation.
However, in the context of the severe condemnation in the opening verses of the chapter (2 Kgs 16:2–4),
this has to be read as further evidence of the inherent corruption of Ahaz‘s reign. Most reigns of S kings
who are judged as unworthy as Ahaz are dismissed in a few verses. The significance of this chapter is that
it stands immediately before the important editorial section in 2 Kings 17 detailing the destruction of the
N for its apostasy. The present context, therefore, highlights that the S kingdom is progressing at an ever
increasing rate to a similar fate.
The Chronicler‘s presentation of the reign of Ahaz further highlights the different theological
assumptions underlying these major complexes within the Hebrew Bible. It is generally recognized that
the Chronicler reworks the material from Kings in line with his/her own tendentious design. The overall
condemnation at the opening of the chapter remains very much the same. However the details of the
account are often strikingly different while much of the material is unique to the Chronicler. The
treatment of Judaean captives by the N kingdom (2 Chr 28:8–15) is an addition by the Chronicler. Ahaz‘s
problems with Israel and Syria are not presented as due to a coalition but as separate matters. Whereas 2
Kings 16 and Isaiah 7 state that the coalition besieged Jerusalem but was unable to take it, the Chronicler
details devastating defeats by Syria and Israel. Williamson (1977: 114–18) has pointed out the
significance of the chapter within the Chronicler‘s work. The various additions and changes made by the
Chronicler to the Kings account reverse the presentations of the S and N kingdoms in 2 Chronicles 13. He
highlights very significant literary parallels between 2 Chronicles 28 and 2 Chronicles 13 which
emphasize the tendentious way in which the material is presented. At the end of the reign of Ahaz both
communities have been defeated and are in partial exile. It is made clear that Ahaz has reversed the
religious policies of Abijah and that Judah has assumed the apostate role previously attributed to N Israel.
Isaiah 7 provides a different perspective on the Syro-Ephraimite coalition and Ahaz‘s role in the affair.
Ahaz symbolizes a lack of faith and trust in Yahweh. The symbolic naming of the children, Shear-jashub
and Immanuel, are signs of hope presented to the king confirming that the coalition will be divinely
defeated, provided Judah remains faithful. The implicit threat is to the Davidic dynasty since the signs are
given to ―the house of David‖ (7:2). Clements (Isaiah NCBC, 84) also points out that the attempt by the
coalition to place Ben Tabeel on the throne further symbolizes the threat since it is usually assumed that
the reference is to an Aramaean of non-Davidic descent.
Bibliography
Ackroyd, P. R. 1968. Historians and Prophets. SEÅ 33: 18–54.
———. 1984. The Biblical Interpretation of the Reigns of Ahaz and Hezekiah. Pp. 247–59 in In the Shelter of Elyon. Essays
on Ancient Palestinian Life and Institutions in Honor of G. W. Ahlström, ed. W. B. Barrick and J. R. Spencer. Sheffield.
Cogan, M. 1974. Imperialism and Religion. Assyria, Judah and Israel in the Eighth and Seventh Centuries B.C.E. Missoula.
McKay, J. W. 1973. Religion in Judah under the Assyrians 732–609 B.C. London.
Thompson, M. 1982. Situation and Theology: Old Testament Interpretation of the Syro-Ephraimite War. Sheffield.
Williamson, H. G. M. 1977. Israel in the Books of Chronicles. Cambridge.
KEITH W. WHITELAM
AHAZIAH (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăḥazyāh ( (הּוָיְז ַח ֲא)]. The name of two kings in the OT. The name
means ―Yahweh has seized.‖
1. King of N Israel, the son and successor of Ahab, who reigned little more than one year. The
calculations for his reign differ only slightly: 852–851 B.C.E. (Begrich and Jepsen), 853–852 (Thiele),
854–853 (Andersen).](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-268-320.jpg)
![Omrides to come to power in Jerusalem (i.e., Queen Athaliah‘s assumption of the government [11:1–3]),
something he could not have anticipated or desired.
The Deuteronomistic redactors judge Ahaziah‘s religious behavior negatively and equate it with the
―way of the house of Ahab.‖ The context attributes his behavior to the influence of his mother Athaliah
(8:26–27). The Chronicler expressly states (2 Chr 22:3) that Ahaziah‘s mother encouraged his apostasy
from God. Ahaziah is described in this context as a person who subjected himself both religiously and
politically to the influence of the ―house of Ahab‖ (22:4–5). Otherwise, Chronicles provides information
that is not present in its Vorlage in the books of Kings. According to 2 Chr 21:17 and 22:1, Ahaziah was
supposed to have been the youngest son of Jehoram, who came to the throne, because all of his older
brothers had either been led away or killed by Philistines and Arabs who had invaded Judah. In this case,
one may suggest that the Chronicler had access to a special source. However, the historicity of this
information is subject to serious reconsideration. This especially applies to the Chronicler‘s depiction of
the demise of Ahaziah (22:5–9), which in part consists of excerpts from 2 Kgs 8:28–10:14 (v 5 = 2 Kgs
8:28; v 6 = 2 Kgs 8:29), and in part of summaries reported in that text (v 7 = 2 Kgs 9:21; v 8 = 2 Kgs
10:12–14). However, Ahaziah‘s death is described quite differently by the Chronicler than by the
Deuteronomistic redactors. According to 2 Chr 22:9, Ahaziah hid in Samaria, where he was discovered
and killed by Jehu, and subsequently also buried there. This completely contradicts the information
presented in 2 Kgs 9:27–28. Even if one should think that a special tradition was used in Chronicles, its
presentation is much more improbable than that found in 2 Kgs 9:27–28.
Bibliography
Jepsen, A. 1962. Ahasja. BHH 1: 50.
Miller, J. M. 1967. The Fall of the House of Ahab. VT 17: 307–24.
Steck, O. H. 1967. Die Erzählung von Jahwes Einschreiten gegen die Orakelbefragung Ahasjas (2 Kön 1, 2–8. *17). EvT 27:
546–56.
WINFRIED THIEL
TRANS. PHILLIP R. CALLAWAY
AHBAN (PERSON) [Heb ˒aḥbān (ן ָב ְח ַא)]. A son of Abishur and Abihail, of the tribe of Judah (1 Chr
2:29). The identity of Ahban is uncertain, a fact reflected by LXX variants (e.g., achabar, ozabar, and
adab). The name itself occurs only in this extended genealogy of Israel identifying tribal locations within
Palestine (1 Chronicles 2–8).
MARK J. FRETZ
AHER (PERSON) [Heb ˒aḥēr (ש ֵח ַא)]. The father of Hushim according to the MT of 1 Chr 7:12; the
name is attested only in this tribal genealogy. The MT of 1 Chr 7:12 reads wĕšuppim wĕḥuppim bĕnê ˓ r
ḥūšim bĕnê ˒aḥēr, lit. ―And Shuppim and Huppim the sons of Ir, Hushim the sons of Aher.‖ The difficult
grammatical construction of a plural ―sons‖ preceded by only one name (Hushim) is only one problem in
this text; the other problem is the fact that although Dan is included in the list of Jacob‘s sons (1 Chr 2:2),
there is no Danite lineage in the subsequent tribal genealogies (1 Chronicles 2–8). The occurrence of the
word ˒aḥēr in this difficult text can be interpreted not only as a personal name, but also as an adjective; if
the text is emended, one can reconstruct in its place either different personal names or a cardinal number.
Klostermann (RE 4: 94) emends 1 Chr 7:12 to read bny dān ḥšm bĕnô ˒eḥād, ―Sons of Dan: Hushim his
son, one.‖ This solution is supported by Gen 46:23 and less so by Num 26:42, while the proposed reading
bĕnô, is supported by the LXX reading huios autou, ―his son.‖ The emendation of MT ˒aḥēr to the
cardinal number ―one‖ (Heb ˒eḥād) is justified since the Heb letters dalet and reš are easily confused, and
since the Chronicler tends to number the sons (cf. 1 Chr 7:1, 3, 6–7). Although Rudolf (Chronikbücher
HAT, 68) concurs with Klostermann‘s conclusion, he presumes that a marginal note (Heb lĕpān m lā˓ r
šēm ˒aḥēr, ―previously the city had another name‖) on Judg 18:29a (MT wayyiqrĕ˒ šēm-hā˓ r dān, ―and
they call the name of the city Dan‖) became a gloss in Klostermann‘s proposed text of 1 Chr 7:12.
According to Rudolf‘s explanation, ˒aḥēr is an adjective (―another‖) displaced through textual corruption.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-271-320.jpg)
![Along other lines Noth (ÜgS 1: 118) concludes that 1 Chr 7:12 should read ―… and Shupham and
Hupham. The sons of Dan: Suham. The sons of Asher [sic.]: …‖ Based on the assumption that the order
of the tribes in Numbers 26 is the Chronicler‘s source, he completely revises the MT, and includes a
postulated lacuna between vv 12 and 13. In order to place Dan and Asher in their proper order between
Benjamin and Naphtali, according to Num 26:38–50 (cf. Gen 46:8–27), Aher (Heb ˒aḥēr) is either
deleted, or emended to read Asher (Heb ˒āšēr). One other solution (Williamson 1973) is to emend the
final word of 1 Chr 7:12 (MT ˒aḥēr) to read either ˒ard (cf. Gen 46:21; Num 26:40 where Heb ˒ard
follows ḥpm in the order of names), or ˒addār (cf. LXX of Num 26:40, adar; and 1 Chr 8:3 where a
scribe may have mistaken the Heb letter dalet for ḥet). If, as Williamson proposes, 1 Chr 7:12 is a
fragmentary verse that was added to vv 6–11, then the word Aher would have been produced by a scribal
error. Thus, the absence of Dan is not a problem, because it did not occur in the fragment, which must be
treated separately from the rest of the name list.
Bibliography
Williamson, H. G. M. 1973. A Note on 1 Chronicles 7:12. VT 23: 375–79.
MARK J. FRETZ
AHI (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăḥ (י ִח ֲא)]. The son of Abdiel and chief of one of the Gadite clans in the
―pasture lands of Sharon‖ during the overlapping reigns of Jotham of Judah and Jeroboam II of Israel (1
Chr 5:14–16). The name occurs in a textually corrupt genealogical list, and combined with the fact that it
is a form of the Hebrew word for ―brother,‖ it has presented problems for translators and interpreters
alike. The pattern ―son of X, son of Y, son of Z, etc.‖ in 1 Chr 5:14–15 is interrupted by Heb ˒ḥy. One
solution is to retain the MT and take ˒ḥy as a personal name, possibly a shortened form of Ahijah (Rudolf
Chronikbücher HAT, 46), without the expected ―son of.‖ Another option, reflected in various ancient
versions, is to read ˒ḥy as the construct form of the common noun (―brother of;‖ see LXX adelphou and
Vg. fratres); however, an expected proper noun does not follow the construct ―brother of‖ in these mss,
therefore, the sense is no more clear with this translation. Another option is to emend the text, as do some
other LXX mss (1 Chr 5:14) by transposing ˒ḥy and the preceding name Buz (e.g. zaboucham, achibouz).
Although Heb ˒ḥy occurs 35 times in the MT, the RSV translates it ―Ahi‖ only here. In a similar instance
(1 Chr 7:34) the RSV prefers to emend the text ( bĕnê šāmer ˒ăḥ wĕrāwhgâ, lit. ―The sons of Shemer:
Ahi and Rohgah‖) to read ―The son(s) of Shemer his brother: Rohgah …‖ (˒ăḥ w rā[w]hgâ). This
emendation seems to be based on the parallel in v 35 ( ben-hēlem ˒āh w, ―The son(s) of Helem his
brother‖). In 1 Chr 7:34 some LXX mss combine the two names (e.g., achiouraoga, hēeig-kairagous),
others render Ahi quite literally (achi kai rooga, ―Achi and Rooga‖); but in support of the RSV, other mss
combine ˒ḥy with the following waw (LXX achiouia; Armenian achiu; see also LXX v 35 adelphou
autou). Since ˒ḥy is a common element in NW Semitic names (AI, 93.6; PNPI, 263–64; APNM, 160–61),
it is plausible to argue that Ahi is indeed a personal name in 1 Chr 5:15; however, because the text is
corrupt, an emendation similar to that made by the RSV in 1 Chr 7:34 could just as easily solve the
problem.
MARK J. FRETZ
AHIAH (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăḥ yâ (הָי ִח ֲא)]. A clan leader who signed Nehemiah‘s pledge of reform
(Neh 10:27—Eng10:26). In this list of leaders (vv 2–28) Ahiah‘s is the only name preceded by the Heb
conjunction waw. Meyer (1896: 142) suggests that this distinguishes w˒ḥyh; thus, by emending it to
w˒ḥyw, he changes the text to read ―Rehum, Hashabnah, Maaseiah, and his brother Hanan …‖ The LXX
of Neh 10:27, however, renders the name as ara, suggesting the name Arah, a prominent family name
mentioned in Ezra 2:5 (= Neh 7:10).
Bibliography
Meyer, E. 1896. Die Entstehung des Judenthums. Halle.
MARK J. FRETZ](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-272-320.jpg)
![AHIAM (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăḥ ˒ām (ם ָיא ִח ֲא)]. One of the Hararites listed in the parallel rosters of
King David‘s warriors (2 Sam 23:33; 1 Chr 11:35). In the MT, these parallel lists spell the name of
Ahiam‘s father as Sharar (2 Sam 23:33) or Sachar (1 Chr 11:35). Some variants of the LXX read sacharō,
or sachar ho—lending support to Sachar as the original form. The designation ―Hararite‖ possibly
signifies either Ahiam‘s clan name (translated ―the Urite‖ by McCarter 2 Samuel AB, 493), or the name
of his hometown, which Elliger (1935: 56) identifies with the town Araru of the Amarna letters.
Bibliography
Elliger, K. 1935. Die dreissig Helden Davids. PJ 31: 29–75.
MARK J. FRETZ
AHIAN (PERSON) [Heb ˒aḥyān (ןָי ְח ַא)]. The son of Shemida, and grandson of Manasseh (1 Chr 7:19)
listed within the extended genealogy of Israel (1 Chronicles 2–8). Ahian is not mentioned elsewhere in
connection with Shemida, who is allotted land in the Cisjordon (Num 26:32; Josh 17:2). According to
ostraca discovered at Samaria (Reisner, Fisher, and Lyon 1924: 228–29), Shemida is either the name of a
tribal unit involved in commerce, or a place name like Shechem which also appears in the ostraca.
Although Ahian does not occur in the ostraca, since other names in the biblical genealogy which are or
might very well be geographical names do appear there, Ahian may be the place name which came to be
associated with a tribal unit located in the Manassite region of Samaria.
Bibliography
Reisner, G. A.; Fisher, C. S.; and Lyon, D. G. 1924. Harvard Excavations at Samaria, 1908–1910. Vol. 1. Cambridge, MA.
MARK J. FRETZ
AHIEZER (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăḥ ˓ezer (שֶז ֶיף ִח ֲא)]. 1. The son of Ammishaddai and leader of the tribe
of Dan, who assisted Moses in taking a census of Israel (Num 1:12; 2:25). As tribal representative,
Ahiezer contributed offerings on the 10th day of the tabernacle dedication (Num 7:66, 71) and
commanded the Danites as a rear guard for Israel on the march from Sinai to Palestine (Num 10:25).
2. Chief of the Benjaminites who defected from King Saul to David at Ziklag (1 Chr 12:3). If the plural
―sons‖ (Heb bĕnê) refers both to Joash and Ahiezer, as the RSV translates the MT, then Ahiezer would
also be one of two sons of Shemaah the Gibeathite in this list of Benjaminite defectors. Of all the
members of Saul‘s army who went over to serve David, some of the most noteworthy were these
Benjaminites, since they were from Saul‘s own clan (see Rudolf Chronikbücher HAT, 105; Williamson
1981; Zeron 1974).
Bibliography
Williamson, H. G. M. 1981. ‗We Are Yours, O David‘: The Setting and Purpose of 1 Chronicles 12:1–23. OTS 21: 164–76.
Zeron, A. 1974. Tag für Tag kam man zu David, um ihm zu helfen, 1 Chr 12, 1–22. TZ 30: 257–61.
MARK J. FRETZ
AHIHUD (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăḥ h d (יהּוד ִח ֲא); ˒ăḥ ḥud (ד ֻיח ִח ֲא)]. Two individuals mentioned in
the Hebrew Bible bear this name. In both its forms, this name has been translated ―the brother (i.e., the
god) is exalted‖ (EncMiqr 1: 215), with the kinship term ˒aḥ (brother) representing the theophoric
element. Johnson (IDB 1: 67) offers the translations of ―the (divine) brother is exalted‖ or ―the (divine)
brother is glorious.‖ One suggestion (Enemiqr 1: 215; see esp. IPN, 146, 192) is that the name expresses
the glory and majesty of the Lord that appear in nature and particularly in the heavens. However, the
textual transmission of these vv has not been clear, as exemplified by the many LXX variants.
1. An Asherite, the son of Shelomi (Num 34:27), and one of those named (MT ˒ăḥ h d) in a list of tribal
leaders. These leaders, ―neś ˒ m,‖ (Speiser: 1967), were appointed by Eleazar the Priest and Joshua the
son of Nun to oversee the allotment of the land of Canaan W of the Jordan River to the 10 tribes of Israel.
Based on the LXX variant (Gk achiōr) in this verse Ahihud has been identified with the name ACHIOR
in the book of Judith (see Cowley 1913: 244).](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-273-320.jpg)
![2. A Benjaminite, his name (MT ˒ăḥ ḥud) appears in a genealogy which lists him as either the son of
Heglam or the son of Gera (1 Chr 8:7). This genealogical ambiguity reflects the unclarity of the
transmission of this and other vv in this passage. See ABIHUD.
Bibliography
Cowley, A. 1913. The Book of Judith. Vol. 1, pp. 242–67 in APOT. Oxford.
Speiser, E. A. 1967. Background and Function of the Biblical Nasi˒. Pp. 113–122 in Oriental and Biblical Studies, ed. J. J.
Finkelstein and M. Greenberg. Philadelphia.
RAPHAEL I. PANITZ
AHIJAH (PERSON) [Heb ˒aḥ yâ (הָי ִח ַא)]. Nine persons in the Hebrew Bible/OT bear this name.
1. A priest, the son of Ahitub and great-grandson of Eli (1 Sam. 14:3). He was a priest in Shiloh and
provided oracular guidance for Saul (1 Sam 14:18–19, 41–42). In 1 Sam 14:18, the MT indicates that
Ahijah was in charge of the ark of God which was housed at Kiriath-jearim. The LXX reads instead ―the
ephod‖ which Ahijah is said to carry in 1 Sam 14:3. The ephod was an item of priestly apparel (Exod
28:1–43), which was also apparently used for oracular guidance. It is speculated that the garment
contained a pouch to hold the Urim and Thummim. The fact that Saul requests oracular guidance is cited
in support of the LXX reading against that of the MT. Since he was the son of Ahitub, it is assumed that
he was also the brother of Ahimelech, the priest of Nob (1 Sam 22). Ahijah‘s connection to Saul is also
important in literary terms, since the rejection of the house of Eli parallels the ultimate fate of Saul and his
descendants.
2. A secretary within Solomon‘s bureaucracy (1 Kgs 4:3). Mettinger (1971: 24–30) believes that
―Ahijah‖ disguises an Egyptian name similar to that of his brother ―Elihoreph.‖ The name of his father is
Shisha, derived from the Egyptian sš ―scribe.‖ The phrase might be read as ―sons of a scribe,‖ i.e.,
members of a scribal guild. Mettinger has demonstrated that Solomon probably modelled his own
bureaucracy on that of the Egyptians.
3. A prophet from Shiloh (1 Kgs 11:9) who supported Jeroboam‘s abortive coup against Solomon. He
plays a crucial role in the Deuteronomistic History‘s portrayal of the split between the S and N kingdoms
during the reign of Rehoboam. Ahijah meets Jeroboam, Solomon‘s overseer over compulsory labor,
outside Jerusalem and through symbolic action and prophetic utterance provides the theological
justification for the division of the kingdom after Solomon‘s death. The rending of Ahijah‘s cloak into 12
pieces and the giving of 10 to Jeroboam is reminiscent of Samuel‘s rejection of Saul in 1 Samuel 15.
However, the LXX differs in a number of details from the MT, including the claim that this action was
carried out by Shemaiah and not Ahijah. It is made clear that, although the socioeconomic reasons for the
division stem from the oppression of the Davidic monarchy brought to a head by the policies of
Rehoboam (1 Kings 12), the theological justification offered is the apostasy of Solomon. Ahijah promises
Jeroboam a ―sure house‖ (1 Kgs 11:38), echoing the dynastic promise to David in 2 Samuel 7. The final
break brought about by the heavy tax burden levied by Rehoboam is presented in typical Deuteronomistic
terms as the fulfillment of the prophecy of Ahijah (1 Kgs 12:15).
Later Jeroboam sends his disguised wife to Ahijah in old age in order to enquire if his son Abijah will
survive his childhood illness (1 Kgs 14:1–18). The prophecy delivered by Ahijah is the fulcrum for the
Deuteronomistic rejection of all N kings. Jeroboam is rejected for his apostasy, particularly the setting up
of the rival N shrines of Bethel and Dan. The dynastic promise, which was couched in conditional terms
in 1 Kgs 11:38–39, is withdrawn. The death of the child is again presented as confirmation of the
prophecy of Ahijah. It is further fulfilled with the slaughter of the house of Jeroboam by Baasha (1 Kgs
15:29).
The prophecies of Ahijah are presented in Deuteronomistic terms and play a central role in the overall
design of the Deuteronomistic History. Ahijah represents the ideal Deuteronomistic prophet whose words
are fulfilled. Despite this clear Deuteronomic shaping, the narratives are thought to be multilayered. Many
commentators accept that these narratives preserve authentic historical information about the nature of
Israelite prophecy and sociopolitical disputes at the time of the division of the kingdom. Cohen (1965;](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-274-320.jpg)
![document has been disputed (see Williamson, Ezra, Nehemiah WBC, 325–31 for a discussion of the
various proposals).
Bibliography
Cohen, M. A. 1965. The Rebellions during the Reign of David: An Inquiry into Social Dynamics in Ancient Israel. Pp. 91–112
in Studies in Jewish Bibliography, History and Literature in Honor of I. Edward Kiev, ed. C. Berlin. New York.
———. 1971. The Role of the Shilonite Priesthood in the United Monarchy of Ancient Israel. HUCA 36: 59–98.
Mettinger, T. N. D. 1971. Solomonic State Officials. A Study of the Civil Government Officials of the Israelite Monarchy.
Lund.
Noth, M. 1966. The Laws of the Pentateuch and Other Studies. Edinburgh.
Williamson, H. G. M. 1979. Sources and Redaction in the Chronicler‘s Genealogy of Judah. JBL 98: 351–59.
Wilson, R. 1980. Prophecy and Society in Ancient Israel. Philadelphia.
KEITH W. WHITELAM
AHIKAM (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăḥ qām (ם ָיר ִח ֲא)]. The son of Shaphan, and member of a very
prominent Jerusalem family who held government office under Josiah (ca. 640–609 B.C.E.) and Jehoiakim
(ca. 609–598 B.C.E.).
Ahikam‘s father, Shaphan, was royal secretary during the reign of Josiah (2 Kgs 22:3–20). Ahikam‘s
brothers, Elasah (Jer 29:3) and Gemariah (Jer 36:10–12, 25), and Gemariah‘s son Micaiah (Jer 36:11–13),
were also court officials. Although Ahikam‘s title is not given in the Hebrew Bible, it is evident that he
was high-ranking. The office of ăšer ˓al habbayit (―who is over the house;‖ see, e.g., 1 Kgs 16:9; 18:3; 2
Kgs 18:18) was probably held by Ahikam‘s son Gedaliah. Most scholars now believe that a contemporary
seal inscribed ―to Gedaliah, who is over the house‖ belonged to this Gedaliah, son of Ahikam. It is
possible that this office was hereditary and had earlier been held by Ahikam himself (cf. Katzenstein
1960: 153–54; Lohfink 1978: 338).
During the reign of Josiah, Ahikam (along with his father Shaphan) was appointed to a delegation sent
to consult the prophetess Huldah on the occasion of the finding of the lawbook (2 Kgs 22:12–13; 2 Chr
34:20–21). Following Jeremiah‘s fiery ―temple sermon‖ at the beginning of Jehoiakim‘s reign, Ahikam is
reported to have saved the prophet from execution at the hands of the people (Jer 26:24; this note is
preceded in Jer 26:20–23 by an account of how the prophet Uriah, who had delivered a similar message,
had been executed). This incident not only attests the influence wielded by Ahikam, but also indicates that
he, like other members of the family of Shaphan, was kindly disposed toward Jeremiah. Furthermore,
Ahikam and his family were undoubtedly sympathetic to the pro-Babylonian position supported by
Jeremiah. Ahikam‘s son, Gedaliah, was appointed ruler of Judah by Nebuchadnezzar after the fall of
Jerusalem in 587–586 B.C.E. (2 Kgs 25:22; Jer 40:7).
While it is possible that Ahikam was deported in 597 B.C.E. (passages such as Jer 38:1–6 reveal that a
new group of court officials surrounded Zedekiah), the fact that Ahikam‘s name fails to appear in Jer
36:9–26 suggests that he may have died some time before the reading of Jeremiah‘s scroll in Jehoiakim‘s
5th year.
Bibliography
Hooke, S. H. 1935. A Scarab and Sealing from Tell Duweir. PEQ 67: 195–97.
Katzenstein, H. J. 1960. The Royal Steward (Asher ˓al ha-Bayith ). IEJ 10: 149–54.
Lohfink, N. 1978. Die Gattung der ―Historischen Kurzgeschichte‖ in den letzten Jahren von Juda und in der Zeit des
Babylonischen Exils. ZAW 90: 319–47.
JOHN M. BERRIDGE
AHIKAR/AHIQAR (PERSON). Ahiqar has long been familiar as an Assyrian sage who was the hero
of a book that was read and preserved by Jews of antiquity. There is no doubt that the many versions of
the work that bears his name are nonhistorical in character, but recent discoveries have made it quite
likely that there once was an Assyrian scholar by this name who served in the time of Esarhaddon (680–
669 B.C.E.). The name is spelled ˒ḥyqr in the Aramaic papyrus from Elephantine. It means ―my brother is
precious/valuable.‖
A. Ahiqar in the Book of Ahiqar](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-276-320.jpg)
![The earliest extant form of the book is the fragmentary Aramaic text copied on a late-5th-century
papyrus from Elephantine (Naveh 1970: 35). See also AHIQAR, BOOK OF. The text (text: Cowley 1923;
translation: Lindenberger OTP 2: 479–507) describes him as ―a wise and skillful scribe‖ (i.1: spr ḥkym
wmhyr) who was ―[ke]eper of the seal of Sennacherib‖ (i.3: ṣb]yt ˓zqth zyśnḥ˒ryb). He was also ―father of
all Assyria, on whose counsel King Sennacherib and [all] the Assyrian Army [used to rely]‖ (iv.55: ˒bwh
zy ˒twr klh zy ˓l ˓ṭth snḥ˒ryb mlk˒ wḥyl ˒twr [kl˒ hww]). He continued to hold high office into the time of
Sennacherib‘s successor Esarhaddon (i.4–5), who calls him ―O wise [s]cribe, counselor of all Assyria‖
(i.12: s]pr˒ ḥkym˒ y˓ṭ ˒twr klh). By this time, however, Ahiqar had reached an advanced age. As he had no
son, he adopted his nephew Nadin and taught him his wisdom so that he could become his replacement.
The nephew proved to be a scoundrel who plotted against his uncle and convinced Esarhaddon that he
should be executed. (According to later, more complete versions of the story Nadin forged
correspondence from Ahiqar which showed that he was scheming to seize the kingdom with foreign
assistance.) A royal officer named Nabushumishkun was commissioned to kill Ahiqar, but the clever sage
reminded him that under reversed circumstances he had saved the officer‘s life. A eunuch was executed
instead of Ahiqar, and the Nabushumishkun hid the fallen wise man in his house. The preserved portion
of the Aramaic narrative ends at this point in the story. The fuller versions (e.g., the Syriac, Armenian,
and Arabic) continue the tale by relating that Esarhaddon soon needed Ahiqar‘s remarkable savoir faire
because the Egyptian king, who had heard of the sage‘s ―death,‖ challenged the Assyrian monarch to send
him someone who could construct a palace between heaven and earth. If he could, he would receive
Egypt‘s revenue for 3 years; if he could not, Egypt would receive a similar amount from Assyria. Just
when Esarhaddon feared that the challenge would prove disastrously costly, the officer told him that
Ahiqar was alive. He was swiftly retrieved from his hiding place and dispatched to Egypt where he
handled all difficulties with astonishing flair. He returned with great wealth to Assyria where he promptly
settled accounts with Nadin. After Ahiqar had beat him severely and lectured him at length, Nadin died.
B. Ahiqar in the Book of Tobit
Although the Ahiqar papyrus was found at the Jewish military colony at Elephantine, nothing in the text
suggests Jewish authorship of the work or even Jewish influence on it. Indeed, the presence of divine
names such as El (vii.107; x,154,156,161 [?]; xii. 173 [?]), Šamaš (vi.92, 93; vii.108; ix.138; xi.171) and
Šamayn (? vii.95) betray a polytheistic origin for the book. In the deuterocanonical book of Tobit,
however, Ahiqar has been transformed from an Assyrian to an Israelite of the tribe of Naphtali who is a
relative of Tobit. Tobit, which may date from the 3d century B.C.E. (Doran 1986: 299), manifests a
number of important similarities with the book of Ahiqar (Greenfield 1981: 329–36). Both are set in
Assyria at the time of the kings who ruled around the time of the destruction of Samaria (Tobit mentions
Shalmaneser, Sennacherib, and Esarhaddon [1:15–22]) and both are sapiential novels in which wise
instructions are conveyed by an elderly character to his son at two similar locations. The book of Tobit
mentions Ahiqar in four passages. In 1:21–22 Tobit reports that Esarhaddon ―appointed Ahikar
[Achicharon], son of my brother Anael to supervise all the finances of his kingdom; he had control of the
entire administration. Then Ahikar interceded on my behalf and I came back to Nineveh. For he had been
chief cupbearer, keeper of the privy seal, comptroller, and treasurer when Sennacherib was king of
Assyria; and Esarhaddon renewed the appointments. Ahikar was my nephew and so one of my kinsmen‖
(NEB). The picture presented here resembles that in the book of Ahiqar except that the sage is now an
Israelite. Later Tobit, after he became blind, notes that Ahikar cared for him for two years (2:10). Further
evidence that the author of Tobit knew the Ahiqar story comes from 11:18 (v 19 in Greek) in which he
mentions Ahiqar and Nadab (= Nadin), who are both identified as Tobit‘s cousins (so Sinaiticus [hoi
exadelphoi]) or, in Vaticanus and Alexandrinus, Nadab is called Ahikar‘s nephew (ho exadelphos autou).
Finally, 14:10 alludes to another part of the Ahiqar narrative: ―My son, think what Nadab did to Ahikar
who brought him up: he forced him to hide in a living grave. Ahikar survived to see God requite the
dishonour done to him; he came out into the light of day, but Nadab passed into eternal darkness for his
attempt to kill Ahikar. Because I [?] gave alms, Ahikar escaped from the fatal trap Nadab set for him, and](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-277-320.jpg)
![Nadab fell into the trap himself and was destroyed‖ (NEB). The end of this passage reflects the words of
the final proverb in Ahiqar (Syriac 8:41; Greenfield 1981: 333–34).
C. Other References
Several ancient writers mention a character whose name closely resembles that of Ahiqar; they may be
referring to the hero of the book (Harris, Lewis, Conybeare APOT 2: 715–17; Küchler 1979: 344–46;
Lindenberger OTP 2: 491). The Christian writer Clement of Alexandria (ca. 150–215) claimed that the
Greek author Democritus (ca. 460–370 B.C.E.) plagiarized from a stele of Ahiqar (tēn Akikarou stēlēn [Str.
1.69, 4]). In this connection, the Persian Muslim philosopher Shahrastani (1071–1153), in a collection of
sayings from Democritus, cites three sayings which agree very closely with proverbs from the versions of
Ahiqar. Strabo (ca. 63 B.C.E.–23 C.E.), in his Geography 16,2,39, gives from Poseidonius (135–51 B.C.E.)
the names of famous seers; among them he names Achaikaros as being among the people from the
Bosporus. It has been suggested that Bosporus is an error for Borsippa, so that the Mesopotamian savant
could be intended (Harris, Lewis, Conybeare APOT 2: 716). This must be regarded, however, as quite
uncertain. Diogenes Laertius (3d century C.E.) provides a list of the works by Theophrastus (372–287
B.C.E.), among which is one named Akicharosa. If all of these intend the Ahiqar known from the story and
proverbs, they show that his fame, especially as a dispenser of wise words, was early and spread over a
wider area than the Semitic world. The same could be concluded from the fact that the Greek Life of
Aesop borrows heavily from the story and proverbs of Ahiqar in chaps. 23–32. It has also been suggested
that Ahiqar‘s name should be restored on the 3d-century C.E. Roman mosaic of Monnus in Trier. In it
there are 9 octagonal sections in each of which are pictured a Muse with a symbol of the art with which
she is connected and an expert in that art or founder of it. In the section for Polymnia, the Muse often
associated with dance and mime, is a figure only part of whose name is preserved. The letters -icar could
well be part of Acicarus or Ahiqar (Lindenberger OTP 2: 492), though combining him with Polymnia is
surprising (Küchler 1979: 352–55).
D. Ahiqar as a Figure of History
There have been several attempts to relate aspects of the Ahiqar story to history. W. von Soden (1936:
1–13) argued that Adad-šum-uṣur, one of Esarhaddon‘s advisors, was the historical point of origin for the
Ahiqar legends. This official wrote many letters and exercised considerable influence in the court. As
Ahiqar did, he requested from the king that his son Arad-Gula be given an important position. The son
eventually did gain a post. Moreover, there is evidence that Adad-šum-uṣur fell from grace, though it is
not known whether he was restored to his former status. But, as von Soden noted, no high official in the
time of Sennacherib and Esarhaddon bore the name Ahiqar. In his opinion, a change of names took place
during the transmission of the story so that Adad-šum-uṣur became Ahiqar. E. Reiner (1961: 7–8) has
observed that the theme which provides the framework of the Ahiqar story—the ―disgrace and
rehabilitation of a minister‖—was known in Babylonia and that it was fused with the other major theme—
the ―ungrateful nephew.‖ A recent discovery at the site of ancient Uruk has cast some interesting new
light on the Ahiqar tradition. German excavations there in 1959–60 unearthed in a room next to the reš-
sanctuary a tablet (W 20030, 7) which provides a list of Assyrian kings from before and after the flood
(van Dijk 1962: 44–52). An official called an ummānu—a term for both a learned man and high official
(Reiner 1961: 9)—is named for each of the kings. For the time of King Esarhaddon (11. 19–20) it
mentions that a man named 1
a-ba-d
NINNU-da-ri (= aba-enlil-dari) was the ummānu and notes that the
Ahlamu (= the Arameans) called him 1
a-ḫu-‘u-qa-a-ri. This is the name Ahuqar or Ahiqar. Consequently,
there is now documentary evidence that Esarhaddon, who is the king with the primary royal role in the
book of Ahiqar, had a chief advisor whose Aramaic name was the one found in the Aramaic version of the
book. The list in which his name appears was copied in the year 147 of the Seleucid Era (= 165 B.C.E.),
when Antiochus (IV) was king (11.23–24). It has also been noted that the only case of an Assyrian
proverb that parallels one in Ahiqar (the Syriac version) is quoted in one of Esarhaddon‘s letters
(Greenfield 1981: 335 n. 20), and that the name Nabushumishkun is the same as that of Merodach-
Baladan‘s son who was taken captive by Sennacherib (Greenfield 1981: 335 n. 21).](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-278-320.jpg)
![It is clear from the reference to Ahiqar in the Uruk list that some sort of historical kernel lies behind the
story. There was a wise man, possibly an author (Lindenberger 1983: 22), named Ahiqar in the court of
Esarhaddon. Nevertheless, it is just as evident that the book which now bears his name has assumed
folkloristic traits (Niditch and Doran 1977: 182–85) and can hardly be termed a historical document.
Bibliography
Cowley, A. 1923. Aramaic Papyri of the Fifth Century B.C. Oxford. Repr. Osnabrück, 1967.
Dijk, J. van. 1962. Die Inschriftenfunde. Pp. 39–62 in XVIII. vorläufiger Bericht über die von dem Deutschen Archäologischen
Institut und der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft aus Mitteln der Deutschen Forschungsgemeinschaft unternommenen
Ausgrabungen in Uruk-Warka, ed. H. J. Lenzen. Berlin.
Doran, R. 1986. Narrative Literature. Pp. 287–310 in Early Judaism and Its Modern Interpreters, ed. R. A. Kraft and G. W. E.
Nickelsburg. The Bible and Its Modern Interpreters 2. Philadelphia and Atlanta.
Greenfield, J. C. 1981. Aḥiqar in the Book of Tobit. Pp. 329–36 in De la Torah au Messie, ed. J. Doré, P. Grelot, and M.
Carrez. Paris.
Küchler, M. 1979. Frühjüdische Weisheit in den Achikar-Traditionen? Pp. 319–413 in Frühjüdische Weisheitstraditionen.
OBO 26. Göttingen.
Lindenberger, J. M. 1983. The Proverbs of Ahiqar. JHNES. Baltimore.
Naveh, J. 1970. The Development of the Aramaic Script. Proceedings of the Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities 5/1.
Jerusalem.
Niditch, S., and Doran, R. 1977. The Success Story of the Wise Courtier. JBL 96: 179–93.
Reiner, E. 1961. The Etiological Myth of the ―Seven Sages.‖ Or 30: 1–11.
Soden, W. von. 1936. Die Unterweltsvision eines assyrischen Kronprinzen. ZA 43: 1–31.
JAMES C. VANDERKAM
AHILUD (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăh l d (ילּוד ִה ֲא)]. 1. The father of Jehoshaphat, the ―recorder‖ in the
royal administrations of David and Solomon (2 Sam 8:16; 20:24; 1 Kgs 4:3; 1 Chr 18:15). In the parallel
lists of officials (2 Sam 8:16–18 = 1 Chr 18:15–17), the Gk provides numerous variants of the name
Ahilud, tending to substitute more familiar names from nearby verses. For example, LXX acheia may be
associated with ˒ăḥ yāh (Ahijah), mentioned along with Ahilud in the list of Solomonic officials (1 Kgs
4:3); LXX achimelech (Ahimelech) is listed on verse after Ahilud (2 Sam 8:17) as one of the priests;
while LXX abimelech (Abimelech) appears in the parallel of 1 Chr 18:16; Lucian‘s acheinaab may reflect
Heb ˒ăḥ nādāb (Ahinadab), which occurs in the list of Solomonic officials (1 Kgs 4:12). Callaway‘s
(1983) recent find of a jar handle with the name Ahilud on it makes it likely that by the end of the 11th
cent. it was a common name.
The title held by Ahilud‘s son Jehoshaphat (Heb mzkyr) is usually translated ―recorder,‖ ―herald.‖ The
extensive discussion of this term (see McCarter 2 Samuel AB, 254 for citations) leads one to conclude
that JEHOSHAPHAT was some type of spokesperson for the royal court. Accordingly, it can be
presumed that Ahilud‘s family had a favored position during the United Monarchy.
2. The father of Baana, prefect over the fifth of King Solomon‘s 12 administrative districts that included
at least Taanach, Megiddo, and Beth-shean (1 Kgs 4:12; see HG, 61–64). Baana no doubt was favored
because of the high status of his father‘s family within Israel. Presumably this Ahilud is the same as the
father of Jehoshaphat (see above); the political situation would have favored the appointment of two
brothers from a seemingly loyal family, the one (Jehoshaphat) as trusted ―recorder,‖ the other](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/dictinaryanchorbibledictionary-150803140050-lva1-app6892/85/Dicionario-Biblico-ANCHOR-279-320.jpg)
Uploaded byRosangela Borkoski
Dicionário Bíblico ANCHOR
The document is an extensive index listing various persons and places, along with references to additional sources and authors. It covers a wide range of topics and includes entries such as 'Abraham', 'Ahab', and geographical locations like 'Abilene' and 'Acraba'. The structure suggests it is part of a larger work, likely providing scholarly references for biblical or historical studies.
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- 2. ABD Article Index 1 Aaron(PERSON) + 1:1-6 Spencer, John R. Ab. See also Calendar 1:6 Abaddon 1:6 Grether, Herbert G. Abagtha (PERSON). See Mehuman (PERSON) Abana (PLACE) 1:6 Roth, Ray Lee Abarim (Place) 1:6-7 Ferch, Arthur J. Abba + 1:7-8 Ashton, John Abda (PERSON) + 1:8 Fretz, Mark J. Abdeel (PERSON) 1:8 Fretz, Mark J. Abdi (PERSON) + 1:8 Fretz, Mark J. Abdiel (PERSON) 1:8 Fretz, Mark J. Abdon (PERSON) 1-4 + 1:8-9 Boling, Robert G. Abdon (PLACE) + 1:9 Peterson, John L. Abednego (PERSON). See Shadrach, Meshach, Abednego Abel (PERSON) + 1:9-10 Hess, Richard S. Abel-beth-Maacah (PLACE) + 1:10 Fritz, Volkmar Abel-Keramim (PLACE) + 1:10-11 Knauf, Ernst Axel Abel-Meholah (PLACE) + 1:11-12 Edelman, Diana Vikander Abgar, Epistle of Christ to + 1:12-13 McVey, Kathleen E. Abi (PERSON) 1:13 Schearing, Linda S. Abi-Albon (PERSON) + 1:13 Fretz, Mark J. Abiasaph (PERSON) 1:13 Fretz, Mark J. Abiathar (PERSON) + 1:13-14 Whitelam, Keith W. Abib. See Calendars 1:14 Abib, Tel. See Tel-Abib (PLACE) Abida (PERSON) + 1:14 Fretz, Mark J. Abidan (PERSON) 1:14 Fretz, Mark J. Abiel (PERSON) 1-2 + 1:14-15 Edelman, Diana Vikander Abiezer (PERSON) 1-2 1:15 Schley, Donald G. Abigail (PERSON) 1-2 + 1:15-16 Schearing, Linda S. Abihail (PERSON) 1-5 1:16 Schearing, Linda S. Abihu (PERSON) + 1:16-17 Fretz, Mark J. Abihud (PERSON) + 1:17 Fretz, Mark J. Abijah (PERSON) 1-9 + 1:17-18 Petter, Gerald J. Abijah, King of Judah + 1:18-19 Whitelam, Keith W. Abijam (PERSON). See Abijah (PERSON) Abila of the Decapolis (M.R. 231231) + 1:19-20 Mare, W. Harold Abilene (PLACE) + 1:20 Pattengale, Jerry A. Abimael (PERSON) + 1:20 Müller, Walter W. Abimelech (PERSON) 1-2 + 1:20-21 Matthews, Victor H. Abimelech (PERSON) 3 + 1:21-22 Halpern, Baruch Abinadab (PERSON) 1-4 + 1:22-23 Edelman, Diana Vikander Abinoam (PERSON) 1:23 Fretz, Mark J. Abir. See Names of God (OT) Abiram (PERSON) 1-2 + 1:23-24 Hutton, Rodney R. Abishag (PERSON) + 1:24 Schearing, Linda S. Abishai (PERSON) 1:24-26 Schley, Donald G. Abishalom (PERSON). See Absalom (PERSON) Abishua (PERSON) 1-2 + 1:26 Fretz, Mark J. Abishur (PERSON) 1:26 Fretz, Mark J. Abital (PERSON) 1:26 Fretz, Mark J. Abitub (PERSON) 1:26 Fretz, Mark J. Abiud (PERSON) + 1:26 Fretz, Mark J. Abner (PERSON) + 1:26-28 Edelman, Diana Vikander Abode of the Dead. See Dead, Abode of the Abomination of Desolation + 1:28-31 Wenham, David Abortion in Antiquity + 1:31-35 Ricks, Stephen D. Abraham (PERSON) + 1:35-41 Millard, Alan Ralph Abraham, Apocalypse of + 1:41-43 Rubinkiewicz, Ryszard Abraham, Testament of + 1:43-44 Mueller, James R.
- 3. ABD Article Index 2 Abram(PERSON). See Abraham (PERSON) Abron (PLACE) + 1:44-45 Fretz, Mark J. Abronah (PLACE) + 1:45 Fretz, Mark J. Absalom (PERSON) 1-3 + 1:45-46 Howard, David M., Jr. Abu et-Twein, Khirbet (M.R. 158119) + 1:46 Mazar, Amihay Abu Ghosh (M.R. 160134) + 1:46-47 Lechevallier, Monique Abu Hamid, Tell (M.R. 192204) + 1:47-48 Dollfus, Genevieve; Kafafi, Zeidan A. Abu Thawwab, Jebel (M.R. 230174) + 1:48-49 Kafafi, Zeidan A. Abubus (PERSON) 1:49 Fretz, Mark J. Abyss, the 1:49 Grether, Herbert G. Acacia. See Flora Accad (PLACE) + 1:49-50 Davila, James R. Accents, Masoretic. See Masoretic Accents Acco (PLACE) + 1:50-53 Dothan, Moshe Achaia (PLACE) 1:53 Pattengale, Jerry A. Achaicus (PERSON) 1:53-54 Gillman, John L. Achan (PERSON) + 1:54 Greenspoon, Leonard J. Achbor (PERSON) 1-2 1:54 Fretz, Mark J. Achim (PERSON) + 1:54-55 Fretz, Mark J. Achior (PERSON) + 1:55 VanderKam, James C. Achish (PERSON) + 1:55-56 Christensen, Duane L. Achor (PLACE) + 1:56 Pressler, Carolyn J. Achsah (PERSON) + 1:56-57 Fretz, Mark J. Achshaph (PLACE) 1:57 Benjamin, Paul Achzib (PLACE) + 1:57-58 Prausnitz, M.W. Acraba (PLACE) 1:58 Fretz, Mark J. Acre (PLACE). See Acco (PLACE) Acrostic + 1:58-60 Soll, Will Acts of Andrew. See Andrew, Acts of Acts of Andrew and Mattathias. See Andrew and Mattathias, Acts of Acts of John (by Prochorus). See John, Acts of (by Prochorus) Acts of Paul. See Paul, Acts of Acts of Peter. See Peter, Acts of Acts of Peter and Paul. See Peter and Paul, Acts of Acts of Peter and the Twelve. See Peter and the Twelve, Acts of Acts of Philip. See, Philip, Acts of Acts of Pilate, See Pilate, Acts of Acts of the Apostles. See Luke-Acts, Book of Acts of Thekla. See Thekla, Acts of Acts of Thomas. See Thomas, Acts of Acts, Book of. See Luke-Acts, Book of Adadah (PLACE) + 1:60 Fretz, Mark J. Adah (PERSON) 1-2 + 1:60 Hübner, Ulrich Adaiah (PERSON) 1-7 + 1:60-61 Uitti, Roger W. Adalia (PERSON) + 1:61-62 Bedford, Peter Adam (PERSON) + 1:62-64 Wallace, Howard N. Adam (PLACE) + 1:64 Fretz, Mark J. Adam and Eve, Life of + 1:64-66 Levison, John R. Adam, Apocalypse of (NHC V,5) + 1:66-68 Hedrick, Charles W. Adam, the Testament of + 1:68 Robinson, Stephen E. Adamah (PLACE) 1:69 Fretz, Mark J. Adami-Nekeb (PLACE) + 1:69 Thompson, Henry O. Adar. See also Calendars (Hebrew) 1:69 Adasa (PLACE) 1:70 Fretz, Mark J. Adbeel (PERSON) + 1:70 Fretz, Mark J. Addan (PERSON) + 1:70 Fretz, Mark J. Addan (PLACE) 1:70 Fretz, Mark J. Addar (PERSON) + 1:70 Fretz, Mark J. Addar (PLACE) + 1:70 Fretz, Mark J. Addax. See Zoology
- 4. ABD Article Index 3 Addi(PERSON) 1-2 + 1:70-71 Fretz, Mark J. Additions to Daniel. See Daniel, Additions to Additions to Esther. See Esther, Additions to Additions to Jeremiah. See Jeremiah, Additions to Addon (PLACE). See Addan (PLACE) 1:71 Addus (PERSON) 1:71 Fretz, Mark J. Ader, Khirbet (M.R. 222068) + 1:71-72 Richard, Suzanne Adida (PLACE) + 1:72 Hardwick, Michael E. Adiel (PERSON) 1-3 1:72 Fretz, Mark J. Adin (PERSON) + 1:72-73 Fretz, Mark J. Adina (PERSON) + 1:73 Fretz, Mark J. Adithaim (PLACE) + 1:73 Fretz, Mark J. Adlai (PERSON) 1:73 Fretz, Mark J. Admah (PLACE) + 1:73 Pressler, Carolyn J. Admatha (PERSON) 1:73 Fretz, Mark J. Admin (PERSON) + 1:73-74 Fretz, Mark J. Adna (PERSON) 1-2 1:74 Fretz, Mark J. Adnah (PERSON) 1-2 + 1:74 Fretz, Mark J. Adonai 1:74 O’Brien, Julia M. Adoni-Bezek (PERSON) + 1:74 Schley, Donald G. Adoni-Zedek (PERSON) + 1:75 Schley, Donald G. Adonijah (PERSON) 1:75-76 Christensen, Duane L. Adonikam (PERSON) 1:76 Fretz, Mark J. Adoniram (PERSON) 1:76 McMillion,Phillip E. Adoption + 1:76-79 Knobloch, Frederick W. Adoraim (PLACE) 1:79 Kotter, Wade R. Adrammelech (DEITY) + 1:79 Grayson, A. Kirk Adrammelech (PERSON) + 1:80 Grayson, A. Kirk Adramyttium (PLACE) + 1:80 Wineland, John D. Adria, Sea of (PLACE) + 1:80 Stefanovic, Zdravko Adriel (PERSON) + 1:81 Edelman, Diana Vikander; Fretz, Mark J. Aduel (PERSON) 1:81 Fretz, Mark J. Adullam (PLACE) + 1:81 Hamilton, Jeffries M. Adultery 1:82-86 Adler Goodfriend, Elaine Adummim (PLACE) + 1:86-87 Thompson, Henry O. Adversary. See Satan Advocate 1:87 Grether, Herbert G. Aeneas (PERSON) 1:87 Grether, Herbert G. Aenon (PLACE) + 1:87 Pattengale, Jerry A. Aesora (PLACE) 1:87 White, Sidnie Ann ‘Affula, el- (M.R. 177223) + 1:87-88 Dever, William G. Agabus (PERSON) + 1:88 Watson, JoAnn Ford Agag (PERSON) 1-2 + 1:88-89 Christensen, Duane L. Agagite (PERSON) + 1:89-90 Fretz, Mark J. Agape Meal + 1:90-91 Ferguson, Everett Age 1:91 Grether, Herbert G. Agee (PERSON) + 1:91-92 Fretz, Mark J. Agia (PERSON) 1:92 Fretz, Mark J. Aging. See Old Age Agora (PLACE) 1:92 Grether, Herbert G. Agrapha + 1:92-95 Stroker, William D. Agriculture + 1:95-98 Borowski, Oded Agrippa (PERSON) 1-2 + 1:98-100 Braund, David C. Ague. See Sickness and Disease Agur (PERSON) + 1:100 Berry, Donald K. Ahab (PERSON) 1-2 + 1:100-104 Thiel, Winfried; Elliott, Dietlinde M. (trans.) Aharah (PERSON) 1:104 Fretz, Mark J. Aharel (PERSON) + 1:104 Fretz, Mark J. Ahasbai (PERSON) 1:104 Schley, Donald G. Ahashtarites. See Haahashtari 1:104
- 5. ABD Article Index 4 Ahasuerus(PERSON) 1-3 + 1:105 Yamauchi, Edwin M. Ahava (PLACE) + 1:105-106 Fretz, Mark J. Ahaz (PERSON) 1 + 1:106 Brettler, Marc Zvi Ahaz (PERSON) 2 + 1:106-107 Whitelam, Keith W. Ahaziah (PERSON) 1-2 + 1:107-109 Thiel, Winfried; Callaway, Phillip R. (trans.) Ahban (PERSON) 1:109 Fretz, Mark J. Aher (PERSON) + 1:109-110 Fretz, Mark J. Ahi (PERSON) 1:110 Fretz, Mark J. Ahiah (PERSON) + 1:110 Fretz, Mark J. Ahiam (PERSON) + 1:110 Fretz, Mark J. Ahian (PERSON) + 1:110 Fretz, Mark J. Ahiezer (PERSON) 1-2 + 1:111 Fretz, Mark J. Ahihud (PERSON) 1-2 + 1:111 Panitz, Raphael I. Ahijah (PERSON) 1-9 + 1:111-112 Whitelam, Keith W. Ahikam (PERSON) + 1:112-113 Berridge, John M. Ahikar/Ahiqar (PERSON) + 1:113-115 VanderKam, James C. Ahilud (PERSON) 1-2 + 1:115 Fretz, Mark J. Ahimaaz (PERSON) 1-3 + 1:115-116 Knobloch, Frederick W. Ahiman (PERSON) 1-2 1:116-117 Dunston, Robert C. Ahimelech (PERSON) 1:117 Moyer, James C. Ahimoth (PERSON) 1:117 Fretz, Mark J. Ahinadab (PERSON) 1:117 Fretz, Mark J. Ahinoam (PERSON) 1-2 + 1:117-118 Edelman, Diana Vikander Ahio (PERSON) 1-3 + 1:118-119 Brettler, Marc Zvi Ahiqar, Book of + 1:119-120 VanderKam, James C. Ahira (PERSON) 1:120 Fretz, Mark J. Ahiram (PERSON) 1:120-121 Johnson, Siegfried S. Ahisamach (PERSON) 1:121 Reed, Stephen A. Ahishahar (PERSON) + 1:121 Harmon, G. Edwin Ahishar (PERSON) 1:121 Cuffey, Kenneth Hugh Ahithophel (PERSON) + 1:121-122 Schley, Donald G. Ahitub (PERSON) 1-4 + 1:122-123 Uitti, Roger W. Ahlab (PLACE) + 1:123 Fretz, Mark J. Ahlai (PERSON) 1-2 + 1:123-124 Steeger, William P. Ahlamu. See Arameans Ahoah (PERSON) 1:124 Johnson, Siegfried S. Ahohi (PERSON) + 1:124 Schley, Donald G. Ahriman. See Zoroaster, Zoroastrianism Ahumai (PERSON) 1:124 Lo, Hing Choi Ahura Mazda (DEITY) + 1:124-125 Boyce, Mary Ahuzzam (PERSON) 1:125 Lo, Hing Choi Ahuzzath (PERSON) + 1:125 Williams, David Salter Ahzai (PERSON) 1:125 Uitti, Roger W. Ai (PLACE) + 1:125-130 Callaway, Joseph A. Aiah (PERSON) 1-2 + 1:130-131 Dempster, Stephen G. Aiath (PLACE). See Ai (PLACE) Aijalon (PLACE) + 1:131 Peterson, John L. Ain (PLACE) 1-2 + 1:131-132 Peterson, John L. ‘Ain Ghazal + 1:132-133 Rollefson, Gary O. ‘Ajjul, Tell el- (M.R. 093097) + 1:133-134 Liid, Dale C. Akan (PERSON) 1:134 Matthews, Victor H. Akeldama (PLACE) + 1:134-135 Smith, Robert Wayne Akhenaten + 1:135-137 Redford, Donald B. Akhetaten (PLACE). See Amarna, Tell el- Akiba, Rabbi + 1:137-138 Goldenberg, Robert Akitu + 1:138-140 Klein, Jacob Akkadian Language. See Languages (Akkadian) Akko (PLACE). See Acco (PLACE) Akkub (PERSON) 1-4 + 1:140 Bergdall, Chaney R. Akrabattene (PLACE) + 1:140-141 Görg, Manfred
- 6. ABD Article Index 5 Akrabbim(PLACE) + 1:141 Görg, Manfred Al ’Ubaid (30º59'N; 46º03'E) + 1:141-142 Margueron, Jean-Claude; Sager, Paul (trans.) al-‘Ula. See Dedan Alalakh. See also Amuq Plain + 1:142-145 Astour, Michael C. Alcimus (PERSON) 1:145 Rappaport, Uriel Alema (PLACE) + 1:145 Redditt, Paul L. Alemeth (PERSON) 1-2 + 1:145-146 Brettler, Marc Zvi ’Alep 1:146 Alexander the Great (PERSON) + 1:146-150 Milns, R.D. Alexander (PERSON) 1 + 1:150-151 Pacwa, Mitchell C. Alexander (PERSON) 2-6 + 1:151-152 Green, Joel B. Alexandra Salome (PERSON) + 1:152 Pacwa, Mitchell C. Alexandria (PLACE) + 1:152-157 Pearson, Birger A. Alexandrinus. See Codex Alexandrinus Algebra. See Mathematics, Algebra, and Geometry ‘Ali, Tell (M.R. 202234) + 1:157-158 Prausnitz, M.W. Alia Airport (PLACE) + 1:158 Ibrahim, Moawiyah M. Aliah (PERSON). See Alvah (PERSON) ‘Alla, Deir. See Deir ‘Alla Allammelech (PLACE) 1:158 Hunt, Melvin Allogenes (NHC XI,3) + 1:158-159 King, Karen L. Allon (PERSON) 1:160 Clem, H. Eldon Allon-Bacuth (PLACE) 1:160 Herion, Gary A. Almighty + 1:160 Lillie, Betty Jane Almodad (PERSON) + 1:160-161 Müller, Walter W. Almon (PLACE) + 1:161 Thompson, Henry O. Almon-Diblathaim (PLACE) 1:161 Younker, Randall W. Almond. See Flora Aloes. See Perfumes and Spices; Flora Alpha 1:161 Alpha and Omega + 1:161-162 Reddish, Mitchell G. Alphaeus (PERSON) 1-2 + 1:162 Wheeler, Frank E. Altar + 1:162-167 Haak, Robert D. Altar of Witness. See Witness, Altar of (PLACE) Altars, Incense. See Incense Altars Alush (PLACE) 1:167 Herion, Gary A. Alvah (PERSON) + 1:167 Hübner, Ulrich Alvan (PERSON) 1:167 Matthews, Victor H. Am Ha’arez + 1:168-169 Healey, Joseph P. Amad (PLACE) 1:169 Hunt, Melvin Amal (PERSON) 1:169 O’Brien, J. Randall Amalek (PERSON) + 1:169-171 Mattingly, Gerald L. Amam (PLACE) + 1:171-172 Ehrlich, Carl S. Amana (PLACE) 1:172 Roth, Ray Lee Amanuensis + 1:172-173 Gamble, Harry Y. Amariah (PERSON) 1-10 + 1:173 Uitti, Roger W. Amarna Letters + 1:174-181 Na’aman, Nadav Amarna, Tell el- (27º38'N; 30º52'E) + 1:181-182 Redford, Donald B. Amasa (PERSON) 1-2 1:182 Nelson, Richard D. Amasai (PERSON) 1-4 + 1:182-183 Dillard, Raymond B. Amashsai (PERSON) 1:183 Uitti, Roger W. Amasiah (PERSON) 1:183 Lowery, Kirk E. Amaw (PLACE) + 1:183 Thompson, Henry O. Amaziah (PERSON) 1-4 + 1:183-184 Fuller, Russell Amen + 1:184-186 Chilton, Bruce American Schools of Oriental Research, History of the. + 1:186-188 King, Philip J. American Versions. See Versions., English (American Versions) Ami (PERSON). See also Amon (PERSON) 1:188 Amittai (PERSON) 1:189 Weis, Richard D. Ammah (PLACE) + 1:189 McGarry, Susan E.
- 7. ABD Article Index 6 Amman(M.R. 238151) + 1:189-192 Hadidi, Adnan Ammidians + 1:192 McGehee, Michael David Ammiel (PERSON) 1-4 1:192-193 Paulien, Jon Ammihud (PERSON) 1-5 1:193 Panitz, Raphael I. Amminadab (PERSON) 1-4 + 1:193 Dillard, Raymond B. Ammishaddai (PERSON) + 1:193 Slayton, Joel C. Ammizabad (PERSON) 1:193-194 Schley, Donald G. Ammon (PERSON) + 1:194-196 de Tarragon, Jean-Michel; Norton, Gerard J. (trans.) Ammon (PLACE). See Rabbah (Ammon) Ammonite Languages. See Languages (Introductory Survey) Amnon (PERSON) 1-2 + 1:196-197 Howard, David M., Jr. Amok (PERSON) 1:197 Barnes, William Hamilton Amon (DEITY) + 1:197-198 Lewis, Theodore J. Amon (PERSON) 1-3 + 1:198-199 Lewis, Theodore J. Amora, Amoraim + 1:199 Flesher, Paul V. M. Amorites + 1:199-202 Mendenhall, George E. Amos (PERSON) 1-3 1:203 Porter, Stanley E. Amos, Book of + 1:203-212 Willoughby, Bruce E. Amoz (PERSON) + 1:212 Hull, John H., Jr. Amphictyony + 1:212-216 Mayes, A. D. H. Amphipolis (PLACE) + 1:216-217 Wineland, John D. Ampliatus (PERSON) 1:217 Lampe, Peter Amram (PERSON) 1-2 + 1:217 Wright, John W. Amraphel (PERSON) + 1:217-218 Astour, Michael C. Amulet. See Magic (ANE) Amuq Plain + 1:218-219 Margueron, Jean-Claude; Sager, Paul (trans.) Amzi (PERSON) 1-2 1:219 Uitti, Roger W. Anab (PLACE) 1:219 Benjamin, Paul Anael (PERSON) 1:219 Redditt, Paul L. Anafa, Tel (M.R. 210286) + 1:219-221 Herbert, Sharon C. Anah (PERSON) + 1:221 Hübner, Ulrich Anaharath (PLACE) + 1:221-222 Frankel, Rafael Anaiah (PERSON) 1:222 Augustin, Gary C. Anak (PERSON) + 1:222 Mattingly, Gerald L. Anamim + 1:222-223 Hess, Richard S. Anammelech (DEITY) + 1:223 Fulco, William J. Anan (PERSON) 1:223 Schmidt, Frederick W. Anani (PERSON) + 1:223 Fuller, Russell Ananiah (PERSON) + 1:223 Schmidt, Frederick W. Ananiah (PLACE) + 1:224 McGarry, Susan E. Ananias (PERSON) 1-5 + 1:224-225 O’Toole, Robert F. Ananiel (PERSON) + 1:225 Redditt, Paul L. Anasib (PERSON) + 1:225 McGehee, Michael David Anath (DEITY) + 1:225-227 Maier, Walter Arthur, III Anath (PERSON) + 1:227 Lowery, Kirk E. Anathoth (PLACE) + 1:227-228 Peterson, John L. Anatolia: 1:228-240 See also Hitttites Prehistory of Anatolia + 1:228-233 Gorny, Ronald L. History of Ancient Anatolia + 1:233-236 McMahon, Gregory Anatolian Mythology + 1:236-240 McMahon, Gregory Anatolian Languages. See Languages (Introductory Survey) Ancestor Worship + 1:240-242 Lewis, Theodore J. Ancient Versions. See Versions, Ancient Andrew (PERSON) + 1:242-244 MacDonald, Dennis Ronald Andrew and Matthias, Acts of + 1:244 MacDonald, Dennis Ronald Andrew, Acts of + 1:244-247 Prieur, Jean-Marc Andrew, Fragmentary Story. See Andrew, Acts of Andronicus (PERSON) 1-2 + 1:247 Nelson, Russell D. Andronicus (PERSON) 3 + 1:247-248 Lampe, Peter
- 8. ABD Article Index 7 Anem(PLACE) + 1:248 Hunt, Melvin Aner (PERSON) 1:248 Astour, Michael C. Aner (PLACE) 1:248 Hunt, Melvin Angels 1:248-255 Old Testament + 1:248-253 Newsom, Carol A. New Testament + 1:253-255 Watson, Duane F. Angels of the Seven Churches + 1:255 Watson, Duane F. Anger. See Virtue/Vice Lists; Wrath of God Angle, The (PLACE) + 1:255 Mare, W. Harold Aniam (PERSON) 1:255-256 Graham, M. Patrick Anim (PLACE) + 1:256 Kotter, Wade R. Animal. See Zoology Anklets + 1:256 Meyers, Carol Anna (PERSON) 1 + 1:256 Pacwa, Mitchell C. Anna (PERSON) 2 + 1:257 Witherington, Ben, III Annan (PERSON). See Harim Annas (PERSON) + 1:257-258 Chilton, Bruce Annias (PERSON) 1:258 McGehee, Michael David Anniuth (PERSON). See Bani Annunus (PERSON) 1:258 Han, Jin Hee Anointed, The. See Christ; Messiah. Ant. See Zoology Antelope. See Zoology Anthothijah (PERSON) 1:258 Johnson, Siegfried S. Anthropology and the OT + 1:258-262 Rogerson, J. W. Anthropomorphism. See Yahwist ("J") Source Antilebanon 1:262 Perkins, Larry, J. Anti-Marcionite (Gospel) Prologues + 1:262-263 McDonald, Lee Martin Antinomianism + 1:263-264 Wall, Robert W. Antioch 1:264-269 Antioch of Psidia (PLACE) + 1:264-265 Mitchell, Stephen Antioch of Syria (PLACE) + 1:265-269 Norris, Frederick W. Antiochians + 1:269 Pacwa, Mitchell C. Antiochis (PERSON) 1:269 Carroll, Scott T. Antiochus (PERSON) 1-11 + 1:269-272 Whitehorne, John Antipas (PERSON) 1-4 + 1:272 Wheeler, Frank E. Antipater (PERSON) 1:272 Nelson, Russell D. Antipatris (PLACE) + 1:272-274 Kochavi, Moshe Antiphrasis. 1:274 See also Bible, Euphemism and Dysphemism in the Antonia, Tower of + 1:274 Hall, John F. Antony, Mark. See Mark Antony Anub (PERSON) 1:274 Kennedy, James M. Apame (PERSON) 1:274-275 Pattengale, Jerry A. Apelles (PERSON) 1:275 Lampe, Peter Aphairema (PLACE) + 1:275 Pattengale, Jerry A. Aphek (PLACE) 1-5 + 1:275-277 Frankel, Rafael Aphekah (PLACE) + 1:277 Kotter, Wade R. Apherra (PERSON) + 1:277 McGehee, Michael David Aphiah (PERSON) + 1:277-278 Edelman, Diana Vikander Aphid. See Zoology ‘Apiru. See Habiru, Hapiru Apis (DEITY) + 1:278-279 Redford, Donald B. Apocalypse, Little. See Gospels, Little Apocalypses in the Apocalypses and Apocalypticism: 1:279-292 The Genre + 1:279-280 Hanson, Paul D. Introductory Overview + 1:280-282 Hanson, Paul D. Akkadian "Apocalyptic" Literature + 1:282 Grayson, A. Kirk Early Jewish Apocalypticism + 1:282-288 Collins, John J. Early Christian + 1:288-292 Collins, Adela Yarbro
- 9. ABD Article Index 8 Apocrypha.1:292-297 See also Canon Old Testament Apocrypha + 1:292-294 Charlesworth, James H. New Testament Apocrypha + 1:294-297 Patterson, Stephen J. Apollo (DEITY) + 1:297-298 Danker, Frederick William Apollonia (M.R. 131178) + 1:298-299 Roll, Israel Apollonius (PERSON) 1-4 + 1:300 Redditt, Paul L. Apollophanes (PERSON) 1:300-301 Pacwa, Mitchell C. Apollos (PERSON) + 1:301 Hurst, L. D. Apollyon. See also Dead, Abode of the 1:301-302 Grether, Herbert G. Apologetics, NT + 1:302-307 Droge, Arthur J. Apophthegm + 1:307-309 Robbins, Vernon K. Apostasy. See Punishments and Crimes Apostle + 1:309-311 Betz, Hans Dieter Apostles, Epistle of + 1:311-312 Hills, Julian V. Apostolic Constitutions and Canons + 1:312-313 Jefford, Clayton N. Apostolic Council. See Jerusalem, Council of Apostolic Fathers + 1:313-316 Schoedel, William R. Appaim (PERSON) 1:316-317 Steeger, William P. Appeal to Ceasar + 1:317 Hall, John F. Apphia (PERSON) + 1:317-318 Gillman, Florence Morgan Apphus (PERSON) 1:318 Rappaport, Uriel Appian Way (PLACE) + 1:318 Stambaugh, John E. Appius, Forum of. See Forum of Appius Apple. See Flora, Biblical Apron 1:318-319 Meyers, Carol Aqiba (PERSON). See Akiba, Rabbi Aquila (PERSON) + 1:319-320 Lampe, Peter Aquila’s Version + 1:320-321 Greenspoon, Leonard J. Ar (PLACE) + 1:321 Mattingly, Gerald L. Ara (PERSON) 1:321 O’Brien, J. Randall Arab (PLACE) + 1:321 Kotter, Wade R. Arabah (PLACE) + 1:321-324 Seely, David R. Arabah, Brook of the (PLACE) 1:324 Herion, Gary A. Arabah, Sea of. See Salt Sea Arabia (PLACE) + 1:324-327 Smith, Robert Houston Arabia, Languages of (South). See Languages (Introductory Survey) and (Pre-Islamic South Arabian) Arabia, Prehistory of + 1:327-331 Zarins, Juris Arabia, Religion of (South). See South Arabia, Religion of Arabic Language. See Languages (Introductory Survey) Arad (PERSON) 1:331 Johnson, Siegfried S. Arad (PLACE) + 1:331-336 Manor, Dale W.; Herion, Gary A. Arad Ostraca + 1:336-337 Lawton, Robert B. Aradus (PLACE) + 1:337 Wei, Tom F. Arah (PERSON) 1-2 + 1:337-338 Bergdall, Chaney R. Aram (PERSON) 1-4 + 1:338 Pitard, Wayne T. Aram (PLACE) + 1:338-341 Pitard, Wayne T. Aram-Maacah (PLACE). See Maacah (PLACE) Aram-Naharaim (PLACE) + 1:341 Pitard, Wayne T. Aramaic Language. See Languages (Aramaic) Aramaic Letters. See Letters (Aramaic) Aramaic Messianic Text (4QMess ar) + 1:342 Viviano, Benedict Thomas Aramaic Script + 1:342-345 Naveh, Joseph Aramean Concubine. See Asriel; Machir; Manasseh (PERSON) Arameans + 1:345-350 Millard, Alan Ralph Aran (PERSON) 1:350-351 Matthews, Victor H. Ararat (PLACE) + 1:351-353 Bailey, Lloyd R. Aratus (PERSON) 1:353 Grether, Herbert G. Araunah (PERSON) + 1:353 Nelson, Richard D. Arba (PERSON) 1:353 Viviano, Pauline A.
- 10. ABD Article Index 9 Arbathite1:353-354 Schley, Donald G. Arbatta (PLACE) 1:354 Pattengale, Jerry A. Arbela (PLACE) + 1:354 Redditt, Paul L. Arbite 1:354 Schley, Donald G. Archaeology, Syro-Palestinian and Biblical + 1:354-367 Dever, William G. Archelaus (PERSON) + 1:367-368 Braund, David C. Archer. See Military Organization in Mesopotamia 1:368 Archippus (PERSON) + 1:368-369 Gillman, John L. Archite 1:369 Johnson, Siegfried S. Architecture. See Art and Architecture articles Archives of Murashu. See Murashu, Archive of Archons, Hypostasis of. See Hypostasis of the Archons (NHC II,4) Ard (PERSON) 1:369 Johnson, Siegfried S. Ardat (PLACE) 1:369 McGarry, Susan E. Ardon (PERSON) 1:369 Lo, Hing Choi Areini, Tell el- (M.R. 129113) + 1:369-370 Dever, William G. Areli (PERSON) 1:370 Nysse, Richard W. Areopagus (PLACE) + 1:370-372 Martin, Hubert M., Jr. Aretalogy + 1:372-373 Tiede, David L. Aretas 1-4 + 1:373-376 Graf, David F. Argob (PLACE) + 1:376 Thompson, Henry O. Argob and Arieh (PERSONS) + 1:376 Viviano, Pauline A. Arianism. See Arius, Arianism Ariarathes (PERSON) + 1:377 Nelson, Russell D. Aridai (PERSON) + 1:377 Bedford, Peter Aridatha (PERSON) + 1:377 Bedford, Peter Arieh. See Argob and Arieh 1:377 Ariel (PERSON) + 1:377 Mattingly, Gerald L. Ariel (PLACE) 1:377-378 Mare, W. Harold Arimathea (PLACE) 1:378 Pattengale, Jerry A. Arimathea, Joseph of. See Joseph of Arimathea Arioch (PERSON) 1-3 + 1:378-379 Astour, Michael C. Arisai (PERSON) + 1:379 Bedford, Peter Aristarchus (PERSON) + 1:379-380 Gillman, John L. Aristeas the Exegete + 1:380 Holladay, Carl R. Aristeas, Letter of + 1:380-382 Shutt, R. James H. Aristides (PERSON) + 1:382 Grant, Robert M. Aristobulus (PERSON) 1-9 1:382-383 Carroll, Scott T. Aristobulus (OT Pseudepigrapha) + 1:383-384 Holladay, Carl R. Arius, Arianism + 1:384-386 Groh, Dennis E. Ark of the Covenant + 1:386-393 Seow, C. L. Ark, Noah’s. See Noah and the Ark articles Arkite (PERSON) + 1:393-394 Hess, Richard S. Armageddon (PLACE) + 1:394-395 Paulien, Jon Armenia (PLACE) + 1:395-397 Sullivan, Richard D. Armenian Versions. See Versions, Ancient (Armenian) Armlet. See Jewelry Armoni (PERSON) + 1:397-398 Edelman, Diana Vikander Armory. See Weapons and Implements of Warfare Army (Mesopotamia). See Military Organization in Mesopotamia Army, Herodian. See Herodian Army Army, Roman. See Roman Army Arna (PERSON) 1:398 Han, Jin Hee Arnan (PERSON) 1:398 Fuller, Russell Arni (PERSON) 1:398 Grether, Herbert G. Arnon (PLACE) + 1:398-399 Mattingly, Gerald L. Arodi (PERSON) 1:399 Slayton, Joel C. Aroer (PLACE) 1-4 + 1:399-400 Mattingly, Gerald L. Arom (PERSON) 1:400 McGehee, Michael David Aromatic Cane. See Perfumes and Spices
- 11. ABD Article Index 10 Arpachshad(PERSON) 1-2 + 1:400 Hess, Richard S. Arpad (PLACE) + 1:401 Avalos, Hector Arphaxad (PERSON) 1-2 + 1:401 White, Sidnie Ann Array, Battle. See Weapons and Implements of War Arsaces (PERSON) + 1:401 Pacwa, Mitchell C. Art and Architecture: 1:401-461 Ancient Near Eastern Art + 1:401-408 Gunther, Ann C. Ancient Near Eastern Architecture + 1:408-419 Zimansky, Paul E. Mesopotamian Art and Architecture + 1:419-428 Albenda, Pauline Egpytian Art and Architecture + 1:428-440 Baines, John Persian Art + 1:440-447 Root, Margaret Cool Early Jewish Art and Architecture + 1:447-454 Hachlili, Rachel Early Christian Art + 1:454-461 Snyder, Graydon F. Artapanus + 1:461-463 Holladay, Carl R. Artaxerxes (PERSON) + 1:463-464 Suiter, David E. Artemas (PERSON) + 1:464 Gillman, Florence Morgan Artemis (DEITY) + 1:464-465 Martin, Hubert M., Jr. Arthropods. See Zoology Arubboth + 1:465-467 Zertal, Adam Arumah (PLACE) 1:467-468 Thompson, Henry O. Arvad (PERSON) + 1:468 Hess, Richard S. Arza (PERSON) 1:468 Viviano, Pauline A. Arzareth (PLACE) + 1:468 Herion, Gary A. Asa (PERSON) + 1:468-470 Evans, Carl D. Asahel (PERSON) 1-5 + 1:470 Schley, Donald G. Asaiah (PERSON) 1-4 1:470-471 Dillard, Raymond B. Asaias (PERSON) 1:471 Fager, Jeffrey A. Asaph (PERSON) 1-4 + 1:471 Rogers, Jeffrey S. Asaramel (PLACE) + 1:471-472 Hardwick, Michael E. Asarel (PERSON) 1:472 Lo, Hing Choi Ascension of Christ + 1:472-474 Gulley, Norman R. Ascent of Heres (PLACE). See Heres, Ascent of (PLACE) Ascent to Heaven. See Heaven, Ascent to Asclepius (NHC VI,8) + 1:474-475 Jackson, Howard Asclepius, Cult of + 1:475-476 Robinson, Thomas L. Asenath (PERSON) + 1:476 Yee, Gale A. Ashan (PLACE) + 1:476-477 Hamilton, Jeffries M. Asharelah (PERSON) + 1:477 McCann, J. Clinton, Jr. Ashbea (PLACE). See Beth-Ashbea (PLACE) Ashbel (PERSON) 1:477 Johnson, Siegfried S. Ashdod (PLACE). See also Azotus (PLACE). + 1:477-482 Dothan, Moshe Ashdod-Yam (M.R. 114132) + 1:482 Kaplan, Jacob Asher (PERSON) + 1:482-483 Edelman, Diana Vikander Asherah (DEITY) + 1:483-487 Day, John Ashhur (PERSON) + 1:487 Lo, Hing Choi Ashima (DEITY) + 1:487 Fulco, William J. Ashkelon (PLACE) + 1:487-490 Esse, Douglas L. Ashkenaz + 1:490 Hess, Richard S. Ashnah (PLACE) 1-2 + 1:490 Kotter, Wade R. Ashpenaz (PERSON) 1:490-491 Coxon, Peter W. Ashtaroth (DEITY). See Ashtoreth (DEITY) Ashtaroth (PLACE) + 1:491 Day, John Ashteroth-Karnaim (PLACE) + 1:491 Astour, Michael C. Ashtoreth (DEITY) + 1:491-494 Day, John Ashurbanipal (PERSON) 1:494 Grayson, A. Kirk Ashurites + 1:494 Edelman, Diana Vikander Ashvath (PERSON) 1:494-495 O’Brien, J. Randall Asiarchs + 1:495-497 Kearsley, Rosalind Anne Asibias (PERSON). See Hashabiah (PERSON) Asiel (PERSON) 1-3 + 1:497 Redditt, Paul L.
- 12. ABD Article Index 11 Askewianus,Codex. See Pistis Sophia Asmar, Tell + 1:497-499 Margueron, Jean-Claude; Sager, Paul (trans.) Asmodeus 1:499 Grether, Herbert G. Asnah (PERSON) + 1:499 Shearer, Rodney H. Aspatha (PERSON) + 1:499 Bedford, Peter Asphar (PLACE) + 1:499 Redditt, Paul L. Asriel (PERSON) + 1:499 Slayton, Joel C. Ass. See Zoology Assar, Tel (PLACE). See Tel-Assar (PLACE) Assayer. See Interest and Usury in the Greco-Roman Period Assembly, Divine. See Divine Assembly Assembly, Great. See Great Assembly Asshur (DEITY). See Mesopotamia, History of (History and Culture of Assyria) Asshur (PERSON) + 1:500 Oller, Gary H. Asshur (PLACE) + 1:500 Grayson, A. Kirk Asshurim 1:500 Matthews, Victor H. Assir (PERSON) 1:501 Willett, Tom Wayne Associations, Clubs, Thiasoi + 1:501-503 Danker, Frederick William Assos (PLACE) + 1:503 Yamauchi, Edwin M. Assumption of the Virgin. See Virgin, Assumption of the Asssyria (History and Culture). See Mesopotamia, History of Astarte (DEITY). See Ashtoreth (DEITY) 1:504 Astrology in the Ancient Near East + 1:504-507 Rochberg-Halton, Francesca Astyages (PERSON) + 1:507-508 Yamauchi, Edwin M. Asur (PERSON) 1:508 McGehee, Michael David Asyncritus (PERSON) 1:508 Lampe, Peter Atad (PLACE) + 1:508-509 Oller, Gary H. Atarah (PERSON) 1:509 Steeger, William P. Atargatis (DEITY) + 1:509 Carroll, Scott T. Ataroth (PLACE) 1-2 + 1:510 Franklyn, Paul Nimrah Ataroth-Addar (PLACE) + 1:510 Franklyn, Paul Nimrah Ater (PERSON) 1-2 + 1:510 Bergdall, Chaney R. Athach (PLACE) 1:510-511 Hamilton, Jeffries M. Athaiah (PERSON) 1:511 Schmidt, Frederick W. Athaliah (PERSON) 1-3 + 1:511-512 Thiel, Winfried Atharim (PLACE) + 1:512-513 Herion, Gary A. Athenobius (PERSON) 1:513 Nelson, Russell D. Athens (PLACE) + 1:513-518 Martin, Hubert M., Jr. Athlai (PERSON) 1:518 Fager, Jeffrey A. Atonement in the NT + 1:518-522 Tuckett, C. M. Atonement, Day of. See Day of Atonement Atroth-Beth-Joab (PLACE) + 1:522 McGarry, Susan E. Atroth-Shophan (PLACE) + 1:522-523 Romero, C. Gilbert Attai (PERSON) 1-3 1:523 Dillard, Raymond B. Attalia (PLACE) 1-2 1:523 Wineland, John D. Attalus (PERSON) + 1:523 Nelson, Russell D. Attharates (PERSON) 1:523 McGehee, Michael David Attharias (PERSON) 1:523-524 Bowman, Craig D. Augury. See Magic (Old Testament) Augustan Cohort + 1:524 Olson, Mark J. Augustus (EMPEROR) + 1:524-528 Potter, David S. Auranus (PERSON) 1:528 Nelson, Russell D. Aurelius, Marcus. See Marcus Aurelius (EMPEROR) Author of Life 1:528 Grether, Herbert G. Authoritative Teaching (NHC VI,3) + 1:528-529 Goehring, James E. Authorities, City. See City Authorities Authority of Scripture. See Scriptural Authority Avaran (PERSON) 1:529 Rappaport, Uriel Aven (PLACE) 1-3 1:529-530 Pressler, Carolyn J. Avenger of Blood. See Blood, Avenger of
- 13. ABD Article Index 12 AvestanLanguage. See Languages (Ancient Iran) Avith (PLACE) + 1:530 Knauf, Ernst Axel Avot, Khirbet (M.R. 193276) + 1:530-531 Braun, Eliot Avva (PLACE) 1:531 Herion, Gary A. Avvim (PLACE) 1-2 + 1:531-532 McGarry, Susan E. Avvites. See Avva (PLACE) ‘Ayin 1:532 Ayyah (PLACE) + 1:532 Thompson, Henry O. Azael (PLACE) 1:532 McGehee, Michael David Azaliah (PERSON) 1:532 Hostetter, Edwin C. Azaniah (PERSON) 1:532 Schmidt, Frederick W. Azarel (PERSON) 1-6 1:532-533 Uitti, Roger W. Azariah (PERSON) 1-29 + 1:533-535 Eades, Keith L. Azariah, Prayer of. See Daniel, Additions to Azarias (PERSON) + 1:535-536 Redditt, Paul L. Azaru (PERSON) 1:536 Bowman, Craig D. Azaz (PERSON) 1:536 Clem, H. Eldon Azazel + 1:536-537 Wright, David P. Azaziah (PERSON) 1-3 + 1:537 Clem, H. Eldon Azbuk (PERSON) 1:537 Williams, Nora A. Azekah (PLACE) + 1:537-539 Stern, Ephraim Azel (PERSON) 1:539 Kennedy, James M. Azetas (PERSON) 1:539 McGehee, Michael David Azgad (PERSON) 1:539 Bergdall, Chaney R. Aziel (PERSON). See Jaaziel (PERSON) Aziza (PERSON) 1:539 Fager, Jeffrey A. Azmaveth (PERSON) 1-5 1:539 Schley, Donald G. Azmaveth (PLACE) + 1:539-540 McGarry, Susan E. Azmon (PLACE) + 1:540 Kotter, Wade R. Aznoth-Tabor (PLACE) + 1:540 Frankel, Rafael Azor, Tel (M.R. 131159) + 1:540-541 Ben-Tor, Amnon Azotus (PLACE). See also Ashdod (PLACE) + 1:541-542 Redditt, Paul L. Azraq (PLACE) + 1:542-543 Garrard, Andrew N. Azriel (PERSON) 1-3 + 1:543 Dalglish, Edward R. Azrikam (PERSON) 1-4 1:543 Fuller, Russell Azubah (PERSON) 1-2 1:543 Schearing, Linda S. Azzan (PERSON) + 1:543 Panitz, Raphael I. Azzur (PERSON) 1-3 1:543-544 Dalglish, Edward R. Baal (DEITY) + 1:545-549 Day, John Baal (PERSON) 1-2 + 1:549-550 Brettler, Marc Zvi Baal (PLACE). See also Baalath-Beer (PLACE) 1:550 Baal-Berith (DEITY) + 1:550-551 Lewis, Theodore J. Baal-Gad (PLACE) 1:551 Benjamin, Paul Baal-Hamon (PLACE) + 1:551 Schmitz, Philip C. Baal-Hanan (PERSON) + 1:551-552 Knauf, Ernst Axel Baal-Hazor (PLACE) 1:552 Thompson, Henry O. Baal-Hermon (PLACE) + 1:532 Franklyn, Paul Nimrah Baal-Meon (PLACE) + 1:552 Piccirillo, Michele Baal-Peor (PLACE) + 1:553 Slayton, Joel C. Baal-Perazim (PLACE) 1:553 Kobayashi, Yoshitaka Baal-Shalishah (PLACE) + 1:553 Herion, Gary A. Baal-Tamar (PLACE) + 1:553-554 McGarry, Susan E. Baal-Zebub (DEITY) + 1:554 Maier, Walter Arthur, III Baal-Zephon (PLACE) + 1:554-555 Raabe, Paul R. Baalah (PLACE) 1:555 Ehrlich, Carl S. Baalath (PLACE) + 1:555 Greenberg, Raphael Baalath-Beer (PLACE) 1:555-556 Arnold, Patrick M. Baalbek (PLACE) + 1:556 Smith, Robert Houston Baale-Judah (PLACE). See Kiriath-Jearim (PLACE) Baalis (PERSON) + 1:556-557 Geraty, Lawrence T.
- 14. ABD Article Index 13 Baalsamus(PERSON). See Maaseiah Baana (PERSON) 1-2 + 1:557-558 Knobloch, Frederick W. Baanah (PERSON) 1-4 + 1:558 Knobloch, Frederick W. Baara (PERSON) 1:558 Harmon, G. Edwin Baaseiah (PERSON) 1:558 Willett, Tom Wayne Baasha (PERSON) 1:558-559 Olson, Dennis T. Bab Edh-Dhra‘ (M.R. 202074) + 1:559-561 Rast, Walter E. Babel (PLACE) + 1:561-563 Spina, Frank Anthony Babylon (PLACE): A-G. Babylon in the OT, etc. + 1:563-565 Margueron, Jean-Claude; Sager, Paul (trans.) H. Babylon in the New Testament + 1:565-566 Watson, Duane F. Babylonia (History and Culture). See Mesopotamia, History of Babylonian Judaism. See Judaism (Babylonian) Baca, Valley of (PLACE) 1:566 Kobayashi, Yoshitaka Bacchides (PERSON) + 1:566-567 Rappaport, Uriel Bacenor (PERSON) + 1:567 Nelson, Russell D. Baean (PLACE) + 1:567 Redditt, Paul L. Bagoas (PERSON) + 1:567-568 White, Sidnie Ann Bagpipe. See Music and Muscial Instruments Bahurim (PLACE) 1:568 Schley, Donald G. Baiterus (PERSON) 1:568 McGehee, Michael David Bakbakkar (PERSON) 1:568 Dunston, Robert C. Bakbuk (PERSON) + 1:568 Shearer, Rodney H. Bakbukiah (PERSON) + 1:568 Augustin, Gary C. Baker’s Street (PLACE) + 1:568-569 Mare, W. Harold Balaam (PERSON) + 1:569-572 Hackett, Jo Ann Baladan (PERSON) + 1:572-573 Hull, John H., Jr. Balah (PLACE). See also Baalah (PLACE) 1:573 Balah, Deir el- (PLACE). See Deir el-Balah Balak (PERSON) 1:573 Mattingly, Gerald L. Balamon (PLACE) + 1:573 Schmidt, Frederick W. Balas, Alexander (PERSON). See Alexander (PERSON) Balbaim (PLACE) 1:573 White, Sidnie Ann Baldness. See Sickness and Disease Balm + 1:573-574 Jones, Richard N. Balsam. See Balm Bamoth (PLACE) + 1:574 Romero, C. Gilbert Bamoth-Baal (PLACE) + 1:574-575 Mattingly, Gerald L. Ban (Herem). See Deuteronomy, Book of Banditry + 1:575-580 Isaac, Benjamin Bangles. See Jewelry Bani (PERSON) 1-11 1:580-581 Schley, Donald G. Banking. See Interest and Usury; Trade and Commerce Bannas (PERSON). See also Bani; Binnui 1:581 Schley, Donald G. Banquet, Messianic. See Messianic Banquet Banqueting Hall/House + 1:581-582 Lewis, Theodore J. Baptism + 1:583-594 Hartman, Lars Baptist, John the. See John the Baptist Baq‘ah Valley (Jordan) + 1:594-598 McGovern, Patrick E. Bar Kokhba: 1:598-606 Bar Kokhba Revolt + 1:598-601 Isaac, Benjamin; Oppenheimer, Aharon Bar Kokhba Letters + 1:601-606 Wise, Michael O. Bar Kosiba. See Bar Kokhba Bar-Jesus 1:607 Wheeler, Frank E. Barabbas (PERSON) + 1:607 Wilkins, Michael J. Barachel (PERSON) + 1:607-608 Knauf, Ernst Axel Baraita + 1:608 Kraemer, David Barak + 1:608 Lowery, Kirk E. Bardaisan of Edessa (PERSON) + 1:608-610 McVey, Kathleen E. Bariah (PERSON) 1:610 Fuller, Russell
- 15. ABD Article Index 14 Barkos(PERSON) + 1:610 Shearer, Rodney H. Barley. See Agriculture; Flora Barnabas (PERSON) + 1:610-611 Daniels, Jon B. Barnabas, Epistle of + 1:611-614 Treat, Jay Curry Barodis (PERSON) 1:614 McGehee, Michael David Barsabbas (PERSON) 1-2 1:614 Fry, Virgil R. L. Bartacus (PERSON) 1:614-615 Carroll, Scott T. Bartholomew (PERSON) + 1:615 Wilkins, Michael J. Bartholomew, Gospel (Questions) of + 1:615-616 Daniels, Jon B. Bartimaeus (PERSON) + 1:616-617 Fry, Virgil R. L. Baruch (PERSON) 1 + 1:617 Lundbom, Jack R. Baruch (PERSON) 2-4 1:617-618 Dalglish, Edward R. Baruch, Book of + 1:618-620 Mendels, Doron Baruch, Book of 2 (Syriac) + 1:620-621 Charlesworth, James H. Baruch, Book of 3 (Greek) + 1:621-622 Charlesworth, James H. Baruch, Book of 4 + 1:622 Robinson, Stephen E. Barzillai (PERSON) 1-3 + 1:623 Petter, Gerald J. Basemath (PERSON) + 1:623 Knauf, Ernst Axel Bashan (PLACE) 1:623-624 Slayton, Joel C. Basilides + 1:624-625 Mirecki, Paul Allan Baskama (PLACE) 1:625 Smith, Robert Wayne Bastion. See Fortifications 1:625 Bat. See Zoology 1:625 Batashi, Tell el- (M.R. 142132) + 1:625-626 Mazar, Amihay; Kelm, George L. Batashi, Tuleilat el- (M.R. 142132) + 1:627 Kaplan, Jacob Bath. See Weights and Measures 1:627 Bath-Rabbim (PLACE) + 1:627 Younker, Randall W. Bathing. See Unclean and Clean Bathsheba (PERSON) + 1:627-628 Yee, Gale A. Bathshua (PERSON) 1-2 1:628 Yee, Gale A. Bavvai (PERSON) 1:628 Schley, Donald G. Bawdlerization. See Bible, Euphemism and Dysphemism in the Bazaar. See Trade and Commerce (ANE) Bazlith (PERSON) + 1:628 Shearer, Rodney H. Bdellium. See Perfumes and Spices Beads, Beadwork. See Jewelry Bealiah (PERSON) 1:628 Dillard, Raymond B. Bealoth (PLACE) 1:628-629 Baker, David W. Beam. See Plank Bean. See Flora Bear. See Zoology Beatitudes + 1:629-631 Collins, Raymond F. Beatty, Chester (Papyri). See Chester Beatty Papyri Beautiful Gate (PLACE) + 1:631-632 Pattengale, Jerry A. Bebai (PERSON) 1-2 1:632 Shogren, Gary S. Bebai (PLACE) + 1:632 White, Sidnie Ann Becher (PERSON) 1:632 Johnson, Siegfried S. Becorath (PERSON) + 1:632-633 Edelman, Diana Vikander Bectileth (PLACE) 1:633 White, Sidnie Ann Bedad (PERSON) + 1:633 Knauf, Ernst Axel Bedan (PERSON) 1-2 + 1:633 Petter, Gerald J. Bedeiah (PERSON) 1:633 Fager, Jeffrey A. Bedouin and Bedouin States + 1:634-638 Knauf, Ernst Axel Bee. See Zoology Beeliada (PERSON) 1:638 Howard, David M., Jr. Beelzebul + 1:638-640 Lewis, Theodore J. Beer (PLACE) 1-2 + 1:640 Ferch, Arthur J. Beer-Elim (PLACE) 1:640 Ferch, Arthur J. Beer-Lahai-Roi 1:640 Thompson, Henry O. Beer-Resism (M.R. 109206) + 1:640 Dever, William G.
- 16. ABD Article Index 15 Beer-Sheba(PLACE) + 1:641-645 Manor, Dale W. Beera (PERSON) 1:645 O’Brien, J. Randall Beerah (PERSON) + 1:645-646 Graham, M. Patrick Beeri (PERSON) 1-2 1:646 Pressler, Carolyn J. Beeroth (PLACE) + 1:646-647 Dorsey, David A. Beeroth Bene-Jaakan (PLACE) 1:647 Matthews, Victor H. Beeshterah (PLACE) + 1:647-648 Peterson, John L. Beit Mirsim, Tell (M.R. 141096) + 1:648-649 Dever, William G. Beit Ras (M.R. 230222) + 1:649-650 Lenzen, C. J. Beitin, Tell (M.R. 172148) + 1:651-652 Dever, William G. Beka. See Weights and Measures Bel (DEITY) + 1:652-653 Dalglish, Edward R. Bel and the Dragon. See Daniel, Additions to Bela (PERSON) 1-3 + 1:653-654 Knauf, Ernst Axel Bela (PLACE) + 1:654 Knauf, Ernst Axel Belial + 1:654-656 Lewis, Theodore J. Belief, Believers (New Testament) + 1:656-657 Wilkins, Michael J. Bells + 1:657 Meyers, Carol Belmain (PLACE) 1:657-658 White, Sidnie Ann Belnuus (PERSON). See Binnui (PERSON) Beloved Disciple + 1:658-661 Byrne, Brendan Belshazzar (PERSON) + 1:661 Sack, Ronald H. Belt. See Dress and Ornamentation Belteshazzar (PERSON) 1:661-662 Coxon, Peter W. Beltethmus (PERSON) + 1:662 Bowman, Craig D. Ben-Abinadab (PERSON) + 1:662 Knobloch, Frederick W. Ben-Ammi (PERSON) + 1:662 Slayton, Joel C. Ben-Deker (PERSON) + 1:662-663 Knobloch, Frederick W. Ben-Dosa, Hanina (PERSON). See Hanina Ben-Dosa (PERSON) Ben-Geber (PERSON) + 1:663 McMillion,Phillip E. Ben-Hadad (PERSON) 1-4 + 1:663-665 Pitard, Wayne T. Ben-Hail (PERSON) 1:665 Lowery, Kirk E. Ben-Hanan (PERSON) 1:665 Smith, David Channing Ben-Hesed (PERSON) + 1:665-666 Knobloch, Frederick W. Ben-Hinnom, Valley of (PLACE). See Hinnom Valley Ben-Hur (PERSON) + 1:666 Knobloch, Frederick W. Ben-Oni (PERSON) + 1:666 Slayton, Joel C. Ben-Sira, Wisdom of. See Wisdom of Ben-Sira Ben-Zoheth (PERSON) 1:666 Smith, David Channing Benaiah (PERSON) 1-11 + 1:666-668 Knobloch, Frederick W. Bene-Berak (PLACE) + 1:668 Kaplan, Jacob Bene Qedem. See East, People of the Bene-Jaakan (PLACE) 1:668 Matthews, Victor H. Benedictus + 1:669 Danker, Frederick William Benefactor + 1:669-671 Danker, Frederick William Beninu (PERSON) 1:671 Schmidt, Frederick W. Benjamin (PERSON) 1 + 1:671-673 Schunck, Klaus-Dietrich; Callaway, Phillip R. (trans.) Benjamin (PERSON) 2-4 1:673 Evans, Craig A. Benjamin Gate (PLACE) 1:673 Mare, W. Harold Beno (PERSON) 1:673-674 Wright, John W. Beon (PLACE) 1:674 Romero, C. Gilbert Beor (PERSON) 1-2 + 1:674 Knauf, Ernst Axel Bera (PERSON) 1:674 Astour, Michael C. Beracah (PERSON) 1:674 Dillard, Raymond B. Beracah, Valley of (PLACE) + 1:674-675 Mullins, Robert A. Beraiah (PERSON) 1:675 Johnson, Siegfried S. Berea (PLACE) 1-3 1:675 Pattengale, Jerry A. Berechiah (PERSON) 1-8 + 1:675-676 Kennedy, James M. Bered (PERSON) + 1:676 Davis, M. Stephen Bered (PLACE) 1:676 Herion, Gary A.
- 17. ABD Article Index 16 Beri(PERSON) 1:676-677 Slayton, Joel C. Beriah (PERSON) 1-4 + 1:677 Mariottini, Claude F. Berlin Gnostic Codex. See Codex (Berlin Gnostic) Bernice (PERSON) + 1:677-678 Braund, David C. Beroea (PLACE) 1-3 1:678-679 Wineland, John D. Berolinensis, Codex. See Codex (Berlin Gnostic) Berothah (PLACE) 1:679 Avalos, Hector Berothai (PLACE) + 1:679 Avalos, Hector Berries. See Flora Besai (PERSON) + 1:679 Shearer, Rodney H. Bescaspamys (PERSON) 1:679 Besodeiah (PERSON) 1:679 Kennedy, James M. Besor, the Brook (PLACE) + 1:679-680 DeVries, LaMoine F. Bestiality. See Punishments and Crimes; Sex and Sexuality Bet 1:680 Beta 1:680 Betah (PLACE). See also Tebah (PERSON) 1:680 Beten (PLACE) + 1:680 Frankel, Rafael Beth-Anath (PLACE) + 1:680-681 Lubetski, Meir Beth-Anoth (PLACE) + 1:681 McGarry, Susan E. Beth-Arabah (PLACE) 1:681 Thompson, Henry O. Beth-Arbel (PLACE) + 1:681 Pressler, Carolyn J. Beth-Ashbea (PLACE) + 1:682 Ehrlich, Carl S. Beth-Aven (PLACE) + 1:682 Arnold, Patrick M. Beth-Azmaveth (PLACE). See Azmaveth (PLACE) Beth-Baal-Meon (PLACE) 1:682 Mattingly, Gerald L. Beth-Barah (PLACE) 1:682-683 Lott, Jeffrey K. Beth-Biri (PLACE) 1:683 Herion, Gary A. Beth-Car (PLACE) + 1:683 Hamilton, Jeffries M. Beth-Dagon (PLACE) + 1:683 Kotter, Wade R. Beth-Diblathaim (PLACE) 1:683-684 Mattingly, Gerald L. Beth-Eden (PLACE) + 1:684 Meier, Samuel A. Beth-Eglaim (PLACE) + 1:684-685 Ehrlich, Carl S. Beth-Eked (PLACE) + 1:685 Hunt, Melvin Beth-Emek (PLACE) + 1:685-686 Frankel, Rafael Beth-Ezel (PLACE) + 1:686 Luker, Lamontte M. Beth Gader (PLACE) 1:686 McGarry, Susan E. Beth-Gamul (PLACE) 1:686 Mattingly, Gerald L. Beth-Gilgal (PLACE) 1:686 Lott, Jeffrey K. Beth-Haccherem (PLACE) + 1:686-687 Younker, Randall W. Beth-Haggan (PLACE) + 1:687 Zertal, Adam Beth-Haram (PLACE) + 1:687 Franklyn, Paul Nimrah Beth-Hoglah (PLACE) + 1:687-688 McGarry, Susan E. Beth-Horon (PLACE) + 1:688-689 Peterson, John L. Beth-Jeshimoth (PLACE) + 1:689 Romero, C. Gilbert Beth-le-Aphrah (PLACE) + 1:689 Luker, Lamontte M. Beth-Lebaoth (PLACE) 1:689-690 Ehrlich, Carl S. Beth-Maacah (PLACE). See Abel-Beth-Maacah (PLACE) Beth-Marcaboth (PLACE) + 1:690 Zorn, Jeffrey R. Beth-Meon (PLACE) 1:690 Mattingly, Gerald L. Beth-Millo (PLACE) + 1:690 Görg, Manfred Beth-Nimrah (PLACE) 1:691 Romero, C. Gilbert Beth-Pazzez (PLACE) 1:691 Hunt, Melvin Beth-Pelet (PLACE) 1:691 Herion, Gary A. Beth-Peor (PLACE) 1:691 Mattingly, Gerald L. Beth-Rapha (PERSON) + 1:691-692 Clem, H. Eldon Beth-Rehob (PLACE) + 1:692 Herion, Gary A. Beth-Saida (PLACE) + 1:692-693 Strange, James F. Beth-Shan (PLACE). See also Scythopolis (PLACE) + 1:693-696 McGovern, Patrick E. Beth-Shean. See Beth-Shan
- 18. ABD Article Index 17 Beth-Shearim(PLACE). See Burials (Ancient Jewish) Beth-Shemesh (PLACE) 1 + 1:696-698 Brandfon, Frederic R. Beth-Shemesh (PLACE) 2-4 + 1:696-698 Manor, Dale W. Beth-Shittah (PLACE) 1:698 Thompson, Henry O. Beth-Tappuah (PLACE) + 1:699 Kotter, Wade R. Beth-Yerah (M.R. 204235) + 1:699-700 Edwards, Douglas R. Beth-Zaith (PLACE) + 1:700 Hardwick, Michael E. Beth-Zatha (PLACE) + 1:700-701 Strange, James F. Beth-Zechariah (PLACE) + 1:701 Hardwick, Michael E. Beth-Zur (PLACE) + 1:701-702 Toews, Wesley Irwin Bethany (PLACE) 1-3 1:702-703 Perkins, Larry J. Bethany beyond the Jordan + 1:703-705 Riesner, Rainer; Schatzmann, Siegfried S. (trans.) Bethasmoth (PLACE). See also Azmaveth (PLACE) 1:705 Bethbasi (PLACE) + 1:705-706 Redditt, Paul L. Bethel (DEITY) + 1:706-710 Dalglish, Edward R. Bethel (PLACE) 1-2 + 1:710-712 Brodsky, Harold Bethel-Sharezer (PLACE). See Sharezer (PERSON) Bether (PLACE) + 1:712 Thompson, Henry O. Bethlehem (PLACE) + 1:712-715 Cazelles, Henri Bethphage (PLACE) 1:715 Carroll, Scott T. Bethuel (PERSON) + 1:715 Hostetter, Edwin C. Bethuel (PLACE) + 1:715 Herion, Gary A. Bethulia (PLACE) + 1:715-716 White, Sidnie Ann Betomasthaim (PLACE) + 1:716 White, Sidnie Ann Betonim (PLACE) + 1:716 Franklyn, Paul Nimrah Beyond the Jordan (PLACE) + 1:716-717 Thompson, Henry O. Beyond the River (PLACE) + 1:717 Hardwick, Michael E. Bezae. See Codex (Bezae) Bezai (PERSON) 1:717 Bergdall, Chaney R. Bezalel (PERSON) 1-2 1:717 Fager, Jeffrey A. Bezek (PLACE) + 1:717-718 Zertal, Adam Bezer (PERSON) 1:718 Bezer (PLACE) 1:718-719 Mattingly, Gerald L. Bible, Bishops’ + 1:719-720 Lewis, Jack P. Bible, Euphemism and Dysphemism in the + 1:720-725 Pope, Marvin H. Bible, Statistical Research on the. See Statistical Research on the Bible Biblical Authority. See Scriptural Authority Biblical Criticism. 1:725-736 See also Scriptural Authority; Theology (Biblical) History of Biblical Criticism + 1:726-730 O’Neill, J.C. New Testament Criticism + 1:730-736 Baird, William Biblical Scholarship, Japanese 1:737-740 OT Scholarship + 1:737-738 Sacon, Kiyoshi K. NT Scholarship 1:738-740 Matsunaga, Kikuo Biblical Theology. See Theology (Biblical), History of Bichri (PERSON) 1:741 Johnson, Siegfried S. Bidkar (PERSON) + 1:741 Viviano, Pauline A. Bigtha (PERSON). See Mehuman; Bigthan Bigthan (PERSON) + 1:741 Bedford, Peter Bigvai (PERSON) 1-2 1:741 Bergdall, Chaney R. Bildad (PERSON) + 1:741-742 Knauf, Ernst Axel; Herion, Gary A. Bileam (PLACE). See also Ibleam (PLACE) 1:742 Bilgah (PERSON) 1-4 1:742 Wright, John W. Bilgai (PERSON) 1:742 Schmidt, Frederick W. Bilhah (PERSON) + 1:742-743 Slayton, Joel C. Bilhah (PLACE). See also Baalah 2 1:743 Bilhan (PERSON) 1-2 1:743 Matthews, Victor H. Bilshan (PERSON) 1:743 Bergdall, Chaney R. Bimhal (PERSON) 1:743 O’Brien, J. Randall Binding and Loosing + 1:743-745 Collins, Raymond F.
- 19. ABD Article Index 18 Binea(PERSON) + 1:745 Brettler, Marc Zvi Binnui (PERSON) 1-6 1:745 Schley, Donald G. Biographies, Egyptian. See Egyptian Literature (Biographies) Biography, Ancient + 1:745-749 Talbert, Charles H. Bir‘am, Kefar. See Kefar Bir‘am (M.R. 189272) Birds. See Zoology Birsha (PERSON) 1:749 Astour, Michael C. Birzaith (PERSON) 1:749-750 O’Brien, J. Randall Bishlam (PERSON) + 1:750 Shearer, Rodney H. Bishops’ Bible. See Bible, Bishops’ Bit. See Zoology Bithiah (PERSON) 1:750 Lo, Hing Choi Bithynia (PLACE) + 1:750-753 Sheppard, Anthony R. R. Biziothiah (PLACE) 1:753 Herion, Gary A. Biztha (PERSON). See Mehuman Blasphemy. See Punishments and Crimes Blasting/Blight. See Agriculture Blastus (PERSON) 1:753 Watson, JoAnn Ford Bless/Blessing + 1:753-755 Richards, Kent Harold Blessings and Curses + 1:755-761 Urbrock, William J. Blight. See Agriculture Blindness. See Sickness and Disease Blood + 1:761-763 Sperling, S. David Blood, Avenger of + 1:763-764 Sperling, S. David Blood, Field of (PLACE). See Akeldama (PLACE) Blood, Flow of. See Unclean and Clean Bloodguilt + 1:764-765 Sperling, S. David Boar. See Zoology Board. See Plank Boaz (PERSON) + 1:765 Mathews, Kenneth A. Bocheru (PERSON) 1:765 Johnson, Siegfried S. Bochim (PLACE) 1:765 Kobayashi, Yoshitaka Bodmer Papyri + 1:766-767 Pietersma, Albert Body + 1:767-772 Schweizer, R. Eduard Bohan, Stone of (PLACE) + 1:772 Baker, David W. Boil. See Sickness and Disease Bond 1:772-773 Old Testament + 1:772-773 Schley, Donald G. New Testament + 1:773 Cook, John G. Booths, Feast of. 1:773 See also Calendars (Ancient Israelite and Early Jewish) Bor-Ashan (PLACE). See Ashan Borith (PERSON). See Bukki Bosor (PLACE) + 1:773 Redditt, Paul L. Bougaean (PLACE) + 1:773-774 Schmidt, Frederick W. Bowl. See Pottery (Chronology) Box Tree. See Flora Bozez (PLACE) 1:774 Hamilton, Jeffries M. Bozkath (PLACE) + 1:774 Kotter, Wade R. Bozrah (PLACE): 1:774-776 1: in Edom + 1:774-775 Hart, Stephen; Hübner, Ulrich 2: in Moab; 3: in Hauran + 1:775-776 Hübner, Ulrich Bracelets. See Jewelry Bramble. See Flora Branch + 1:776-777 Bracke, John M. Brand, Camel. See Wasm (Camel Brand) Bread + 1:777-780 Reed, Stephen A. Bread of the Presence + 1:780-781 Flesher, Paul V. M. Breastpiece + 1:781 Meyers, Carol Breastplate. See Weapons and Implements of Warfare
- 20. ABD Article Index 19 Breeches.See Dress and Ornamentation Bridal Jewelry. See Jewelry Bride. See Marriage Bride of Christ 1:782 Reddish, Mitchell G. Bridle. See Zoology Broad Place 1:782 Broad Wall (PLACE) + 1:782 Mare, W. Harold Brooch. See Jewelry 1:782 Broom Tree. See Flora 1:782 Brother, Brotherhood (NT) + 1:783-782 Wilkins, Michael J. Brucianus. See Codex (Brucianus) Buck. See Zoology Buckler. See Weapons and Implements of Warfare Budde Hypothesis + 1:783-784 von Fange, Erich A. Bukki (PERSON) 1-2 1:784 Panitz, Raphael I. Bukkiah (PERSON) 1:784-785 McCann, J. Clinton, Jr. Bul. See also Calendars 1:785 Bull/Bullock. See Zoology Bunah (PERSON) 1:785 Bunni (PERSON) + 1:785 Schley, Donald G. Burials: 1:785-794 Israelite + 1:785-789 Bloch-Smith, Elizabeth Ancient Jewish + 1:789-794 Hachlili, Rachel Buseirah. See Bozrah Bushel. See Weights and Measures Bustard. See Zoology Butchering Animals. See Zoology Buz (PERSON) 1-2 + 1:794 Knauf, Ernst Axel Buz (PLACE) + 1:794 Knauf, Ernst Axel Buzi (PERSON) 1:794-795 Knauf, Ernst Axel Buzzard. See Zoology Byblos (PLACE). See Gebal (PLACE) Byblos Syllabic. See Languages (Byblos Syllabic Inscriptions) Cabbon (PLACE) + 1:797 Kotter, Wade R. Cabul (PLACE) + 1:797 Frankel, Rafael Caesar + 1:797-798 Jones, Brian W. Caesar’s Household + 1:798 Hall, John F. Caesar, Appeal to. See Appeal to Caesar Caesarea (PLACE) + 1:798-803 Hohlfelder, Robert L. Caesarea Philippi (PLACE) 1:803 Kutsko, John F. Caiaphas (PERSON) + 1:803-806 Chilton, Bruce Cain (PERSON) + 1:806-807 Hess, Richard S. Cainan (PERSON) 1-2 1:807 Fry, Virgil R. L. Cairo Genizah. See Damascus Rule (CD) Calah (PERSON) + 1:807-808 Grayson, A. Kirk Calamolalus (PERSON) 1:808 McGehee, Michael David Calamus. See Perfumes and Spices Calcol (PERSON) + 1:808 Mariottini, Claude F. Caleb (PERSON) + 1:808-810 Fretz, Mark J.; Panitz, Raphael I. Calendars: 1:810-820 Ancient Near East + 1:810-814 Rochberg-Halton, Francesca Ancient Israelite and Early Jewish + 1:814-820 VanderKam, James C. Calf. See Zoology Calf, Golden. See Golden Calf Caligula (Emperor) + 1:820-821 Carroll, Scott T. Call Stories (GOSPELS) + 1:821-823 Droge, Arthur J. Callisthenes (PERSON) 1:823 Nelson, Russell D. Calneh (PLACE) 1:823-824 Meier, Samuel A. Calvary (PLACE). See Golgotha (PLACE) Camel + 1:824-826 Zarins, Juris
- 21. ABD Article Index 20 CamelBrands. See Wasm (Camel Brand) Camel’s Hair. See Dress and Ornamentation Cana of Galilee (PLACE) + 1:827 Strange, James F. Canaan (PERSON) + 1:828 Hess, Richard S. Canaan (PLACE) + 1:828-831 Schmitz, Philip C. Canaan, Conquest of. See Israel, History of (Premonarchic Period) Canaan, Egyptian Relations With. See Egyptian Relations with Canaan Canaan, Religion of + 1:831-837 Day, John Canaanite Language. See Languages (Introductory Survey) Candace (PERSON) + 1:837 Witherington, Ben, III Canneh (PLACE) + 1:837 Meier, Samuel A. Canon. See also Apocrypha 1:837-861 Hebrew Bible + 1:837-852 Sanders, James A. New Testament + 1:852-861 Gamble, Harry Y. Canon, Muratorian. See Muratorian Fragment 1:861 Canonical Criticism + 1:861-866 Sheppard, Gerald T. Canopy 1:866 Meyers, Carol Canticles, Book of. See Song of Songs, Book of Cape. See Dress and Ornamentation Capernaum (PLACE) + 1:866-869 Corbo, Virgilio C. Caphar-Salama (PLACE) 1:869 Smith, Robert Wayne Caphtor (PERSON) + 1:869-870 Hess, Richard S. Capital + 1:870 Meyers, Carol Capitolias (PLACE). See Beit Ras (M.R. 230222) Cappadocia (PLACE) + 1:870-872 Sullivan, Richard D. Carabasion (PERSON) + 1:872 McGehee, Michael David Caravan. See Travel and Communication Caria (PLACE) 1:872 Carroll, Scott T. Carites + 1:872 Ehrlich, Carl S. Carkas (PERSON). See Mehuman (PERSON) Carmel (PLACE) + 1:873 DeVries, LaMoine F. Carmel Caves (M.R. 146230) 1:873-874 Ronen, Avraham Carmel, Mount (PLACE) + 1:874-875 Thompson, Henry O. Carmi (PERSON) 1-2 1:875-876 Mariottini, Claude F. Carmonians 1:876 Herion, Gary A. Carnaim (PLACE) + 1:876 Redditt, Paul L. Carpus (PERSON) + 1:876-877 Gillman, Florence Morgan Carshena (PERSON) + 1:877 Bush, Frederic W. Carving. See Art and Architecture Casemate. See Fortifications Casiphia (PLACE) + 1:877 Herion, Gary A. Casluhim + 1:877-878 Hess, Richard S. Caspin (PLACE) 1:878 Smith, Robert Wayne Cassia. See Perfumes and Spices; Flora Castanets. See Music and Musical Instruments Cat. See Zoology Catholic Epistles. See Epistles, Catholic Catholic Versions. See Versions, Catholic Cathua (PERSON) 1:878 McGehee, Michael David Cattle. See Zoology Cauda (PLACE) + 1:878 Wineland, John D. Cavalry. See Military Organization in Mesopotamia Cedar. See Flora Ceiling 1:879 Celibacy 1:879 Celsus (PERSON) + 1:879-881 Burke, Gary T. Cenchreae (PLACE) + 1:881-882 Hohlfelder, Robert L. Cendebeus (PERSON) + 1:882 Rappaport, Uriel Censers + 1:882 Meyers, Carol Census 1:882-884
- 22. ABD Article Index 21 AncientNear East + 1:882-883 Fales, Frederick Mario Roman Census + 1:883-884 Schmitz, Philip C. Centurion. See Roman Army Ceremonial Law. See Law, (Biblical and ANE) Cerinthus (PERSON) 1:885 Cockerill, Gareth Lee Chabris (PERSON) 1:885 White, Sidnie Ann Chadiasans 1:885 McGehee, Michael David Chaereas (PERSON) 1:885 Nelson, Russell D. Chaldea (PLACE) + 1:886-887 Hess, Richard S. Chalkstones. See Geography and the Bible (Palestine) Chalphi (PERSON) 1:887 Nelson, Russell D. Champion. See David’s Champions Chaphenatha (PLACE) + 1:887 Lillie, Betty Jane Charax (PLACE) + 1:887-888 Smith, Robert Houston Charea (PERSON). See Harsha (PERSON) Chariots + 1:888-892 Littauer, Mary Aiken; Crouwel, J. H. Charismata. See Holy Spirit; Gifts, Spiritual Charity. See Love (NT and Early Jewish Literature) Charmer. See Magic (OT) Charmis (PERSON) 1:892 White, Sidnie Ann Chasing. See Jewelry Chaspho (PLACE) + 1:892-893 Redditt, Paul L. Chebar (PLACE) + 1:893 Thompson, Henry O. Checker Work 1:893 Meyers, Carol Chedorlaomer (PERSON) + 1:893-895 Astour, Michael C. Cheetah. See Zoology Chelal (PERSON) 1:895 Fager, Jeffrey A. Chelleans + 1:895 White, Sidnie Ann Chelous (PLACE) 1:895 White, Sidnie Ann Chelub (PERSON) 1:895 Nysse, Richard W. Chelubai (PERSON). See Caleb 1:895 Cheluhi (PERSON). See also Bedeiah 1:895 Fager, Jeffrey A. Chemosh (DEITY) 1:895-897 Mattingly, Gerald L. Chenaanah (PERSON) 1:897 Johnson, Siegfried S. Chenani (PERSON) 1:897 Schmidt, Frederick W. Chenaniah (PERSON) 1-2 + 1:897 Rogers, Jeffrey S. Chephar-Ammoni (PLACE) + 1:898 McGarry, Susan E. Chephirah (PLACE) + 1:898 Dorsey, David A. Cheran (PERSON) 1:898 Matthews, Victor H. Cherethites + 1:898-899 Ehrlich, Carl S. Cherith, Brook of (PLACE) 1:899 Younker, Randall W. Cherub (PERSON) 1:899 McGehee, Michael David Cherub (PLACE) 1:899 McGehee, Michael David Cherubim + 1:899-900 Meyers, Carol Chesalon (PLACE) + 1:900 Mullins, Robert A. Chesed (PERSON) 1:900 Slayton, Joel C. Chesil (PLACE) 1:900 Herion, Gary A. Chester Beatty Papyri + 1:901-903 Pietersma, Albert Chesulloth (PLACE). See also Chisloth-Tabor (PLACE) 1:903 Chezib (PERSON) 1:903 McGehee, Michael David Chezib (PLACE) + 1:903-904 Manor, Dale W. Chi 1:904 Chiasm, Chiasmus. See Psalms, Book of Chicken. See Zoology Chidon (PERSON). See also Nacon (PERSON) 1:904 Chidon (PLACE) 1:904 Mullins, Robert A. Chief. See Palestine, Administration of: Judean Officials (Postexilic) Child, Children + 1:904-907 Grassi, Joseph A. Chileab (PERSON) 1:907 Howard, David M., Jr. Chiliasm + 1:908 Ford, J. Massyngbaerde
- 23. ABD Article Index 22 Chilion(PERSON) + 1:908 Mathews, Kenneth A. Chilmad (PLACE) + 1:908-909 Thompson, Henry O. Chimham (PERSON) 1:909 Dempster, Stephen G. Chinnereth (PLACE) + 1:909-910 Fargo, Valerie M. Chinnereth, Sea of (PLACE). See Galilee, Sea of Chios (PLACE) 1:910 Carroll, Scott T. Chislev. 1:910 See also Calendars (Ancient Israelite and Early Jewish) Chislon (PERSON) 1:910 Panitz, Raphael I. Chisloth-Tabor (PLACE) + 1:910-911 Frankel, Rafael Chitlish (PLACE) + 1:911 Kotter, Wade R. Chloe (PERSON) + 1:911 Gillman, Florence Morgan Choba (PLACE) 1:911 White, Sidnie Ann Chorazin (PLACE) + 1:911-912 Smith, Robert Wayne Chorbe (PERSON) 1:912 Pacwa, Mitchell C. Chosamaeus (PERSON) 1:912 McGehee, Michael David Chreia + 1:912-914 Hock, Ronald F. Christ + 1:914-921 de Jonge, Marinus Christ, Body of + 1:921-923 Luter, A. Boyd, Jr. Christ, Day of. See Day of Christ Christ, Death of + 1:923-925 Matera, Frank J. Christian + 1:925-926 Wilkins, Michael J. Christian Art, Early. See Art and Architecture (Early Christian) Christian Attitude toward Rome. See Rome, Early Christian Attitudes to Christian Literature, Early. See Literature, Early Christian Christian Ministry. See Ministry in the Early Church Christian Papyri. See Papyri, Early Christian Christian-Jewish Relations. See Jewish-Christian Relations (70-170) Christianity 1:926-979 Early Social Life and Organization + 1:927-935 White, L. Michael Early Jewish Christianity + 1:935-938 Schille, Gottfried Christianity in Asia Minor + 1:938-954 Oster, Richard E., Jr. Christianity in Egypt + 1:954-960 Pearson, Birger A. Christianity in Greece + 1:960-965 McDonald, Lee Martin North African Christianity + 1:965-968 Petersen, William L. Christianity in Rome + 1:968-970 Snyder, Graydon F. Christianity in Syria + 1:970-979 Bundy, David Christianity, Sociology of Early. See Sociology (Early Christianity) Christians, Persecution of. See Persecution of the Early Church Christology (NT) + 1:979-991 Dunn, James D. G. Chronicles of the Kings (Israel/Judah), Book of the + 1:991-992 Christensen, Duane L. Chronicles, Book of 1-2 1:992-1002 Klein, Ralph W. Chronographer, Demetrius the. See Demetrius the Chronographer Chronology.: 1:1002-1022 See also Egypt, History of (Chronology); Mesopotamia, History of (Chronology) Hebrew Bible + 1:1002-1011 Cogan, Mordechai New Testament + 1:1011-1022 Donfried, Karl P. Churches, Seven. See Seven Churches Chusi (PLACE) + 1:1022 White, Sidnie Ann Chuza (PERSON) 1:1022 Fry, Virgil R. L. Cilicia (PLACE) + 1:1022-1024 Bing, J. Daniel Cimmerians + 1:1025 Wineland, John D. Cinnamon. See Perfumes and Spices; Flora Circumcision + 1:1025-1031 Hall, Robert G. Circumlocution. 1:1031 See also Bible, Euphemism and Dysphemism in the Cistern of Sirah (PLACE). See Sirah, Cistern of (PLACE) Cisterns. See Agriculture Cities: 1:1031-1048 Cities in the Levant + 1:1031-1043 Herzog, Ze’ev
- 24. ABD Article Index 23 Greco-RomanCities + 1:1043-1048 Stambaugh, John E. Cities of Refuge. See Refuge, Cities of Cities, Levitical. See Levitical Cities Citizenship + 1:1048-1049 Bruce, Frederick Fyvie City Authorities + 1:1049-1050 Bruce, Frederick Fyvie City Names + 1:1050-1052 Arbeitman, Yoël L. City of David. See David, City of (PLACE) City of David, Stairs of. See Stairs of the City of David City of Palm Trees (PLACE) + 1:1052-1053 Kobayashi, Yoshitaka City of Salt (PLACE) + 1:1053 Thompson, Henry O. City of the Sun (PLACE). See Sun, City of the Clams. See Zoology Clan. See Family Claromontanus. See Codex Claromontanus Claudia (PERSON) + 1:1053 Gillman, Florence Morgan Claudius (EMPEROR) + 1:1054-1055 Jones, Brian W. Claudius Lysias (PERSON) 1:1055 Watson, JoAnn Ford Clay. See Pottery (Technology) Clean. See Unclean and Clean Clement (PERSON) + 1:1055 Gillman, John L. Clement, First Epistle of + 1:1055-1060 Welborn, Laurence L. Clement, Second Epistle of + 1:1061 Grant, Robert M. Clementines, Pseudo- + 1:1061-1062 Jones, F. Stanley Cleodemus Malchus + 1:1062-1063 Holladay, Carl R. Cleopas (PERSON) + 1:1063-1064 O’Toole, Robert F. Cleopatra (PERSON) 1-4 + 1:1064 Whitehorne, John Clergy. See Ministry in the Early Church Client Kings + 1:1064-1066 Braund, David C. Cloisonne. See Jewelry Clopas (PERSON) 1:1066 Daniels, Jon B. Clothing. See Dress and Ornamentation Cloud, Pillar of. See Pillar of Fire and Cloud Club, War. See Weapons and Implements of Warfare Clubs. See Associations, Clubs, Thiasoi Cnidus (PLACE) + 1:1066-1067 Olson, Mark J. Coat of Mail. See Weapons and Implements of Warfare Code. See Law (Biblical and ANE) Codex: 1:1067-1075 See also Canon (New Testament); Chester Beatty Papyri; Nag Hammadi; Papyri, Early Christian; and Pistis Sophia The Codex + 1:1067-1069 Gamble, Harry Y. Codex Alexandrinus + 1:1069 Slayton, Joel C. Berlin Gnostic Codex + 1:1069-1070 Parrott, Douglas M. Codex Bezae Cantabrigiensis + 1:1070-1071 Parker, D. C. Codex Brucianus + 1:1071-1072 Williams, Michael A. Codex Claromontanus + 1:1072-1073 Robbins, Gregory Allen Codex Ephraimi Rescriptus + 1:1073-1074 Parker, D. C. Codex Sinaiticus + 1:1074 Charlesworth, James H. Codex Vaticanus + 1:1074-1075 Parker, D. C. Codex Washingtonianus + 1:1075 Hurtado, Larry W. Coele-Syria (PLACE) + 1:1075-1076 Smith, Robert Wayne Cohort, Augustan. See Augustan Cohort Cohort, Italian. See Italian Cohort Coinage + 1:1076-1089 Betlyon, John W. Col-Hozeh (PERSON) 1:1089 Augustin, Gary C. Colonies, Roman. See Roman Colonies Colossae (PLACE) + 1:1089-1090 Arnold, Clinton E. Colossians, Epistle to the + 1:1090-1096 Furnish, Victor Paul Columbaria. See also Zoology 1:1096 Commagene (PLACE) + 1:1096-1097 Sullivan, Richard D. Commandment + 1:1097-1099 Collins, Raymond F.
- 25. ABD Article Index 24 Commandments,Ten. See Ten Commandments Commission, Great. See Great Commission Communication. See Travel and Communication Communion. See Lord’s Supper; Agape Meal Community 1:1099-1110 Old Testament + 1:1099-1103 Hanson, Paul D. New Testament Koinōnia + 1:1103-1110 Wall, Robert W. Community, Rule of the (1QS). See also Qumran; Essenes + 1:1110-1112 Murphy-O’Connor, Jerome Compassion. See Love Computers and Biblical Studies + 1:1112-1124 Parunak, H. Van Dyke Conaniah (PERSON) + 1:1124-1125 Lowery, Kirk E. Concept of Our Great Power, The (NHC VI,4) + 1:1125 Goehring, James E. Coney. See Zoology Conflate Readings in the OT + 1:1125-1128 Trebolle, Julio Conjuring. See Magic (OT) Conquest of Canaan. See Israel, History of Conscience + 1:1128-1130 Wall, Robert W. Constellations. See Astrology in the Near East Constitution. See Law (in Judaism of the NT Period) Constitutions and Canons, Apostolic. See Apostolic Constitutions and Canons Contibution for the Saints + 1:1131 Jervis, L. Ann Conversion + 1:1131-1133 Gaventa, Beverly Roberts Coops, Pigeon. See Zoology Copper Scroll (3Q15) + 1:1133-1134 Pixner, Bargil (Virgil) Coptic Language. See Languages (Coptic) Coptic Versions. See Versions, Ancient (Coptic) Cor. See Weights and Measures Corban + 1:1134 Wilcox, Max Corinth (PLACE) + 1:1134-1139 Murphy-O’Connor, Jerome Corinthians, First Epistle to the + 1:1139-1148 Betz, Hans Dieter; Mitchell, Margaret M. Corinthians, Second Epistle to + 1:1148-1154 Betz, Hans Dieter Corinthians, Third Epistle to + 1:1154 Thomason, Dana Andrew Cormorant. See Zoology Cornelius (PERSON) + 1:1154-1156 Gaventa, Beverly Roberts Corner Gate (PLACE) + 1:1156 Liid, Dale C. Corporate Personality + 1:1156-1157 Rogerson, J. W. Corpus Hellenisticum Novi Testamenti + 1:1157-1161 van der Horst, Peiter W. Corrections of the Scribes. See Scribal Emendations; Textual Criticism; Masorah Corruption, Mount of (PLACE) + 1:1161 Mare, W. Harold Cos (PLACE) 1:1161-1162 Carroll, Scott T. Cosam (PERSON) + 1:1162 Porter, Stanley E. Cosmogony, Cosmology + 1:1162-1171 Oden, Robert A., Jr. Cotton. See Flora; Dress and Ornamentation Council. See Sanhedrin Council of Jamnia. See Jamnia (Jabneh), Council of Council of Jerusalem. See Jerusalem, Council of Council, Heavenly. See Divine Assembly; Hosts, Lord of Counsellors. See Palestine, Administration of: Postexilic Judean Officials Counting. See Numbers and Counting Courier. See Travel and Communication (ANE) Court Narrative (2 Samuel 9-1Kings 2) + 1:1172-1179 Forshey, Harold O. Court of the Guard. See Guard, Court of the Courts. See Law, Biblical and ANE Covenant + 1:1179-1202 Mendenhall, George E.; Herion, Gary A. Covet, Covetousness. See Wanting and Desiring Cowardice. See Virtue/Vice Lists Cozbi (PERSON) + 1:1202 Hutton, Rodney R. Cozeba (PLACE) + 1:1202 McGarry, Susan E. Craftsmen, Valley of (PLACE) + 1:1202-1203 Hunt, Melvin Crates (PERSON) + 1:1203 Hardwick, Michael E.
- 26. ABD Article Index 25 Crawlingand Creeping Things + 1:1203 Wright, David P. Creatures, Living. See Zoology Creeds, Early Christian + 1:1203-1206 Leith, John H. Crescens (PERSON) 1:1206 Gillman, Florence Morgan Crescents. See Jewelry Crete (PLACE) + 1:1206 Pattengale, Jerry A. Crimes and Punishments. See Punishments and Crimes Crispus (PERSON) 1:1206 Gillman, John L. Criticism, Biblical. See Biblical Criticism Crocus. See Flora Crow. See Zoology Crown. See Jewelry Crucifixion + 1:1207-1210 O’Collins, Gerald G. Cruse + 1:1210 Meyers, Carol Ctesias + 1:1211-1212 Briant, Pierre; Rosoff, Stephen (trans.) Cub (PLACE). See Libya Cubit. See Weights and Measures Cucumber. See Flora Cummin. See Flora Cun (PLACE) + 1:1212 Avalos, Hector Cuneiform + 1:1212-1218 Cooper, Jerrold S. Curse + 1:1218-1219 Stuart, Douglas Cush (PERSON) 1-2 1:1219 Johnson, Siegfried S. Cushan (PLACE) + 1:1219-1220 Baker, David W. Cushan-Rishathaim (PERSON) + 1:1220 Bartlett, John R. Cushi (PERSON) 1-2 1:1220 Dalglish, Edward R. Cuth (PLACE) 1:1220-1221 Meier, Samuel A. Cutha (PERSON) 1:1221 McGehee, Michael David Cyamon (PLACE) 1:1221 White, Sidnie Ann Cyclone. See Palestine, Climate of Cymbals. See Music and Musical Instruments Cynics + 1:1221-1226 Hock, Ronald F. Cypress. See Flora Cyprian + 1:1226-1228 Clarke, G. W. Cyprus (PLACE) + 1:1228-1230 McRay, John Cyrene (PLACE) + 1:1230-1231 Gasque, W. Ward Cyril of Jerusalem, 20th Discourse of. See Virgin, Assumption of the Cyrus (PERSON) 1:1231-1232 Young, T. Cuyler, Jr. D. See also Deuteronomy, Book of 2:1 Dabbesheth (PLACE) 2:1 Greenberg, Raphael Daberath (PLACE) + 2:1 Peterson, John L. Dabria (PERSON) + 2:1 Han, Jin Hee Dagon (DEITY) + 2:1-3 Handy, Lowell K. Dalet 2:3 Daliyeh, Wadi ed- (M.R. 189155) + 2:3-4 Cross, Frank Moore Dalmanutha (PLACE) + 2:4 Strange, James F. Dalmatia (PLACE) + 2:4-5 Pattengale, Jerry A. Dalphon (PERSON) + 2:5 Bedford, Peter Damaris (PERSON) + 2:5 Witherington, Ben, III Damascus (PLACE). See also Aram 2:5-8 Pre-Hellenistic History 2:5-7 Pitard, Wayne T. The Greco-Roman Period 2:7-8 McRay, John Damascus Rule (CD) 2:8-10 Davies, Philip R. Dan (PERSON) + 2:10-12 Whitelam, Keith W. Dan (PLACE) + 2:12-17 Biran, Avraham Daniel (PERSON) 1-3 2:17-18 Howard, David M., Jr. Daniel, Additions to + 2:18-28 Moore, Carey A. Daniel, Apocalypse of + 2:28-29 Zervos, George T. Daniel, Book of + 2:29-37 Collins, John J. Dannah (PLACE) 2:37 Kotter, Wade R.
- 27. ABD Article Index 26 Daphne(PLACE) 2:37 Hardwick, Michael E. Dara (PERSON) 2:37 Mariottini, Claude F. Darda (PERSON) 2:37 McMillion,Phillip E. Daric. See Coinage Darius (PERSON) 2:37-38 Young, T. Cuyler, Jr. Darius the Mede (PERSON) + 2:38-39 Koch, Klaus Darkon (PERSON) + 2:39-40 Shearer, Rodney H. Dart. See Weapons and Implements of Warfare Date Palm. See Flora Dathan (PERSON) + 2:40 Hutton, Rodney R. Dathema (PLACE) + 2:40 Redditt, Paul L. Daughter. See Family Daughters of Philip. See Philip (PERSON) David (PERSON) + 2:41-49 Howard, David M., Jr. David’s Champions + 2:49-52 Schley, Donald G. David, City of (PLACE) + 2:52-67 Tarler, David; Cahill, Jane M. David, Sons of 2:67-69 Howard, David M., Jr. Davidic Covenant + 2:69-72 Guinan, Michael D. Dawn, The. See Shahar (DEITY) Day of Atonement + 2:72-76 Wright, David P. Day of Christ + 2:76-79 Hiers, Richard H. Day of Judgement + 2:79-82 Hiers, Richard H. Day of the Lord + 2:82-83 Hiers, Richard H. Day of Yahweh + 2:84-85 Cathcart, Kevin J. Dead Sea. See Salt Sea (PLACE) Dead Sea Scrolls. See also Wadi Murabbaat + 2:85-101 Collins, John J. Dead, Abode of the + 2:101-105 Lewis, Theodore J. Dead, Cult of the + 2:105-108 Kennedy, Charles A. Death 2:108-111 Old Testament + 2:108-110 Richards, Kent Harold New Testament + 2:110-111 Gulley, Norman R. Death of Christ. See Christ, Death of Death, Pollution of. See Heifer, Red Death, Second + 2:111-112 Watson, Duane F. Debir (PERSON) 2:112 Schley, Donald G. Debir (PLACE) 1 + 2:112 Herion, Gary A.; Manor, Dale W. Debir (PLACE) 2-3. See also Lo-Debar 2:112-113 Lott, Jeffrey K. Deborah (PERSON) 1-3 + 2:113-114 Boling, Robert G. Debts + 2:114-116 Chilton, Bruce Decapolis + 2:116-121 Rey-Coquais, Jean-Paul; Rosoff, Stephen (trans.) Decision, Valley of (PLACE). See also Jehoshaphat, Valley of 2:121 Mare, W. Harold Deconstruction. See Post-Structuralist Analysis Dedan (PLACE) + 2:121-123 Graf, David F. Dedication, Feast of + 2:123-125 VanderKam, James C. Deep, The + 2:125-126 Seow, C. L. Deer. See Zoology Defile. See Unclean and Clean Deir ‘Alla, Tell (M.R. 209178) 2:126-130 Archaeology + 2:126-129 Franken, H.J. Texts + 2:129-130 Hackett, Jo Ann Deir el-Balah (M.R. 088093) + 2:130-133 Dothan, Trude Deities, Semitic. See Names of God in the OT Deity Names. See Names of God in the OT Delaiah (PERSON) 1-3 + 2:133 Wright, John W. Delilah (PERSON) + 2:133-134 Exum, J. Cheryl Delos (PLACE) + 2:134 Pattengale, Jerry A. Delta 2:134 Demas (PERSON) + 2:134-135 Gillman, Florence Morgan Demetrius (PERSON) 1-6 + 2:135-137 Lillie, Betty Jane Demetrius (PERSON) 7 + 2:137 Oster, Richard E., Jr.
- 28. ABD Article Index 27 Demetriusthe Chronographer + 2:137-138 Holladay, Carl R. Demons: 2:138-142 Old Testament 2:138-140 Kuemmerlin-McLean, Joanne K. New Testament + 2:140-142 Reese, David George Demophon (PERSON) 2:142 Nelson, Russell D. Demotic Chronicle + 2:142-144 Johnson, Janet H. Den of Lions. See Punishments and Crimes (OT and ANE) Denarius. See Coinage Deposit + 2:144 Caulley, Thomas Scott Derbe (PLACE) + 2:144-145 Wineland, John D. Descent to the Underworld + 2:145-159 Bauckham, Richard Desire. See Wanting and Desiring Desolation, Abomination of. See Abomination of Desolation Dessau (PLACE) + 2:159 Kampen, John Destiny. See Meni (DEITY) Destroyer, The + 2:159-160 Watson, Duane F. Deuel (PERSON) 2:160 Launderville, Dale F. Deutero-Isaiah. See Isaiah, Book of (Second Isaiah) Deuterocanonical. See Apocrypha Deuteronomic (D) Source. 2:160 See also Deuteronomy, Book of; Torah (Pentateuch); Source Criticism (OT) Deuteronomistic History + 2:160-168 McKenzie, Steven L. Deuteronomy, Book of + 2:168-183 Weinfeld, Moshe Devil + 2:183-184 Watson, Duane F. Devout + 2:184 Stuehrenberg, Paul F. Dew. See Palestine, Climate of DH. See also Deuteronomistic History 2:184 Dhahr Mirzbâneh (M.R. 156182) + 2:184-185 Dever, William G. Diadem. See Dress and Ornamentation Dialogue + 2:185-188 Majercik, Ruth Dialogue of the Savior (NHC III,5) + 2:188-189 Hills, Julian V. Diatessaron + 2:189-190 Petersen, William L. Diatribe + 2:190-193 Stowers, Stanley K. Diblaim (PERSON) 2:193 Pressler, Carolyn J. Dibon (PLACE) + 2:194-196 Tushingham, A. Douglas Dibri (PERSON) + 2:197 Viviano, Pauline A. Didache + 2:197-198 Kraft, Robert A. Didymus. See Thomas (PERSON) Diet. See Meal Customs; Zoology Diklah (PERSON) + 2:198-199 Müller, Walter W. Dilean (PLACE) 2:199 Kotter, Wade R. Dill. See Flora Dimnah (PLACE) 2:199 Herion, Gary A. Dimon (PLACE) 2:199 Mattingly, Gerald L. Dimonah (PLACE) + 2:199-200 Zorn, Jeffrey R. Dinah (PERSON) + 2:200 Meyers, Carol Dinhabah (PLACE) + 2:200-201 Knauf, Ernst Axel Diognetus, Epistle to + 2:201 Grant, Robert M. Dionysius (PERSON) 2:201 Wheeler, Frank E. Dionysus (DEITY) + 2:201-202 Dillon, John M. Dioscorinthius + 2:202-203 Kampen, John Dioscuri + 2:203 Danker, Frederick William Diotrephes (PERSON) + 2:204 Fry, Virgil R. L. Direction and Orientation 2:204 Drinkard, Joel F., Jr. Discharge. See also Holiness; Unclean and Clean + 2:204-207 Wright, David P.; Jones, Richard N. Disciple, Discipleship + 2:207-210 Weder, Hans; Martin, Dennis (trans.) Disciple, Manual of. See Community, Rule of the (1QS) Discourse on the Eighth and Ninth (NHC VI,6) + 2:210-212 Majercik, Ruth Discourse, Direct and Indirect + 2:212-213 Alter, Robert Disease. See Sickness and Disease
- 29. ABD Article Index 28 Dishan(PERSON) + 2:214 Knauf, Ernst Axel Dishon (PERSON) 1-2 2:214 Mariottini, Claude F. Dismemberment. See Punishments and Crimes Dives. See Lazarus and Dives Divination, Diviner. See Magic (OT) Divine Assembly + 2:214-217 Mullen, E. Theodore, Jr. Divine Man. See Aretalogy Divine Names (OT). See Names of God Divine Warrior. See Warrior, Divine Diviners’ Oak (PLACE) + 2:217 Toews, Wesley Irwin Divorce + 2:217-219 Wall, Robert W. Dizahab (PLACE) + 2:219 Knauf, Ernst Axel Dodanim + 2:219 Hess, Richard S. Dodavahu (PERSON) 2:219-220 Dempster, Stephen G. Dodo (PERSON) 1-3 2:220 Schley, Donald G. Doe. See Zoology Doeg (PERSON) 2:220 Hübner, Ulrich Dog. See Zoology Dok (PLACE) 2:220 Smith, Robert Wayne Dolmen 2:220-221 Swauger, James L. Domestication of Animals. See Zoology Domitian (EMPEROR) + 2:221-222 Jones, Brian W. Dophkah (PLACE) + 2:222-223 Zorn, Jeffrey R. Dor (PLACE) + 2:223-225 Stern, Ephraim Dorcas (PERSON) + 2:225-226 Witherington, Ben, III Dorymenes (PERSON) 2:226 Rappaport, Uriel Dositheus (PERSON) 1-5 + 2:226 Rappaport, Uriel Dothan (PLACE) + 2:226 Dever, William G. Douay Version + 2:227-228 Lewis, Jack P. Double Names. See Names, Double Dove. See Zoology Dowry. See Marriage Drachma. See Coinage Dragon and Sea, God’s Conflict with + 2:228-231 Day, John Dreams in the NT and Greco-Roman Literature + 2:231-232 Everts, Janet Meyer Dress and Ornamentation + 2:232-238 Edwards, Douglas R. Drinking. See Eating and Drinking Dromedary. See Zoology Drowning. See Punishments and Crimes Drum. See Music and Musical Instruments Drusilla (PERSON) + 2:238-239 Braund, David C. Dumah (PERSON) + 2:239-240 Zarins, Juris Dumah (PLACE) 1-3 2:240 Brodsky, Harold Dung Gate (PLACE) + 2:240 Mare, W. Harold Dur-Kurigalzu (PLACE) + 2:240-241 Margueron, Jean-Claude; Sager, Paul (trans.) Dura (PLACE) + 2:241 Thompson, Henry O. Dura-Europos (PLACE) + 2:241-243 Thompson, Henry O. Dwarf. See Sickness and Disease Dye. See Zoology Dysentery. See Sickness and Disease Dysphemism. See also Bible, Euphemism and Dysphemism in the E. See also Elohist 2:245 Eagle. See Zoology Earrings. See Jewelry Earth + 2:245-248 Janzen, Waldemar Earth, New. See New Earth, New Heaven Earthworm. See Zoology East 2:248 Drinkard, Joel F., Jr. East Country (PLACE) + 2:248 Williams, David Salter East Gate (PLACE) + 2:248-249 Liid, Dale C.
- 30. ABD Article Index 29 East,People of the + 2:249 Knauf, Ernst Axel Easter. See Passion Narratives Eastern Sea (PLACE) + 2:249-250 Lubetski, Meir Eating and Drinking in the Old Testament + 2:250-254 Jenks, Alan W. Ebal (PERSON) 2:254 Matthews, Victor H. Ebal, Mount (PLACE) + 2:255-258 Zertal, Adam Ebed (PERSON) 1-2 + 2:258-259 Shogren, Gary S. Ebed-Melech (PERSON) 2:259 Dalglish, Edward R. Ebenezer (PLACE) 2:259-260 Hamilton, Jeffries M.; Kutsko, John F. Eber (PERSON) 1-5 + 2:260 Hess, Richard S. Eber (PLACE) + 2:260 Hess, Richard S. Ebez (PLACE) 2:260 Ebionites + 2:260-261 Goranson, Stephen Ebionites, Gospel of the + 2:261-262 Petersen, William L. Ebla Texts + 2:263-270 Biggs, Robert D. Ebron (PLACE). See also Abdon (PLACE) 2:270 Ecbatana (PLACE) 2:270-271 Perkins, Larry J. Ecclesiastes, Book of + 2:271-280 Crenshaw, James L. Ecclesiasticus, Book of. See Wisdom of Ben-Sira Ecstasy + 2:280-281 Ringgren, Helmer ed-Daliyeh, Wadi. See Daliyeh, Wadi ed- (M.R. 189155) Eddinus (PERSON). See Jeduthun (PERSON) Eden (PERSON) 2:281 Lowery, Kirk E. Eden, Garden of (PLACE) + 2:281-283 Wallace, Howard N. Eder (PERSON) 1-2 2:283-284 Johnson, Siegfried S. Eder (PLACE) 2:284 Zorn, Jeffrey R. Eder, Tower of (PLACE) + 2:284 Liid, Dale C. Edessa (37º08'N; 38º46'E) 2:284-287 McVey, Kathleen E. Edna (PERSON) 2:287 Redditt, Paul L. Edom (PLACE): 2:287-301 Edom in History + 2:287-295 Bartlett, John R. Archaeology of Edom + 2:295-301 MacDonald, Burton Edomite Language. See Languages (Introductory Survey) Edrei (PLACE) 1-2 2:301 Mattingly, Gerald L. Education: 2:301-317 Education in Mesopotamia + 2:301-305 Civil, Miguel Ancient Israel + 2:305-312 Lemaire, André Greco-Roman Period + 2:312-317 Townsend, John T. Egerton Papyrus 2 + 2:317-318 Gamble, Harry Y. Eglah (PERSON) 2:318-319 Schearing, Linda S. Eglaim (PLACE) 2:319 Mattingly, Gerald L. Eglath-Shelishiyah (PLACE) 2:319 Mattingly, Gerald L. Eglon (PERSON) + 2:319-320 Kutsko, John F. Eglon (PLACE) + 2:320-321 Ehrlich, Carl S. Egypt (PERSON) 2:321 Hess, Richard S. Egypt, Brook of + 2:321 Görg, Manfred Egypt, History of: 2:321-374 See also Egyptian Relations with Canaan Chronology + 2:322-331 Kitchen, K. A. Prehistory + 2:331-336 Wendorf, Fred; Close, Angela E. Neolithic to Dynasty I + 2:336-342 Williams, Bruce B. Early Dynastic-1st Intermediate Period (Dyn. 1-11) + 2:342-345 Kadish, Gerald E. Middle Kingdom-2nd Intermediate Period (Dyn. 11-17) 2:345-348 Leprohon, Ronald J. New Kingdom (Dyn. 18-20) + 2:348-353 Murnane, William J. 3d Intermediate-Saite Period (Dyn. 21-26) + 2:353-364 Spalinger, Anthony Persian Period (Dyn. 27-31) + 2:364-367 Lloyd, Alan Brian Greco-Roman Period + 2:367-374 Brown, S. Kent Egypt, Plagues in + 2:374-378 Hoffmeier, James K. Egypt, River of + 2:378 Görg, Manfred Egyptian Language. See Languages (Egyptian)
- 31. ABD Article Index 30 EgyptianLiterature 2:378-399 Survey of Egyptian Literature + 2:378-390 Assmann, Jan Egyptian Biographies + 2:390-393 Sherman, Elizabeth J. Egyptian Love Songs + 2:393-395 Fox, Michael V. Egyptian Wisdom Literature + 2:395-399 Williams, Ronald J. Egyptian Oracles. See Oracle (Ancient Egypt) Egyptian Relations with Canaan + 2:399-408 Ward, William A. Egyptian Religion + 2:408-412 Wente, Edward F. Egyptian Theology. See Memphite Theology Egyptian, The (PERSON) + 2:412-413 Brown, S. Kent Egyptians, Gospel of the (NHC III,2 and IV,2) + 2:413-414 Wisse, Frederik Ehi (PERSON) 2:414 Johnson, Siegfried S. Ehud (PERSON) 1 + 2:414 Halpern, Baruch Ehud (PERSON) 2 2:414 Kutsko, John F. Ein el-Jarba. See Jarba, ‘Ein el- Ein Yael Project. See Rephaim, Valley of Eker (PERSON) + 2:415 Dalglish, Edward R. Ekron (PLACE) + 2:415-422 Dothan, Trude; Gitin, Seymour El (DEITY). See Names of God in the OT el-Areini. See Areini, Tell el- el-‘Ajjul, Tell. See ‘Ajjul, Tell el- el-Batashi. See Batashi, Tell el- El-Berith (DEITY). See Baal-Berith (DEITY) el-Emir, ‘Iraq. See ‘Iraq el-Emir el-Ghassul. See Ghassul, Tuleilat el- el-Hesi, Tell. See Hesi, Tell el- el-Hiri, Rujm. See Rujm el-Hiri el-Husn. See Husn, el- el-Jarba, ‘ein. See Jarba, ‘Ein el- el-Jib (PLACE). See Gibeon (PLACE) el-Khalil, Ramat. See Ramat el-Khalil el-Kheleifeh, Tell. See Kheleifeh, Tell el- el-Kom, Khirbet. See Kom, Khirbet el- el-Marjameh, Khirbet. See Marjameh, Khirbet el- el-Maskhuta, Tell. See Maskhuta, Tell el- el-Mazar, Tell. See Mazar, Tell el- el-Meshash, Khirbet. See Meshash, Khirbet el- el-Milh, Tell. See Malhata, Tel El-Olam (DEITY). See Names of God in the OT El-Paran (PLACE) 2:423 Astour, Michael C. el-Qedah, Tell. See Hazor el-Qom, Khirbet. See Kom, Khirbet el- el-Umeiri, Tell. See ‘Umeiri, Tell el- Ela (PERSON) + 2:423 Glatt, David A. Elah (PERSON) 2:423 Hübner, Ulrich Elah, Valley of (PLACE) 2:423 Hamilton, Jeffries M. Elam (PERSON) 1-6 2:423-424 Hess, Richard S. Elam (PLACE) + 2:424-429 Vallat, François; Rosoff, Stephen (trans.) Elasa (PLACE) 2:429 Glatt, David A. Elasah (PERSON) 1-2 2:429 Glatt, David A. Elath (PLACE) + 2:429-430 Zorn, Jeffrey R. Elchasaites + 2:430-431 Strecker, Georg; Martin, Dennis (trans.) Eldaah (PERSON) + 2:431 Knauf, Ernst Axel Eldad (PERSON) + 2:431 Slayton, Joel C. Eldad and Modad + 2:431 Charlesworth, James H. Elder. See Palestine, Administration of (Post-exilic Judean Officials); Family Elders, Tradition of the. See Tradition of the Elders 2:432 Elead (PERSON) + 2:432 Davis, M. Stephen Eleadah (PERSON) 2:432 Davis, M. Stephen Elealeh (PLACE) 2:432 Mattingly, Gerald L.
- 32. ABD Article Index 31 Eleasah(PERSON) 2:432 Johnson, Siegfried S. Eleazar (PERSON) 1-10 2:432-433 Propp, William H. Eleazar (PERSON) 11 + 2:433 Porter, Stanley E. Elect Lady + 2:433-434 Watson, Duane F. Election 2:434-444 Old Testament + 2:434-441 Patrick, Dale New Testament + 2:441-444 Shogren, Gary S. Element, Elemental Spirit + 2:444-445 DeMaris, Richard E. Eleph. See Ha-Eleph (PLACE) Elephant. See Zoology Elephantine Papyri + 2:445-455 Porten, Bezalel Eleutherus (PLACE) 2:455 Herion, Gary A. Elhanan (PERSON) 1-2 + 2:455-456 Dempster, Stephen G. Eli (PERSON) + 2:456-457 Youngblood, Ronald Eli, Eli, Lama Sabachthani 2:457 Wilcox, Max Eliab (PERSON) 1-7 2:457-458 Petter, Gerald J. Eliada (PERSON) 1-3 2:458 Howard, David M., Jr. Eliahba (PERSON) + 2:458 Bailey, Randall C. Eliakim (PERSON) 1-3 + 2:458-459 Clem, H. Eldon Eliakim (PERSON) 4-5 + 2:459 Porter, Stanley E. Elialis (PERSON) 2:459 McGehee, Michael David Eliam (PERSON) + 2:459-460 Bailey, Randall C. Eliasaph (PERSON) 2:460 Slayton, Joel C. Eliashib (PERSON) 1-7 + 2:460-461 Wright, John W. Eliasis (PERSON) 2:461 McGehee, Michael David Eliathah (PERSON) + 2:461 McCann, J. Clinton, Jr. Elidad (PERSON) 2:461 Panitz, Raphael I. Eliehoenai (PERSON) 1-2 + 2:461-462 Rogers, Jeffrey S. Eliel (PERSON) 1-6 2:462 Johnson, Siegfried S. Elienai (PERSON) 2:462 Johnson, Siegfried S. Eliezer (PERSON) 1-11 + 2:462-463 Propp, William H. Elihoreph (PERSON) 2:463 McMillion,Phillip E. Elihu (PERSON) + 2:463 Knauf, Ernst Axel Elijah (PERSON) 1 + 2:463-466 Walsh, Jerome T. Elijah (PERSON) 2-4 2:466 Johnson, Siegfried S. Elijah, Apocalypse of + 2:466-469 Wintermute, Orval S. Elika (PERSON) + 2:469 Dempster, Stephen G. Elim (PLACE) + 2:469 Zorn, Jeffrey R. Elimelech (PERSON) 2:469 Mathews, Kenneth A. Elioenai (PERSON) 1-6 2:470 Fager, Jeffrey A. Elionas (PERSON) 2:470 McGehee, Michael David Eliphal (PERSON) + 2:470 Dempster, Stephen G. Eliphaz (PERSON) 1 + 2:471 Hübner, Ulrich Eliphaz (PERSON) 2 + 2:471 Holbert, John C. Eliphelehu (PERSON) 2:471 Dillard, Raymond B. Eliphelet (PERSON) 1-6 + 2:471-472 Howard, David M., Jr. Elisha (PERSON) + 2:472-473 Whitelam, Keith W. Elishah (PERSON) 2:473 Baker, David W. Elishama (PERSON) 1-6 2:473 Berridge, John M. Elishaphat (PERSON) 2:473-474 Lowery, Kirk E. Elisheba (PERSON) 2:474 Slayton, Joel C. Elishua (PERSON) 2:474 Howard, David M., Jr. Eliud (PERSON) + 2:474 Porter, Stanley E. Elizabeth (PERSON) + 2:474-475 Witherington, Ben, III Elizaphan (PERSON) 1-2 2:475 Panitz, Raphael I. Elizur (PERSON) 2:475 Launderville, Dale F. Elkanah (PERSON) 1-8 + 2:475-476 Youngblood, Ronald Elkiah (PERSON) 2:476 White, Sidnie Ann Elkosh (PLACE) 2:476 Kobayashi, Yoshitaka Ellasar (PLACE) + 2:476-477 Astour, Michael C.
- 33. ABD Article Index 32 Elmadam(PERSON) + 2:477 Porter, Stanley E. Elnaam (PERSON) + 2:477 Pisano, Stephen Elnathan (PERSON) 1-4 + 2:478 Berridge, John M. Elohim. See Names of God in the OT Elohist + 2:478-482 Jenks, Alan W. Elon (PERSON) 1-3 + 2:482 Boling, Robert G. Elon (PLACE) 2:482-483 Glatt, David A. Elon-Beth-Hanan (PLACE) + 2:483 Glatt, David A. Eloth (PLACE). See Elath (PLACE) Elpaal (PERSON) 2:483 Johnson, Siegfried S. Elpelet (PERSON). See Eliphelet (PERSON) Eltekeh (PLACE) + 2:483-484 Peterson, John L. Eltekon (PLACE) + 2:484 Kotter, Wade R. Eltolad (PLACE) + 2:484 Zorn, Jeffrey R. Elul. See also Calendars (Ancient Israelite and Early Jewish) 2:484 Elusa (M.R. 117056) + 2:484-487 Negev, Avraham Eluzai (PERSON) 2:487 Johnson, Siegfried S. Elymais (PLACE) 2:487 Gasque, W. Ward Elymas (PERSON) + 2:487-488 Martin, Thomas W. Elyon. See Most High Elzabad (PERSON) 1-2 + 2:488 Rogers, Jeffrey S. Elzaphan (PERSON). See Elizaphan (PERSON) Emadabun (PERSON) 2:488 Eskenazi, Tamara C. Emar (36º01'N; 38º05'E) + 2:488-490 Margueron, Jean-Claude; Sager, Paul (trans.) Emathis (PERSON) 2:490 Fager, Jeffrey A. Embalming + 2:490-496 Jones, Richard N. Embroidery. See Dress and Ornamentation Emek Rephaim (Jerusalem). See Rephaim, Valley of (PLACE) Emek-Keziz (PLACE) 2:496 Emendations, Scribal. See Scribal Emendations Emesa + 2:496-497 Sullivan, Richard D. Emim 2:497 Mattingly, Gerald L. Emir, Iraq el-. See Iraq el-Emir (M.R. 221147) Emmaus (PLACE) + 2:497-498 Strange, James F. Emperor Worship. See Roman Imperial Cult En-Boqeq (M.R. 185067) + 2:498-499 Gichon, Mordechai En-Dor (PLACE) + 2:499-501 Edelman, Diana Vikander En-Eglaim (PLACE) + 2:501 Herion, Gary A. En-Gannim (PLACE) + 2:501-502 Peterson, John L. En-Gedi (PLACE) + 2:502-503 Hamilton, Jeffries M. En-Haddah (PLACE) 2:503 Hunt, Melvin En-Hakkore (PLACE) + 2:503 Lubetski, Meir En-Hazor (PLACE) + 2:503 Arav, Rami En-Nasbeh, Tell. See Nasbeh, Tell en En-Rimmon (PLACE). See Rimmon (PLACE) En-Rogel (PLACE) + 2:503-504 Mare, W. Harold En-Shadud (M.R. 172229) + 2:504 Braun, Eliot En-Shemesh (PLACE) 2:504 En-Tappuah (PLACE). See Tappuah (PLACE) Enaim (PLACE) + 2:505 Oller, Gary H. Enam (PLACE) 2:505 Kotter, Wade R. Enan (PERSON) 2:505 Launderville, Dale F. Enchanter/Enchantments. See Magic (OT) Encomium + 2:505-506 Shuler, Philip L. Encratism + 2:506-507 Edwards, O. C., Jr. Enemessar (PERSON) 2:507 Pietersma, Albert Engine. See Weapons and Implements of Warfare English Versions of the Bible. See Versions, English Engraving. See Jewelry, Ancient Israelite Enlil (DEITY) + 2:507-508 Fulco, William J.
- 34. ABD Article Index 33 Enoch(PERSON) 1-2 + 2:508 Hess, Richard S. Enoch, First Book of + 2:508-516 Nickelsburg, George W. E. Enoch, Second Book of + 2:516-522 Andersen, Francis I. Enoch, Third Book of + 2:522-526 Alexander, Philip S. Enos (PERSON). See also Enosh (PERSON) 2:526 Enosh (PERSON) + 2:526 Hess, Richard S. Enrollment. See Census Entrance of Hamath. See Hamath, Entrance of Enuma Elish + 2:526-528 Lambert, W. G. Envy + 2:528-532 Dickie, Matthew W. Epaenetus (PERSON) + 2:532 Lampe, Peter Epaphras (PERSON) + 2:533 Gillman, Florence Morgan Epaphroditus (PERSON) + 2:533-534 Gillman, John L. Ephah. See Weights and Measures Ephah (PERSON) 1-3 + 2:534 Knauf, Ernst Axel Ephai (PERSON) 2:534 Berridge, John M. Epher (PERSON) 1-3 + 2:534-535 Knauf, Ernst Axel Ephes-Dammim (PLACE) 2:535 Hamilton, Jeffries M. Ephesians, Epistle to the + 2:535-542 Furnish, Victor Paul Ephesus (PLACE) + 2:542-549 Oster, Richard E., Jr. Ephlal (PERSON) 2:549-550 Steeger, William P. Ephod (OBJECT) + 2:550 Meyers, Carol Ephod (PERSON) 2:551 Panitz, Raphael I. Ephphatha 2:551 Wilcox, Max Ephraemi Rescriptus. See Codex (Ephraimi Rescriptus) Ephraim (PERSON) 2:551-555 Ephraim in the Bible + 2:551-553 Herrmann, Siegfried Archaeology of Ephraim + 2:553-555 Finkelstein, Israel Ephraim (PLACE). See also Ephraim (PERSON). 1-2 + 2:556 Thompson, Henry O. Ephraim Gate (PLACE) + 2:556 Liid, Dale C. Ephraim, Forest of (PLACE) + 2:557 Thompson, Henry O. Ephrathah (PERSON) 2:557 Luker, Lamontte M. Ephrathah (PLACE) + 2:557-558 Luker, Lamontte M. Ephron (PERSON) + 2:558 Moyer, James C. Ephron (PLACE) 1-3 + 2:558 Moyer, James C. Epic of Gilgamesh. See Gilgamesh Epic Epictetus + 2:558-559 Schmeller, Thomas Epicureanism + 2:559-561 Asmis, Elizabeth Epigraphy, Transjordan + 2:561-568 Lemaire, André Epilepsy. See Sickness and Disease Epiphanes + 2:568 Martin, Hubert M., Jr. Epistles, Apocryphal + 2:568-569 Thomason, Dana Andrew Epistles, Catholic + 2:569-570 Webb, Robert L. Epithets, Divine. See Names of God in the OT Epsilon 2:570 Er (PERSON) 1-3 + 2:570 Porter, Stanley E. Er-Bala, Deir. See Deir Er-Balah (M.R. 088093) Eran (PERSON) 2:570-571 Launderville, Dale F. Erastus (PERSON) 1-3 + 2:571 Gillman, Florence Morgan Erech (PLACE) + 2:571-573 Margueron, Jean-Claude; Sager, Paul (trans.) Eri (PERSON) 2:573 Nysse, Richard W. Eridu (PLACE) + 2:573 Margueron, Jean-Claude; Sager, Paul (trans.) Eruption. See Sickness and Disease Es-Saidiyeh, Tell. See Saidiyeh, Tell es- Es-Samra, Khirbet. See Sabra, Khirbet Esarhaddon (PERSON) 2:574 Grayson, A. Kirk Esau (PERSON) + 2:574-575 Hübner, Ulrich Eschatological Midrashim. See Florilegium Eschatology. 2:575-609 See also Apocalypses and Apocalypticism
- 35. ABD Article Index 34 OldTestament + 2:575-579 Petersen, David L. Early Jewish Literature + 2:579-594 Nickelsburg, George W. E. Early Christian Eschatology + 2:594-609 Aune, David E. Esdar, Tel (M.R. 147064) + 2:609 Kochavi, Moshe Esdraelon (PLACE) 2:609 White, Sidnie Ann Esdras, First Book of + 2:609-611 Goodman, William R. Esdras, Second Book of + 2:611-614 Stone, Michael E. Esdris (PERSON) + 2:614 Hardwick, Michael E. Esek (PLACE) + 2:615 Herion, Gary A. Esh-Shuna, Tell (North). See Shuna (North), Tell esh- Eshan (PLACE) 2:615 Kotter, Wade R. Eshbaal (PERSON) + 2:615-617 Edelman, Diana Vikander Eshban (PERSON) 2:617 Matthews, Victor H. Eshcol (PERSON) 2:617 Astour, Michael C. Eshcol (PLACE) 2:617 Toews, Wesley Irwin Eshek (PERSON) 2:617 Brettler, Marc Zvi Eshtaol (PLACE) + 2:617 Greenberg, Raphael Eshtemoa (PERSON). See also Eshtemoa (PLACE). 1-2 2:617 Hamilton, Jeffries M. Eshtemoa (PLACE) + 2:617-618 Peterson, John L. Eshton (PERSON) 2:618 Lo, Hing Choi Esli (PERSON) + 2:618 Porter, Stanley E. Essene Gate + 2:618-619 Riesner, Rainer; Callaway, Phillip R. (trans.) Essenes. See also Qumran; Dead Sea Scrolls 2:619-626 Collins, John J. Esther, Additions to + 2:626-633 Moore, Carey A. Esther, Book of + 2:633-643 Moore, Carey A. Et-Twein (PLACE). See Abu et-Twein, Khirbet Eta 2:643 Etam (PERSON). See also Etam (PLACE) 2:643 Etam (PLACE) 1-2 2:643-644 Kotter, Wade R. Etam, Rock of (PLACE) 2:644 Ehrlich, Carl S. Eth-Kazin (PLACE) 2:644 Greenberg, Raphael Etham (PLACE) + 2:644 Görg, Manfred Ethan (PERSON) 1-4 2:644-645 Mariottini, Claude F. Ethanim 2:645 Ethanus (PERSON) 2:645 Han, Jin Hee Ethbaal (PERSON) + 2:645 Viviano, Pauline A. Ether (PLACE) 1-2 2:645 Kotter, Wade R. Ethics: 2:645-665 Old Testament + 2:645-652 Mafico, Temba L. Jackson New Testament + 2:652-665 Perkins, Pheme Ethiopia (PLACE) + 2:665-667 Smith, Robert Houston Ethiopian Eunuch + 2:667 Gaventa, Beverly Roberts Ethiopic Language. See Languages (Ethiopic) Ethiopic Versions. See Versions, Ancient (Ethiopic) Ethnan (PERSON) 2:668 Lo, Hing Choi Ethnarch. See Palestine, Administration of (Roman Administration) Ethni (PERSON) 2:668 Willett, Tom Wayne Eubulus (PERSON) + 2:668 Gillman, Florence Morgan Euergetes. See Benefactor Eugnostos and the Sophia of Jesus Christ + 2:668-669 Parrott, Douglas M. Eumenes (PERSON) + 2:669-670 Nelson, Russell D. Eunice (PERSON) + 2:670 Gillman, Florence Morgan Eunuch. See Palestine, Administration of (Postexilic Judean Officials) Eunuch, Ethiopian. See Ethiopian Eunuch Euodia (PERSON) + 2:670-671 Gillman, Florence Morgan Eupator (PERSON). See Antiochus (PERSON) Euphemism and Dysphemism in the Bible. See Bible, Euphemism and Dysphemism in the Eupolemus + 2:671-672 Holladay, Carl R. Eupolemus, Pseudo- + 2:672-273 Holladay, Carl R. Eusebius of Caesarea (PERSON) + 2:673-676 Chesnut, Glenn F.
- 36. ABD Article Index 35 Eutychus(PERSON) 2:676 Wheeler, Frank E. Evangelist. See Ministry in the Early Church Eve (PERSON) + 2:676-677 Wallace, Howard N. Everlasting God. See Names of God in the OT Evi (PERSON) + 2:677-678 Knauf, Ernst Axel Evil + 2:678-679 Watson, Duane F. Evil One, The 2:679 Watson, Duane F. Evil-Merodach (PERSON) + 2:679 Sack, Ronald H. Evodius, Homily of. See Virgin, Assumption of the Evron (M.R. 160266) 2:679-680 Ronen, Avraham Ewe. See Sheep, Shepherd; Zoology Ex Voto + 2:680-681 Danker, Frederick William Exactor of Tribute. See Taxes and Taxation Execration and Execration Texts + 2:681-682 Redford, Donald B. Executioner. See Punishments and Crimes Exegesis + 2:682-688 Stuart, Douglas Exegesis on the Soul (NHC II,6) + 2:688-689 Robinson, William C., Jr. Exile. See Israel, History of Exodus, Book of + 2:689-700 Sarna, Nahum M. Exodus, The + 2:700-708 Kitchen, K. A. Exorcism. See Demons Expurgations of the Bible. 2:708 See also Bible, Euphemism and Dysphemism in the Extortion. See Debts Eye Paint. See Dress and Ornamentation Eyelids of the Morning. See Shahar (DEITY) Ezbai (PERSON) + 2:708 Pisano, Stephen Ezbon (PERSON) 1-2 2:708-709 Johnson, Siegfried S. Ezekiel the Tragedian + 2:709 van der Horst, Peiter W. Ezekiel, Apocryphon of + 2:709-711 Mueller, James R. Ezekiel, Book of + 2:711-722 Boadt, Lawrence Ezel (PLACE) 2:722 Kobayashi, Yoshitaka Ezem (PLACE) + 2:722 Zorn, Jeffrey R. Ezer (PERSON) 1-6 + 2:722-723 Matthews, Victor H. Ezion-Geber (PLACE) + 2:723-726 Lubetski, Meir Ezora (PERSON) 2:726 McGehee, Michael David Ezra (PERSON) + 2:726-728 North, Robert Ezra, Book of. See Ezra-Nehemiah, Books of Ezra, Fourth Book of. See Esdras, Second Book of Ezra, Greek Apocalypse of + 2:728-729 Stone, Michael E. Ezra, Questions of + 2:729-730 Stone, Michael E. Ezra, Revelation of + 2:730 Stone, Michael E. Ezra, Vision of + 2:730-731 Stone, Michael E. Ezra-Nehemiah, Books of + 2:731-742 Klein, Ralph W. Ezraite 2:742 McMillion,Phillip E. Ezri (PERSON) 2:742 Nysse, Richard W. Fable. See Folklore in the Ancient Near East Face + 2:743-744 Drinkard, Joel F., Jr. Faience. See Jewelry, Ancient Israelite Fair Havens (PLACE) + 2:744 Wineland, John D. Faith: 2:744-760 Old Testament + 2:744-749 Healey, Joseph P. New Testament + 2:749-758 Lührmann, Dieter; Hughes, Frank Witt (trans.) Faith of Christ + 2:758-760 Howard, George E. Falcon. See Zoology (Fauna) False Apostles + 2:760-761 Watson, Duane F. False Christs 2:761 Watson, Duane F. Family + 2:761-769 Wright, Christopher J. H. Famine + 2:769-773 Shea, William H. Fara (North), Tell el-. See Tirzah (PLACE)
- 37. ABD Article Index 36 Fara(South), Tell el-. See Sharuhen (PLACE) Fast, Fasting + 2:773-776 Muddiman, John Bernard Fate, Greek Conception of + 2:776-778 Dillon, John M. Father. See Family Fathers, Apostolic. See Apostolic Fathers Fathom. See Weights and Measures Fauna. See Zoology (Fauna) Fayum Fragment + 2:778-779 Gamble, Harry Y. Fear of Isaac + 2:779-780 Puech, Emile; Lind, Sarah (trans.) Feinan, Wadi + 2:780-782 Knauf, Ernst Axel Fejja (M.R. 141165) 2:782-783 Kaplan, Jacob Felix (PERSON) 2:783 Braund, David C. Felix, Minicius (PERSON). See Minucius Felix Fellowship, Table. See Table Fellowship Feminist Hermeneutics + 2:783-791 Schüssler Fiorenza, Elisabeth Fertility Cults + 2:791-793 Healey, Joseph P. Festal Garment/Robe. See Dress and Ornamentation Festivals, Greco-Roman + 2:793-794 Cole, Susan Guettel Festus, Porcius (PERSON) + 2:794-795 Green, Joel B. Fever. See Sickness and Disease Fibula. See Jewelry, Ancient Israelite Fiery Serpent. See Serpent, Bronze Fig Tree. See Flora Filigree + 2:795-796 Meyers, Carol Fillet 2:796 Meyers, Carol Finger. See Weights and Measures Fir Tree. See Flora Fire, Pillar of. See Pillar of Fire and Cloud Firepan 2:796 Meyers, Carol First and Last. See Alpha and Omega First Fruits + 2:796-797 Rigsby, Richard O. Firstborn. See Family Fish. See Zoology (Fauna) Fish Gate (PLACE) + 2:797-798 Liid, Dale C. Fisher Owl. See Zoology (Fauna) Five Scrolls, The. See Megilloth Flax. See Flora; Dress and Ornamentation Flea. See Zoology (Fauna) Fleet. See Travel and Communication (NT) Flocks. See Zoology (Fauna) Flogging. See Punishments and Crimes Flood + 2:798-803 Lewis, Jack P. Flora + 2:803-817 Jacob, Irene; Jacob, Walter Florilegium (4QFlor) + 2:817-818 Brooke, George J. Flute. See Music and Musical Instruments Fly/Flies. See Zoology Folklore in the Ancient Near East + 2:818-828 Ben-Amos, Dan Folly. See Virtue/Vice Lists Food. See Zoology; Meal Customs; Eating and Drinking Footwashing + 2:828-829 Weiss, Herold Foreigner + 2:829-830 Begg, Christopher T. Forerunner + 2:830-831 Collins, Raymond F. Forest of Ephraim. See Ephraim, Forest of Forest of Lebanon, House of the (PLACE) + 2:831 Herion, Gary A. Forgiveness: 2:831-838 Old Testament + 2:831-833 Kselman, John S. Early Judaism. See also Prayer in Early Judaism. + 2:833-835 Charlesworth, James H. New Testament + 2:835-838 Shogren, Gary S. Form Criticism: 2:838-844 Old Testament + 2:838-841 Barton, John
- 38. ABD Article Index 37 NewTestament + 2:841-844 Robbins, Vernon K. Fornication. See Sex and Sexuality Fortifications (Levant) + 2:844-852 Herzog, Ze’ev Fortunatus (PERSON) + 2:852-853 Gillman, John L. Forum. See Cities (Greco-Roman) Forum of Appius (PLACE) 2:853 Wineland, John D. Foundation Gate (PLACE) + 2:853 Liid, Dale C. Fountain Gate (PLACE) + 2:853-854 Liid, Dale C. Fowl. See Zoology Fox. See Zoology Fragment, Muratorian. See Muratorian Fragment Frankincense + 2:854 Müller, Walter W. Freedmen, Synagogue of the + 2:855 Olson, Mark J. Freedom + 2:855-859 Jones, F. Stanley Fringe. See Dress and Ornamentation Frit. See Jewelry Frog. See Zoology Frontlets. See Jewelry Fruits, First. See First Fruits Fuller. See Dress and Ornamentation Fuller’s Field (PLACE) + 2:859 Liid, Dale C. Funerary Inscriptions. See Palestinian Funerary Inscriptions Gaal (PERSON) + 2:861 Lowery, Kirk E. Gaash (PLACE) 2:861 Dyck, Elmer H. Gabael (PERSON) 1-2 + 2:861-862 Schmidt, Frederick W. Gabatha (PERSON) 2:862 McKenna, John E. Gabbai (PERSON) 2:862 Schmidt, Frederick W. Gabbatha (PLACE) + 2:862 McRay, John Gabrias (PERSON) + 2:862-863 Schmidt, Frederick W. Gabriel (ANGEL) + 2:863 Newsom, Carol A. Gad (DEITY) + 2:863-864 Maier, Walter Arthur, III Gad (PERSON) 1 + 2:864-865 de Geus, C. H. J. Gad (PERSON) 2 2:865-866 Petter, Gerald J. Gad, Valley Toward (PLACE) 2:866 Younker, Randall W. Gadarenes: 2:866-868 Gadarenes, Fields I-II + 2:866-867 Holm-Nielsen, Svend Gadarenes, Fields III-VI + 2:867-868 Wagner-Lux, Ute; Vriezen, Karel J. H. Gadarenes, Bibliography 2:868 Holm-Nielsen, Svend; Wagner-Lux, Ute; Vriezen, Karel J. H. Gaddi (PERSON) 2:868 Rappaport, Uriel Gaddiel (PERSON) 2:868 Paulien, Jon Gadi (PERSON) + 2:868 Hobbs, T. R. Gaham (PERSON) 2:868 Slayton, Joel C. Gahar (PERSON) + 2:868-869 Shearer, Rodney H. Gai (PLACE) + 2:869 Ehrlich, Carl S. Gaius (PERSON) 1-4 + 2:869 Gillman, John L. Galal (PERSON) 1-2 2:870 Dunston, Robert C. Galatia (PLACE) + 2:870-872 Mitchell, Stephen Galatians, Epistle to the + 2:872-875 Betz, Hans Dieter Galbanum. See Perfumes and Spices Galeed (PLACE) + 2:876 Thompson, Henry O. Galileans + 2:876-879 Freyne, Seán Galilee: 2:879-901 Prehellenistic Galilee + 2:879-895 Frankel, Rafael Hellenistic/Roman Galilee + 2:895-899 Freyne, Seán Galilee, Sea of (PLACE) + 2:899-901 Freyne, Seán Gall (Liver). See Sickness and Disease Gallim (PLACE) 1-2 + 2:901 Hamilton, Jeffries M. Gallio (PERSON) + 2:901-903 Haacker, Klaus Gamad (PLACE) + 2:903 Thompson, Henry O.
- 39. ABD Article Index 38 Gamael(PERSON). See Daniel (PERSON) 2:903 Gamaliel (PERSON) 1-2 + 2:903-906 Chilton, Bruce Gamma 2:906 Gamul (PERSON) + 2:906 Wright, John W. Gangrene. See Sickness and Disease Garden of Eden. See Eden, Garden of (PLACE) Garden of God (PLACE) + 2:906-907 Wallace, Howard N. Gareb (PERSON) + 2:907 Dempster, Stephen G. Gareb (PLACE) 2:907 Herion, Gary A. Garlic. See Flora Garmite 2:907 Smith, David Channing Gas (PERSON) 2:907 McGehee, Michael David Gatam (PERSON) 2:907 Hübner, Ulrich Gate, City. See Cities (Levant); Fortifications (Levant) Gate Between the Two Walls (PLACE) + 2:907-908 Liid, Dale C. Gate of the Guard (PLACE) + 2:908 Liid, Dale C. Gath (PLACE) + 2:908-909 Seger, Joe D. Gath-Hepher (PLACE) + 2:909-910 Greenberg, Raphael Gath-Rimmon (PLACE) + 2:910-911 Peterson, John L. Gaulanitis (PLACE) + 2:911 Longstaff, Thomas R.W. Gauls + 2:911-912 Kampen, John Gaza (PLACE): 2:912-921 Prehellenistic Gaza + 2:912-915 Katzenstein, H. J. Gaza in the Greco-Roman Period + 2:915-917 Kasher, Aryeh Byzantine Gaza + 2:917-921 Glucker, Carol A. M. Gazelle. See Zoology Gazez (PERSON) + 2:921 Evans, Craig A. Gazzam (PERSON). See also Akkub 2:921 Bergdall, Chaney R. Geba (PLACE) + 2:921-922 Arnold, Patrick M. Gebal (PLACE) + 2:922-923 Roth, Ray Lee Geber (PERSON). See Ben-Geber McMillion,Phillip E. Gebim (PLACE) 2:923 Herion, Gary A. Gecko (LIZARD). See Zoology Gedaliah (PERSON) 1 2:923 Dalglish, Edward R. Gedaliah (PERSON) 2-5 + 2:923-924 Althann, Robert Geder (PLACE) + 2:924-925 Ehrlich, Carl S. Gederah (PLACE) + 2:925 Ehrlich, Carl S. Gederoth (PLACE) + 2:925 Ehrlich, Carl S. Gederothaim (PLACE) 2:925 Ehrlich, Carl S. Gedor (PERSON) + 2:925 Ehrlich, Carl S. Gedor (PLACE) 1-4 + 2:925-926 Ehrlich, Carl S. Gehazi (PERSON) + 2:926 Christensen, Duane L. Gehenna (PLACE) + 2:926-928 Watson, Duane F. Gemalli (PERSON) 2:928 Paulien, Jon Gemara + 2:928-929 Brooks, Roger Gemariah (PERSON) 1 + 2:929 Lundbom, Jack R. Gemariah (PERSON) 2 + 2:929 Taylor, J. Glen; Taylor, Marion Ann Genealogy, Genealogies + 2:929-932 Wilson, Robert R. Genesis Apocryphon + 2:932-933 White, Richard T. Genesis, Book of + 2:933-941 Hendel, Ronald S. Genesis, The Narrative of: 2:941-962 The Genesis Narrative + 2:941-956 Scullion, John J. Literary Forms in Genesis + 2:956-962 Scullion, John J. Geneva Bible + 2:962-963 Lewis, Jack P. Genitalia. See also Bible, Euphemism and Dysphemism in the 2:963 Genizah, Cairo. See Damascus Rule Gennaeus (PERSON) 2:963 Lillie, Betty Jane Gennesaret (PLACE) 1-3 + 2:963 Edwards, Douglas R. Genre. See Form Criticism Gentiles, Court of the + 2:963-964 Edwards, Douglas R.
- 40. ABD Article Index 39 Genubath(PERSON) + 2:964 Viviano, Pauline A. Geography and the Bible: 2:964-988 Geography of Palestine + 2:964-977 Raphael, C. Nicholas Early Jewish Geography + 2:977-988 Alexander, Philip S. Geometry. See Mathematics, Algebra, and Geometry Georgian Versions. See Versions, Ancient (Gregorian) Ger. See Sojourner 2:988 Gera (PERSON) 1-6 2:988-989 Nysse, Richard W. Gerah. See Weights and Measures Gerar (PLACE) + 2:989-991 Oren, Eliezer D. Gerasenes + 2:991-992 McRay, John Gergesite. See Girgashite Gerisa, Tel (M.R. 132166) + 2:922 Herzog, Ze’ev Gerizim, Mount (PLACE) 2:993 Lott, Jeffrey K. Geron. See Senator Gershom (PERSON) 1-3 + 2:993-994 Wright, John W. Gershon (PERSON) + 2:994-995 Propp, William H. Geruth-Chimham (PLACE) 2:995 Dempster, Stephen G. Geshan (PERSON) 2:995 Evans, Craig A. Geshem (PERSON) + 2:995 Williams, Nora A. Geshur (PLACE) + 2:996 Ma‘oz, Zvi Uri Geshur Bnot Yaacov. See Jisr Banat Ya‘aqub Geshurites 1-2 + 2:996-997 Petter, Gerald J. Gether (PERSON) 2:997 Baker, David W. Gethsemane (PLACE) 2:997-998 Thorsen, Donald A. D. Geuel (PERSON) 2:998 Brensinger, Terry L. Gezer (PLACE) + 2:998-1003 Dever, William G. Ghassul, Tuleilat el- (M.R. 207135) + 2:1003-1006 Hennessy, John B. Ghazza, Khirbet. See ‘Uza, Horvat Ghosh (PLACE). See Abu Ghosh (M.R. 160134) Ghost. See Magic (OT) Ghrareh (M.R. 191956) + 2:1006 Hart, Stephen Giah (PLACE) 2:1006 Dyck, Elmer H. Giants, Gigantism. See Sickness and Disease Gibbar (PERSON) 2:1006 Swanson, Steven R. Gibbethon (PLACE) + 2:1006-1007 Peterson, John L. Gibea (PERSON) 2:1007 Evans, Craig A. Gibeah (PLACE) 1-4 + 2:1007-1009 Arnold, Patrick M. Gibeath-Elohim (PLACE) + 2:1009 Arnold, Patrick M. Gibeath-Haaraloth (PLACE) 2:1009-1010 Thompson, Henry O. Gibeon (PLACE) + 2:1010-1013 Arnold, Patrick M. Giddalti (PERSON) 2:1013 McCann, J. Clinton, Jr. Giddel (PERSON) 1-2 + 2:1013 McGehee, Michael David Gideon (PERSON) + 2:1013-1015 Boling, Robert G. Gideoni (PERSON) 2:1015 Launderville, Dale F. Gidom (PLACE) 2:1015 Herion, Gary A. Gifts, Spiritual + 2:1015-1018 Martin, Ralph P. Gihon (PLACE) 1-2 + 2:1018-1019 Görg, Manfred Gil‘adi, Kefar. See Kefar Gil‘adi Gilalai (PERSON) 2:1019 Augustin, Gary C. Gilboa, Mount (PLACE) + 2:1019 Hamilton, Jeffries M. Gilead (PERSON) 1-3 + 2:1019-1020 Graham, M. Patrick Gilead (PLACE) + 2:1020-1022 Ottosson, Magnus Gilead, Balm of. See Balm Gilgal (PLACE) 1-5 + 2:1022-1024 Kotter, Wade R. Gilgal (Prehistoric Sites) + 2:1024 Noy, Tamar Gilgamesh Epic + 2:1024-1027 Sasson, J. M. Giloh (PLACE) 2:1027 Herion, Gary A. Giloh (M.R. 167126) + 2:1027-1028 Mazar, Amihay Gimel 2:1028
- 41. ABD Article Index 40 Gimzo(PLACE) + 2:1028 Ehrlich, Carl S. Ginath (PERSON) 2:1028 Viviano, Pauline A. Ginnethon (PERSON) 2:1028 Schmidt, Frederick W. Girdle. See Dress and Ornamentation Girgashite 2:1028 Baker, David W. Girzites + 2:1028 Ehrlich, Carl S. Giscala (M.R. 191270) + 2:1029-1030 Meyers, Eric M. Gishpa (PERSON) 2:1030 Augustin, Gary C. Gittaim (PLACE) + 2:1030 Toews, Wesley Irwin Gizonite + 2:1030 Endres, John C. Glacis. See Fortifications (Levant) Glad Tidings + 2:1030-1031 O’Day, Gail R. Glaphyra (PERSON) 1-2 + 2:1031-1032 Sullivan, Richard D. Glassy Sea. See Sea of Glass Gleaning. See Harvests, Harvesting; Agriculture Glosses, Textual + 2:1032-1033 Sweeney, Marvin A. Gluttony. See Virtue/Vice Lists Gnat. See Zoology Gnosticism + 2:1033-1040 Rudolph, Kurt Goah (PLACE) 2:1040 Herion, Gary A. Goat, Goatherd + 2:1040-1041 Vancil, Jack W. Gob (PLACE) + 2:1041 Ehrlich, Carl S. God. 2:1041-1055 See also Dragon and Sea, God’s Conflict with; Image of God (OT); Kingdom of God/Heaven; Names of God in the OT; Son of God; Will of God in the Old Testament; Word of God; Works of God; Wrath of God God in the Old Testament + 2:1041-1048 Scullion, John J. God in the New Testament + 2:1049-1055 Bassler, Jouette M. God Most High. See Names of God in the OT; Most High Goel Haddam. See Blood, Avenger of Gog (PERSON) 1-3 2:1056 Cuffey, Kenneth Hugh Gog and Magog + 2:1056 Reddish, Mitchell G. Goiim (PLACE) + 2:1057 Astour, Michael C. Golan (PLACE) + 2:1057-1058 Arav, Rami Golan Heights + 2:1058-1065 Ma‘oz, Zvi Uri Golden Calf + 2:1065-1069 Spencer, John R. Golden Gate. See Beautiful Gate (PLACE) Golden Rule + 2:1070-1071 Collins, Raymond F. Golgotha (PLACE) + 2:1071-1073 Corbo, Virgilio C.; Elliott, Dietlinde M. (trans.) Goliath (PERSON) + 2:1073-1074 Ehrlich, Carl S. Gomer (PERSON) 1-2 2:1074 Baker, David W. Gomorrah (PLACE). See Sodom and Gomorrah (PLACES) Good (NT) + 2:1074-1075 Collins, Raymond F. Goose. See Zoology (Fauna) 2:1075 Gopher Wood. See Flora 2:1075 Gorgias (PERSON) 2:1075-1076 Rappaport, Uriel Gortyna (PLACE) + 2:1076 Hardwick, Michael E. Goshen (PLACE) + 2:1076-1077 Ward, William A. Gospel Genre + 2:1077-1079 Vorster, Willem S. Gospel Harmony. See Harmony of the Gospels Gospels, Apocryphal + 2:1079-1081 Patterson, Stephen J. Gospels, Little Apocalypse in the + 2:1081-1084 Beasley-Murray, George R. Gothic Versions. See Versions, Ancient (Gothic) Gotholiah (PERSON). See Athaliah (PERSON) Gothoniel + 2:1084 White, Sidnie Ann Gourds. See Flora Governor. See Palestine,Administration of (Postexilic Judean Officials); Procurator Grace. See also Love 2:1084-1088 Old Testament + 2:1085-1086 Kselman, John S. New Testament + 2:1086-1088 Shogren, Gary S. Granary. See Agriculture
- 42. ABD Article Index 41 Granulation.See Jewelry, Ancient Israelite Grapes. See Flora Grass. See Flora Grasshopper. See Zoology (Fauna) Grating 2:1089 Meyers, Carol Graven Image 2:1089 Curtis, Edward M. Great Assembly + 2:1089 Flesher, Paul V. M. Great Bible, The + 2:1090 Lewis, Jack P. Great Commission, The + 2:1090-1091 Luter, A. Boyd, Jr. Great Power, Concept of. See Concept of Great Power (NHC VI, 4) Great Sea (PLACE) + 2:1091-1092 Lubetski, Meir Greece (PLACE) + 2:1092-1098 McRay, John Greek Language. See Languages (Greek) Greek Versions. See Septuagint and Versions, Ancient (Greek) Griesbach Hypothesis. See Two-Gospel Hypothesis Griffon. See Zoology (Fauna) Guarantee. See Deposit Guard, Court of the 2:1099 Herion, Gary A. Guard, Gate of the. See Gate of the Guard (PLACE) Guard, Praetorian. See Praetorian Guard Gull. See Zoology (Fauna) Guni (PERSON) 1-3 + 2:1099 Graham, M. Patrick Gur (PLACE) + 2:1099 Zertal, Adam Gurbaal (PLACE) 2:1100 Younker, Randall W. Gush Halav. See Giscala (M.R. 191270) Gymnasium. See Education (Greco-Roman) H. See Holiness Code 3:1 Ha-Eleph (PLACE). See also Zela (PLACE) 3:1 Herion, Gary A. Haahashtari (PERSON) 3:1 Cuffey, Kenneth Hugh Habaiah (PERSON) + 3:1 Shearer, Rodney H. Habakkuk, Book of + 3:1-6 Sweeney, Marvin A. Habazziniah (PERSON) + 3:6 Bracke, John M. Habiru, Hapiru. See also Hebrew + 3:6-10 Lemche, Niels Peter Habor (PLACE) 3:10 Herion, Gary A. Hacaliah (PERSON) 3:10 Schmidt, Frederick W. Hachilah (PLACE) 3:10 DeVries, LaMoine F. Hachmoni (PERSON) 1-2 3:10-11 Duke, Rodney K. Hadad (DEITY) 3:11 Maier, Walter Arthur, III Hadad (PERSON) 1-4 + 3:11-12 Knauf, Ernst Axel Hadadezer (PERSON) + 3:12-13 Bailey, Randall C. Hadadrimmon (DEITY) 3:13 Maier, Walter Arthur, III Hadar (PERSON). 3:13 Matthews, Victor H. Hadashah (PLACE) 3:13 Kotter, Wade R. Hadassah (PERSON) + 3:13-14 Bush, Frederic W. Hades, Hell 3:14-15 Bauckham, Richard Hadid (PLACE) + 3:15-16 Arav, Rami Hadlai (PERSON) + 3:16 Lowery, Kirk E. Hadoram (PERSON) 1 + 3:16 Müller, Walter W.; Callaway, Phillip R. (trans.) Hadoram (PERSON) 2-3 + 3:16-17 Fretz, Mark J. Hadrach (PLACE) 3:17 Roth, Ray Lee Hadrian (EMPEROR) + 3:17-18 Jones, Brian W. Hagab (PERSON) 3:18 McGehee, Michael David Hagabah (PERSON). See also Akkub (PERSON) 3:18 Bergdall, Chaney R. Hagar (PERSON). See also Ishmael (PERSON); Ishmaelites. + 3:18-19 Knauf, Ernst Axel Haggadah + 3:19-20 Porton, Gary G. Haggai, Book of 3:20-23 Meyers, Carol; Meyers, Eric M. Haggedolim (PERSON) + 3:23 Uitti, Roger W. Haggi (PERSON) 3:23 Nysse, Richard W. Haggiah (PERSON) 3:23 Willett, Tom Wayne Haggith (PERSON) 3:23 Schearing, Linda S.
- 43. ABD Article Index 42 Hagri(PERSON) 3:24 Pisano, Stephen Hagrites + 3:24 Graf, David F. Hairnet. See also Dress and Ornamentation 3:24 Hakkatan (PERSON) 3:24 Shogren, Gary S. Hakkoz (PERSON) 1-3 + 3:24-25 Wright, John W. Hakupha (PERSON) 3:25 Bergdall, Chaney R. Halah (PLACE) + 3:25 Thompson, Henry O. Halak, Mount (PLACE) 3:25-26 Benjamin, Paul Halakah + 3:26-27 Porton, Gary G. Halakhic Letter from Qumran. See Miqsat Ma‘ase Hatorah (4QMMT) Halam, Khirbet el-. See Arubboth (PLACE) Halhul (PLACE) 3:27 Kotter, Wade R. Hali (PLACE) + 3:27 Frankel, Rafael Halicarnassus (PLACE) + 3:27-28 Carroll, Scott T. Halif, Tell (M.R. 137087) + 3:28-30 Seger, Joe D. Hall of Judgement. See Judgement, Hall of Hall of Pillars. See Judgement, Hall of Hall of the Throne. See Judgement, Hall of Hall of Tyrannus. See Tyrannus (PERSON) Hallel + 3:30 Swanson, Steven R. Hallelujah. See Psalms, Book of Hallohesh (PERSON) 3:30-31 Schmidt, Frederick W. Ham (PERSON) + 3:31-32 Isaac, Ephraim Ham (PLACE) + 3:32 Astour, Michael C. Haman (PERSON) + 3:33 Wiebe, John M. Hamath (PLACE) + 3:33-36 Buhl, Marie-Louise Hamath, Entrance of (PLACE) 3:36-37 Wei, Tom F. Hamath-Zobah (PLACE) + 3:37 Pitard, Wayne T. Hamid (PLACE). See Abu Hamid, Tell Hammath (PERSON) + 3:37 Evans, Craig A. Hammath (PLACE) + 3:37-38 Herion, Gary A. Hammedatha (PERSON) + 3:38 Wiebe, John M. Hammolecheth (PERSON) + 3:38 Graham, M. Patrick Hammon (PLACE) 1-2 + 3:38-39 Hunt, Melvin Hammoth-Dor (PLACE) + 3:39 Peterson, John L. Hammuel (PERSON) 3:39 Nysse, Richard W. Hammurapi (PERSON) + 3:39-42 Meier, Samuel A. Hamon-Gog (PLACE) 3:42 Lott, Jeffrey K. Hamonah (PLACE) 3:42 Thompson, Henry O. Hamor (PERSON) + 3:42-43 Hostetter, Edwin C. Hamran (PERSON) 3:43 Matthews, Victor H. Hamul (PERSON) 3:43 Mariottini, Claude F. Hamutal (PERSON) + 3:43 Althann, Robert Hana (PERSON) 3:43 McGehee, Michael David Hanamel (PERSON) 3:43 Bracke, John M. Hanan (PERSON) 1-9 + 3:43-45 Brettler, Marc Zvi Hananel, Tower of (PLACE) + 3:45 Eskenazi, Tamara C. Hanani (PERSON) 1-5 + 3:45-46 Fager, Jeffrey A. Hananiah (PERSON) 1-15 + 3:46-47 Althann, Robert Handbreadth. See Weights and Measures Handpike. See Weapons and Implements of Warfare Hands, Laying on of: 3:47-49 Old Testament + 3:47-48 Wright, David P. New Testament + 3:48-49 O’Toole, Robert F. Hanes (PLACE) + 3:49-50 Thompson, Henry O. Hanging. See Punishment and Crimes Hangings + 3:50 Meyers, Carol Hanina Ben-Dosa + 3:50-51 Charlesworth, James H. Hannah (PERSON) + 3:51-52 Youngblood, Ronald Hannathon (PLACE) + 3:52 Greenberg, Raphael
- 44. ABD Article Index 43 Hanniel(PERSON) 1-2 + 3:52 Panitz, Raphael I. Hanoch (PERSON) 1-2 + 3:52 Hess, Richard S. Hanukkah. See Dedication, Feast of Hanun (PERSON) 1-2 + 3:52-54 Edelman, Diana Vikander Hapax Legomena + 3:54-55 Greenspahn, Frederick E. Hapharaim (PLACE) + 3:55 Hunt, Melvin Hapiru. See Habiru, Hapiru Happizzez (PERSON) 3:55 Wright, John W. Har, Harif (M.R. 107989) + 3:56 Goring-Morris, Nigel Har-Heres (PLACE) + 3:56-57 Schunck, Klaus-Dietrich; Green, David E. (trans.) Hara (PLACE) + 3:57 Thompson, Henry O. Haradah (PLACE) + 3:57 Zorn, Jeffrey R. Haran (PERSON) 1-3 + 3:57-58 Hess, Richard S. Haran (PLACE) 3:58-59 Kobayashi, Yoshitaka Hararite + 3:59 Dempster, Stephen G. Harbona (PERSON). See Mehuman (PERSON) Hare. See Zoology (Fauna) Hareph (PERSON) 3:59 Evans, Craig A. Harhaiah (PERSON) 3:59 Ruffin, Michael L. Harhas (PERSON) 3:59 Viviano, Pauline A. Harhur (PERSON) 3:60 Swanson, Steven R. Harif, Har. See Har Harif (M.R. 107989) Harim (PERSON). See also Annan, Rehum, Akkub. 1-4 3:60 Bergdall, Chaney R. Hariph (PERSON) 3:60 Williams, Nora A. Harmon (PLACE) 3:60-61 Dyck, Elmer H. Harmony of Gospels + 3:61 Patterson, Stephen J. Harnepher (PERSON) + 3:61-62 Edelman, Diana Vikander Harness. See Zoology (Fauna) 3:62 Harod (PLACE) + 3:62 Hunt, Melvin Haroeh (PERSON) 3:62 Evans, Craig A. Harosheth-Hagoiim (PLACE) + 3:62-63 Hunt, Melvin Harp. See Music and Musical Instruments Harsha (PERSON) 3:63 McGehee, Michael David Harsha, Tel. See Tel-Harsha (PLACE) Hart. See Zoology (Fauna) Harum (PERSON) 3:63 Cuffey, Kenneth Hugh Harumaph (PERSON) 3:63 Ruffin, Michael L. Haruphite + 3:63 Dillard, Raymond B. Harvests, Harvesting + 3:63-64 Borowski, Oded Hasadiah (PERSON) 1-2 3:64 Fuller, Russell Hashabiah (PERSON) 1-9 3:64 Shogren, Gary S. Hashabnah (PERSON) 3:64-65 Schmidt, Frederick W. Hashabneiah (PERSON) 1-2 3:65 Brensinger, Terry L. Hashbaddanah (PERSON) 3:65 Brensinger, Terry L. Hashem (PERSON) + 3:65 Endres, John C. Hashmonah (PLACE) + 3:65 Zorn, Jeffrey R. Hashubah (PERSON) 3:65 Fuller, Russell Hashum (PERSON) 1-2 3:65-66 McGehee, Michael David Hasideans + 3:66 Redditt, Paul L. Hasidim + 3:66-67 Kampen, John Hasmonean Dynasty + 3:67-76 Rajak, Tessa Hasrah (PERSON) 1-2 3:76-77 McGehee, Michael David Hassenuah (PERSON) 3:77 Schmidt, Frederick W. Hasshub (PERSON) 1-3 3:77 Schmidt, Frederick W. Hassophereth (PERSON). See also Sophereth (PERSON) 3:77 Hasupha (PERSON) 3:77 McGehee, Michael David Hat. See Dress and Ornamentation Hathach (PERSON) + 3:77 McKenna, John E. Hathath (PERSON) 3:77-78 Cuffey, Kenneth Hugh Hatipha (PERSON) 3:78 McGehee, Michael David
- 45. ABD Article Index 44 Hatita(PERSON) 3:78 McGehee, Michael David Hattil (PERSON) 3:78 McGehee, Michael David Hattush (PERSON) 1-4 3:78 Fuller, Russell Hatula (M.R. 148137) 3:78-80 Ronen, Avraham; Lechevallier, Monique Haustafeln. See also Household Codes + 3:80-81 Fitzgerald, John T. Havilah (PERSON) 1-2 + 3:81-82 Müller, Walter W. Havilah (PLACE) + 3:82 Müller, Walter W. Havvoth-Jair (PLACE) + 3:82-83 Schmitz, Philip C. Hawk. See Zoology (Fauna) Hazael (PERSON) + 3:83-84 Pitard, Wayne T. Hazaiah (PERSON) + 3:84 Schmidt, Frederick W. Hazar-Enan (PLACE) 3:84 Herion, Gary A. Hazar-Gaddah (PLACE) 3:84 Hazar-Shual (PLACE) + 3:84 Zorn, Jeffrey R. Hazar-Susah (PLACE) + 3:84-85 Zorn, Jeffrey R. Hazarmaveth (PERSON) + 3:85-86 Müller, Walter W. Hazazon-Tamar (PLACE) + 3:86 Astour, Michael C. Hazer-Hatticon (PLACE) 3:86 Younker, Randall W. Hazeroth (PLACE) + 3:86-87 Thompson, Henry O. Haziel (PERSON) 3:87 Uitti, Roger W. Hazo (PERSON) + 3:87 Hostetter, Edwin C. Hazor (PLACE) 1-4 + 3:87-88 Hamilton, Jeffries M. Hazor-Hadattah (PLACE) + 3:88 Zorn, Jeffrey R. Hazoroth (PLACE). See Hazeroth (PLACE) Hazzelelponi (PERSON) 3:88 Cuffey, Kenneth Hugh He 3:88 Head Covering. See Dress and Ornamentation Headdress. See Dress and Ornamentation Healing. See Medicine and Healing Healing, Gifts of + 3:89-90 Hamm, M. Dennis Heave Offering. See Sacrifice and Sacrificial Offerings Heaven 3:90-91 Reddish, Mitchell G. Heaven, Ascent to + 3:91-94 Tabor, James D. Heaven, New. See New Earth, New Heaven 3:94 Heaven, Queen of. See Queen of Heaven (DEITY) 3:94 Heber (PERSON) 1-4 3:94-95 Nysse, Richard W. Hebrew + 3:95 Lemche, Niels Peter Hebrew Language. See Languages (Hebrew) Hebrew Narrative. See Narrative, Hebrew Hebrew Scripts + 3:96-97 McLean, Mark D. Hebrew Version of Matthew. See Matthew, Hebrew Version of Hebrews, Epistle to the + 3:97-105 Attridge, Harold W. Hebrews, Gospel of the + 3:105-106 Cameron, Ron Hebron (PERSON) 1-2 3:106-107 Uitti, Roger W. Hebron (PLACE) + 3:107-108 Ferris, Paul Wayne, Jr. Hecataeus, Pseudo- + 3:108-109 Holladay, Carl R. Hegai (PERSON) + 3:109-110 Wiebe, John M. Hegemonides (PERSON) + 3:110 Kampen, John Hegesippus (PERSON) + 3:110-111 Chesnut, Glenn F. Hegesippus, Pseudo- + 3:111-112 Bell, Albert A. , Jr. Heglam (PERSON) + 3:112-113 Harmon, G. Edwin Hegra (26º47'N; 38º14'E) + 3:113-114 Graf, David F. Heifer + 3:114-115 Wright, David P. Heifer, Red + 3:115-116 Wright, David P. Heilsgeschichte. See Theology (Biblical), History of Heir. See Family 3:116 Helah (PERSON) 3:116 Cuffey, Kenneth Hugh Helam (PLACE) + 3:116-117 Thompson, Henry O. Helbah (PLACE) 3:117 Hunt, Melvin Helbon (PLACE) 3:117 Herion, Gary A.
- 46. ABD Article Index 45 Heldai(PERSON) 1-2 3:117-118 Duke, Rodney K. Heleb (PERSON). See Heldai (PERSON) Helech (PLACE) + 3:118 Thompson, Henry O. Heled (PERSON). See Heldai (PERSON) Helek (PERSON) + 3:118 Weis, Richard D. Helem (PERSON) 1-2 + 3:118-119 Uitti, Roger W. Helena (PERSON) + 3:119-120 Drijvers, Jan W. Heleph (PLACE) + 3:120-121 Frankel, Rafael Helez (PERSON) 1-2 3:121 Duke, Rodney K. Heli (PERSON) + 3:121 Porter, Stanley E. Heliodorus (PERSON) + 3:121-122 Hardwick, Michael E. Heliopolis (PLACE) + 3:122-123 Redford, Donald B. Helios (DEITY) + 3:123-125 Rudolph, Kurt; Martin, Dennis (trans.) Helkai (PERSON) 3:125 Augustin, Gary C. Helkath (PLACE) + 3:125-126 Peterson, John L. Helkath-Hazzurim (PLACE) 3:126-127 Kobayashi, Yoshitaka Hell. See Hades, Hell; and Gehenna Hellenism + 3:127-135 Betz, Hans Dieter Hellenistic Synagogal Prayers. See Prayers, Hellenistic Synagogal Hellenists + 3:135-136 Martin, Thomas W. Helmet. See Weapons and Implements of Warfare Helon (PERSON) 3:136 Launderville, Dale F. Hem. See Dress and Ornamentation Heman (PERSON) 1-3 + 3:136-137 Matthews, Victor H. Hemdan (PERSON) 3:137 Knauf, Ernst Axel Hemorrhage. See Sickness and Disease Hemorrhoids. See Bible, Euphemism and Dysphemism in the; Sickness and Disease Hemp. See Dress and Ornamentation Hena (PLACE) 3:137-138 Thompson, Henry O. Henadad (PERSON) 3:138 Schley, Donald G. Henna. See Perfumes and Spices; Flora Hepher (PERSON) 1-3 3:138 Clem, H. Eldon Hepher (PLACE) + 3:138-139 Zertal, Adam Hephzibah (PERSON) 3:139 Schearing, Linda S. Heptapegon (M.R. 200251) + 3:139-141 Loffreda, Stanislao Herakles (DEITY) See also Hercules (DEITY) + 3:141-143 Aune, David E. Herbs. See Flora Hercules (DEITY) See also Herakles (DEITY) + 3:143 Kampen, John Herdsman + 3:143 Vancil, Jack W. Heres, Ascent of (PLACE) 3:143 Herion, Gary A. Heresh (PERSON) 3:144 Dunston, Robert C. Heresy and Orthodoxy in the NT + 3:144-147 Betz, Hans Dieter Hereth (PLACE) 3:147 Hamilton, Jeffries M. Heritage. See Family Hermas (PERSON) 3:147-148 Lampe, Peter Hermas’ the Shepherd + 3:148 Snyder, Graydon F. Hermeneutics + 3:149-154 Lategan, Bernard C. Hermeneutics, Early Rabbinic + 3:154-155 Visotzky, Burton L. Hermes (DEITY) + 3:155-156 Martin, Hubert M., Jr. Hermes (PERSON) 3:156 Lampe, Peter Hermes Trismegistos + 3:156-157 Trumbower, Jeffrey A. Hermogenes (PERSON) + 3:157-158 Gillman, Florence Morgan Hermon, Mount (PLACE) + 3:158-160 Arav, Rami Herod Antipas + 3:160 Braund, David C. Herod Philip 3:160-161 Herion, Gary A. Herod the Great (PERSON) + 3:161-169 Levine, Lee I. Herod’s Building Program 3:169-172 Netzer, Ehud Herodian Army + 3:172-173 Gracey, M.H. Herodian Dynasty + 3:173-174 Braund, David C. Herodias (PERSON) + 3:174-176 Witherington, Ben, III
- 47. ABD Article Index 46 Herodion(PERSON) + 3:176 Lampe, Peter Herodium (M.R. 173119) + 3:176-180 Netzer, Ehud Herodotus (PERSON) + 3:180-181 Yamauchi, Edwin M. Heron. See Zoology (Fauna) Heshbon (PLACE) + 3:181-184 Geraty, Lawrence T. Heshmon (PLACE) + 3:184 Weitzman, Steven Heshvan. See also Calendars; Marchesvan 3:184 Hesi, Tell el- (M.R. 124106) + 3:184-187 Fargo, Valerie M. Het 3:188 Heth (PERSON) + 3:188 Baker, David W. Hethlon (PLACE) 3:188 Roth, Ray Lee Hexapla of Origen, The + 3:188-189 Parker, D. C. Hezekiah (PERSON) 1-3 3:189 Herion, Gary A. Hezekiah King of Judah + 3:189-193 Rosenbaum, Jonathan Hezion (PERSON) + 3:193 Nelson, Richard D. Hezir (PERSON) 1-2 3:193 Wright, John W. Hezro (PERSON) + 3:193 Dempster, Stephen G. Hezron (PERSON) + 3:193-194 Mariottini, Claude F. Hezron (PLACE) + 3:194 Kotter, Wade R. Hiddai (PERSON) + 3:194 Pisano, Stephen Hiddekel (PLACE) 3:194 Stefanovic, Zdravko Hiel (PERSON) 3:194 Viviano, Pauline A. Hierapolis (PLACE) + 3:194-196 Bruce, Frederick Fyvie Hieroglyphics. See Languages (Egyptian Language and Writing) Hieronymous (PERSON) 3:196 Lillie, Betty Jane High Place + 3:196-200 Barrick, W. Boyd Hilen (PLACE) + 3:200 Dyck, Elmer H. Hilkiah (PERSON) 1-11 3:200-201 Uitti, Roger W. Hilkiah the Hasid + 3:201 Charlesworth, James H. Hillel (PERSON) 3:201 Hillel the Elder + 3:201-202 Goldenberg, Robert Hin. See Weights and Measures Hinnom Valley (PLACE) + 3:202-203 Watson, Duane F. Hirah (PERSON) 3:203 Oller, Gary H. Hiram (PERSON) 1-2 3:203-205 Whitelam, Keith W. Hiri, Rujm el-. See Rujm el-Hiri (M.R. 225257) Historiography: 3:205-219 Mesopotamian Historiography + 3:205-206 Grayson, A. Kirk Israelite Historiography + 3:206-212 Thompson, Thomas L. Greco-Roman Historiography + 3:212-219 Lateiner, Donald History of Joseph. See Joseph, History of Hittite History + 3:219-225 Houwink ten Cate, Philo H. J. Hittite Language. See Languages (Hittite) Hittite Religion + 3:225-228 Gonnet, Hatice; Rosoff, Stephen (trans.) Hittite Texts and Literature + 3:228-231 McMahon, Gregory Hittites in the OT + 3:231-233 McMahon, Gregory Hivites + 3:234 Baker, David W. Hizki (PERSON) + 3:234 Harmon, G. Edwin Hizkiah (PERSON) 3:234 Fuller, Russell Hobab (PERSON) 3:234-235 Launderville, Dale F. Hobah (PERSON) + 3:235 Thompson, Henry O. Hobaiah (PERSON). See Habaiah (PERSON) 3:235 Hod (PERSON) + 3:235-236 O’Brien, Julia M. Hodaviah (PERSON) 1-4 3:236 Fretz, Mark J. Hodesh (PERSON) 3:236 Willett, Tom Wayne Hodiah (PERSON) + 3:236-237 Fretz, Mark J. Hoglah (PERSON) + 3:237 Taylor, Marion Ann Hoham (PERSON) 3:237 Schley, Donald G. Holidays. See Calendars Holiness: 3:237-254
- 48. ABD Article Index 47 OldTestament + 3:237-249 Wright, David P. New Testament + 3:249-254 Hodgson, Robert, Jr. Holiness Code + 3:254-257 Sun, Henry T.C. Holofernes (PERSON) + 3:257 Pietersma, Albert Holon (PLACE) + 3:257-258 Peterson, John L. Holy of Holies. See Temple, Jerusalem Holy One 3:258 Reddish, Mitchell G. Holy Place. See Temple, Jerusalem Holy Sepulcher, Church of the + 3:258-260 Nicholson, Oliver Holy Spirit + 3:260-280 Horn, Friedrich Wilhelm; Elliott, Dietlinde M. (trans.) Homam (PERSON) 3:280 Matthews, Victor H. Homer. See Weights and Measures Homicide. See Punishments and Crimes Homily Form (Hellenistic and Early Christian) + 3:280-282 Overman, J. Andrew Homosexuality. See Prostitution; Punishments and Crimes; Romans, Epistle to the; and Sex and Sexuality Honi + 3:282 Charlesworth, James H. Hook 3:282 Meyers, Carol Hoopoe. See Zoology Hope (NT) + 3:282-285 Prendergast, Terrence Hophni (PERSON) + 3:285-287 Redford, Donald B. Hor (PLACE) 1-2 3:287 Roth, Ray Lee Hor-Haggidgad (PLACE) + 3:287 Zorn, Jeffrey R. Horam (PERSON) 3:287 Viviano, Pauline A. Horeb, Mount. See Sinai, Mount (PLACE) Horem (PLACE) 3:287-288 Williams, David Salter Horesh (PLACE) 3:288 DeVries, LaMoine F. Hori (PERSON) 1-2 3:288 Knauf, Ernst Axel Horites + 3:288 Knauf, Ernst Axel Hormah (PLACE) + 3:288-289 Hamilton, Jeffries M. Horn. See Music and Musical Instruments 3:289 Horonaim (PLACE) + 3:289 Dearman, J. Andrew Horse. See Zoology Horse Gate (PLACE) 3:290 Liid, Dale C. Horvat Rimmon (PLACE). See Rimmon, Horvat Hosah (PERSON) 3:290 Rogers, Jeffrey S. Hosah (PLACE) + 3:290 Hunt, Melvin Hosanna + 3:290-291 Pope, Marvin H. Hosea, Book of + 3:291-297 Seow, C. L. Hoshaiah (PERSON) + 3:297-298 McKenzie, Steven L. Hoshama (PERSON) 3:298 Fuller, Russell Hoshea (PERSON) 1-4 + 3:298-299 Kuntz, J. Kenneth Hospitality + 3:299-301 Koenig, John Hosts, Host of Heaven + 3:301-304 Mullen, E. Theodore, Jr. Hosts, Lord of + 3:304-307 Seow, C. L. Hotham (PERSON) + 3:307-308 Uitti, Roger W. Hothir (PERSON) 3:308 McCann, J. Clinton, Jr. House of the Forest of Lebanon. See Forest of Lebanon, House of the House, Israelite + 3:308-318 Holladay, John S., Jr. Household Codes. See also Haustafeln + 3:318-320 Balch, David L. Household Gods. See Idol, Idolatry Hozai (PERSON) 3:320 Cuffey, Kenneth Hugh Hukkok (PLACE) 3:320 Herion, Gary A. Hukok (PLACE) 3:320-321 Herion, Gary A. Hul (PERSON) 3:321 Baker, David W. Huldah (PERSON) 3:321 Viviano, Pauline A. Humanity, NT View of + 3:321-325 Taylor, Walter F., Jr. Humor and Wit: 3:325-333 Humor and Wit 3:325-326 Herion, Gary A. Ancient Egypt + 3:326-328 Meltzer, Edmund S. Mesopotamia + 3:328-330 Foster, Benjamin R.
- 49. ABD Article Index 48 OldTestament + 3:330-333 Greenstein, Edward L. New Testament + 3:333 Culpepper, R. Alan Humtah (PLACE) 3:333 Kotter, Wade R. Hunchback. See Sickness and Disease Hundred, Tower of the (PLACE) + 3:333-334 Liid, Dale C. Hunting. See Zoology Hupham (PERSON) 3:334 Slayton, Joel C. Huppah (PERSON) 3:334 Wright, John W. Huppim (PERSON). See Hupham (PERSON) Hur (PERSON) 1-5 + 3:334 Knauf, Ernst Axel Hurai (PERSON). See Hiddai (PERSON) Huram (PERSON). See also Hiram (PERSON) 1-2 3:335 Whitelam, Keith W. Huramabi (PERSON). See also Hiram (PERSON) 1-2 Huri (PERSON) 3:335 Graham, M. Patrick Hurrian Language. See Languages (Hurrian) Hurrians + 3:335-338 Morrison, Martha A. Husband. See Family Hushah (PERSON) + 3:338 Liid, Dale C. Hushai (PERSON) 1-2 3:338-339 Nysse, Richard W. Husham (PERSON) + 3:339 Knauf, Ernst Axel Hushathite. See Hushah (PERSON) Hushim (PERSON) 1-3 3:339 Nysse, Richard W. Husn, el- (M.R. 232210) + 3:339-340 Richard, Suzanne Hydaspes (PLACE) 3:340-341 Pietersma, Albert Hyena. See Zoology Hyksos: 3:341-348 History + 3:341-344 Redford, Donald B. Archaeology + 3:344-346 Weinstein, James M. Bibliography 3:346-348 Redford, Donald B., Weinstein, James M. Hymenaeus (PERSON) + 3:348-349 Gillman, Florence Morgan Hymn of the Pearl + 3:349-350 Mirecki, Paul Allan Hymn of the Three Young Men. See Daniel, Additions to Hymns, Early Christian + 3:350-351 Bichsel, M. Alfred Hymns, Thanksgiving. See Thanksgiving Hymns (1QH) Hypocoristic Names. See Names, Hypocoristic Hypostasis of the Archons (NHC II, 4) + 3:352 Peel, Malcolm L. Hypsiphrone (NHC XI, 4) + 3:352-353 Turner, John D. Hyrax. See Zoology Hyrcanus (PERSON) 1-3 3:353 Carroll, Scott T. Hyssop. See Flora Ibex. See Zoology Ibhar (PERSON) 3:355 Howard, David M., Jr. Ibleam (PLACE) + 3:355 Hunt, Melvin Ibneiah (PERSON) 3:355 Dunston, Robert C. Ibnijah (PERSON) 3:355 Dunston, Robert C. Ibri (PERSON) + 3:355-356 Wright, John W. Ibsam (PERSON) + 3:356 Davis, M. Stephen Ibzan (PERSON) + 3:356 Boling, Robert G. Ichabod (PERSON) 3:356 Viviano, Pauline A. Iconium (PLACE) + 3:357-358 Gasque, W. Ward Iconography and the Bible + 3:358-374 Keel, Othmar Idalah (PLACE) 3:374 Hunt, Melvin Idbash (PERSON) + 3:374-375 Clem, H. Eldon Iddo (PERSON) 1-7 + 3:375-376 Wright, John W. Idol, Idolatry + 3:376-381 Curtis, Edward M. Idrimi + 3:381-382 Oller, Gary H. Iduel (PERSON). See Ariel Idumea (PLACE) + 3:382-383 Hübner, Ulrich Iezer (PERSON) 3:383 Igal (PERSON) 1-3 3:383-384 Fuller, Russell
- 50. ABD Article Index 49 Igdaliah(PERSON) 3:384 Bracke, John M. Ignatius, Epistles of + 3:384-387 Schoedel, William R. Iim (PLACE) + 3:387 Zorn, Jeffrey R. Ijon (PLACE) + 3:387-388 Mullins, Robert A. Ikkesh (PERSON) 3:388 Duke, Rodney K. Ilai (PERSON) 3:388 Schley, Donald G. Iliadun (PERSON) 3:388 McGehee, Michael David Illyricum (PLACE) + 3:388-389 McRay, John Image. See Idol, Idolatry; Graven Image 3:389 Image of God (OT) + 3:389-391 Curtis, Edward M. Imalkue (PERSON) + 3:391 Kasher, Aryeh Imitate, Imitators + 3:392 Wilkins, Michael J. Imlah (PERSON) 3:392 Walsh, Jerome T. Immanuel (PERSON) + 3:392-395 Jensen, Joseph Immer (PERSON) 1-4 + 3:395-396 Uitti, Roger W. Immer (PLACE) + 3:396 Arnold, Bill T. Imna (PERSON) + 3:396-397 Edelman, Diana Vikander Imnah (PERSON) 1-2 3:397 Mariottini, Claude F. Impalement. See Punishments and Crimes (OT and ANE) Impediment of Speech. See Sickness and Disease Impurity, Water for. See Water for Impurity Imrah (PERSON) + 3:397 O’Brien, Julia M. Imri (PERSON) 1-2 3:397 Dunston, Robert C. Incarnation. See also Christology + 3:397-404 Dunn, James D. G. Incense + 3:404-409 Nielsen, Kjeld Incense Altars + 3:409-410 Fowler, Mervyn D. Incense Dish 3:410 Meyers, Carol Incest. See Punishments and Crimes (OT and ANE) India (PLACE) 3:410 Lott, Jeffrey K. Indus River. See India (PLACE) Infancy Gospels. See Thomas, Infancy Gospel of Infancy Narratives in the NT Gospels + 3:410-415 Brown, Raymond E. Infantry. See Military Organization in Mesopotamia Ingathering, Feast of. See Calendars (Ancient Israelite) 3:415 Ingots. See Coinage Inheritance (OT). See Family Inheritance (NT) + 3:415-417 Hammer, Paul L. Ink. See Writing and Writing Materials Inquire of God + 3:417-418 Begg, Christopher T. Inscriptions, Safaitic + 3:418-423 MacDonald, M. C. A. Insects. See Zoology (Fauna) Instruments, Musical. See Music and Musical Instruments Interest and Usury in the Greco-Roman Period + 3:423-424 Frier, Bruce W. Interpretation of Knowledge (NHC XI, 1). See Knowledge, Interpretation of (NHC XI, 1) Interpretation, History of. 3:424 See also Hermeneutics; Hermeneutics, Early Rabbinic; Theology (Biblical), History of History of OT Interpretation + 3:425-433 Rogerson, J. W. History of Biblical Hermeneutics + 3:433-443 Jeanrond, Werner G. Iob (PERSON) + 3:443-444 Mariottini, Claude F. Iota 3:444 Iotape (PERSON) 1-7 + 3:444 Sullivan, Richard D. Iotape (PLACE). See also Iotape (PERSON); Jotbah (PLACE). 1-3 + 3:444-445 Sullivan, Richard D. Iphdeiah (PERSON) + 3:445 Harmon, G. Edwin Iphtah (PLACE) 3:445 Kotter, Wade R. Iphtahel (PLACE) + 3:445 Frankel, Rafael Ir (PERSON) + 3:445-446 Harmon, G. Edwin Ir-Shemesh (PLACE). See also Beth-Shemesh (M.R. 147128) 3:446 Greenberg, Raphael Ira (PERSON) 1-3 3:446 Duke, Rodney K. ‘Ira, Tel (M.R. 148071) + 3:446-448 Beit-Arieh, Itzhaq Irad (PERSON) + 3:448-449 Hess, Richard S.
- 51. ABD Article Index 50 Iram(PERSON) 3:449 Hübner, Ulrich Iram (29º34'N; 35º24'E) + 3:449-450 Graf, David F. Iran, Prehistory of + 3:450-454 Dyson, Robert H., Jr. ‘Iraq el-Emir (M.R. 221147) + 3:454-456 Will, Ernest Irbid, Tell (M.R. 229218) + 3:456-457 Lenzen, C. J. Irenaeus + 3:457-461 Donovan, Mary Ann Iri (PERSON) + 3:461 Harmon, G. Edwin Irijah (PERSON) + 3:462 Bracke, John M. Irnahash (PLACE) + 3:462 Seely, Jo Ann H. Irpeel (PLACE) 3:462 Herion, Gary A. Iru (PERSON) 3:462 Cuffey, Kenneth Hugh Isaac (PERSON) + 3:462-470 Martin-Achard, Robert; Prendergast, Terrence (trans.) Isaiah Scroll, The (1QIsaa ) + 3:470-472 Gonçalves, Francolino J. Isaiah, Book of: 3:472-507 First Isaiah + 3:472-488 Seitz, Christopher R. Isaiah 24-27 (Little Apocalypse) + 3:488-490 Millar, William R. Second Isaiah + 3:490-501 Clifford, Richard J. Third Isaiah + 3:501-507 Seitz, Christopher R. Isaiah, Martyrdom and Ascension of + 3:507-509 Trafton, Joseph L. Iscah (PERSON) + 3:509 Hess, Richard S. Iscariot. See Judas Iscariot Ish-Bosheth (PERSON) + 3:509-510 Edelman, Diana Vikander Ish-Hai (PERSON) 3:510 Viviano, Pauline A. Ishbah (PERSON) 3:510 Cuffey, Kenneth Hugh Ishbak (PERSON) 3:510 Nysse, Richard W. Ishbi-Benob (PERSON) + 3:510 Ehrlich, Carl S. Ishhod (PERSON) 3:510 Graham, M. Patrick Ishi (DEITY) 3:510-511 Maier, Walter Arthur, III Ishi (PERSON) 1-4 + 3:511 Whitelam, Keith W. Ishma (PERSON) 3:511-512 Cuffey, Kenneth Hugh Ishmael (PERSON) 1-2 + 3:512 Berridge, John M. Ishmael (PERSON) 3-6 + 3:512-513 Knauf, Ernst Axel Ishmael, Rabbi + 3:513 Goldenberg, Robert Ishmaelites + 3:513-520 Knauf, Ernst Axel Ishmaiah (PERSON) + 3:520 Kennedy, James M. Ishmerai (PERSON) + 3:520 Harmon, G. Edwin Ishpah (PERSON) + 3:520-521 Harmon, G. Edwin Ishpan (PERSON) + 3:521 Harmon, G. Edwin Ishtar (DEITY) + 3:521-522 Fulco, William J. Ishvah (PERSON) + 3:522 Mariottini, Claude F. Ishvi (PERSON) 1-2 + 3:522 Edelman, Diana Vikander Iskander, Khirbet (M.R. 223107) + 3:523-526 Richard, Suzanne Ismachiah (PERSON) 3:526 Cuffey, Kenneth Hugh Israel Court. See Temple, Jerusalem Israel, History of. 3:526-576 See also Chronology (Hebrew Bible); Court Narrative; Covenant; Ephraim; Exodus, the; Galilee; King and Kingship; Mesha Stele; Negeb; Palestine, Administration of; Palestine, Archaeology of; Syro-Ephraimite War; Maccabean Revolt; Jewish War; Bar Kokhba Revolt Premonarchic Period + 3:526-545 Lemche, Niels Peter; Cryer, Frederick (trans.) Archaeology and the Israelite "Conquest" + 3:545-558 Dever, William G. Monarchic Period + 3:558-567 Hoppe, Leslie J. Post-Monarchic Period + 3:567-576 Carroll, Robert P. Israel, Sociology of Ancient. See Sociology (Ancient Israel) Issachar (PERSON) 1 + 3:577 Herion, Gary A. Issachar (PERSON) 2 + 3:577-578 Thompson, David L. Isshiah (PERSON) 1-3 + 3:578 Wright, John W. Isshijah (PERSON) 3:578 Fager, Jeffrey A. Istalcurus (PERSON) + 3:578 McGehee, Michael David Italian Cohort + 3:578-579 Olson, Mark J.
- 52. ABD Article Index 51 Italy(PLACE) 3:579 Thorsen, Donald A. D. Itch. See Sickness and Disease Ithai (PERSON) 3:579 Schley, Donald G. Ithamar (PERSON) + 3:579-581 Propp, William H. Ithiel (PERSON) 1-2 + 3:581 Schmidt, Frederick W. Ithlah (PLACE) 3:582 Herion, Gary A. Ithmah (PERSON) 3:582 Duke, Rodney K. Ithnan (PLACE) + 3:582 Zorn, Jeffrey R. Ithra (PERSON) + 3:582 Dempster, Stephen G. Ithran (PERSON) 1-2 3:582 Matthews, Victor H. Ithream (PERSON) 3:582 Howard, David M., Jr. Ithrite + 3:582-583 Dempster, Stephen G. Ittai (PERSON) 1-2 + 3:583 Ehrlich, Carl S. Ituraea (PLACE) + 3:583-584 Knauf, Ernst Axel Ivory + 3:584-587 Liebowitz, Harold A. Ivvah (PLACE) 3:587-588 Avalos, Hector Iye-Abarim (PLACE) 3:588 Mattingly, Gerald L. Iyyar. See also Calendars (Ancient Israelite) 3:588 ‘Izbet Sartah (M.R. 146167) + 3:588-589 Finkelstein, Israel Izhar (PERSON) + 3:589 Uitti, Roger W. Izliah (PERSON) + 3:590 Harmon, G. Edwin Izrahiah (PERSON) 3:590 Kennedy, James M. Izrahite 3:590 Duke, Rodney K. Izri (PERSON) + 3:590 McCann, J. Clinton, Jr. Izziah (PERSON) 3:590 Fager, Jeffrey A. J. See Yahwist ("J") Source 3:591 Jaakan (PERSON) + 3:591 Matthews, Victor H. Jaakobah (PERSON) 3:591 Pike, Dana M. Jaala (PERSON) 3:591 McGehee, Michael David Jaar (PLACE) + 3:591 Luker, Lamontte M. Jaareshiah (PERSON) 3:591-592 Pike, Dana M. Jaasiel (PERSON) 1-2 3:592 Edelman, Diana Vikander Jaasu (PERSON) 3:592 Pike, Dana M. Jaazaniah (PERSON) 1-4 + 3:592-593 Berridge, John M. Jaaziah (PERSON) 3:593 Pike, Dana M. Jaaziel (PERSON) 3:593 Pike, Dana M. Jabal (PERSON) + 3:593 Hess, Richard S. Jabbok (PLACE) + 3:593-594 Younker, Randall W. Jabesh (PERSON) 3:594 Viviano, Pauline A. Jabesh-Gilead (PLACE) + 3:594-595 Edelman, Diana Vikander Jabez (PERSON) 3:595 Lo, Hing Choi Jabez (PLACE) 3:595 Kobayashi, Yoshitaka Jabin (PERSON) 1-2 3:595-596 Benjamin, Paul Jabneel (PLACE) 1-2 3:596 Liebowitz, Harold A. Jabneh (PLACE). See Jabneel (PLACE); Jamnia (Jabneh), Council of Jacan (PERSON) 3:596-597 Graham, M. Patrick Jachin (PERSON) 1-3 + 3:597 Mariottini, Claude F. Jachin and Boaz + 3:597-598 Meyers, Carol Jackal. See Zoology 3:598 Jackal’s Well (PLACE) 3:598-599 Herion, Gary A. Jacob (PERSON) 1-2 + 3:599 Porter, Stanley E. Jacob Narrative + 3:599-608 Walters, Stanley D. Jacob’s Well (PLACE) + 3:608-609 Stefanovic, Zdravko Jacob, Ladder of + 3:609 Charlesworth, James H. Jacob, Prayer of + 3:609 Charlesworth, James H. Jada (PERSON) + 3:609-610 Steeger, William P. Jaddai (PERSON). See Iddo 3:610 Jaddua (PERSON) 1-2 + 3:610 Schmidt, Frederick W. Jaddus (PERSON) 3:610 McGehee, Michael David Jadon (PERSON) 3:610 Ruffin, Michael L.
- 53. ABD Article Index 52 Jael(PERSON) + 3:610-611 Lowery, Kirk E. Jagur (PLACE) + 3:611 Zorn, Jeffrey R. Jah/Jahveh/Jahweh. See Yahweh Jahath (PERSON) 1-4 + 3:611-612 Wright, John W. Jahaz (PLACE) + 3:612 Dearman, J. Andrew Jahaziel (PERSON) 1-5 + 3:612-613 Shearer, Rodney H. Jahdai (PERSON) 3:613 Evans, Craig A. Jahdiel (PERSON) 3:613 Graham, M. Patrick Jahdo (PERSON) 3:613 Graham, M. Patrick Jahleel (PERSON) 3:613-614 Mariottini, Claude F. Jahmai (PERSON) 3:614 Davis, M. Stephen Jahzah (PLACE). See Jahaz Jahzeel (PERSON) 3:614 Mariottini, Claude F. Jahzeiah (PERSON) 3:614 Fager, Jeffrey A. Jahzerah (PERSON) 3:614 Hutton, Rodney R. Jahziel (PERSON). See Jahzeel Jailor, Philippian. See Philippian Jailor Jair (PERSON) 1-4 + 3:614-615 Boling, Robert G. Jairite + 3:615 Dempster, Stephen G. Jairus (PERSON) + 3:615 Setzer, Claudia J. Jakeh (PERSON) 3:615 Berry, Donald K. Jakim (PERSON) 1-2 + 3:616 Wright, John W. Jalam (PERSON) 3:616 Hübner, Ulrich Jalon (PERSON) 3:616 Lo, Hing Choi Jamb 3:616 Meyers, Carol Jambres (PERSON). See Jannes and Jambres Jambri (PERSON) + 3:616 Hardwick, Michael E. James (PERSON) 1-4 + 3:616-618 Hagner, Donald A. James, The Apocryphon of (NHC I,2) + 3:619-620 Cameron, Ron James, Brother of Jesus + 3:620-621 Gillman, Florence Morgan James, Epistle of + 3:621-628 Laws, Sophie James, First Apocalypse of (NHC V,3) + 3:628-629 Schoedel, William R. James, Protevangelium of + 3:629-632 Vorster, Willem S. James, Second Apocalypse of (NHC V,4) + 3:632-633 Hedrick, Charles W. Jamin (PERSON) 1-3 3:633-634 Mariottini, Claude F. Jamlech (PERSON) 3:634 Evans, Craig A. Jamnia (Jabneh), Council of + 3:634-637 Lewis, Jack P. Janai (PERSON) 3:637-638 Graham, M. Patrick Janim (PLACE) 3:638 Dyck, Elmer H. Jannai (PERSON) + 3:638 Porter, Stanley E. Jannes and Jambres (PERSONS) + 3:638-640 Pietersma, Albert Janneus (PERSON) 3:640 Carroll, Scott T. Janoah (PLACE) 1-2 3:640-641 Frankel, Rafael Jaoel (ANGEL) + 3:641 McKenzie, Steven L. Japanese Biblical Scholarship. See Biblical Scholarship, Japanese Japheth (PERSON) 3:641-642 Isaac, Ephraim Japheth (PLACE) + 3:642 Schmidt, Frederick W. Japhia (PERSON) 1-2 3:642 Howard, David M., Jr. Japhia (PLACE) 3:642-643 Howard, David M., Jr. Japhlet (PERSON) 3:643 Willett, Tom Wayne Japhletites 3:643 Reed, Stephen A. Jar Handle Stamps, Royal. See Stamps, Royal Jar Handle Jarah (PERSON) + 3:643 Brettler, Marc Zvi Jarba, ‘Ein el- (M.R. 162227) + 3:643-644 Kaplan, Jacob Jared (PERSON) + 3:644 Hess, Richard S. Jarha (PERSON) + 3:644 Steeger, William P. Jarib (PERSON) 1-3 3:644 Shearer, Rodney H. Jarmuth (PLACE) 1 + 3:644-645 Manor, Dale W. Jarmuth (PLACE) 2 + 3:645-646 de Miroschedji, Pierre Jaroah (PERSON) 3:646 Graham, M. Patrick
- 54. ABD Article Index 53 Jashar,Book of + 3:646-647 Christensen, Duane L. Jashen (PERSON) + 3:647 Dempster, Stephen G. Jashobeam (PERSON) + 3:647-648 Duke, Rodney K. Jashub (PERSON) 1-2 3:648 Fager, Jeffrey A. Jason (PERSON) 1-2 + 3:649 Gillman, Florence Morgan Jathan (PERSON) + 3:649 Redditt, Paul L. Jathniel (PERSON) 3:649 Rogers, Jeffrey S. Jattir (PLACE) + 3:649-650 Peterson, John L. Javan (PERSON) + 3:650 Baker, David W. Javelin. See Weapons and Implements of Warfare Jazer (PLACE) + 3:650-651 Peterson, John L. Jaziz (PERSON) 3:651-652 Nysse, Richard W. Jearim, Mount (PLACE) 3:652 Fanwar, Wann Marbud Jeatherai (PERSON) 3:652 Willett, Tom Wayne Jebel 3:652 Jeberechiah (PERSON) 3:652 Hull, John H., Jr. Jebus (PLACE) + 3:652-653 Reed, Stephen A. Jecoliah (PERSON) + 3:653 Schearing, Linda S. Jeconiah (PERSON) 1-3 3:653 Jedaiah (PERSON) 1-5 3:653-655 Hutton, Rodney R. Jediael (PERSON) 1-4 + 3:655 Rogers, Jeffrey S. Jedidah (PERSON) 3:655 Althann, Robert Jedidiah (PERSON) + 3:655 Bailey, Randall C. Jeduthun (PERSON) + 3:655-656 Barnes, William Hamilton Jegar-Sahadutha (PLACE) 3:656 Kobayashi, Yoshitaka Jehallelel (PERSON) 1-2 3:657 McKenzie, Steven L. Jehdeiah (PERSON) 1-2 3:657 Nysse, Richard W. Jehezkel (PERSON) 3:657 Wright, John W. Jehiah (PERSON) + 3:657 Dillard, Raymond B. Jehiel (PERSON) 1-9 3:657-658 Nysse, Richard W. Jehizkiah (PERSON) 3:658 Lowery, Kirk E. Jehoaddah (PERSON) + 3:658 Brettler, Marc Zvi Jehoaddin (PERSON) 3:658-659 Schearing, Linda S. Jehoahaz (PERSON) 1-2 + 3:659-660 Hobbs, T. R. Jehoahaz (PERSON) 3 + 3:660 Althann, Robert Jehohanan (PERSON) 1-8 + 3:660-661 Rogers, Jeffrey S. Jehoiachin (PERSON) + 3:661-663 Berridge, John M. Jehoiada (PERSON) 1-4 3:663-664 McMillion,Phillip E. Jehoiakim (PERSON) + 3:664-666 Berridge, John M. Jehoiarib (PERSON) 1-2 3:666 Hutton, Rodney R. Jehonathan (PERSON) 1-3 3:666 Augustin, Gary C. Jehoram (PERSON). See Joram 3:666 Jehoshabeath (PERSON). See Jehosheba 3:666 Jehoshaphat (PERSON) 1-4 + 3:666-668 Kuntz, J. Kenneth Jehoshaphat, Valley of (PLACE) + 3:668-669 Mare, W. Harold Jehosheba (PERSON) 3:669 Schearing, Linda S. Jehovah. See Yahweh Jehozabad (PERSON) 1-3 3:669 Rogers, Jeffrey S. Jehozadak (PERSON) 3:670 Fager, Jeffrey A. Jehu (PERSON) 1-5 + 3:670-673 Thiel, Winfried; Muenchow, Charles (trans.) Jehubbah (PERSON) + 3:673 O’Brien, Julia M. Jehucal (PERSON) + 3:673-674 Berridge, John M. Jehud (PLACE) 3:674 Greenberg, Raphael Jehudi (PERSON) + 3:674 Berridge, John M. Jeiel (PERSON) 1-11 + 3:674-676 Brettler, Marc Zvi Jekabzeel (PLACE). See Kabzeel Jekameam (PERSON) + 3:676 Wright, John W. Jekamiah (PERSON) 1-2 3:676 Fuller, Russell Jekuthiel (PERSON) 3:676 Lo, Hing Choi Jemimah (PERSON) + 3:676 Holbert, John C.
- 55. ABD Article Index 54 Jemmeh,Tell (M.R. 097088) + 3:676-678 Van Beek, Gus W. Jemuel (PERSON). See Nemuel Jenin (M.R. 178207) + 3:678-680 Glock, Albert E. Jephthah (PERSON) + 3:680-682 Boling, Robert G. Jephunneh (PERSON) 1-2 3:682-683 Panitz, Raphael I. Jerah (PERSON) + 3:683 Müller, Walter W. Jerahmeel (ANGEL). See Jeremiel Jerahmeel (PERSON) 1-2 3:683-684 Uitti, Roger W. Jerahmeel (PERSON) 3 + 3:684 Lundbom, Jack R. Jerash (PLACE). See Gerasenes Jered (PERSON) 3:684 Hess, Richard S. Jeremai (PERSON) 3:684 Fager, Jeffrey A. Jeremiah (PERSON) 1-10 3:684 Althann, Robert Jeremiah (PROPHET) + 3:684-698 Lundbom, Jack R. Jeremiah, Additions to + 3:698-706 Moore, Carey A. Jeremiah, Book of + 3:706-721 Lundbom, Jack R. Jeremiah, Epistle of 3:721-722 Mendels, Doron Jeremiel (ANGEL) + 3:722-723 Nickelsburg, George W. E. Jeremoth (PERSON). See Jerimoth Jeriah (PERSON) + 3:723 Wright, John W. Jeribai (PERSON) 3:723 Endres, John C. Jericho (PLACE) 3:723-740 Jericho (PLACE): A-D: (Tell es-Sultan) 3:723-737 Holland, Thomas A. E: Roman Jericho (Tulul Abu el-‘Alayiq) 3:737-739 Netzer, Ehud Bibliography 3:739-740 Holland, Thomas A.; Netzer, Ehud Jeriel (PERSON) 3:740 Davis, M. Stephen Jerimoth (PERSON) 1-12 + 3:740-741 Wright, John W. Jerioth (PERSON) + 3:741-742 Hostetter, Edwin C. Jeroboam (PERSON) 1 + 3:742-745 Evans, Carl D. Jeroboam (PERSON) 2 + 3:745-746 Whitelam, Keith W. Jeroham (PERSON) 1-7 3:746 McKenzie, Steven L. Jerubbaal (PERSON) + 3:746-747 Lowery, Kirk E. Jerubbesheth (PERSON) + 3:747 Bailey, Randall C. Jeruel (PLACE) 3:747 Kobayashi, Yoshitaka Jerusalem (PLACE) + 3:747-766 King, Philip J. Jerusalem, Council of + 3:766-768 Cousar, Charles B. Jerusha (PERSON) + 3:768 Schearing, Linda S. Jeshaiah (PERSON) 1-6 + 3:768-769 Rogers, Jeffrey S. Jeshanah (PLACE) + 3:769 Hamilton, Jeffries M. Jesharelah (PERSON). See Asharelah (PERSON) Jeshebeab (PERSON) 3:769 Wright, John W. Jesher (PERSON) 3:769 Lo, Hing Choi Jeshimon (PLACE) 1-2 + 3:769 DeVries, LaMoine F. Jeshishai (PERSON) 3:769 Graham, M. Patrick Jeshohaiah (PERSON) 3:769 Evans, Craig A. Jeshua (PERSON) 1-6 + 3:769-771 Eskenazi, Tamara C. Jeshua (PLACE) 3:771 Kotter, Wade R. Jeshurun + 3:771-772 Jeansonne, Sharon Pace Jesimiel (PERSON) 3:772 Evans, Craig A. Jesse (PERSON) + 3:772-773 Whitelam, Keith W. Jesus (PERSON). 3:773-819 See also Wisdom of Ben-Sira; Justus Jesus Christ + 3:773-796 Meyer, Ben Franklin Quest for the Historical Jesus + 3:796-802 Wright, N.T. The Actual Words of Jesus + 3:802-804 Riches, John The Teaching of Jesus Christ + 3:804-812 Borg, Marcus J. The Worship of Jesus + 3:812-819 Bauckham, Richard Jesus Christ, Sophia of (NHC III,4). See Eugnostos and the Sophia of Jesus Christ Jesus, Brothers and Sisters of + 3:819-820 Brashler, James A.
- 56. ABD Article Index 55 Jether(PERSON) 1-5 3:820-821 Lo, Hing Choi Jetheth (PERSON) 3:821 Hübner, Ulrich Jethro (PERSON) + 3:821 Slayton, Joel C. Jetur (PERSON) + 3:821-822 Knauf, Ernst Axel Jeuel (PERSON) 1-3 3:822 Shearer, Rodney H. Jeush (PERSON) 1-5 + 3:822 Knauf, Ernst Axel Jeuz (PERSON) + 3:822-823 Harmon, G. Edwin Jewelry, Ancient Israelite + 3:823-834 Platt, Elizabeth E. Jewish Christianity. See Christianity (Early Jewish); Ebionites; Nazarenes Jewish Versions of the Bible. See Versions, Jewish Jewish-Christian Relations 70-170 C.E. + 3:834-839 Wilson, Stephen G. Jewish War (66-73 C.E.) + 3:839-845 Levine, Lee I. Jews in the NT + 3:845-848 Chilton, Bruce Jezaniah (PERSON) 1-2 3:848 Berridge, John M. Jezebel (PERSON) 1-2 + 3:848-849 Yee, Gale A. Jezer (PERSON) + 3:849 Mariottini, Claude F. Jeziel (PERSON) + 3:849 Dillard, Raymond B. Jezrahiah (PERSON) 3:849 Williams, Nora A. Jezreel (PERSON) 1-2 3:849-850 Pressler, Carolyn J. Jezreel (PLACE) 1-2 + 3:850 Hunt, Melvin Jib, el. See Gibeon (PLACE) Jidlaph (PERSON) + 3:851 Hostetter, Edwin C. Jilat, Wadi al- + 3:851 Andrew N. Garrard Jisr Banat Ya‘aqub (M.R. 209268) + 3:851-852 Goren-Inbar, Naaha Joab (PERSON) 1-3 + 3:852-854 Schley, Donald G. Joah (PERSON) 1-4 + 3:854 Rogers, Jeffrey S. Joakim (PERSON) 1-3 + 3:854 Schmidt, Frederick W. Joanan (PERSON) + 3:854-855 Porter, Stanley E. Joanna (PERSON) + 3:855 Witherington, Ben, III Joarib (PERSON) 3:855 Redditt, Paul L. Joash (PERSON) 1-8 + 3:855-858 Schearing, Linda S. Job, Book of + 3:858-868 Crenshaw, James L. Job, Targums of + 3:868-869 Zuckerman, Bruce Job, Testament of + 3:869-871 Spittler, Russell P. Jobab (PERSON) 1 + 3:871 Müller, Walter W. Jobab (PERSON) 2-5 3:871 Fretz, Mark J. Jochebed (PERSON) + 3:871-872 Burns, Rita J. Joda (PERSON) 1-2 + 3:872 Fretz, Mark J. Jodan (PERSON) 3:872 McGehee, Michael David Joed (PERSON) + 3:872 Schmidt, Frederick W. Joel (PERSON) 1-15 + 3:872-873 McKenzie, Steven L. Joel, Book of + 3:873-880 Hiebert, Theodore Joelah (PERSON) + 3:880 Dillard, Raymond B. Joezer (PERSON) 3:880 Dillard, Raymond B. Jogbehah (PLACE) + 3:880 Franklyn, Paul Nimrah Jogli (PERSON) 3:880 Panitz, Raphael I. Joha (PERSON) 3:881 Uitti, Roger W. Johanan (PERSON) 1-5 3:881 McKenzie, Steven L. Johanan (PERSON) 6 + 3:881-882 Berridge, John M. Johanan (PERSON) 7-9 + 3:882 McKenzie, Steven L. Johannine Comma + 3:882-883 Osburn, Carroll D. John (Disciple) + 3:883-886 Collins, Raymond F. John (PERSON) 1-2 + 3:886 Carroll, Scott T. John (PERSON) 3-7 3:886 Herion, Gary A. John (PERSON) 8-9 3:886-887 Collins, Raymond F. John the Baptist + 3:887-899 Hollenbach, Paul W. John the Divine, Discourse of. See Virgin, Assumption of the John, Acts of (By Prochorus) + 3:899 Thomason, Dana Andrew John, Apocryphon of (NHC II,1; III, 1; IV,1; and BG 8502, 2) + 3:899-900 Wisse, Frederik John, Epistles of + 3:900-912 Kysar, Robert
- 57. ABD Article Index 56 John,The Gospel of + 3:912-931 Kysar, Robert Joiada (PERSON) 1-2 + 3:931 Augustin, Gary C. Joiakim (PERSON) 3:932 Kennedy, James M. Joiarib (PERSON) 1-3 + 3:932 Shearer, Rodney H. Jokdeam (PLACE) 3:932-933 Kotter, Wade R. Jokim (PERSON) 3:933 Smith, David Channing Jokmeam (PLACE) 3:933 Toews, Wesley Irwin Jokneam (PLACE) + 3:933-935 Amnon Ben-Tor Jokshan (PERSON) + 3:935 Matthews, Victor H. Joktan (PERSON) + 3:935 Hess, Richard S. Joktheel (PLACE) 1-2 3:935-936 Kotter, Wade R. Jonadab (PERSON) 1 3:936 Miller, Robert D., II Jonadab (PERSON) 2 + 3:936 Bracke, John M. Jonah (PERSON) 1-2 3:936 McGehee, Michael David Jonah, Book of + 3:936-942 Magonet, Jonathan David Jonam (PERSON) + 3:942 Porter, Stanley E. Jonathan (PERSON) 1-20 + 3:942-944 Berridge, John M. Jonathan, Son of Saul + 3:944-946 Edelman, Diana Vikander Joppa (PLACE) + 3:946-949 Kaplan, Jacob; Kaplan, Haya Ritter Jorah (PERSON) + 3:949 Bergdall, Chaney R. Jorai (PERSON) 3:949 Graham, M. Patrick Joram (PERSON) 1-6 + 3:949-953 Thiel, Winfried; Muenchow, Charles (trans.) Jordan River + 3:953-958 Thompson, Henry O. Jordan Valley + 3:958-960 Ibrahim, Moawiyah M. Jordan, Jungle of (PLACE) + 3:960-961 Thompson, Henry O. Jordan, Prehistory of + 3:961-966 Rollefson, Gary O. Jorim (PERSON) + 3:966-967 Porter, Stanley E. Jorkeam (PLACE) 3:967 Dyck, Elmer H. Josech (PERSON) 3:967 Porter, Stanley E. Joseph (PERSON) 1-8 3:967 Lillie, Betty Jane Joseph (PERSON) 9-16 + 3:967-969 Porter, Stanley E. Joseph and Aseneth + 3:969-971 Chesnutt, Randall D. Joseph of Arimathea + 3:971-972 Porter, Stanley E. Joseph of Arimathea, Narrative by. See Virgin Assumption of the; Pilate, Acts of Joseph, History of + 3:973-974 Zervos, George T. Joseph, Husband of Mary + 3:974-975 Porter, Stanley E. Joseph, Prayer of + 3:976 Robinson, Stephen E. Joseph, Son of Jacob + 3:976-981 Coats, George W. Josephus (PERSON) + 3:981-998 Feldman, Louis H. Joses (PERSON) 1-2 3:998 Cockerill, Gareth Lee Joshah (PERSON) 3:998 Evans, Craig A. Joshaphat (PERSON) 1-2 + 3:998 Dillard, Raymond B. Joshaviah (PERSON) 3:998 Endres, John C. Joshbekashah (PERSON) 3:998-999 McCann, J. Clinton, Jr. Josheb-Basshebeth (PERSON) 3:999 Schmitz, Philip C. Joshibiah (PERSON) 3:999 Evans, Craig A. Joshua (PERSON) 1 + 3:999-1000 Ramsey, George W. Joshua (PERSON) 2-5 + 3:1000-1001 Porter, Stanley E. Joshua (PERSON) 6 + 3:1001-1002 Green, William Scott Joshua, Book of + 3:1002-1015 Boling, Robert G. Joshua, Psalms of (4Q378-379) + 3:1015 Newsom, Carol A. Josiah (PERSON) 1-2 + 3:1015-1018 Althann, Robert Josiphiah (PERSON) 3:1018 Shearer, Rodney H. Josippon, Book of + 3:1018-1020 Flusser, David Jotapata (PLACE). See Iotape (PLACE) 3:1020 Jotbah (PLACE) + 3:1020 Frankel, Rafael Jotbathah (PLACE) + 3:1021 Zorn, Jeffrey R. Jotham (PERSON) 1-3 + 3:1021-1022 Kuntz, J. Kenneth Joy + 3:1022-1023 Arnold, Clinton E. Jozabad (PERSON) 1-6 + 3:1023-1024 Wright, John W.
- 58. ABD Article Index 57 Jozacar(PERSON) 3:1024 Viviano, Pauline A. Jozadak (PERSON) 3:1024 Fager, Jeffrey A. Jubal (PERSON) + 3:1024-1025 Hess, Richard S. Jubilee, Year of + 3:1025-1030 Wright, Christopher J. H. Jubilees, Book of + 3:1030-1032 VanderKam, James C. Jucal (PERSON). See Jehucal (PERSON) Judah (PERSON) 1-7 + 3:1032-1033 Hamilton, Victor P. Judah (PERSON) 8 + 3:1033 Porter, Stanley E. Judah (PLACE) + 3:1033-1036 de Geus, C. H. J. Judah the Maccabee. See Judas Maccabeus (PERSON) Judah the Prince, Rabbi + 3:1036 Goldenberg, Robert Judah, Administration of (Postexile). See Palestine, Administration of (Postexilic Judean Officials) Judah, Hill Country of (PLACE) 3:1036-1037 Ferris, Paul Wayne, Jr. Judah, Wilderness of (PLACE) 3:1037 Ferris, Paul Wayne, Jr. Judaism: 3:1037-1089 Judaism in the Greco-Roman Period + 3:1037-1054 Overman, J. Andrew; Green, William Scott Palestinian Judaism + 3:1054-1061 Fraade, Steven D. Judaism in Egypt + 3:1061-1072 Borgen, Peder Jews in North Africa + 3:1072-1073 Appelbaum, Shimon Judaism in Rome + 3:1073-1076 Penna, Romano Babylonian Judaism + 3:1076-1083 Beer, Moshe; Erez, Menahem (trans.) Judaism in the Mishnaic Period + 3:1083-1089 Zahavy, Tzvee Judaizing + 3:1089 Aageson, James W. Judas (PERSON) 1-5 + 3:1089-1090 Redditt, Paul L. Judas (PERSON) 6-9 + 3:1090 Miller, Robert D., II Judas (PERSON) 10 3:1090-1091 Cockerill, Gareth Lee Judas Iscariot + 3:1091-1096 Klassen, William Judas Maccabeus 3:1096-1098 Rappaport, Uriel Jude, Epistle of + 3:1098-1103 Bauckham, Richard Judea (PLACE). See Judah (PLACE) Judea, Ridge of. See Ridge of Judea (PLACE) Judeideh, Tell (M.R. 141115) + 3:1103-1104 Broshi, Magen Judge, Judging 3:1104-1106 Mafico, Temba L. Jackson Judges, Book of + 3:1107-1117 Boling, Robert G. Judgment, Day of. See Day of Judgement Judgment, Hall of (PLACE) + 3:1117 Herion, Gary A. Judith (PERSON) 1-2 + 3:1117 Moyer, James C. Judith, Book of + 3:1117-1125 Moore, Carey A. Julia (PERSON) 3:1125 Lampe, Peter Julius (PERSON) + 3:1125-1126 Olson, Mark J. Julius Caesar + 3:1126-1127 Marshall, Bruce A. Junias (PERSON) + 3:1127 Lampe, Peter Jushab-Hesed (PERSON) 3:1127 Fuller, Russell Just, Justice + 3:1127-1129 Mafico, Temba L. Jackson Justification + 3:1129-1133 Hays, Richard B. Justin Martyr (PERSON) + 3:1133-1134 Grant, Robert M. Justus (PERSON) 1-3 + 3:1134-1135 Gillman, John L. Juttah (PLACE) + 3:1135 Peterson, John L. Kab. See Weights and Measures Kabzeel (PLACE) 4:1 Willett, Tom Wayne Kadesh-Barnea (PLACE) + 4:1-3 Manor, Dale W. Kadesh-on-the-Orontes + 4:3-4 Avalos, Hector Kadmiel (PERSON) 4:4 Brensinger, Terry L. Kadmonites + 4:4 Reed, Stephen A. Kain (PLACE) 4:4 Toews, Wesley Irwin Kaiwan (DEITY). See Sakkuth and Kaiwan (DEITIES) Kallai (PERSON) 4:4 Barnes, William Hamilton Kamon (PLACE) + 4:5 Thompson, Henry O. Kanah (PLACE) + 4:5 Thompson, Henry O. Kap 4:5
- 59. ABD Article Index 58 Kappa4:5 Kareah (PERSON) 4:6 Bracke, John M. Karka (PLACE) 4:6 Kotter, Wade R. Karkor (PLACE) + 4:6 Thompson, Henry O. Karnaim (PLACE). See Ashteroth-Karnaim (PLACE) Kartah (PLACE) + 4:6-7 Peterson, John L. Kartan (PLACE) + 4:7 Peterson, John L. Kashruth. See Meal Customs (Jewish Dietary Laws) Kassite Language. See Languages (Introductory Survey) Kattath (PLACE) 4:7-8 Hunt, Melvin Kebara Cave (M.R. 144218) + 4:8-9 Schick, Tamar Kedar (PERSON) + 4:9-10 Knauf, Ernst Axel Kedemah (PERSON) + 4:10 Knauf, Ernst Axel Kedemoth (PLACE) + 4:10-11 Peterson, John L. Kedesh (PLACE) 1-2 + 4:11 Arav, Rami Kedesh (PLACE) 3 + 4:11-12 Peterson, John L. Kedron (PLACE) 4:12 Herion, Gary A. Kefar Bir‘am (M.R. 189272) + 4:12 Meyers, Eric M. Kefar Gil‘adi (M.R. 203294) + 4:12-13 Kaplan, Jacob Kehelathah (PLACE) + 4:13 Zorn, Jeffrey R. Keilah (PLACE) 4:13-14 DeVries, LaMoine F. Keisan, Tell (M.R. 164253) + 4:14-16 Humbert, Jean-Baptiste Kelaiah (PERSON) 4:16 Fager, Jeffrey A. Kelita (PERSON) 4:16 Brensinger, Terry L. Kemuel (PERSON) 1-3 4:16 Panitz, Raphael I. Kenan (PERSON) + 4:16 Hess, Richard S. Kenath (PLACE) + 4:16-17 Mattingly, Gerald L.; Franklyn, Paul Nimrah Kenaz (PERSON) 1-3 + 4:17 Kuntz, J. Kenneth Kenites + 4:17-22 Halpern, Baruch Kenizzite. See Kenaz (PERSON) Kerak (M.R. 217066) + 4:22-24 Knauf, Ernst Axel Keren-Happuch (PERSON) 4:24 Holbert, John C. Kerioth (PLACE) 4:24 Mattingly, Gerald L. Kerioth-Hezron (PLACE) + 4:24 Zorn, Jeffrey R. Kermes Insect. See Zoology Keros (PERSON) 4:24 McGehee, Michael David Kerygma Petrou. See Peter, Preaching of Ketab (PERSON) 4:24 McGehee, Michael David Kethib and Qere. See also Masoretic Text + 4:24-30 Morrow, William S. Kethubim 4:31 Keturah (PERSON) + 4:31 Knauf, Ernst Axel Keys of the Kingdom + 4:31 Collins, Raymond F. Keziah (PERSON) + 4:31-32 Holbert, John C. Khafaje + 4:32-33 Margueron, Jean-Claude; Rosoff, Stephen (trans.) Khalil, Ramat el-. See Ramat el-Khalil (M.R. 160107) Kheleifeh, Tell el-. (M.R. 147884) + 4:33-34 Pratico, Gary D. Khirbet 4:34 Khirbet Kerak Ware + 4:34-35 Pfann, Stephen J. Khorsabad + 4:35 Margueron, Jean-Claude; Rosoff, Stephen (trans.) Kibroth-Hattaavah (PLACE) + 4:36 Zorn, Jeffrey R. Kibzaim (PLACE) + 4:36-37 Peterson, John L. Kid. See Zoology Kidron, Brook of + 4:37-38 Mare, W. Harold Kilan (PERSON) 4:38 McGehee, Michael David Kiln + 4:38-39 Wood, Bryant G. Kinah (PLACE) + 4:39-40 Liwak, Rüdiger King and Kingship + 4:40-48 Whitelam, Keith W. King James Version. See Versions, English King’s Garden (PLACE) + 4:48 Mare, W. Harold King’s Highway (PLACE) + 4:48-49 Carroll, Scott T.
- 60. ABD Article Index 59 King’sPool (PLACE) + 4:49 Mare, W. Harold King’s Valley (PLACE). See Shaveh, Valley of; Kidron, Brook of Kingdom of God, Kingdom of Heaven + 4:49-69 Duling, Dennis C. Kingdoms, Books of 4:69 Kingfisher. See Zoology Kings, Book of 1-2 + 4:69-83 Holloway, Steven W. Kingship, Sacral. See Sacral Kingship Kinship. See Family Kir (PLACE) 1 4:83 Mattingly, Gerald L. Kir (PLACE) 2 + 4:83-84 Thompson, Henry O. Kir-Hareseth (PLACE) 4:84 Mattingly, Gerald L. Kiriath-Arba (PLACE) + 4:84 Hamilton, Jeffries M. Kiriath-Baal (PLACE). See Kiriath-Jearim Kiriath-Huzoth (PLACE) 4:84 Brensinger, Terry L. Kiriath-Jearim (PLACE) + 4:84-85 Hamilton, Jeffries M. Kiriath-Sannah (PLACE) + 4:85 Herion, Gary A. Kiriath-Sepher (PLACE) 4:85 Kotter, Wade R. Kiriathaim (PLACE) 1-2 4:85 Mattingly, Gerald L. Kiriatharim (PLACE). See Kiriath-Jearim Kish (PERSON) 1-5 + 4:85-87 Edelman, Diana Vikander Kish (PLACE) + 4:87-88 Margueron, Jean-Claude; Rosoff, Stephen (trans.) Kishi (PERSON). See Kushaiah (PERSON) Kishion (PLACE) + 4:88-89 Peterson, John L. Kishon (PLACE) + 4:89 Frankel, Rafael Kiss (NT) + 4:89-92 Klassen, William Kite. See Zoology (Fauna) Kitron (PLACE) + 4:93 Hunt, Melvin Kittim + 4:93 Baker, David W. Knowledge, Interpretation of (NHC XI,1) + 4:93-95 Turner, John D. Knowledge, Tree of. See Tree of Knowledge and Tree of Life Koa + 4:95 Allen, Leslie C. Kohath (PERSON) + 4:95-97 Propp, William H. Kola (PLACE) 4:97 White, Sidnie Ann Kolaiah (PERSON) 1-2 + 4:97 Schmidt, Frederick W. Kom, Khirbet el- (M.R. 146104): 4:97-100 Archaeology + 4:97-99 Holladay, John S., Jr. Ostraca + 4:99-100 Geraty, Lawrence T. Kona (PLACE) + 4:100 White, Sidnie Ann Korah (PERSON) 1-3 + 4:100-101 Hutton, Rodney R. Kore (PERSON) 1-2 4:102 Barnes, William Hamilton Kosher. See Meal Customs (Jewish Dietary Laws) Koz (PERSON) 4:102 Lo, Hing Choi Kue (PLACE) + 4:102-103 Avalos, Hector Kuntillet ‘Ajrud (M.R. 094954) + 4:103-109 Meshel, Ze’ev Kush (PLACE) + 4:109-111 Redford, Donald B. Kushaiah (PERSON) 4:111 Willett, Tom Wayne L. See Synoptic Problem Laadah (PERSON) 4:113 Smith, David Channing Laban (PERSON) + 4:113-114 Mariottini, Claude F. Laban (PLACE) + 4:114 Zorn, Jeffrey R. Laccunus (PERSON) 4:114 Han, Jin Hee Lace. See Dress and Ornamentation Lacedaemonians 4:114 Carroll, Scott T. Lachish (PLACE) + 4:114-126 Ussishkin, David Lachish Letters + 4:126-128 Di Vito, Robert A. Ladan (PERSON) 1-2 4:128 Davis, M. Stephen Ladder of Tyre (PLACE) 4:128 Smith, Robert Wayne Lady, Elect. See Elect Lady Lael (PERSON) 4:128 Weis, Richard D. Lagash + 4:128-129 Margueron, Jean-Claude; Rosoff, Stephen (trans.)
- 61. ABD Article Index 60 Lahad(PERSON) 4:129 Lahav (PLACE). See Halif, Tel Lahmam (PLACE) 4:129-130 Kotter, Wade R. Lahmi (PERSON) 4:130 Ehrlich, Carl S. Laish (PERSON) 4:130 Dempster, Stephen G. Laish (PLACE) + 4:130-131 Manor, Dale W. Laishah (PLACE) + 4:131 Liwak, Rüdiger Lakkum (PLACE) + 4:131 Williams, David Salter Lamb + 4:132-134 Miles, John R. Lambda 4:135 Lame, Lameness + 4:135-136 Jones, Richard N. Lamech (PERSON) + 4:136-137 Hess, Richard S. Lamed 4:137 Lamentations, Book of + 4:137-141 Hillers, Delbert R. Lampstand + 4:141-143 Meyers, Carol Lance. See Weapons and Implements of Warfare Land + 4:143-154 Janzen, Waldemar Land Laws. See Law, Biblical and ANE; Family Languages: 4:155-229 Introductory Survey + 4:155-170 Huehnergard, John Akkadian + 4:170-173 Caplice, Richard I. Aramaic + 4:173-178 Kaufman, Stephen A. Byblos Syllabic Inscriptions + 4:178-180 Mendenhall, George E. Coptic + 4:180-188 Emmel, Stephen Egyptian Language and Writing + 4:188-193 Allen, James P. Ethiopic + 4:193-195 Perkins, Harry Lee Greek + 4:195-203 Mussies, Gerard Hebrew + 4:203-214 Schramm, Gene M. Hittite + 4:214-216 Beckman, Gary Hurrian + 4:216-217 Huehnergard, John Languages of Ancient Iran + 4:217-220 Windfuhr, Gernot L. Latin + 4:220-222 Bruce, Frederick Fyvie Phoenician + 4:222-223 Krahmalkov, Charles R. Pre-Islamic South Arabian + 4:223-226 Beeston, A. F. L. Ugaritic + 4:226-229 Healey, John F. ; Craigie, Peter C. Laodicea (PLACE) + 4:229-231 Bruce, Frederick Fyvie Laodiceans, Epistle to the + 4:231-233 Anderson, Charles P. Lappidoth (PERSON) 4:233 Lowery, Kirk E. Larsa + 4:233-234 Margueron, Jean-Claude; Rosoff, Stephen (trans.) Lasea (PLACE) + 4:234 Wineland, John D. Lasha (PLACE) + 4:234 Oller, Gary H. Lasharon (PLACE) 4:234 Hunt, Melvin Last Supper + 4:234-241 O’Toole, Robert F. Lasthenes (PERSON) + 4:241 Pattengale, Jerry A. Latin Language. See Languages (Latin) Latin Versions. See Versions, Ancient (Latin) Laver + 4:241-242 Meyers, Carol Law: 4:242-265 Biblical and ANE Law + 4:242-252 Greengus, Samuel Forms of Biblical Law + 4:252-254 Sonsino, Rifat Law in Judaism of the NT Period + 4:254-265 Sanders, E. P. Law, Tablets of the. See Tablets of the Law Laying on of Hands. See Hands, Laying on of Lazarus (PERSON) + 4:265-266 Collins, Raymond F. Lazarus and Dives + 4:266-267 Hock, Ronald F. Leah (PERSON) + 4:268 Yee, Gale A. Leather. See Dress and Ornamentation Leaven. See Meal Customs (Jewish Dietary Laws) Lebana (PERSON) 4:268 Swanson, Steven R. Lebanon + 4:269-270 Smith, Robert Houston
- 62. ABD Article Index 61 Lebanon,House of. See Temple, Jerusalem Lebaoth (PLACE). See Beth-Labaoth (PLACE) Lebbaeus (PERSON). See Thaddeus (PERSON) Lebonah (PLACE) 4:270 Dyck, Elmer H. Lecah (PLACE) 4:270 Dyck, Elmer H. Lectionary: 4:270-273 Early Jewish Lectionaries + 4:270-271 Aageson, James W. Early Christian Lectionaries + 4:271-273 Junack, Klaus; Thomas, Ronald B., Jr. (trans.) Leeks. See Flora Left, Left Hand + 4:273-274 Drinkard, Joel F., Jr. Legate. See Palestine, Administration of (Roman) Legion. See Roman Army Lehabim 4:274 Baker, David W. Lehem (PLACE) 4:274 Fanwar, Wann Marbud Lehi (PLACE) + 4:274-275 Lubetski, Meir Lehun (M.R. 231097) + 4:275-276 Homès-Fredericq, Denyse Lejjūn (M.R. 228072) + 4:276-277 Parker, S. Thomas Lemuel (PERSON) + 4:277 Berry, Donald K. Lend. See Interest and Usury in the Greco-Roman Period Leopard. See Zoology Leprosy + 4:277-282 Wright, David P.; Jones, Richard N. Lesbos (PLACE). See Mitylene (PLACE) Leshem (PLACE) 4:282 Manor, Dale W. Lethech. See Weights and Measures Letters: 4:282-293 Hebrew Letters + 4:282-285 Pardee, D. Aramaic Letters + 4:285-290 Dion, Paul E. Greek and Latin Letters + 4:290-293 Stanley K. Stowers Letushim + 4:293 Matthews, Victor H. Leucius (PERSON). See John, Acts of Leummim + 4:293-294 Matthews, Victor H. Levi (PERSON) 1 + 4:294 Spencer, John R. Levi (PERSON) 2-4 + 4:294-295 Porter, Stanley E. Leviathan + 4:295-296 Day, John Levirate Law + 4:296-297 Kalmin, Richard Levites and Priests + 4:297-310 Rehm, Merlin D. Levitical Cities + 4:310-311 Spencer, John R. Leviticus, Book of + 4:311-321 Levine, Baruch A. Lex Talionis + 4:321-322 Huffmon, Herbert B. Liber de Infantia. See Matthew, Gospel of Pseudo- Libnah (PLACE) + 4:322-323 Peterson, John L. Libni (PERSON) 1-3 + 4:323-324 Propp, William H. Libya (PLACE) 4:324 Heard, Warren J., Jr. Lice. See Zoology Licentiousness. See Virtue/Vice Lists Life, Author of. See Author of Life Life, Tree of. See Tree of Knowledge and Tree of Life Likhi (PERSON) 4:324 Graham, M. Patrick Lilith (DEITY) + 4:324-325 Handy, Lowell K. Lily. See Flora Lily-Work. See Capital Limes, Roman (In Palestine) + 4:325-327 Gichon, Mordechai Linear B. See Languages (Introductory Survey) Linen. See Dress and Ornamentation; Flora Linguistics and Biblical Studies + 4:327-333 Bodine, Walter R. Linus (PERSON) + 4:333 Gillman, Florence Morgan Lion. See Zoology Literacy: 4:333-340 Ancient Near East + 4:333-337 Baines, John Ancient Israel + 4:337-340 Millard, Alan Ralph
- 63. ABD Article Index 62 Literature.See Egyptian Literature; Hittite Texts and Literature; Literature, Early Christian; Sumerian Literature; and Ugarit (Texts and Literature) Literature, Early Christian + 4:340-345 Bruce, Frederick Fyvie Little Apocalypse in the Gospels. See Gospels, Little Apocalypse in the Liturgy, Angelic (4QShirShabb). See Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice Lives of the Prophets. See Prophets, Lives of the Living Creatures. See Zoology Lizard. See Zoology LMLK Jar Handles. See Stamps, Royal Jar Handle Lo-Ammi (PERSON). See Not My People (PERSON) Lo-Debar (PLACE) + 4:345-346 Edelman, Diana Vikander Lo-Ruhamah (PERSON). See Not Pitied (PERSON) Loan. See Interest and Usury in the Greco-Roman Period Locust. See Zoology Lod (PLACE) A: Historical Sources 4:346-347 Hunt, Melvin Lod (PLACE) B + 4:347 Kaplan, Jacob Log. See Weights and Measures Logia + 4:347-348 Patterson, Stephen J. Logos + 4:348-356 Tobin, Thomas H. Lois (PERSON) + 4:356 Gillman, Florence Morgan Loops 4:356 Meyers, Carol Loosing. See Binding and Loosing Lord. See Names of God (OT); Yahweh (DEITY) Lord’s Prayer + 4:356-362 Houlden, J. L. Lord’s Supper. See also Last Supper + 4:362-372 Klauck, Hans-Josef; Ewert, David (trans.) Lord, Day of the. See Day of the Lord Lost Tribes, The + 4:372 Charlesworth, James H. Lot (PERSON) + 4:372-374 Spina, Frank Anthony Lotan (PERSON) + 4:374-375 Knauf, Ernst Axel Lothasubus (PERSON) 4:375 McGehee, Michael David Lotus. See Flora, Biblical Love: 4:375-396 Old Testament + 4:375-381 Sakenfeld, Katherine Doob NT and Early Jewish Literature + 4:381-396 Klassen, William Lower Criticism. See Textual Criticism Lozon (PERSON). See Darkon (PERSON) Lubim. See Lehabim; Libya (PLACE) Lucius (PERSON) 1-2 + 4:396-397 Gillman, John L. Lud (PERSON) + 4:397 Baker, David W. Luhith (PLACE) 4:397 Mattingly, Gerald L. Luke (PERSON): 4:397-403 Luke as Historian + 4:398-402 Plümacher, Eckhard; Martin, Dennis (trans.) Luke as Theologian + 4:402-403 Marshall, I. Howard Luke-Acts, Book of + 4:403-420 Johnson, Luke Timothy Luminaries, Words of the. See Words of the Luminaries (4QDibHam) Lunatic. See Sickness and Disease; Demons Lute. See Music and Musical Instruments Luwian Language. See Languages (Introductory Survey) Luz (PLACE) 1-2 + 4:420 Toews, Wesley Irwin LXX. See Septuagint Lycaonia (PLACE) + 4:420-422 Bruce, Frederick Fyvie Lycia (PLACE) 4:422 Carroll, Scott T. Lycian Language. See Languages (Introductory Survey) Lydia (PERSON) + 4:422-423 Witherington, Ben, III Lydia (PLACE) + 4:423-425 McLauchlin, Barbara Kelley Lyre. See Music and Musical Instruments Lysanias (PERSON) 1-2 4:425 Carroll, Scott T. Lysias (PERSON) 1-2 + 4:425-426 Redditt, Paul L. Lysimachus (PERSON) 1-2 + 4:426 Hardwick, Michael E. Lystra (PLACE) + 4:426-427 Potter, David S. M. See Synoptic Problem; Matthew, Gospel of
- 64. ABD Article Index 63 Ma‘in(PLACE). See Meunim Maacah (PERSON) 1-9 4:429-430 Schearing, Linda S. Maacah (PLACE) 4:430 Schley, Donald G. Maadai (PERSON) 4:430 Fager, Jeffrey A. Maadiah (PERSON) 4:430-431 Barnes, William Hamilton Maai (PERSON) 4:431 Williams, Nora A. Maarath (PLACE) 4:431 Kotter, Wade R. Maasai (PERSON) 4:431 Hutton, Rodney R. Maaseiah (PERSON) 1-21 4:431-432 McKenzie, Steven L. Maasmas (PERSON) 4:432 Han, Jin Hee Maath (PERSON) + 4:432-433 Porter, Stanley E. Maaz (PERSON) + 4:433 Steeger, William P. Maaziah (PERSON) 4:433 Schmidt, Frederick W. Maccabean Revolt + 4:433-439 Rappaport, Uriel Maccabee. See Maccabeus 4:439 Maccabees, Books of: 4:439-454 First and Second Maccabees + 4:439-450 Fischer, Thomas; Cryer, Frederick (trans.) Third Maccabees + 4:450-452 Anderson, Hugh Fourth Maccabees + 4:452-454 Anderson, Hugh Maccabeus 4:454 Rappaport, Uriel; Redditt, Paul L. Macedonia (PLACE) + 4:454-457 Bruce, Frederick Fyvie Machaerus (M.R. 209108) + 4:457-458 Loffreda, Stanislao Machbannai (PERSON) + 4:458 Dillard, Raymond B. Machbenah (PLACE) 4:458 Williams, David Salter Machi (PERSON) 4:458 Brensinger, Terry L. Machir (PERSON) 1-2 + 4:458-460 Graham, M. Patrick Machnadebai (PERSON) 4:460 Fager, Jeffrey A. Machpelah (PLACE) + 4:460-461 DeVries, LaMoine F. Macron (PERSON) + 4:461-462 Kampen, John Madaba (PLACE). See Medeba (PLACE) Madai (PERSON) + 4:462 Baker, David W. Mada’in Salih. See Hegra Madmannah (PLACE) 4:462 Brodsky, Harold Madmen (PLACE) 4:462-463 Bracke, John M. Madmenah (PLACE) 4:463 Herion, Gary A. Madness. See Demons; Sickness and Disease 4:463 Madon (PLACE) 4:463 Benjamin, Paul Magadan (PLACE) + 4:463 Heard, Warren J., Jr. Magbish (PERSON) 4:463 Herion, Gary A. Magdala (M.R. 198247) 4:463-464 Strange, James F. Magdalene. See Mary (PERSON); Magdala (PLACE) 4:464 Magdiel (PERSON) 4:464 Hübner, Ulrich Maggot. See Zoology Magi. See Infancy Narratives in the NT Gospels Magic: 4:464-471 Ancient Near East + 4:464-468 Scurlock, J. A. Old Testament + 4:468-471 Kuemmerlin-McLean, Joanne K. Magistrate. See City Authorities Magog (PERSON) + 4:471 Baker, David W. Magpiash (PERSON) + 4:471 Schmidt, Frederick W. Magus, Simon. See Simon (PERSON), 13 4:471 Mahalab (PLACE) + 4:471-472 Frankel, Rafael Mahalalel (PERSON) 4:472 Hess, Richard S. Mahalath (PERSON) 4:472 Schearing, Linda S. Mahanaim (PLACE) + 4:472-473 Edelman, Diana Vikander Mahaneh-Dan (PLACE) + 4:473-474 Irwin, Brian P. Maharai (PERSON) 4:474 Duke, Rodney K. Mahath (PERSON) 4:474 Porter, Stanley E. Mahavite, The 4:474 Johnson, Siegfried S. Mahazioth (PERSON) 4:474 McCann, J. Clinton, Jr.
- 65. ABD Article Index 64 Maher-Shalal-Hash-Baz(PERSON) 4:475 Jensen, Joseph Mahlah (PERSON) 1-2 + 4:475-476 Graham, M. Patrick Mahli (PERSON) 1-2 4:476 Shearer, Rodney H. Mahlon (PERSON) + 4:476-477 Mathews, Kenneth A. Mahol (PERSON) + 4:477 Berry, Donald K. Mahseiah (PERSON) 4:477 Bracke, John M. Mail, Coat of. See Weapons and Implements of Warfare Makaz (PLACE) 4:477 Herion, Gary A. Maked (PLACE) + 4:477 Redditt, Paul L. Makheloth (PLACE) + 4:478 Zorn, Jeffrey R. Makkedah (PLACE) + 4:478 Kotter, Wade R. Malachi, Book of + 4:478-485 Hill, Andrew E. Malcam (PERSON) + 4:485 Harmon, G. Edwin Malchiah (PERSON). See Malchijah Malchiel (PERSON) + 4:485-486 Mariottini, Claude F. Malchijah (PERSON) 1-13 + 4:486 Berridge, John M. Malchiram (PERSON) 4:486 Fuller, Russell Malchishua (PERSON) + 4:486-487 Edelman, Diana Vikander Malchus (PERSON) 1-2 + 4:487 Watson, JoAnn Ford Malhata, Tel (M.R. 152069) + 4:487-488 Kochavi, Moshe Mallothi (PERSON) 4:488 McCann, J. Clinton, Jr. Mallow. See Flora, Biblical Malluch (PERSON) 1-6 + 4:488 Schmidt, Frederick W. Malluchi (PERSON) 4:488 Barnes, William Hamilton Mallus (PLACE) + 4:489 Hardwick, Michael E. Malta (PLACE) + 4:489-490 Gasque, W. Ward Mamdai (PERSON) 4:490 Mammon 4:490 Wilcox, Max Mampsis (M.R. 156048) + 4:490-492 Negev, Avraham Mamre (PERSON-PLACE) + 4:492-493 Arbeitman, Yoël L. Manaen (PERSON) + 4:493 Watson, JoAnn Ford Manahath (PERSON) + 4:493 Knauf, Ernst Axel Manahath (PLACE) + 4:493-494 Knauf, Ernst Axel Manahathites + 4:494 Knauf, Ernst Axel Manasseh (PERSON) 1-5 + 4:494 Schmidt, Frederick W. Manasseh (PLACE) + 4:494-496 de Geus, C. H. J. Manasseh, King of Judah + 4:496-499 Evans, Carl D. Manasseh, Prayer of + 4:499-500 Charlesworth, James H. Mandaeism + 4:500-502 Rudolph, Kurt Mandrakes. See Perfumes and Spices; Flora, Biblical Mani (PERSON). See Bani 4:502 Manichaeans and Manichaeism + 4:502-511 Mirecki, Paul Allan Manius, Titus (PERSON) 4:511 Lillie, Betty Jane Manna + 4:511 Slayton, Joel C. Manneans. See Minni (PLACE) Manoah (PERSON) + 4:511-512 Exum, J. Cheryl Mantelet. See Weapons and Implements of Warfare Mantle. See Dress and Ornamentation Manual of Discipline. See Community, Rule of the (1QS) Maoch (PERSON) 4:512 Viviano, Pauline A. Maon (PERSON) 4:512 Evans, Craig A. Maon (PLACE) 1-2 + 4:512-513 DeVries, LaMoine F. Mara (PERSON) 4:513 Mathews, Kenneth A. Marah (PLACE) + 4:513 Thompson, Henry O. Maranatha 4:514 Wilcox, Max Marcheshvan. See also Calendars (Ancient Israelite and Early Jewish) 4:514 Marcion + 4:514-516 Clabeaux, John J. Marcion, Gospel of + 4:516-520 Grant, Robert M. Marcionite Prologues to Paul + 4:520-521 Clabeaux, John J. Marcus Aurelius (EMPEROR) + 4:521-522 Whitehorne, John
- 66. ABD Article Index 65 Marduk(DEITY) + 4:522-523 Handy, Lowell K. Mareal (PLACE) 4:523 Greenberg, Raphael Mareshah (PERSON) 1-2 4:523 Smith, David Channing Mareshah (PLACE) + 4:523-525 Kloner, Amos Mari: 4:525-538 Archaeology 4:525-529 Margueron, Jean-Claude; Rosoff, Stephen (trans.) Texts 4:529-536 Durand, Jean-Marie; Davis, Jennifer L. (trans.) Bibliography 4:536-538 Keck, Brian E. Mariamme (PERSON) 1-6 4:538-539 Sullivan, Richard D. Mariamme (PLACE) 1-2 4:539-540 Sullivan, Richard D. Marisa (PLACE). See Mareshah (PLACE) Marjamah, Khirbet el- (M.R. 181155) + 4:540-541 Mazar, Amihay ; Zohar, Mattanyah Mark Antony (PERSON) 4:541 Marshall, Bruce A. Mark, Gospel of + 4:541-557 Achtemeier, Paul J. Mark, John (PERSON) + 4:557-558 Jefford, Clayton N. Mark, Secret Gospel of + 4:558-559 Meyer, Marvin W. Marketplace. See Trade and Commerce (ANE) Maroth (PLACE) 4:559 Luker, Lamontte M. Marriage: 4:559-572 Old Testament and Ancient Near East + 4:559-569 Hamilton, Victor P. New Testament + 4:569-572 Collins, Raymond F. Marriage, Sacred. See Sacred Marriage Marsanes (NHC X,1) + 4:572-573 Pearson, Birger A. Marsena (PERSON) + 4:573 Bush, Frederic W. Marsh. See Geography and the Bible (Palestine) Martha (PERSON) + 4:573-574 Collins, Raymond F. Martyr, Martyrdom + 4:574-579 Tabor, James D. Mary (PERSON) 1-2 + 4:579-581 Collins, Raymond F. Mary (PERSON) 3 + 4:581-582 Collins, Raymond F. Mary (PERSON) 4-6 + 4:582 Witherington, Ben, III Mary (PERSON) 7 4:582-583 Lampe, Peter Mary, Birth of + 4:583 Corley, Kathleen E. Mary, Descent of. See Mary, Birth of Mary, Gospel of + 4:583-584 Perkins, Pheme Mary, Gospel of the Birth of 4:584 Corley, Kathleen E. Mary, Mother of Jesus + 4:584-586 Pazdan, Mary Margaret Masada (M.R. 183080) + 4:586-587 Netzer, Ehud Mash (PERSON) + 4:587-588 Baker, David W. Mashal (PLACE). See Mishal Masiah (PERSON) + 4:588 Bowman, Craig D. Maskhuta, Tell el- (30º33' N; 32º06'E) + 4:588-592 Holladay, John S., Jr. Masorah + 4:592-593 Revell, E. J. Masoretes + 4:593-594 Revell, E. J. Masoretic Accents + 4:594-596 Revell, E. J. Masoretic Studies + 4:596-597 Revell, E. J. Masoretic Text + 4:597-599 Revell, E. J. Masrekah (PLACE) + 4:600 Knauf, Ernst Axel Massa (PERSON) + 4:600 Knauf, Ernst Axel Massa (PLACE) + 4:600 Massah and Meribah (PLACES) + 4:600-602 Propp, William H. Massebah + 4:602 Manor, Dale W. Mathematics, Algebra, and Geometry + 4:602-612 Høyrup, Jens Matred (PERSON) + 4:612 Knauf, Ernst Axel Matred, Ramat. See Ramat Matred (M.R. 118020) Matrites (PEOPLE) + 4:613 Reed, Stephen A. Mattan (PERSON) 1-2 + 4:613 Porter, Stanley E. Mattanah (PLACE) + 4:613 Ferch, Arthur J. Mattaniah (PERSON) 1-10 + 4:613-615 Hobbs, T. R. Mattatha (PERSON) + 4:615 Porter, Stanley E. Mattathiah (PERSON) 4:615 Kutsko, John F.
- 67. ABD Article Index 66 Mattathias(PERSON) 1-3 4:615-616 Rappaport, Uriel Mattathias (PERSON) 4-5 + 4:616 Porter, Stanley E. Mattattah (PERSON) 4:616 Porter, Stanley E. Mattenai (PERSON) + 4:616 Porter, Stanley E. Matthan (PERSON) + 4:616-617 Porter, Stanley E. Matthat (PERSON) 1-2 + 4:617-618 Porter, Stanley E. Matthew (Disciple) + 4:618-622 Duling, Dennis C. Matthew, Gospel of + 4:622-641 Meier, John P. Matthew, Gospel of Psuedo- + 4:641-642 Newport, Kenneth G. C. Matthew, Hebrew Version of + 4:642-643 Howard, George E. Matthew, Martyrdom of + 4:643-644 Newport, Kenneth G. C. Matthias (PERSON) + 4:644 Martin, Thomas W. Matthias, Acts of. See Andrew and Matthias, Acts of Matthias, Traditions of 4:644 Daniels, Jon B. Mattithiah (PERSON) + 4:645 Brensinger, Terry L. Maul. See Weapons and Implements of Warfare Mayor. See Palestine, Administration of (Postexlic Judean Officials) Mazar, Tell el- (M.R. 207181) + 4:645-646 Yassine, Khair N. Mazor, the Mausoleum (M.R. 145161) + 4:646-648 Kaplan, Jacob Me-Jarkon (PLACE) + 4:648 Mullins, Robert A. Meal Customs: 4:648-655 Jewish Dietary Laws + 4:648-650 Schramm, Gene M. Greco-Roman Meal Customs + 4:650-653 Smith, Dennis E. Greco-Roman Sacred Meals + 4:653-655 Smith, Dennis E. Mearah (PLACE) 4:655 Roth, Ray Lee Measure, Measurement. See Weights and Measures Meat. See Meal Customs (Jewish Dietary Laws); Zoology Mebunnai (PERSON) + 4:655 Thompson, David L. Mecherathite 4:655 Duke, Rodney K. Meconah (PLACE) 4:655-656 Kotter, Wade R. Medad (PERSON) 4:656 Weis, Richard D. Medan (PERSON) + 4:656 Knauf, Ernst Axel Medeba (PLACE) + 4:656-658 Piccirillo, Michele Media (PLACE) 4:658-659 Young, T. Cuyler, Jr. Medicine and Healing + 4:659-664 Kee, Howard Clark Mediterranean Sea + 4:664-666 Lubetski, Meir Medium. See Magic Megadim, Tel (M.R. 145236) + 4:666 Broshi, Magen Megiddo (PLACE) + 4:666-679 Ussishkin, David Megiddo, Plain of (PLACE) + 4:679-680 Hunt, Melvin Megiddo, Waters of (PLACE) + 4:680 Hunt, Melvin Megilloth 4:680 Clem, H. Eldon Mehetabel (PERSON) 1-2 + 4:680 Knauf, Ernst Axel Mehida (PERSON) 4:680-681 Swanson, Steven R. Mehir (PERSON) 4:681 Lo, Hing Choi Meholathite 4:681 Edelman, Diana Vikander Mehri Language. See Languages (Introductory Survey) Mehujael (PERSON) + 4:681 Hess, Richard S. Mehuman (PERSON) + 4:681-682 Wiebe, John M. Meinim. See Meunim 4:682 Meiron (M.R. 191265) + 4:682-683 Meyers, Eric M. Melatiah (PERSON) 4:683 Ruffin, Michael L. Melchi (PERSON) + 4:684 Porter, Stanley E. Melchias (PERSON). See Malchijah (PERSON) 4:684 Melchiel (PERSON) 4:684 White, Sidnie Ann Melchizedek (PERSON) + 4:684-686 Astour, Michael C. Melchizedek (11QMelch) + 4:687-688 Brooke, George J. Melchizedek (NHC IX,1) + 4:688 Pearson, Birger A. Melea (PERSON) + 4:688-689 Porter, Stanley E. Melech (PERSON) + 4:689 Brettler, Marc Zvi
- 68. ABD Article Index 67 Melons.See Flora Mem 4:689 Memmius, Quintus (PERSON) 4:689 Lillie, Betty Jane Memphis (PLACE) + 4:689-691 Redford, Donald B. Memphite Theology + 4:691-692 Miosi, Frank T. Memucan (PERSON) + 4:692 Wiebe, John M. Menahem (PERSON) + 4:692-693 Hobbs, T. R. Menander, Syriac. See Syriac Menander Menelaus (PERSON) + 4:694 Rappaport, Uriel Menestheus (PERSON) + 4:694-695 Hardwick, Michael E. Meni (DEITY) + 4:695 Maier, Walter Arthur, III Menna (PERSON) + 4:695 Porter, Stanley E. Menorah. See Lampstand Menuhoth + 4:695-696 Knauf, Ernst Axel Meonothai (PERSON) 4:696 Lo, Hing Choi Mephaath (PLACE) + 4:696 Peterson, John L.; Piccirillo, Michele Mephibosheth (PERSON) + 4:696-697 Edelman, Diana Vikander Merab (PERSON) 4:697 Schearing, Linda S. Meraiah (PERSON) 4:697 Williams, Nora A. Meraioth (PERSON) 1-3 + 4:697 Willett, Tom Wayne Merari (PERSON) 1-2 + 4:697-698 Propp, William H. Merarites + 4:698-699 Reed, Stephen A. Merathaim (PLACE) + 4:699 Arnold, Bill T. Mercenary. See Military Organization in Mesopotamia Merchant. See Trade and Commerce Mercy. See Love Mered (PERSON) 4:699 Lo, Hing Choi Meremoth (PERSON) 1-3 + 4:699-700 Shearer, Rodney H. Merenptah (PERSON) + 4:700-701 Redford, Donald B. Meres (PERSON) + 4:701 Bush, Frederic W. Merib-Baal (PERSON) + 4:701-702 Edelman, Diana Vikander Meribah (PLACE) + 4:702-704 Propp, William H. Meribath-Kadesh (PLACE) 4:704 Herion, Gary A. Merkabah Mysticism. See Enoch, Third Book of; Job, Testament of Merneptah (PERSON). See Merenptah (PERSON) Merodach (DEITY). See Marduk (DEITY) Merodach-Baladan (PERSON) + 4:704-705 Sack, Ronald H. Meroitic Language. See Languages (Introductory Survey) Merom, Waters of (PLACE) + 4:705 Liid, Dale C. Meronothite 4:705 Nysse, Richard W. Meroz (PLACE) + 4:705-706 Hunt, Melvin Merran (PLACE) 4:706 Schmitt, John J. Mesad Hashavyahu (M.R. 120146) + 4:706 Stern, Ephraim Mesaloth (PLACE) + 4:706-707 Hardwick, Michael E. Mesha (PERSON) 1 4:707 Mattingly, Gerald L. Mesha (PERSON) 2 4:707 Harmon, G. Edwin Mesha (PLACE) 4:708 Oller, Gary H. Mesha Stele 4:708-709 Dearman, J. Andrew; Mattingly, Gerald L. Meshach (PERSON). See Shadrach, Meshach, Abednego Meshash, Khirbet el- (M.R. 146069) 4:709-710 Fritz, Volkmar Meshech (PERSON) + 4:711 Baker, David W. Meshelemiah (PERSON) + 4:711-712 Barnes, William Hamilton Meshezabel (PERSON) 1-3 4:712 Schmidt, Frederick W. Meshillemoth (PERSON) 1-2 4:712 Hutton, Rodney R. Meshobab (PERSON) 4:712 Evans, Craig A. Meshullam (PERSON) 1-19 4:712-714 Kennedy, James M. Meshullemeth (PERSON) + 4:714 Schearing, Linda S. Mesopotamia (PLACE) 4:714 Grayson, A. Kirk Mesopotamia, History of: 4:714-777 Mesopotamian Chronology + 4:714-720 Knapp, A. Bernard
- 69. ABD Article Index 68 Prehistoryof Mesopotamia + 4:720-724 Wright, Henry T. Mesopotamia in the Third Millennium B.C. + 4:724-732 Steinkeller, Piotr History and Culture of Assyria + 4:732-755 Grayson, A. Kirk History and Culture of Babylonia + 4:755-777 Grayson, A. Kirk Messenger. See Travel and Communication Messiah + 4:777-788 de Jonge, Marinus Messianic Banquet + 4:788-791 Smith, Dennis E. Messianic Movements in Judaism + 4:791-797 Horsley, Richard A. Messianic Secret + 4:797-800 Tuckett, C. M. Methegh-Ammah 4:800 Kobayashi, Yoshitaka Methuselah (PERSON) + 4:800-801 Hess, Richard S. Methushael (PERSON) + 4:801 Hess, Richard S. Meunim + 4:801-802 Knauf, Ernst Axel Mevorakh, Tell (M.R. 143215) 4:802-804 Stern, Ephraim Mezahab (PERSON) + 4:804-805 Knauf, Ernst Axel Mezobaite 4:805 Duke, Rodney K. Mibhar (PERSON) 4:805 Pisano, Stephen Mibsam (PERSON) + 4:805 Knauf, Ernst Axel Mibzar (PERSON) 4:805-806 Hübner, Ulrich Mica (PERSON) 1-3 + 4:806 Schmidt, Frederick W. Micah (PERSON) 1-9 + 4:806-807 Brettler, Marc Zvi Micah, Book of + 4:807-810 Hillers, Delbert R. Micaiah (PERSON) 1-5 + 4:810 Schearing, Linda S. Micaiah (PERSON) 6-7 + 4:810-811 Fretz, Mark J. Michael (ANGEL) + 4:811 Watson, Duane F. Michael (PERSON) 1-10 4:811-812 Wright, John W. Michal (PERSON) + 4:812-813 Schearing, Linda S. Michal, Tel (M.R. 131174) + 4:813-814 Herzog, Ze’ev Michmash (PLACE) + 4:814-815 Arnold, Patrick M. Michmethath (PLACE) 4:815 Dyck, Elmer H. Michri (PERSON) 4:815 Barnes, William Hamilton Middin (PLACE) + 4:815 Kotter, Wade R. Midian (PERSON) + 4:815-818 Mendenhall, George E. Midrash + 4:818-822 Porton, Gary G. Migdal-el (PLACE) + 4:822 Williams, David Salter Migdal-Gad (PLACE) 4:822 Kotter, Wade R. Migdol (PLACE) 4:822 Lott, Jeffrey K. Mighty Men. See David’s Champions Mighty One. See Names of God in the OT Migron (PLACE) + 4:822-823 Arnold, Patrick M. Mijamin (PERSON) 1-4 4:823-824 Brensinger, Terry L. Mikloth (PERSON) 1-2 + 4:824 Brettler, Marc Zvi Mikneiah (PERSON) 4:824 Dillard, Raymond B. Milalai (PERSON) 4:824 Williams, Nora A. Milcah (PERSON) + 4:824-825 Hess, Richard S. Milcom (DEITY). See Molech (DEITY) Mildew. See Leprosy Mile. See Weights and Measures Milestones. See Roads and Highways Miletus (PLACE) + 4:825-826 McRay, John Milh, Tell el. See Malhata, Tel Military Organization in Mesopotamia + 4:826-831 Malbran-Labat, F.; Davis, Jennifer L. (trans.) Milk. See Zoology Mill, Millstone + 4:831-832 van der Toorn, Karel Millennium + 4:832-834 Ford, J. Massyngbaerde Millo (PLACE) + 4:834-835 Mare, W. Harold Minaean Language. See Languages (Introductory Survey) Minah. See Coinage; Weights and Measures Miniamin (PERSON) 1-3 4:835 Williams, Nora A. Minim. See Ebionites
- 70. ABD Article Index 69 Ministryin the Early Church + 4:835-842 Schweizer, R. Eduard Minni (PLACE) + 4:842 Arnold, Bill T. Minnith (PLACE) + 4:842 Younker, Randall W. Mint. See Flora Minucius Felix + 4:842-843 Petersen, William L. Miqsat Ma‘ase Hatorah (4QMMT) 4:843-845 Qimron, Elisha Miracle: 4:845-869 Old Testament + 4:845-856 Zakovitch, Yair New Testament + 4:856-869 Remus, Harold E. Miriam (PERSON) 1-2 + 4:869-870 Burns, Rita J. Mirmah (PERSON) 4:870 Harmon, G. Edwin Mishael (PERSON) + 4:870-871 Brensinger, Terry L. Mishal (PLACE) 4:871 Baker, David W. Misham (PERSON) 4:871 Willett, Tom Wayne Mishma (PERSON) 1-2 + 4:871 Knauf, Ernst Axel Mishmannah (PERSON). See also Machbannai (PERSON) 4:871 Dillard, Raymond B. Mishnah + 4:871-873 Brooks, Roger Mishraites + 4:873 Hostetter, Edwin C. Mispar (PERSON) 4:873 Bergdall, Chaney R. Misrephoth-Maim (PLACE) 4:873-874 Benjamin, Paul Mitanni + 4:874-876 Morrison, Martha A. Mite. See Coinage Mithkah (PLACE) + 4:876-877 Zorn, Jeffrey R. Mithnite (PERSON) + 4:877 Duke, Rodney K. Mithras, Mithraism + 4:877-878 Merkelbach, Reinhold Mithredath (PERSON) 1-2 + 4:878 Suiter, David E. Mitre. See Dress and Ornamentation Mitylene (PLACE) 4:878-879 Wineland, John D. Mizar (PLACE) + 4:879 Raabe, Paul R. Mizmor. See Psalms, Book of 4:879 Mizpah (PLACE) 1-5 + 4:879-881 Arnold, Patrick M. Mizzah (PERSON) 4:881 Hübner, Ulrich MMŠT + 4:881 Lance, H. Darrell Mnason (PERSON) + 4:881-882 Paulien, Jon Moab (PLACE) + 4:882-893 Miller, J. Maxwell Moab, City of (PLACE) 4:893 Mattingly, Gerald L. Moabite Language. See Languages (Introductory Survey) Moabite Stone. See Mesha‘ Stele Moadiah (PERSON) 4:893 Williams, Nora A. Mochmur (PLACE) + 4:893-894 White, Sidnie Ann Modad. See Eldad and Modad Modein (PLACE) + 4:894-895 Longstaff, Thomas R.W. Modern Versions of the Bible. See Versions (Modern Era) Moeth (PERSON). See Noadiah Moladah (PLACE) 4:895 Kotter, Wade R. Molding 4:895 Meyers, Carol Molech (DEITY) + 4:895-898 Heider, George C. Molid (PERSON) 4:898 Steeger, William P. Mollusks. See Zoology Moloch (DEITY). See Molech Molten Image. See Idol, Idolatry Molten Sea. See Temple, Jerusalem Money. See Coinage Monkey. See Zoology Montanus, Montanism + 4:898-902 Heine, Ronald E. Month. See Calendars Monuments, Christian (Rome). See Rome, Christian Monuments at Moossias (PERSON). See Maaseiah Mordecai (PERSON) 1-2 + 4:902-904 Clines, David J. A. Moreh (PLACE) + 4:904 Hunt, Melvin
- 71. ABD Article Index 70 Moresheth(PLACE) 4:904-905 Luker, Lamontte M. Moriah (PLACE) 1-2 + 4:905 Davila, James R. Mortar, The (PLACE) 4:905 Herion, Gary A. Mosaic Covenant + 4:905-909 Guinan, Michael D. Moserah (PLACE) 4:909 Thompson, Henry O. Moses (PERSON): 4:909-920 Old Testament + 4:909-918 Beegle, Dewey M. New Testament + 4:918-920 Gillman, Florence Morgan Moses, Assumption of. See, Moses Testament of Moses, Testament of + 4:920-922 Priest, John F. Most High + 4:922 Schmidt, Frederick W. Mot (DEITY) + 4:922-924 Lewis, Theodore J. Moth. See Zoology Mother. See Family Mound, Siege. See Weapons and Implements of Warfare Mount of Olives (PLACE). See Olives, Mount of Mount, Sermon on the. See Sermon on the Mount/Plain Mouse. See Zoology Moza (PERSON) 1-2 + 4:924-925 Brettler, Marc Zvi Mozah (PLACE) + 4:925 Mullins, Robert A. Mu 4:926 Mughayyir, Tell el- (M.R. 238225) + 4:926 Mittmann, Siegfried; Ibrahim, Moawiyah M. Mulberries. See Flora Mule. See Zoology Muppim (PERSON) + 4:926 Mariottini, Claude F. Murashû, Archive of + 4:927-928 Stolper, Matthew W. Muratorian Fragment + 4:928-929 Robbins, Gregory Allen Murex. See Purple; Zoology 4:929 Mushi (PERSON) + 4:930 Viviano, Pauline A. Music and Musical Instruments: Music in the Bible + 4:930-934 Matthews, Victor H. Musical Instruments + 4:934-939 Jones, Ivor H. Mustard Seed. See Flora Muster Gate (PLACE) + 4:939 Liid, Dale C. Mutilation. See Punishments and Crimes Mycenaean Language. See Languages (Introductory Survey) Myndos (PLACE) 4:939 Herion, Gary A. Myra (PLACE) + 4:939-940 Yamauchi, Edwin M. Myrrh. See Perfumes and Spices; Flora; Incense; and Frankincense Myrtle. See Flora Mysia (PLACE) 4:940-941 Carroll, Scott T. Mystery Religions + 4:941-945 Meyer, Marvin W. Mysticism + 4:945-946 Ringgren, Helmer Myth and Mythology: 4:946-965 Mythology + 4:946-956 Oden, Robert A., Jr. Myth in the OT + 4:956-960 Oden, Robert A., Jr. Myth in the Greco-Roman World + 4:961-965 Graf, Fritz Naam (PERSON) 4:967 Smith, David Channing Naamah (PERSON) 1-2 4:967 Schearing, Linda S. Naamah (PLACE) 4:967 Kotter, Wade R. Naaman (PERSON) 1-2 + 4:967-968 Hobbs, T. R. Naamathite + 4:968 Knauf, Ernst Axel Naarah (PERSON) 4:969 Lo, Hing Choi Naarah (PLACE) + 4:969 Thompson, Henry O. Naarai (PERSON) 4:969 Pisano, Stephen Naathus (PERSON) 4:969 Han, Jin Hee Nabal (PERSON) + 4:969-970 Pisano, Stephen Nabariah (PERSON) 4:970 Han, Jin Hee Nabateans + 4:970-973 Graf, David F. Nabonidus (PERSON) + 4:973-976 Sack, Ronald H.
- 72. ABD Article Index 71 Nabonidus,Prayer of (4QPrNab) + 4:976-977 Collins, John J. Nabopolassar (PERSON) + 4:977-978 Sack, Ronald H. Naboth (PERSON) + 4:978 Walsh, Jerome T. Nabratein (M.R. 197267) + 4:978-979 Meyers, Eric M. Nacon (PERSON) + 4:979-980 Bailey, Randall C. Nadab (PERSON) 1-5 + 4:980-981 Brettler, Marc Zvi Nadabath (PLACE) 4:981-982 Smith, Robert Wayne Nag Hammadi (26º03'N; 32º15'E): 4:982-993 Archaeology + 4:982-984 Lease, Gary Nag Hammadi Codices + 4:984-993 Pearson, Birger A. Naggai (PERSON) + 4:993 Porter, Stanley E. Nahal Oren (M.R. 148241) + 4:993-994 Noy, Tamar Nahalal (PLACE) + 4:994-995 Peterson, John L. Nahaliel (PLACE) 4:995 Younker, Randall W. Naham (PERSON) 4:995 Lo, Hing Choi Nahamani (PERSON) 4:995 Swanson, Steven R. Naharai (PERSON) 4:995 Pisano, Stephen Nahariyeh (M.R. 159267) + 4:995-996 Dever, William G. Nahash (PERSON) 4:996 Nelson, Richard D. Nahath (PERSON) 1-3 4:996 Hübner, Ulrich Nahbi (PERSON) 4:996 Paulien, Jon Nahor (PERSON) 1-2 + 4:996-997 Hess, Richard S. Nahor (PLACE) + 4:997 Hess, Richard S. Nahshon (PERSON) + 4:998 Launderville, Dale F. Nahum (PERSON) 1-2 + 4:998 Porter, Stanley E. Nahum, Book of + 4:998-1000 Cathcart, Kevin J. Naidus (PERSON) 4:1000 Kutsko, John F. Nain (PLACE) 4:1000-1001 Strange, James F. Naioth (PLACE) + 4:1001 Hamilton, Jeffries M. Name. See Family Names, City. See City Names; Toponyms and Toponymy Names of God in the OT + 4:1001-1011 Rose, Martin Names, Double + 4:1011-1017 Horsley, G. H. R. Names, Hypocoristic + 4:1017-1018 Pike, Dana M. Names, Theophoric + 4:1018-1019 Pike, Dana M. Nanea (DEITY) + 4:1019-1020 Pietersma, Albert Naomi (PERSON) 4:1020 Mathews, Kenneth A. Naphish (PERSON) + 4:1020 Knauf, Ernst Axel Naphoth-Dor (PLACE) 4:1020-1021 Benjamin, Paul Naphtali (PERSON) + 4:1021-1022 Jeansonne, Sharon Pace Naphtha 4:1022 Herion, Gary A. Naphtuhim + 4:1022 Baker, David W. Narcissus (PERSON) 4:1022-1023 Lampe, Peter Nard. See Perfumes and Spices; Flora Narrative, Court. See Court Narrative (2 Samuel 9-1 Kings 2) Narrative, Hebrew 4:1023-1027 Fewell, Danna Nolan; Gunn, David M. Nasbeh, Tell en- (M.R. 170143) + 4:1027-1029 Broshi, Magen Nasi. See Sanhedrin Nathan (PERSON) 1-6 4:1029-1030 Howard, David M., Jr. Nathan-Melech (PERSON) 4:1030 Viviano, Pauline A. Nathanael (PERSON) 1-2 + 4:1030 Schmidt, Frederick W. Nathanael (PERSON) 3 + 4:1030-1031 Collins, Raymond F. Nationality and Political Identity + 4:1031-1037 Liverani, Mario Nations + 4:1037-1049 Christensen, Duane L. Nave. See Temple, Jerusalem Nazaraeans, Gospel of. See Nazoraeans Gospel of the Nazarenes + 4:1049-1050 Goranson, Stephen Nazareth (PLACE) + 4:1050-1051 Strange, James F. Nazoraeans, Gospel of the + 4:1051-1052 Petersen, William L. Neah (PLACE) 4:1052 Greenberg, Raphael
- 73. ABD Article Index 72 Neapolis(PLACE) 4:1052-1053 Gempf, Conrad Neariah (PERSON) 1-2 4:1053 Fuller, Russell Nebai (PERSON) + 4:1053 Schmidt, Frederick W. Nebaioth (PERSON) + 4:1053 Knauf, Ernst Axel Neballat (PLACE) + 4:1053-1054 Herion, Gary A. Nebat (PERSON) + 4:1054 Walsh, Jerome T. Nebiim 4:1054 Nebo (DEITY) 4:1054-1056 Dalglish, Edward R. Nebo (PERSON). See also Nebo (PLACE) 2 4:1056 Nebo (PLACE) 1-2 + 4:1056 Ferch, Arthur J. Nebo, Mount (PLACE). See also Nebo (PLACE) 1 + 4:1056-1058 Piccirillo, Michele Nebuchadnezzar (PERSON) + 4:1058-1059 Sack, Ronald H. Nebushazban (PERSON) 4:1059-1060 Bracke, John M. Nebuzaradan (PERSON) 4:1060 Bracke, John M. Necklace. See Jewelry Neco (PERSON) + 4:1060-1061 Hobbs, T. R. Necromancy. See Magic Nedabiah (PERSON) 4:1061 Fuller, Russell Negeb: 4:1061-1068 Bronze Age + 4:1061-1064 Rosen, Steven A. Iron Age + 4:1064-1066 Beit-Arieh, Itzhaq Hellenistic-Roman Period + 4:1066-1068 Negev, Avraham Nehelam (PLACE) + 4:1068 Bracke, John M. Nehemiah (PERSON) 1-2 4:1068-1069 Swanson, Steven R. Nehemiah (PERSON) 3 + 4:1069-1071 North, Robert Nehemiah, Book of. See Ezra-Nehemiah, Books of Nehum (PERSON) 4:1071 Williams, Nora A. Nehushta (PERSON) 4:1071 Schearing, Linda S. Nehushtan. See Serpent, Bronze; Hezekiah 4:1071 Neiel (PLACE) 4:1071 Williams, David Salter Nekoda (PERSON) 1-2 4:1071 Cuffey, Kenneth Hugh Nemuel (PERSON) 1-2 4:1071-1072 Slayton, Joel C. Neolithic. See Prehistory Nepheg (PERSON) 1-2 4:1072 Howard, David M., Jr. Nephilim + 4:1072-1073 Hess, Richard S. Nephisim (PERSON) + 4:1073 Cuffey, Kenneth Hugh Nephthar 4:1073 Herion, Gary A. Nephtoah (PLACE) 4:1073 Toews, Wesley Irwin Nephushesim (PERSON). See also Nephisim; Naphish 4:1073 Ner (PERSON) 1-2 + 4:1073-1074 Edelman, Diana Vikander Nereus (PERSON) 4:1074 Lampe, Peter Nergal (DEITY) + 4:1074 Fulco, William J. Nergal-Sharezer (PERSON) + 4:1074-1075 Bracke, John M. Neri (PERSON) + 4:1075 Porter, Stanley E. Neriah (PERSON) + 4:1075-1076 Porter, Stanley E. Nero (Emperor) + 4:1076-1081 Griffin, Miriam Tamara Nerva (Emperor) + 4:1081-1082 Jones, Brian W. Nessana (M.R. 095031) + 4:1082-1084 Negev, Avraham Netaim (PLACE) + 4:1084 Williams, David Salter Nethanel (PERSON) 1-10 4:1084-1085 Eades, Keith L. Nethaniah (PERSON) 1-5 + 4:1085 Dalglish, Edward R. Nethinim + 4:1085-1086 Healey, Joseph P. Netophah (PLACE) + 4:1086 Younker, Randall W. Nets. See Zoology Network 4:1086 Meyers, Carol New + 4:1086-1088 Collins, Raymond F. New Commandment + 4:1088 Collins, Raymond F. New Covenant + 4:1088-1094 Lundbom, Jack R. New Earth, New Heaven + 4:1094-1095 Watson, Duane F. New Gate (PLACE) 4:1095 Liid, Dale C.
- 74. ABD Article Index 73 NewJerusalem + 4:1095-1096 Watson, Duane F. New Moon. See Calendars New Testament Semiticisms. See Semiticisms in the NT New Testament, OT Quotations in the + 4:1096-1104 Hübner, Hans; Schatzmann, Siegfried S. (trans.) New Year Festival. See Akitu Neziah (PERSON) 4:1104 Swanson, Steven R. Nezib (PLACE) 4:1104 Kotter, Wade R. Nibhaz (DEITY) + 4:1104 Fulco, William J. Nibshan (PLACE) + 4:1104 Kotter, Wade R. Nicanor (PERSON) 1-2 + 4:1105 Rappaport, Uriel Nicanor Gate. See Beautiful Gate Nicodemus (PERSON) + 4:1105-1106 Paulien, Jon Nicodemus, Gospel of. See Pilate, Acts of Nicolaitans + 4:1106-1107 Watson, Duane F. Nicolaus (PERSON) + 4:1107-1108 Martin, Thomas W. Nicopolis (PLACE) 4:1108 Smith, Robert Wayne Niger 4:1108 Martin, Thomas W. Night Hag. See Lilith (DEITY) Nile (PLACE): 4:1108-1116 Old Testament + 4:1108-1112 Huddlestun, John R. Geography + 4:1112-1116 Williams, Bruce B. Nimrim, The Waters of (PLACE) + 4:1116 Ferch, Arthur J. Nimrod (PERSON) + 4:1116-1118 Machinist, Peter Nimshi (PERSON) + 4:1118 Walsh, Jerome T. Nineveh (PLACE) 4:1118-1119 Grayson, A. Kirk Ninlil (DEITY) + 4:1119 Fulco, William J. Ninurta (DEITY) + 4:1119 Fulco, William J. Nippur (32º08'N; 45º03'E) + 4:1119-1122 Franke, Judith A. Nisan. See also Calendars (Ancient Israelite and Early Jewish) 4:1122 Nisroch (DEITY) 4:1122 Grayson, A. Kirk Noadiah (PERSON) + 4:1122 Shearer, Rodney H. Noah (PERSON) 1-2 + 4:1122-1123 Taylor, Marion Ann ; Taylor, J. Glen Noah and the Ark: 4:1123-1131 The Hero of the Flood + 4:1123-1131 Kikawada, Isaac M. Noah’s Ark + 4:1131 Bailey, Lloyd R. Noah, Apocalypse of + 4:1132-1133 Thomason, Dana Andrew Nob (PLACE) + 4:1133 Hamilton, Jeffries M. Nobah (PERSON) 4:1133 Franklyn, Paul Nimrah Nobah (PLACE) 1-2 4:1133 Slayton, Joel C. Nobles. See Palestine, Administration of (Postexilic Judean Officials) Nod (PLACE) 4:1133-1134 Davila, James R. Nodab (PERSON) + 4:1134 Knauf, Ernst Axel Nogah (PERSON) 4:1134 Howard, David M., Jr. Nohah (PERSON) 4:1134 Willett, Tom Wayne Nophah (PLACE) + 4:1134-1135 Ferch, Arthur J. Norea, Thought of (NHC IX,2) + 4:1135 Pearson, Birger A. North 4:1135-1136 Drinkard, Joel F., Jr. North African Christianity. See Christianity (North African) North African Judaism. See Judaism (North African) North Country, The (PLACE) + 4:1136 Arnold, Bill T. Northwest Semitic Languages. See Languages (Introductory Survey) Nose Ring. See Jewelry Not My People (PERSON) 4:1136-1137 Pressler, Carolyn J. Not Pitied (PERSON) 4:1137 Pressler, Carolyn J. Novels, Greek and Latin + 4:1137-1139 Alexander, Loveday C. A. Nu 4:1139 Numbers and Counting + 4:1139-1146 Friberg, Jöran Numbers, Book of + 4:1146-1155 Milgrom, Jacob Numenius (PERSON) + 4:1155 Hardwick, Michael E. Nun 4:1155
- 75. ABD Article Index 74 Nun(PERSON) 4:1155 Viviano, Pauline A. Nunc Dimittis + 4:1155-1156 Danker, Frederick William Nuts. See Flora Nuzi 4:1156-1162 Morrison, Martha A. Nympha (PERSON) + 4:1162 Gillman, Florence Morgan Oak of Tabor (PLACE). See Tabor, Oak of Oak Tree. See Flora Oak, Diviner’s. See Diviner’s Oak Obadiah (PERSON) 1-2 + 5:1-2 Kennedy, James M. Obadiah, Book of 5:2-4 Ackroyd, Peter R. Obal (PERSON) + 5:4-5 Müller, Walter W. Obed (PERSON) 1-6 + 5:5 Mathews, Kenneth A. Obed-Edom (PERSON) 1-4 + 5:5-6 Thompson, David L. Obelisk. See Massebah 5:6 Obil (PERSON) Nysse, Richard W. Oblation 5:6 Flesher, Paul V. M. Oboda (M.R. 128022) + 5:6-7 Negev, Avraham Oboth (PLACE) + 5:7 Ferch, Arthur J. Obscene Language. See Bible, Euphemism and Dysphemism in the Ochiel (PERSON). See Jeiel Ochran (PERSON) 5:7 Launderville, Dale F. Ocina (PLACE) 5:8 White, Sidnie Ann Octopus. See Zoology Oded (PERSON) 1-2 + 5:8 Clem, H. Eldon Odomera (PERSON) + 5:8 Hardwick, Michael E. Odor + 5:8-9 Carrez, Maurice Offerings. See Sacrifice and Sacrificial Offerings Offset 5:9 Meyers, Carol Og (PERSON) + 5:9 McMillion,Phillip E. Ohad (PERSON) + 5:9 Mariottini, Claude F. Ohel (PERSON) + 5:10 Fuller, Russell Oholiab (PERSON) 5:10 Hostetter, Edwin C. Oholibamah (PERSON) 5:10 Hübner, Ulrich Old Age + 5:10-12 Harris, J. Gordon Old Gate (PLACE) + 5:12 Liid, Dale C. Old Testament Quotations in the NT. See New Testament, OT Quotations in Olive Oil. See Perfumes and Spices Olive Tree. See Flora Olives, Mount of (PLACE) + 5:13-15 Heard, Warren J., Jr. Olympas (PERSON) 5:15 Lampe, Peter Olympian Zeus, Temple of + 5:15 Kampen, John Omar (PERSON) 5:15 Hübner, Ulrich Omega 5:15 Omens in the Ancient Near East + 5:15-17 Starr, Ivan Omer. See Weights and Measures Omicron 5:17 Omri (PERSON) 1-4 5:17-20 Thiel, Winfried; Muenchow, Charles (trans.) On (PERSON) 5:20 de Groot van Houten, Christina On (PLACE). See Helipolis Onager. See Zoology Onam (PERSON) 1-2 5:20 Matthews, Victor H. Onan (PERSON) + 5:20-21 Mariottini, Claude F. Onesimus (PERSON) + 5:21-22 Lampe, Peter Onesiphorus (PERSON) + 5:22-23 Gillman, Florence Morgan Onias (PERSON) 1-4 + 5:23-24 Rappaport, Uriel Onion. See Flora Ono (PLACE) + 5:24-25 Shearer, Rodney H. Onycha. See Perfumes and Spices Ophel (PLACE) + 5:26 Mare, W. Harold Ophir (PERSON) + 5:26 Baker, David W.
- 76. ABD Article Index 75 Ophir(PLACE) + 5:26-27 Baker, David W. Ophni (PLACE) 5:27 Dyck, Elmer H. Ophrah (PERSON) 5:27 Lo, Hing Choi Ophrah (PLACE) + 5:27-28 Hamilton, Jeffries M. Oracle: 5:28-30 See also Prophecy; Sibylline Oracles; Woe Old Testament + 5:28-29 Weis, Richard D. Ancient Egypt + 5:29-30 Miosi, Frank T. Oral Tradition: 5:30-37 See also Form Criticism (OT); Genesis, The Narrative of; Joshua, Book of; Judges, Book of; Scandinavian School (OT); Tradition History New Testament + 5:30-34 Kelber, Werner H. Early Judaism + 5:34-37 Avery-Peck, Alan J. Oratory. See Rhetoric and Rhetorical Criticism Ordain, Ordination + 5:37-40 Ferguson, Everett Ordeal + 5:40-42 van der Toorn, Karel Oreb and Zeeb (PERSONS) 5:42 Mendenhall, George E. Oren (PERSON) 5:42 Smith, David Channing Orientation. See Direction and Orientation Origen (PERSON) + 5:42-48 Trigg, Joseph W. Origen’s Hexapla. See Hexapla of Origen Origin of the World (NHC II,5). See World, on the Origin of (NHC II,5) Ornaments. See Dress and Ornamentation Ornan (PERSON). See Araunah Orpah (PERSON) + 5:48 Mathews, Kenneth A. Orphism + 5:48-50 Alderink, Larry J. Orthosia (PLACE) 5:50 Smith, Robert Wayne Osnappar (PERSON) 5:50 Grayson, A. Kirk Osprey. See Zoology Ostraca, Semitic + 5:50-51 Lemaire, André Ostrich. See Zoology Othni (PERSON) + 5:51 Endres, John C. Othniel (PERSON) + 5:51-52 Boling, Robert G. Othoniah (PERSON) 5:52 Han, Jin Hee Ovens, Tower of the (PLACE) + 5:52 Liid, Dale C. Overlay 5:52 Meyers, Carol Owl. See Zoology Ox (ANIMAL). See Zoology Ox (PERSON) 5:52 White, Sidnie Ann Oxyrhynchus Sayings. See Sayings of Jesus, Oxyrhynchus Oysters. See Zoology Ozem (PERSON) 1-2 5:53 Smith, David Channing Oziel (PERSON) 5:53 White, Sidnie Ann Ozni (PERSON) 5:53 de Groot van Houten, Christina P. See Priestly ("P") Source; Torah (Pentateuch); Source Criticism (Old Testament) Paarai (PERSON) + 5:55 Dempster, Stephen G. Paddan-Aram (PLACE) + 5:55 Pitard, Wayne T. Padon (PERSON) + 5:55-56 Eskenazi, Tamara C. Pagans. See Nations Pagiel (PERSON) 5:56 Launderville, Dale F. Pahad. See Names of God in the OT Pahath-Moab (PERSON) 5:56 Schley, Donald G. Pai (PLACE). See also Pau (PLACE) 5:56 Palace + 5:56-58 Dever, William G. Palaeography + 5:58-60 McLean, Mark D. Palal (PERSON) 5:60 Ruffin, Michael L. Paleo-Hebrew Script. See Hebrew Scripts Paleolithic. See Prehistory Paleopathology + 5:60-69 Jones, Richard N. Palestine, Administration of: 5:69-99
- 77. ABD Article Index 76 Assyrianand Babylonian Administration + 5:69-81 Machinist, Peter Persian Administration + 5:81-86 Williamson, H. G. M. Postexilic Judean Officials + 5:86-90 North, Robert Ptolemaic Administration + 5:90-92 Bagnall, Roger S. Seleucid Administration + 5:92-96 Fischer, Thomas; Cryer, Frederick (trans.) Roman Administration + 5:96-99 Bruce, Frederick Fyvie Palestine, Archaeology of: 5:99-119 Prehistoric Periods + 5:99-109 Bar-Yosef, Ofer Bronze and Iron Ages + 5:109-114 Dever, William G. Persian Period + 5:114-116 Stern, Ephraim New Testament Period + 5:116-119 Strange, James F. Palestine, Climate of + 5:119-126 Frick, Frank S. Palestine, Geography and Geology of. See Geography and the Bible (Geography of Palestine) Palestinian Funerary Inscriptions + 5:126-135 Puech, Emile; Rosoff, Stephen (trans.) Palestinian Judaism. See Judaism (Palestinian) Pallu (PERSON) 5:136 Mariottini, Claude F. Palm Trees, City of. See City of Palm Trees Palmyra (34º33'N; 38º17'E) + 5:136-137 Gawlikowski, Michael Palsy. See Sickness and Disease Palti (PERSON) 1-2 5:138 Schearing, Linda S. Paltiel (PERSON) 1-2 5:138 Schearing, Linda S. Paltite, The + 5:138 Thompson, David L. Pamphylia (PLACE) + 5:138-139 Carroll, Scott T. Panel 5:139 Meyers, Carol Pantheons, Mesopotamian + 5:139 Lambert, W. G. Panther. See Zoology Paphos (PLACE) + 5:139-140 Gempf, Conrad Papias (PERSON) + 5:140-142 Schoedel, William R. Papyri, Early Christian + 5:143-146 Pickering, Stuart Richard Papyri, Papyrus. See Bodmer Papyri; Chester Beatty Papyri; Elephantine Papyri; Samaria (Papyri); Egerton Papyrus; Flora; Writing and Writing Materials Parable + 5:146-152 Crossan, John Dominic Paraclete + 5:152-154 Ashton, John Paradise 5:154-155 Charlesworth, James H. Parah (PLACE) 5:155 Dyck, Elmer H. Paraleipomena Ieremiou. See Baruch, Book of 4 Parallelism + 5:155-162 Berlin, Adele Paralysis. See Sickness and Disease Paran (PLACE) + 5:162 Hamilton, Jeffries M. Paran, El-. See El-Paran (PLACE) Parapet. See Temple, Jerusalem Paraphrase of Shem. See Shem, Paraphrase of (NHC VII,1) Parbar + 5:162 Willett, Tom Wayne Parenesis and Protreptic + 5:162-165 Fiore, Benjamin Pareve. See Meal Customs (Jewish Dietary Laws) Parmashta (PERSON) + 5:165 Bedford, Peter Parmenas (PERSON) + 5:165 Paulien, Jon Parnach (PERSON) 5:166 Panitz, Raphael I. Parosh (PERSON) + 5:166 Bergdall, Chaney R. Parousia + 5:166-170 Rowland, Christopher Parshandatha (PERSON) + 5:170 Bedford, Peter Parthians 5:170-171 Olson, Mark J. Partition/Dividing Wall. See Temple, Jerusalem Partridge. See Zoology Paruah (PERSON) 5:171 McMillion,Phillip E. Parvaim (PLACE) + 5:171 Baker, David W. Pas-Dammim (PLACE). See Ephes-Dammim 5:171 Pasach (PERSON) + 5:171 O’Brien, Julia M. Paseah (PERSON) 1-3 5:171 Ruffin, Michael L. Pashhur (PERSON) 1-5 5:171-172 Bracke, John M.
- 78. ABD Article Index 77 PassionNarratives + 5:172-177 Nickelsburg, George W. E. Passover, Meal. See Unleavened Bread and Passover, Feasts of Patara (PLACE) + 5:177-178 Wineland, John D. Pathology. See Paleopathology Pathros (PLACE): Pathrusim 5:178 Baker, David W. Pathros (PLACE): (Upper Egypt) 5:178 Redford, Donald B. Patmos (PLACE) 5:178-179 Carroll, Scott T. Patriarchate + 5:179-180 Goodblatt, David Patriarchs, Testament of the Three + 5:180-181 Sanders, E. P. Patriarchs, Testaments of the Twelve + 5:181-186 de Jonge, Marinus Patrimony. See Family Patrobas (PERSON) 5:186 Lampe, Peter Patroclus (PERSON) 5:186 Kampen, John Pau (PLACE) 5:186 Hübner, Ulrich Paul (PERSON) + 5:186-201 Betz, Hans Dieter Paul’s Nephew + 5:201-202 O’Toole, Robert F. Paul and Seneca, Epistles of + 5:201 Thomason, Dana Andrew Paul, Acts of + 5:202-203 Sellew, Philip Paul, Apocalypse of + 5:203-204 Perkins, Pheme Paul, Martyrdom of 5:204-205 Sellew, Philip Paul, Passion of. See Peter and Paul, Passion of; Paul, Martyrdom of Paul, Prayer of the Apostle (NHC I,1) + 5:205 Attridge, Harold W. Paulus, Sergius (PERSON) + 5:205-206 Martin, Thomas W. Pavilion. See Art and Architecture 5:206 Peace: 5:206-212 Old Testament + 5:206-207 Healey, Joseph P. New Testament + 5:207-212 Klassen, William Peacemaking, Peacemakers + 5:212-213 Beutler, Johannes Pearl, Hymn of the. See Hymn of the Pearl Pearls. See Dress and Ornamentation Pedahel (PERSON) 5:213 Panitz, Raphael I. Pedahzur (PERSON) 5:213 Launderville, Dale F. Pedaiah (PERSON) 1-7 5:213-214 Fuller, Russell Pedestal 5:214 Meyers, Carol Pediment 5:214 Meyers, Carol Pegai. See Fejja 5:214 Pekah (PERSON) + 5:214-215 Olson, Dennis T. Pekahiah (PERSON) + 5:215-216 Olson, Dennis T. Pekod (PLACE) + 5:216-217 Dalglish, Edward R. Pelaiah (PERSON) 1-2 5:217 Fuller, Russell Pelaliah (PERSON) + 5:217 Hutton, Rodney R. Pelatiah (PERSON) 1-4 5:217 Fuller, Russell Peleg (PERSON) + 5:217-218 Hess, Richard S. Pelet (PERSON) 1-2 5:218 Dillard, Raymond B. Peleth (PERSON) 1-2 + 5:218 Hutton, Rodney R. Pelethites + 5:219 Ehrlich, Carl S. Pella (M.R. 207206) + 5:219-221 Smith, Robert Houston Pelonite 5:221 Duke, Rodney K. Pelusium (PLACE) + 5:221-222 Meltzer, Edmund S. Pendants. See Jewelry, Ancient Israelite Peninnah (PERSON) 5:222 Youngblood, Ronald Pentateuch. See Torah; Samaritan Penateuch Pentecost + 5:222-223 Olson, Mark J. Penuel (PERSON) 1-2 5:223 Smith, David Channing Penuel (PLACE) + 5:223 Slayton, Joel C. People of the East. See East, People of the People of the Land. See Am Ha’arez Peor (PLACE) 1-2 5:223-224 Brensinger, Terry L. Perazim, Mount. See Baal-Perazim (PLACE) Perea (PLACE) + 5:224-225 Treacy-Cole, Diane I.
- 79. ABD Article Index 78 Peresh(PERSON) 5:225 Graham, M. Patrick Perez (PERSON) + 5:225-226 Mariottini, Claude F. Perez-Uzzah (PLACE) 5:226 Thompson, David L. Perfumes and Spices + 5:226-228 Matthews, Victor H. Perga (PLACE) + 5:228 Gasque, W. Ward Pergamum (PLACE) + 5:228-230 Potter, David S. Perida (PERSON). See Peruda (PERSON) Periphrasis. See Bible, Euphemism and Dysphemism in the Perizzite + 5:231 Reed, Stephen A. Persecution of the Early Church + 5:231-235 Potter, David S. Persepolis (PLACE) 5:236 Young, T. Cuyler, Jr. Perseus (PERSON) + 5:236 Pacwa, Mitchell C. Persian Art. See Art and Architecture (Persian Art) Persian Empire + 5:236-244 Briant, Pierre; Rosoff, Stephen (trans.) Persian Language. See Languages (Languages of Ancient Iran) Persis (PERSON) 5:244 Lampe, Peter Personality, Corporate. See Corporate Personality Peruda (PERSON) + 5:244 Eskenazi, Tamara C. Pesach. See also Unleavened Bread and Passover, Feasts of 5:244 Pesharim, Qumran + 5:244-251 Dimant, Devorah Peshitta. See Versions, Ancient (Syriac); Christianity (Syria) Pestilence. See Sickness and Disease; Palestine, Climate of Peter (PERSON) + 5:251-263 Donfried, Karl P. Peter and Paul, Acts of + 5:263-264 Stoops, Robert F., Jr. Peter and Paul, Passion of + 5:264 Stoops, Robert F., Jr. Peter and the Twelve Apostles, The Acts of (NHC VI,1) + 5:264-265 Parrott, Douglas M. Peter to Philip, Letter of (NHC VIII,2) + 5:265-266 Meyer, Marvin W. Peter, Act of 5:266-267 Goehring, James E. Peter, Acts of + 5:267-268 Stoops, Robert F., Jr. Peter, Apocalypse of (NHC VII,3) + 5:268-269 Wisse, Frederik Peter, First Epistle of + 5:269-278 Elliott, John H. Peter, Gospel of + 5:278-281 Mirecki, Paul Allan Peter, Martyrdom of + 5:281 Stoops, Robert F., Jr. Peter, Passion of + 5:281-282 Stoops, Robert F., Jr. Peter, Preaching of + 5:282 Corley, Kathleen E. Peter, Second Epistle of + 5:282-287 Elliott, John H. Pethahiah (PERSON) 1-3 5:287-288 Brensinger, Terry L. Pethor (PLACE) 5:288 Brensinger, Terry L. Pethuel (PERSON) 5:288 Weis, Richard D. Petra (PLACE). See Nabateans Peullethai (PERSON) 5:288 Rogers, Jeffrey S. Phaltiel (PERSON) 5:288 Phanuel (PERSON) 5:288 Watson, JoAnn Ford Pharakim (PERSON) + 5:288 Bowman, Craig D. Pharaoh + 5:288-289 Redford, Donald B. Pharathon (PLACE). See Pirathon Phares (PERSON). See Perez Pharisees + 5:289-303 Saldarini, Anthony J. Pharison (PERSON) 5:303 Hardwick, Michael E. Pharpar (PLACE) + 5:303-304 Thompson, Henry O. Phaselis (PLACE) 5:304 Wineland, John D. Phicol (PERSON) 5:304 Williams, David Salter Philadelphia (PALCE) + 5:304-305 Gasque, W. Ward Philemon, Epistle to + 5:305-310 Bartchy, S. Scott Philetus (PERSON) 5:310 Gillman, Florence Morgan Philip (PERSON) 1-4 5:310 Redditt, Paul L. Philip (PERSON) 5 + 5:310-311 Braund, David C. Philip (PERSON) 6 + 5:311-312 Watson, JoAnn Ford Philip, Acts of + 5:312 Bovon, François Philip, Gospel of (NHC II,3) + 5:312-313 Isenberg, Wesley W.
- 80. ABD Article Index 79 Philippi(PLACE) + 5:313-317 Hendrix, Holland L. Philippian Jailor + 5:317-318 O’Toole, Robert F. Philippian Slave Girl. See Slave Girl at Philippi Philippians, Epistle to + 5:318-326 Fitzgerald, John T. Philistines: 5:326-333 History + 5:326-328 Katzenstein, H. J. Archaeology + 5:328-333 Dothan, Trude Philo of Alexandria + 5:333-342 Borgen, Peder Philo of Byblos + 5:342-344 Baumgarten, Albert I. Philo, Pseudo- + 5:344-345 Harrington, Daniel J. Philologus (PERSON) 5:345 Lampe, Peter Philometor (PERSON) + 5:346 Hardwick, Michael E. Philosophy + 5:346 DeMaris, Richard E. Phinehas (PERSON) 1-3 5:346-347 Spencer, John R. Phlegon (PERSON) 5:347 Lampe, Peter Phocylides, Pseudo- 5:347-348 van der Horst, Peiter W. Phoebe (PERSON) + 5:348-349 Gillman, Florence Morgan Phoenicia, History of + 5:349-357 Peckham, Brian Phoenician Language. See Languages (Phoenician) Phoenician Religion + 5:357-363 Schmitz, Philip C. Phoenix (Bird and Poem) + 5:363-365 Alderink, Larry J. Phoenix (PLACE) 5:365 Hoffman, Daniel Lee Phrygia (PLACE) + 5:365-368 Bruce, Frederick Fyvie Phrygian Language. See Languages (Introductory Survey) Phygelus (PERSON) 5:368 Gillman, Florence Morgan Phylacteries + 5:368-370 Fagen, Ruth Satinover Pi-Beseth (PLACE) + 5:370-371 Redford, Donald B. Pi-Hahiroth (PLACE) + 5:371 Redford, Donald B. Pig. See Zoology Pigeon. See Zoology Pilate, Acts of + 5:371-372 Jefford, Clayton N. Pilate, Pontius. See Pontius Pilate Pildash (PERSON) + 5:372 Hostetter, Edwin C. Pilha (PERSON) 5:372 Schmidt, Frederick W. Pillar of Fire and Cloud + 5:372-373 Slayton, Joel C. Pillars, Hall of (PLACE). See Judgement, Hall of Piltai (PERSON) 5:373 Williams, Nora A. Pin. See Dress and Ornamentation Pine Tree. See Flora Pinnacle. See Temple, Jerusalem Pinon (PERSON) 5:373 Hübner, Ulrich Pipe. See Music and Musical Instruments Piram (PERSON) 5:373 Schley, Donald G. Pirathon (PLACE) 5:373 Smith, Robert Wayne Pisgah (PLACE) 5:373-374 Mattingly, Gerald L. Pishon (PLACE) + 5:374 Müller, Walter W. Pisidia (PLACE) + 5:374-375 Gasque, W. Ward Pispa (PERSON) + 5:375 O’Brien, Julia M. Pistachio. See Flora Pistis Sophia (Codex Askewianus) + 5:375-376 Perkins, Pheme Pit. See Dead, Abode of the Pithom (PLACE) + 5:376-377 Wei, Tom F. Pithon (PERSON) + 5:377 Brettler, Marc Zvi Plagues. See Sickness and Disease; Egypt, Plagues in Plane Tree. See Flora Plank 5:378 Meyers, Carol Plants. See Flora Plato: Republic 588B-589B (NHC VI,5) + 5:378 Majercik, Ruth Platonism + 5:378-381 Dillon, John M. Pledge. See Debts
- 81. ABD Article Index 80 Plinythe Younger + 5:381-382 Jones, Brian W. Plow, Plough. See Zoology Plutarch + 5:382-384 Martin, Hubert M., Jr. Pocherieth-Hazzebaim (PERSON) + 5:384 Eskenazi, Tamara C. Poetry, Hebrew. See Psalms, Book of; Parallelism; Budde Hypothesis Polis. See Cities (Greco-Roman) Politarchs + 5:384-389 Horsley, G. H. R. Political Identity. See Nationality and Political Identity Polycarp (PERSON) + 5:389-390 Wilson, J. Christian Polycarp, Epistle of + 5:390-392 Schoedel, William R. Polycarp, Martyrdom of + 5:392-395 Schoedel, William R. Pomegranate. See Flora Pompey (PERSON) + 5:395 Marshall, Bruce A. Pontius Pilate (PERSON) + 5:395-401 Schwartz, Daniel R. Pontus (PLACE) + 5:401-402 Sullivan, Richard D. Pool of Shelah. See Shelah, Pool of Pool of Siloam. See Siloam, Pool of Poor, Poverty: 5:402-424 Old Testment + 5:402-414 Pleins, J. David New Testament + 5:414-424 Hanks, Thomas D. Poplar. See Flora Poratha (PERSON) + 5:424 Bedford, Peter Porch. See also Temple, Jerusalem 5:424 Meyers, Carol Porcius Festus (PERSON). See Festus, Porcius Porcupine. See Zoology Portico, Solomon’s. See Solomon’s Portico Posidonius (PERSON) 5:424 Kampen, John Poststructural Analysis + 5:424-426 Davies, Margaret Potiphar (PERSON) + 5:426-427 Redford, Donald B. Potiphera (PERSON) + 5:427 Mariottini, Claude F. Potsherd Gate (PLACE) + 5:427 Liid, Dale C. Potter’s Wheel + 5:427-429 Wood, Bryant G. Pottery: 5:428-444 Pottery Technology in Ancient Palestine 5:428-433 Franken, H.J. Pottery Chronology of Palestine + 5:433-444 Lapp, Nancy L. Pound. See Weights and Measures Poverty. See Poor, Poverty Power, NT Concept of + 5:444-446 Arnold, Clinton E. Praetor. See City Authorities Praetorian Guard + 5:446-447 Keppie, Lawrence Praetorium + 5:447-449 Pixner, Bargil (Virgil) Prayer in Early Judaism + 5:449-450 Charlesworth, James H. Prayer of Azariah. See Daniel, Additions to Prayer, Lord’s. See Lord’s Prayer Prayers, Hellenistic Synagogal + 5:450-451 Fiensy, David A. Pre-existence of Souls. See Souls, Preexistence of 5:451 Preacher, The. See Ecclesiastes, Book of Preaching + 5:451-454 Craddock, Fred B. Precinct. See Parbar Prefect. See Palestine, Administration of (Roman); Praetorium; Procurator Prehistory. See Anatolia; Arabia; Egypt; Iran; Mesopotamia; Palestine, Archaeology of; Syria Presence, Bread of the. See Bread of the Presence Pride. See Virtue/Vice Lists Priestly ("P") Source + 5:454-461 Milgrom, Jacob Priests. See Levites and Priests Primeval History + 5:461-466 Kikawada, Isaac M. Prince. See Palestine, Administration of (Postexilic Judean Officials) Principalities and Powers + 5:467 Arnold, Clinton E. Prisca (PERSON) + 5:467-468 Lampe, Peter Prison + 5:468-469 van der Toorn, Karel
- 82. ABD Article Index 81 Prison,Spirits in. See Spirits in Prison Processions + 5:469-473 Duff, Paul Brooks Prochorus (PERSON) + 5:473 Paulien, Jon Proconsul. See Palestine, Administration of (Roman) Procurator + 5:473-474 Hall, John F. Prologues, Gospel (Anti-Marcion). See Anti-Marcion (Gospel) Prologues Pronouncement Story. See Apophthegm Propaganda + 5:474-477 Liverani, Mario Prophecy: 5:477-502 Ancient Near Eastern Prophecy + 5:477-482 Huffmon, Herbert B. Preexilic Hebrew Prophecy + 5:482-489 Schmitt, John J. Postexilic Hebrew Prophecy + 5:489-495 John Barton Early Christian Prophecy + 5:495-502 Boring, M. Eugene Prophets, Lives of the + 5:502-503 Hare, Douglas R. A. Proselyte + 5:503-505 Stuehrenberg, Paul F. Prostitution: 5:505-513 Old Testament + 5:505-510 Adler Goodfriend, Elaine Cultic Prostitution + 5:510-513 van der Toorn, Karel Proto-Luke. See Luke-Acts, Book of Protreptic. See Parenesis and Protreptic Proverbs, Book of + 5:513-520 Crenshaw, James L. Providence + 5:520-521 Dillon, John M. Province. See Palestine, Administration of (Roman) Prusa (40º12'N; 29º04'E) + 5:521-522 Sheppard, Anthony R. R. Psalms, Book of + 5:522-536 Limburg, James Psalms, Syriac (Apocryphal) + 5:536-537 Piguè, Stanley C. Psalter. See Psalms, Book of Pseudepigrapha, OT + 5:537-540 Charlesworth, James H. Pseudo- 5:540 Pseudonymity and Pseudepigraphy + 5:540-541 Charlesworth, James H. Ptolemais (PLACE). See Acco (PLACE) Ptolemy (PERSON) 1-23 + 5:541-544 Whitehorne, John Ptolemy Macron (PERSON). See Macron (PERSON) Puah (PERSON) 1 + 5:544-545 Hostetter, Edwin C. Puah (PERSON) 2-3 + 5:545 Mariottini, Claude F. Publius (PERSON) + 5:545 Paulien, Jon Pudens (PERSON) + 5:546 Gillman, Florence Morgan Pul (PERSON). See also Tiglath-Pileser 5:546 Grayson, A. Kirk Punic Language. See Languages (Phoenician) Punishment and Crimes (OT and ANE) + 5:546-556 Westbrook, Raymond Punites + 5:556 Reed, Stephen A. Punon (PLACE) + 5:556-557 Knauf, Ernst Axel Purah (PERSON) 5:557 Lowery, Kirk E. Purim. See Esther, Book of Purple + 5:557-560 Danker, Frederick William Put (PERSON) + 5:560 Baker, David W. Puteoli (PLACE) 5:560-561 Carroll, Scott T. Puthite 5:561 Hostetter, Edwin C. Puti-el (PERSON) + 5:561 Hostetter, Edwin C. Puvah (PERSON) 5:561-562 Mariottini, Claude F. Pyrrhus (PERSON) + 5:562 Martin, Thomas W. Pythagoreansim + 5:562-565 Thom, Johan C. Python. See Slave Girl at Philippi Q (Gospel Source) + 5:567-572 Tuckett, C. M. Qa‘aqir, Jebel (M.R. 145103) + 5:572-573 Dever, William G. Qades, Tell (M.R. 200279) + 5:573-575 Ovadiah, Asher; Fischer, Moshe; Roll, Israel Qashish, Tel (M.R. 160232) + 5:575-577 Amnon Ben-Tor Qasile, Tell (M.R. 130167) + 5:577 Mazar, Amihay; Kelm, George L. Qatabanian Language. See Languages (Introductory Survey) Qedah, Tell el- (M.R.203269) + 5:578-581 Dever, William G.
- 83. ABD Article Index 82 Qedeis,Ain. See Hezron (PLACE) Qedish, Khirbet (M.R. 202237). See Kedesh (PLACE) Qere. See Kethib and Qere Qiri, Tell (M.R. 160227) + 5:581-582 Amnon Ben-Tor Qohelet. See Ecclesiastes, Book of Qom, Khirbet el-. See Kom, Khirbet el- Qop 5:582 Qoseimeh, Ain. See Karka Quadratus + 5:582-583 Grant, Robert M. Quail. See Zoology Quart. See Weights and Measures Quarter, Second (PLACE). See Second Quarter Quartus (PERSON) 5:583 Gillman, John L. Queen + 5:583-586 Schearing, Linda S. Queen of Heaven (DEITY) + 5:586-588 Schmitz, Philip C. Quest for the Historical Jesus. See Jesus (Quest for the Historical) Questions of Bartholomew. See Bartholomew, Gospel of (Questions) Qufin, Khirbet. See Maarath Quintus Memmius (PERSON). See Memmius, Quintus Quirinius (PERSON) + 5:588-589 Potter, David S. Qumran Pesharim. See Pesharim, Qumran Qumran, Khirbet (M.R. 193127) + 5:590-594 Murphy-O’Connor, Jerome Quotations of OT in NT. See New Testament, OT Quotations in Qurayya (28º47’N; 36º00’E) + 5:594-596 Parr, Peter J. Qutian Language. See Languages (Introductory Survey) Ra (DEITY). See Re (DEITY) Raamah (PERSON) + 5:597 Müller, Walter W. Raamiah (PERSON). See Reelaiah Raamses (PLACE). See Rameses (PLACE) Rabah, Wadi (M.R. 144167) + 5:597-598 Kaplan, Jacob Rabbah (PLACE) 1 + 5:598-600 Younker, Randall W. Rabbah (PLACE) 2 + 5:600 Kotter, Wade R. Rabbi + 5:600-602 Lapin, Hayim Rabbinic Hermeneutics, Early. See Hermeneutics, Early Rabbinic Rabbinic Literature and the NT + 5:602-604 Saldarini, Anthony J. Rabbit. See Zoology Rabbith (PLACE) 5:604-605 Baker, David W. Rabboni. See Rabbi Rabmag 5:605 Grayson, A. Kirk Rabsaris 5:605 Grayson, A. Kirk Rabshakeh 5:605 Grayson, A. Kirk Raca 5:605 Wilcox, Max Racal (PLACE) 5:605 Hamilton, Jeffries M. Rachel (PERSON) + 5:605-608 Beck, Astrid Billes Rachel’s Tomb (PLACE) + 5:608-609 Luker, Lamontte M. Raddai (PERSON) 5:609-610 Kennedy, James M. Rages (PLACE) + 5:610 Schmidt, Frederick W. Raguel (ANGEL) + 5:610 Newsom, Carol A. Raguel (PERSON) 5:610 Schmidt, Frederick W. Rahab (DRAGON) + 5:610-611 Day, John Rahab (PERSON) + 5:611-612 Greenspoon, Leonard J. Raham (PERSON) + 5:612 Hostetter, Edwin C. Rahel, Ramat. See Ramat Rahel Rain + 5:612 Frick, Frank S. Raisins. See Flora Rakem (PERSON) 5:612 Graham, M. Patrick Rakkath (PLACE) + 5:612-613 White, Sidnie Ann Rakkon (PLACE) + 5:613 White, Sidnie Ann Ram (PERSON) 1-3 5:613 Kennedy, James M. Ram (Sheep). See Zoology; Sheep, Shepherd
- 84. ABD Article Index 83 Ramah(PLACE) 1-4 + 5:613-614 Arnold, Patrick M. Ramat el-Khalil (M.R. 160107) + 5:614-615 Appelbaum, Shimon Ramat Matred (M.R. 118020) + 5:615 Goring-Morris, Nigel Ramat Rahel (M.R. 170127) + 5:615-616 Younker, Randall W. Ramath-Lehi (PLACE) + 5:616-617 Lubetski, Meir Ramath-Mizpeh (PLACE) + 5:617 Franklyn, Paul Nimrah Ramathaim-Zophim (PLACE). See Ramah Ramathite 5:617 Nysse, Richard W. Rameses (PLACE) + 5:617-618 Wente, Edward F. Ramesses II (PERSON) + 5:618-620 Wente, Edward F. Ramiah (PERSON) 5:620 Fager, Jeffrey A. Ramoth (PLACE) + 5:620 Arnold, Patrick M. Ramoth-Gilead (PLACE) + 5:620-621 Arnold, Patrick M. Rampart. See Fortifications (Levant) Ramses (PERSON). See Ramesses II Rape. See Punishments and Crimes (OT and ANE) Rapha (PERSON) 5:621 Williams, David Salter Raphael (ANGEL) + 5:621 Schmidt, Frederick W. Raphah (PERSON) + 5:621-622 Brettler, Marc Zvi Raphaim (PERSON) 5:622 White, Sidnie Ann Raphia (PLACE) + 5:622 Keck, Brian E. Raphon (PLACE) 5:622-623 Redditt, Paul L. Raphu (PERSON) 5:623 Brensinger, Terry L. Rapture. See Revalation, Book of; Parousia Raqqa, Khirbet er-. See Jokdeam Ras Abu Tabat (PLACE). See Tabbath Ras et-Tahuna (M.R. 170147). See Zemaraim Ras Shamra (PLACE). See Ugarit Rassis (PLACE) + 5:623 White, Sidnie Ann Rat. See Zoology 5:623 Rathamin (PLACE) 5:623 Smith, Robert Wayne Raven. See Zoology Razis (PERSON) + 5:623-624 Kampen, John Re (DEITY) + 5:624-625 Miosi, Frank T. Reader Response Theory + 5:625-628 Lategan, Bernard C. Readings, Conflated. See Conflate Theories in the OT Reaiah (PERSON) 1-3 5:628 Swanson, Steven R. Reaping. See Harvests, Harvesting; Agriculture Reba (PERSON) + 5:628-629 Knauf, Ernst Axel Rebekah (PERSON) + 5:629-630 Beck, Astrid Billes Recah (PLACE) 5:630 Williams, David Salter Rechab (PERSON) + 5:630-632 Frick, Frank S. Rechabites, History of + 5:632-633 Charlesworth, James H. Recorder. See Scribes Red Heifer. See Heifer, Red Red Sea (PLACE): 5:633-644 Old Testament + 5:633-642 Huddlestun, John R. Red Sea Trade + 5:642-644 Sidebotham, Steven E. Redaction Criticism: 5:644-650 Old Testament + 5:644-647 John Barton New Testament + 5:647-650 Stein, Robert H. Redemption: 5:650-657 Old Testament + 5:650-654 Untermann, Jeremiah New Testament + 5:654-657 Shogren, Gary S. Reed. See Flora Reelaiah (PERSON) 5:657 Bergdall, Chaney R. Refuge, Cities of + 5:657-658 Spencer, John R. Regem (PERSON) 5:658 Hostetter, Edwin C. Regem-Melech (PERSON) + 5:658-659 Weis, Richard D. Regeneration + 5:659-660 Gulley, Norman R.
- 85. ABD Article Index 84 Rehabiah(PERSON) 5:660 Berry, Donald K. Rehob (PERSON) 1-2 + 5:660 Herion, Gary A. Rehob (PLACE) 1-2 + 5:660-661 Peterson, John L.; Arav, Rami Rehoboam (PERSON) + 5:661-664 Evans, Carl D. Rehoboth (PLACE) 1-3 + 5:664 Knauf, Ernst Axel Rehoboth-Ir (PLACE) + 5:664 Davila, James R. Rehum (PERSON) 1-5 5:664-665 Bergdall, Chaney R. Rei (PERSON) + 5:665 Viviano, Pauline A. Rekem (PERSON) 1-3 5:665 Knauf, Ernst Axel Rekem (PLACE) 5:665 Dyck, Elmer H. Release, Year of. See Jubilee, Year of; Sabbatical Year Religio Licita + 5:665-667 Clarke, G. W. Religion. See Canaan, Religion of; Egyptian Religion; Hittite Religion; Memphite Theology; Mystery Religions; Phoenician Religion; Roman Religion; South Arabia, Religion of; Christianity; Judaism; Theology Remaliah (PERSON) + 5:667 Hull, John H., Jr. Remember, Remembrance + 5:667-669 Verhey, Allen Remeth (PLACE) + 5:669 White, Sidnie Ann Remnant + 5:669-671 Meyer, Lester V. Repentance: 5:671-674 Old Testament + 5:671-672 Healey, Joseph P. New Testament + 5:672-674 Luter, A. Boyd, Jr. Rephael (PERSON) 5:674 Rogers, Jeffrey S. Rephah (PERSON) + 5:674 Davis, M. Stephen Rephaiah (PERSON) 1-5 5:674 Fuller, Russell Rephaim + 5:674-676 Smith, Mark S. Rephaim, Valley of (PLACE) 5:676-677 Edelstein, Gershon Rephan (DEITY) 5:677 Meier, Samuel A. Rephidim (PLACE) + 5:677-678 Seely, Jo Ann H. Repoussé. See Jewelry Reptile. See Zoology Resaiah (PERSON). See Reelaiah Resen (PLACE) + 5:678 Davila, James R. Resh 5:678 Resheph (DEITY) + 5:678-679 Handy, Lowell K. Resheph (PERSON) 5:679-680 Kennedy, James M. Resurrection: 5:680-691 Old Testament + 5:680-684 Martin-Achard, Robert; Prendergast, Terrence (trans.) Early Judaism and Christianity + 5:684-691 Nickelsburg, George W. E. Resurrection, Treatise on the (NHC I,4) + 5:691-692 Peel, Malcolm L. Reu (PERSON) + 5:692 Hess, Richard S. Reuben (PERSON) + 5:692-693 Oller, Gary H. Reuel (PERSON) 1-5 + 5:693-694 Knauf, Ernst Axel Reumah (PERSON) + 5:694 Hostetter, Edwin C. Revelation, Book of + 5:694-708 Collins, Adela Yarbro Revolt, Maccabean. See Maccabean Revolt Rezeph (PLACE) 5:708 Thompson, Henry O. Rezin (PERSON) 1-2 + 5:708-709 Pitard, Wayne T. Rezon (PERSON) + 5:709 Pitard, Wayne T. Rhegium (PLACE) 5:709-710 Wineland, John D. Rheims Version. See Versions, Catholic; Versions, English (Pre-1960) Rhesa (PERSON) + 5:710 Porter, Stanley E. Rhetoric and Rhetorical Criticism: 5:710-719 Rhetoric and Oratory in the Greco-Roman World + 5:710-712 Majercik, Ruth OT Rhetorical Criticism + 5:712-715 Dozeman, Thomas B. NT Rhetoric and Rhetorical Criticism + 5:715-719 Fiore, Benjamin Rho 5:719 Rhoda (PERSON) + 5:719 Witherington, Ben, III Rhodes (PLACE) 5:719-720 Carroll, Scott T. Rhodocus (PERSON) + 5:720-721 Kampen, John Ribai (PERSON) + 5:721 Thompson, David L.
- 86. ABD Article Index 85 Riblah(PLACE) 5:721 Kobayashi, Yoshitaka Riddles + 5:721-723 Crenshaw, James L. Ridge of Judea (PLACE) 5:723-724 Kutsko, John F. Right, Right Hand + 5:724 Drinkard, Joel F., Jr. Righteousness: 5:724-773 Old Testament + 5:724-736 Scullion, John J. Early Judaism 5:736-742 Reumann, John Greco-Roman World 5:742-745 Reumann, John New Testament + 5:745-773 Reumann, John Righteousness, Teacher of. See Teacher of Righteousness Rimmon (DEITY) 5:773 Rimmon (PERSON) 5:773 Arnold, Patrick M. Rimmon (PLACE) 1-4 + 5:773-774 Arnold, Patrick M. Rimmon, Horvat (M.R. 137086) + 5:774 Kloner, Amos Rimmon-Perez (PLACE). See Rimmon(PLACE) Rimmono (PLACE). See Rimmon; Dimnah Ring 5:775 Meyers, Carol Rinnah (PERSON) 5:775 Kennedy, James M. Riphath (PERSON) + 5:775 Hess, Richard S. Rissah (PLACE) 5:775 White, Sidnie Ann Rithmah (PLACE) 5:775 White, Sidnie Ann Rizia (PERSON) + 5:775 O’Brien, Julia M. Rizpah (PERSON) 5:776 Edelman, Diana Vikander Roads and Highways: 5:776-787 Pre-Roman Roads and Highways + 5:776-782 Beitzel, Barry J. Roman Roads + 5:782-787 Graf, David F.; Isaac, Benjamin; Roll, Israel Robe. See Dress and Ornamentation Rock of Escape (PLACE) 5:788 DeVries, LaMoine F. Rock of Etam. See Etam, Rock of Rodanim + 5:788 Clem, H. Eldon Rodents. See Zoology Roebuck. See Zoology Rogelim (PLACE) + 5:788-789 Thompson, Henry O. Rohgah (PERSON) 5:789 O’Brien, Julia M. Romamti-Ezer (PERSON) 5:789 McCann, J. Clinton, Jr. Roman Army + 5:789-798 Kennedy, David Roman Christianity. See Christianity (Christianity in Rome) Roman Colonies (Judea) + 5:798-801 Isaac, Benjamin Roman Empire + 5:801-806 Wells, Colin M. Roman Imperial Cult + 5:806-809 Jones, Donald L. Roman Judaism. See Judaism (in Rome) Roman Religion + 5:809-816 Gladigow, Burkhard; Martin, Dennis (trans.) Roman Temples. See Temples and Sanctuaries (Greco-Roman) Romans, Epistle to the + 5:816-830 Myers, Charles D., Jr. Rome (PLACE) + 5:830-834 Hall, John F. Rome, Christian Monuments at + 5:834-835 Snyder, Graydon F. Rome, Early Christian Attitudes To + 5:835-839 Alexander, Loveday C. A. Rosettes. See Jewelry Rosh (PERSON) 5:839 Slayton, Joel C. Royal Jar Handle Stamps. See Stamps, Royal Jar Handle Royal Road. See King’s Highway Rufus (PERSON) + 5:839 Lampe, Peter Rujm el-Hiri (M.R. 225257) + 5:839-841 Zohar, Mattanyah Rule of the Community. See Community, Rule of the (1QS) Rulers of the Synagogue + 5:841-842 Setzer, Claudia J. Rumah (PLACE) 5:842 White, Sidnie Ann Ruth, Book of + 5:842-847 Trible, Phyllis Sabannus (PERSON). See also Binnui 5:849 Sabaoth. See Hosts, Lord of Sabbaias (PERSON) 5:849 Han, Jin Hee
- 87. ABD Article Index 86 Sabbath+ 5:849-856 Hasel, Gerhard F. Sabbath Sacrifice, Songs of the (4QShirShabb). See Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice Sabbatical Year + 5:857-861 Wright, Christopher J. H. Sabeans 5:861 Herion, Gary A. Sabtah (PERSON) + 5:861-862 Müller, Walter W. Sabteca (PERSON) + 5:862-863 Müller, Walter W. Sachar (PERSON) 5:863 Pisano, Stephen Sachia (PERSON) 5:863 Willett, Tom Wayne Sackcloth. See Dress and Ornamentation Sacral Kingship + 5:863-866 Cazelles, Henri Sacred Marriage + 5:866-870 Klein, Jacob Sacred Meals (Greco-Roman). See Meal Customs (Greco-Roman Sacred Meals) Sacred Stone + 5:870 Miller, Robert D., II Sacrifice and Sacrificial Offerings: 5:870-891 Old Testament + 5:870-886 Anderson, Gary A. New Testament + 5:886-891 Klauck, Hans-Josef; Fuller, Reginald H. (trans.) Saddle. See Zoology Sadducees + 5:892-895 Porton, Gary G. Sade 5:895 Safaitic Inscriptions. See Inscriptions, Safatic Safaitic Language. See Languages (Introductory Survey) Saffron. See Perfumes and Spices; Flora Safi (M.R. 195147) + 5:895-896 Schaub, R. Thomas Safiyeh, Wadi es-. See Zephathah Safut, Tell (M.R. 229160) + 5:896-897 Wimmer, Donald H. Sahab (M.R. 245142) + 5:897-900 Ibrahim, Moawiyah M. Sa‘idiyeh, Tell es- (M.R. 204186) + 5:900-904 Tubb, Jonathan N. Sakkuth and Kaiwan (DEITIES) + 5:904 Meier, Samuel A. Sala (PERSON). See Salmon Salamiel (PERSON) 5:904 White, Sidnie Ann Salamis (PLACE) 5:904-905 Gempf, Conrad Salathiel (PERSON). See Shealtiel Salecah (PLACE) 5:905 Franklyn, Paul Nimrah Salem (PLACE) + 5:905 Astour, Michael C. Salim (PLACE) + 5:905 Smith, Robert Wayne Sallai (PERSON) + 5:906 Schmidt, Frederick W. Sallu (PERSON) 1-2 + 5:906 Schmidt, Frederick W. Salmon (PERSON) 1-2 5:906 Lowery, Kirk E. Salmone (PLACE) 5:906 Wineland, John D. Salome (PERSON) 1-2 + 5:906-907 Witherington, Ben, III Salt Sea (PLACE) 5:907 Astour, Michael C. Salt, City of. See City of Salt Salt, Valley of (PLACE) 5:907 Younker, Randall W. Salu (PERSON) 5:907 Hardwick, Michael E. Salvation + 5:907-914 O’Collins, Gerald G. Samaria (PLACE). 5:914-931 See also Samaritans; Ephraim (PERSON); Daliyeh, Wadi ed- Samaria the City + 5:914-921 Purvis, James D. Samaria Ostraca + 5:921-926 Kaufman, Ivan T. Archaeological Survey of the Region + 5:926-931 Dar, Shimon; Erez, Menahem (trans.) Papyri + 5:931-932 Gropp, Douglas M. Samaritan Pentateuch + 5:932-940 Waltke, Bruce K. Samaritans + 5:940-947 Anderson, Robert T. Samek 5:947 Samgar-Nebo (PERSON) + 5:947-948 Dalglish, Edward R. Samlah (PERSON) + 5:948 Knauf, Ernst Axel Sammuniyeh, Khirbet. See Shimron (PLACE) 5:948 Samos (PLACE) 5:948 Wineland, John D. Samothrace (PLACE) 5:949 Thorsen, Donald A. D. Sampsames (PLACE) + 5:949 White, Sidnie Ann
- 88. ABD Article Index 87 Samra,Khirbet es- (M.R. 221086) + 5:949-950 Humbert, Jean-Baptiste Samson (PERSON) + 5:950-954 Crenshaw, James L. Samson, Wife of 5:954 Exum, J. Cheryl Samu‘, es-. See Eshtemoa (PLACE) Samuel (PERSON) + 5:954-957 Ramsey, George W. Samuel, Book of 1-2: 5:957-973 Text; Compostion and Content + 5:957-965 Flanagan, James W. Narrative and Theology + 5:965-973 Brueggemann, Walter Sanballat (PERSON) + 5:973-975 Williamson, H. G. M. Sanctuaries. See Temples and Sanctuaries Sanhedrin + 5:975-980 Saldarini, Anthony J. Sansannah (PLACE) 5:980 Brodsky, Harold Sant, Wadi ed-. See Elah, Valley of Sapardians. See Ivvah Saph (PERSON) + 5:980 Dempster, Stephen G. Sapphira (PERSON) + 5:980-981 O’Toole, Robert F. Sarah (PERSON) 1-2 + 5:981-982 Yee, Gale A. Saraph (PERSON) 5:982 Smith, David Channing Sarasadai (PERSON). See Zurishaddai Sardis (PLACE) + 5:982-984 Pedley, John Griffiths Sarea (PERSON) 5:984 Han, Jin Hee Sargon (PERSON) 5:984-985 Grayson, A. Kirk Sarid (PLACE) 5:985 Greenberg, Raphael Sarothie (PERSON) + 5:985 Bowman, Craig D. Sarsechim (PERSON) 5:985 Bracke, John M. Sarta, ‘Izbet. See ‘Izbet Sarta (M.R. 146167) Satan + 5:985-989 Hamilton, Victor P. Sathrabuzanes (PERSON) 5:989 Satrap 5:989 Young, T. Cuyler, Jr. Saul (PERSON) + 5:989-999 Edelman, Diana Vikander Savior, Dialogue of the. See Dialogue of the Savior (NHC III,5) Saweh, Tell es-. See Jeshua (PLACE) Sayings of Jesus, Oxyrhynchus + 5:999-1001 Brown, S. Kent Scab. See Leprosy; Sickness and Disease Scallops. See Zoology Scandinavian School: 5:1001-1004 OT Studies + 5:1001-1002 Ringgren, Helmer NT Studies + 5:1002-1004 Hartman, Lars Scarab. See Jewelry Sceva (PERSON) + 5:1004 Gasque, W. Ward Scholarship, Biblical (Japan). See Biblical Scholarship, Japanese School of Shammai. See Shammai, School of Schools. See Education Schools, Hellenistic + 5:1005-1011 Alexander, Loveday C. A. Scorpion. See Zoology Screen 5:1011 Meyers, Carol Scribal Emendations + 5:1011-1012 Revell, E. J. Scribes + 5:1012-1016 Saldarini, Anthony J. Script, Aramaic. See Aramaic Script Scriptural Authority: 5:1017-1056 Biblical Authority in Judaism 5:1017-1021 Goshen-Gottstein, Moshe Biblical Authority in Eastern Orthodoxy + 5:1021-1023 Stylianopoulos, Theodore Biblical Authority in Roman Catholicism + 5:1023-1026 Fogarty, Gerald P. Biblical Authority in the Early Church + 5:1026-1028 Greer, Rowan A. Biblical Authority in the Medieval Church + 5:1028-1032 Van Engen, John Biblical Authority and the Protestant Reformation + 5:1032-1035 McKim, Donald K. Biblical Authority in the Wake of the Enlightenment + 5:1035-1049 Reventlow, Henning Graf Biblical Authority in the Post-Critical Period + 5:1049-1056 Brueggemann, Walter Sculptured Stones. See Idol, Idolatry Scurvy. See Sickness and Disease
- 89. ABD Article Index 88 Scythe.See Weapons and Implements of Warfare Scythians + 5:1056-1057 Rubinson, Karen S. Scythopolis (PLACE). See also Beth-Shan 5:1058 Sea + 5:1058-1059 Follis, Elaine R. Sea Gull. See Zoology Sea of Glass, Glassy Sea + 5:1059 Watson, Duane F. Sea Peoples + 5:1059-1061 Singer, Itmar Sea, Molten + 5:1061-1062 Meyers, Carol Seals, Mesopotamian + 5:1062-1064 Magness-Gardiner, Bonnie S. Season. See Calendars Seba (PERSON) + 5:1064 Müller, Walter W. Sebam (PLACE). See Sibmah 5:1064 Sebaoth. See Names of God in the OT 5:1065 Secacah (PLACE) + 5:1065 Kotter, Wade R. Second Coming. See Parousia Second Death. See Death, Second Second Quarter (PLACE) + 5:1065 Herion, Gary A. Second Treatise of the Great Seth. See Seth, Second Treatise of the Great (NHC VII,2) Secret, Messianic. See Messianic Secret Secu (PLACE) 5:1065 Willett, Tom Wayne Secundus (PERSON) 5:1065 Watson, JoAnn Ford Sedheq (DEITY) + 5:1065-1066 Handy, Lowell K. Sedrach, Apocalypse of + 5:1066-1067 Charlesworth, James H. Sefunim Caves (M.R. 238148) 5:1067-1068 Ronen, Avraham Segub (PERSON) 1-2 + 5:1068 Hutton, Rodney R. Seilun, Khirbet (M.R. 177162). See also Shiloh (PLACE) + 5:1069-1072 Finkelstein, Israel Seir (PERSON) + 5:1072 Reed, Stephen A. Seir (PLACE) 1-2 + 5:1072-1073 Knauf, Ernst Axel Seirah (PLACE) 5:1073 Ferch, Arthur J. Sela (PLACE) 1-3+ 5:1073-1074 Fanwar, Wann Marbud Selbit (M.R. 148141). See Shaalbim Seled (PERSON) 5:1074 Steeger, William P. Selemia (PERSON) 5:1074 Han, Jin Hee Seleucia (PLACE) 5:1074-1076 Seleucia (PLACE) 1-3 + 5:1074-1075 Smith, Robert Wayne; Hoppe, Leslie J. Seleucia (PLACE) 4 + 5:1075-1076 Hoppe, Leslie J. Seleucids. See Seleucus; Palestine, Administration of (Seleucid); Antiochus Seleucus (PERSON) 1-4 + 5:1076-1077 Whitehorne, John Semachiah (PERSON) 5:1077 Rogers, Jeffrey S. Semantics + 5:1077-1081 Louw, Johannes P. Semeia Source. See Signs/Semeia Source Semein (PERSON) + 5:1081 Porter, Stanley E. Semitic Languages. See Languages (Introductory Survey) Semitic Ostraca. See Ostraca, Semitic Semiticisms in the NT + 5:1081-1086 Wilcox, Max Senaah (PERSON) 5:1086 Bergdall, Chaney R. Senate + 5:1086-1087 Hall, John F. Senator + 5:1087 Hall, John F. Seneca, Epistle of. See Paul and Seneca, Epistles of Seneh (PLACE) 5:1087 White, Sidnie Ann Senir (PLACE) + 5:1087-1088 Baker, David W. Sennacherib (PERSON) + 5:1088-1089 Grayson, A. Kirk Sentences of Sextus. See Sextus, Sentences of (NHC XII,1) Seorim (PERSON) 5:1089 Berry, Donald K. Sephar (PLACE) 5:1089 Oller, Gary H. Sepharad (PLACE) + 5:1089-1090 Wineland, John D. Sepharvaim (PLACE) + 5:1090 Avalos, Hector Sepphoris (M.R. 176239) + 5:1090-1093 Strange, James F. Septuagint + 5:1093-1104 Peters, Melvin K.H. Sepulchre, Holy. See Holy Sepulchre, Church of the; Golgotha
- 90. ABD Article Index 89 Sera‘,Tel (M.R. 119088). See Ziklag (PLACE) Serah (PERSON) 5:1104 Mariottini, Claude F. Seraiah (PERSON) 1 + 5:1104-1105 Lundbom, Jack R. Seraiah (PERSON) 2-11 + 5:1105 Berridge, John M. Sered (PERSON) 5:1105 Mariottini, Claude F. Serek Hayyahad. See Florilegium (4QFlor) Sergius Paulus (PERSON). See Paulus, Sergius (PERSON) Sermon on the Mount/Plain + 5:1106-1112 Betz, Hans Dieter Seron (PERSON) + 5:1112-1113 Rappaport, Uriel Serpent (Religious Symbol) + 5:1113-1116 Handy, Lowell K. Serpent’s Stone + 5:1116-1117 Mare, W. Harold Serpent, Bronze + 5:1117 Handy, Lowell K. Serug (PERSON) + 5:1117-1118 Hess, Richard S. Servants. See Slavery Sesthel (PERSON) 5:1118 Seth (PERSON) + 5:1118 Hess, Richard S. Seth, Second Treatise of the Great (NHC VII,2) + 5:1118-1119 Wisse, Frederik Seth, Three Steles of (NHC VII,5) + 5:1119-1120 Goehring, James E. Sethur (PERSON) 5:1120 Brensinger, Terry L. Settlement of Canaan + 5:1120-1143 Halpern, Baruch Seven Churches + 5:1143-1144 Watson, Duane F. Sex and Sexuality + 5:1144-1146 Frymer-Kensky, Tikva Sextus, Sentences of (NHC XII,1) + 5:1146-1147 Wisse, Frederik Sexual Impurites. See Discharge Shaalbim (PLACE) 5:1147 Toews, Wesley Irwin Shaalbon (PLACE) 5:1147 Shaalim (PLACE) 5:1147 White, Sidnie Ann Shaaph (PERSON) 1-2 + 5:1147-1148 Hostetter, Edwin C. Shaaraim (PLACE) 1-2 + 5:1148 Ehrlich, Carl S. Shaashgaz (PERSON) 5:1148 Wiebe, John M. Shabbat. See Sabbath Shabbethai (PERSON) 5:1148 Brensinger, Terry L. Shaddai. See Almighty, God in the OT Shadow + 5:1148-1150 van der Horst, Peiter W. Shadrach, Meshach, Abednego (PERSONS) 5:1150 Coxon, Peter W. Shagee (PERSON) + 5:1150 Pisano, Stephen Shahar (DEITY) + 5:1150-1151 Meier, Samuel A. Shaharaim (PERSON) 5:1151-1152 Willett, Tom Wayne Shahazumah (PLACE) + 5:1152 White, Sidnie Ann Shakers. See Music and Musical Instruments Shalem (DEITY) + 5:1152-1153 Handy, Lowell K. Shalishah (PLACE) 5:1153 Dyck, Elmer H. Shallecheth Gate (PLACE) + 5:1153-1154 Liid, Dale C. Shallum (PERSON) 1-14 5:1154 Althann, Robert Shalma + 5:1154 Knauf, Ernst Axel Shalmai (PERSON) + 5:1154-1155 Eskenazi, Tamara C. Shalman (PERSON) + 5:1155 Pressler, Carolyn J. Shalmaneser (PERSON) 5:1155 Grayson, A. Kirk Shama (PERSON) + 5:1155 Fuller, Russell Shamgar (PERSON) + 5:1155-1156 Boling, Robert G. Shamhuth (PERSON) + 5:1156 Duke, Rodney K. Shamir (PERSON) 5:1156-1157 Berry, Donald K. Shamir (PLACE) 1-2 + 5:1157 Kotter, Wade R. Shamlai (PERSON). See also Shalmai (PERSON) 5:1157 Shamma (PERSON) + 5:1157 O’Brien, Julia M. Shammah (PERSON) 1-4 5:1157 Hübner, Ulrich Shammai (PERSON) 1-3 5:1157 Lo, Hing Choi Shammai, School of + 5:1158 Goldenberg, Robert Shammoth (PERSON) 5:1158 Pisano, Stephen Shammua (PERSON) 1-4 5:1158 Howard, David M., Jr.
- 91. ABD Article Index 90 Shamsherai(PERSON) 5:1159 Willett, Tom Wayne Shapham (PERSON) 5:1159 Graham, M. Patrick Shaphan (PERSON) 1-2 5:1159 Kennedy, James M. Shaphat (PERSON) 1-6 5:1159-1160 Graham, M. Patrick Shaphir (PLACE) + 5:1160 Luker, Lamontte M. Sharai (PERSON) 5:1160 Fager, Jeffrey A. Sharar (PERSON) + 5:1160 Dempster, Stephen G. Sharezer (PERSON) 1-2 5:1160-1161 Grayson, A. Kirk Sharon (PLACE) 1-2 + 5:1161-1163 Weeks, Harry R. Sharuhen (PLACE) + 5:1163-1165 Liwak, Rüdiger Shashai (PERSON) 5:1165 Fager, Jeffrey A. Shashak (PERSON) 5:1165 Willett, Tom Wayne Shasu + 5:1165-1167 Ward, William A. Shaul (PERSON) 1-2 + 5:1167 Knauf, Ernst Axel Shaveh, Valley of (PLACE) + 5:1168 Astour, Michael C. Shaveh-Kiriathaim (PLACE) 5:1168 Astour, Michael C. Shavsha (PERSON) 5:1168 Dempster, Stephen G. Shavuoth. See Weeks, Festival of Sheal (PERSON) 5:1168-1169 Fager, Jeffrey A. Shealtiel (PERSON) 5:1169 Fuller, Russell Shear-Jashub (PERSON) 5:1169 Jensen, Joseph Sheariah (PERSON) + 5:1169 Brettler, Marc Zvi Shearing. See Zoology Sheath. See Weapons and Implements of Warfare Sheba (PERSON) 1 + 5:1169-1170 Ricks, Stephen D. Sheba (PERSON) 2-3 + 5:1170 Nysse, Richard W. Sheba (PLACE) + 5:1170 Williams, David Salter Sheba, Queen of (PERSON) + 5:1170-1171 Ricks, Stephen D. Shebaniah (PERSON) 1-4 5:1171 Brensinger, Terry L. Shebarim (PLACE) + 5:1171-1172 Irwin, Brian P. Shebat. See Calendars (Ancient Israelite and Early Jewish) Sheber (PERSON) 5:1172 Hostetter, Edwin C. Shebna (PERSON) + 5:1172-1173 Hobbs, T. R. Shebuel (PERSON) 1-2 + 5:1173 McCann, J. Clinton, Jr. Shecaniah (PERSON) 1-8 5:1173-1174 Fuller, Russell Shechem (PERSON) 1-3 + 5:1174 Hostetter, Edwin C. Shechem (PLACE) + 5:1174-1186 Toombs, Lawrence E. Shechem, Tower of (PLACE) + 5:1186-1187 Zertal, Adam Shedeur (PERSON) 5:1187 Launderville, Dale F. Sheep, Shepherd + 5:1187-1190 Vancil, Jack W. Sheerah (PERSON) 5:1190-1191 Davis, M. Stephen Shehariah (PERSON) 5:1191 Willett, Tom Wayne Sheikh Abu Zarad (PLACE). See Tappuah (PLACE); Tephon (PLACE) Shekel. See also Coinage; Weights and Measures 5:1191 Shelah (PERSON) 1-2 + 5:1191 Hess, Richard S. Shelah, Pool of (PLACE) + 5:1191 Hess, Richard S. Shelemiah (PERSON) 1-9 + 5:1191-1192 Dalglish, Edward R. Sheleph (PERSON) + 5:1192-1193 Müller, Walter W. Shelesh (PERSON) + 5:1193 O’Brien, Julia M. Shelomi (PERSON) + 5:1193 Panitz, Raphael I. Shelomith (PERSON) 1-5 5:1193 Fuller, Russell Shelomoth (PERSON) 1-5 5:1193-1194 Berry, Donald K. Shelumiel (PERSON) 5:1194 Launderville, Dale F. Shem (PERSON) 5:1194-1195 Isaac, Ephraim Shem, Paraphrase of (NHC VII,1) + 5:1195-1196 Wisse, Frederik Shem, Treatise of + 5:1196-1197 Charlesworth, James H. Shema (PERSON) 1-4 5:1197 Brensinger, Terry L. Shema (PLACE) + 5:1197 Axelsson, Lars A. Shema‘, Khirbet (M.R. 191264) + 5:1197-1198 Meyers, Eric M. Shemaah (PERSON) + 5:1198-1199 Dillard, Raymond B.
- 92. ABD Article Index 91 Shemaiah(PERSON) 1-29 + 5:1199-1201 Althann, Robert Shemariah (PERSON) 1-4 5:1201 Fager, Jeffrey A. Shemeber (PERSON) 5:1201 Astour, Michael C. Shemed (PERSON) 5:1201 Willett, Tom Wayne Shemer (PERSON) 1-3 + 5:1201-1202 Willett, Tom Wayne Shemida (PERSON) + 5:1202 Graham, M. Patrick Shemiramoth (PERSON) 1-2 5:1202 Dillard, Raymond B. Shemuel (PERSON) 1-2 5:1202-1203 Panitz, Raphael I. Shenazzar (PERSON) + 5:1203 Fuller, Russell Sheol. See Dead, Abode of the Shepham (PLACE) 5:1203 White, Sidnie Ann Shephatiah (PERSON) 1-9 + 5:1203 Berridge, John M. Shephelah (PLACE) + 5:1204 Brodsky, Harold Shepher, Mount (PLACE) 5:1204 White, Sidnie Ann Shepherd. See Sheep, Shepherd Shepherd of Hermas. See Hermas’ the Shepherd Shepho (PERSON) + 5:1204-1205 Matthews, Victor H. Shephupham (PERSON) + 5:1205 Graham, M. Patrick Sherd. See Pottery Sherebiah (PERSON) 1-3 + 5:1205-1207 Shearer, Rodney H. Sheresh (PERSON) 5:1207 Graham, M. Patrick Sheshai (PERSON) + 5:1207 Lowery, Kirk E. Sheshan (PERSON) + 5:1207 Steeger, William P. Sheshbazzar (PERSON) + 5:1207-1209 Eskenazi, Tamara C. Sheth (PERSON) 5:1209 Hutton, Rodney R. Shethar (PERSON) + 5:1209-1210 Bush, Frederic W. Shethar-Bozenai (PERSON) + 5:1210 Suiter, David E. Sheva (PERSON) 1-2 + 5:1210 Pisano, Stephen Shibah (PLACE) 5:1210 Baker, David W. Shibboleth + 5:1210-1212 Rendsburg, Gary A. Shihor (PLACE) + 5:1212 Betz, Arnold Shihor-Libnath (PLACE) + 5:1212-1213 Frankel, Rafael Shikkeron (PLACE) 5:1213 Kotter, Wade R. Shilhi (PERSON) 5:1213 Walsh, Jerome T. Shilhim (PLACE) + 5:1213 Ehrlich, Carl S. Shillem (PERSON) 5:1213 Mariottini, Claude F. Shiloah, Waters of (PLACE). See Siloam, Pool of (PLACE) Shiloh (PLACE). See also Seilun, Khirbet + 5:1213-1215 Halpern, Baruch Shilonite 1-2 5:1215-1216 Schmidt, Frederick W. Shilshah (PERSON) + 5:1216 O’Brien, Julia M. Shimea (PERSON) 1-4 5:1216 Howard, David M., Jr. Shimeah (PERSON) 1-2 5:1216 Howard, David M., Jr. Shimeath (PERSON) 5:1216 Lowery, Kirk E. Shimeathites 5:1216 Kennedy, James M. Shimeeah (PERSON). See Shimeah (PERSON) Shimei (PERSON) 1-16 + 5:1216-1217 Propp, William H. Shimeon (PERSON) 5:1217 Fager, Jeffrey A. Shimon (PERSON) 5:1217 Shimrath (PERSON) 5:1217-1218 Willett, Tom Wayne Shimri (PERSON) + 5:1218 Uitti, Roger W. Shimrith (PERSON) 5:1218 Lowery, Kirk E. Shimron (PERSON) 5:1218 Mariottini, Claude F. Shimron (PLACE) 5:1218-1219 Benjamin, Paul Shimron-Meron (PLACE) 1 5:1219 Kutsko, John F. Shimron-Meron (PLACE) 2 + 5:1219 Fritz, Volkmar Shimshai (PERSON) + 5:1219 Suiter, David E. Shin 5:1219 Shinab (PERSON) + 5:1219-1220 Astour, Michael C. Shinar (PLACE) + 5:1220 Davila, James R. Shion (PLACE) + 5:1220 Baker, David W.
- 93. ABD Article Index 92 Shiphi(PERSON) 5:1220 Evans, Craig A. Shiphmite 5:1220-1221 Nysse, Richard W. Shiphrah (PERSON) + 5:1221 Hostetter, Edwin C. Shiptan (PERSON) 5:1221 Panitz, Raphael I. Shisha (PERSON). See also Seraiah(PERSON) 1; Shavsha; Sheva 5:1221 Shishak (PERSON) + 5:1221-1222 Redford, Donald B. Shitrai (PERSON) 5:1222 Nysse, Richard W. Shittah Tree. See Flora Shittim (PLACE) + 5:1222-1223 Slayton, Joel C. Shiza (PERSON) + 5:1223 Fuller, Russell Shoa (PERSON) + 5:1223 Allen, Leslie C. Shobab (PERSON) 1-2 5:1223 Howard, David M., Jr. Shobach (PERSON) + 5:1223-1224 Bailey, Randall C. Shobai (PERSON) 5:1224 Swanson, Steven R. Shobal (PERSON) 1-3 + 5:1224 Knauf, Ernst Axel Shobek (PERSON) 5:1224 Schmidt, Frederick W. Shobi (PERSON) + 5:1224-1225 Dempster, Stephen G. Shoham (PERSON) 5:1225 Berry, Donald K. Shomer (PERSON) + 5:1225 O’Brien, Julia M. Shophach (PERSON). See Shobach (PERSON) Shovel 5:1225 Meyers, Carol Shua (PERSON) + 5:1225 Edelman, Diana Vikander Shuah (PERSON) + 5:1225-1226 Knauf, Ernst Axel Shual (PERSON) + 5:1226 Edelman, Diana Vikander Shual (PLACE) + 5:1226-1227 Edelman, Diana Vikander Shubael (PERSON). See Shebuel Shuhah (PERSON) 5:1227 Lo, Hing Choi Shuham (PERSON) 5:1227 de Groot van Houten, Christina Shuhite. See Shuah Shulammite + 5:1227 Huwiler, Elizabeth F. Shumathite 5:1227 Hostetter, Edwin C. Shuna (North), Tell esh- (M.R. 207224) + 5:1227-1228 Gustavson-Gaube, Carrie Shunem (PLACE) + 5:1228-1229 Huwiler, Elizabeth F. Shuni (PERSON) 5:1229 Mariottini, Claude F. Shuphamites. See Shephupham Shuppim (PERSON) 1-3 + 5:1229 Rogers, Jeffrey S. Shuqba Cave (M.R. 154154) 5:1229-1230 Bar-Yosef, Ofer Shur, Wilderness of (PLACE) + 5:1230 Seely, David R. Shuthelah (PERSON) + 5:1230 Davis, M. Stephen Sia (PERSON) + 6:1 Eskenazi, Tamara C. Sibbecai (PERSON) 6:1 Duke, Rodney K. Sibboleth. See Shibboleth Sibmah (PLACE) + 6:1-2 Franklyn, Paul Nimrah Sibraim (PLACE) + 6:2 Avalos, Hector Sibylline Oracles + 6:2-6 Collins, John J. Sickness and Disease + 6:6-15 Sussman, Max Sicyon (PLACE) + 6:15 Stambaugh, John E. Siddim, Valley of (PLACE) + 6:15-16 Astour, Michael C. Side (PLACE) + 6:16-17 Thompson, Henry O. Sidon (PERSON) 6:17 Schmitz, Philip C. Sidon (PLACE) + 6:17-18 Schmitz, Philip C. Siege Mound. See Weapons and Implements of Warfare Sigloi. See Coinage Sigma 6:18 Signet. See Jewelry, Ancient Israelite; Seals, Mesopotamian Signs/Semeia Source + 6:18-22 Fortna, Robert T. Sihon (PERSON) + 6:22 Slayton, Joel C. Silas (PERSON) + 6:22-23 Gillman, John L. Silla (PLACE) 6:23 Liid, Dale C. Siloam Inscription + 6:23-24 Coote, Robert B.
- 94. ABD Article Index 93 Siloam,Pool of (PLACE) + 6:24-26 Mare, W. Harold Silvanus (PERSON). See Silas (PERSON) Silvanus, Teachings of (NHC VII,4). See Teachings of Silvanus (NHC VII,4) Silver. See Jewelry, Ancient Israelite Silversmith, Demetrius the. See Demetrius (PERSON) Simeon (PERSON) 1-2 + 6:26 Jeansonne, Sharon Pace Simeon (PERSON) 3-6 + 6:26-28 Porter, Stanley E. Simile. See Psalms, Book of Simon (PERSON) 1-4 6:28 Carroll, Scott T. Simon (PERSON) 5 6:28-29 Rappaport, Uriel Simon (PERSON) 6-12 6:29 Carroll, Scott T. Simon (PERSON) 13 + 6:29-31 Stoops, Robert F., Jr. Simon (PERSON) 14-17 6:31 Carroll, Scott T. Simon Peter (DISCIPLE). See Peter (PERSON) Sin 6:31 Sin, Sinners: 6:31-47 (Old Testament) + 6:31-40 Cover, Robin C. (New Testament) + 6:40-47 Sanders, E. P. Sin, Wilderness of (PLACE) + 6:47 Seely, David R. Sinai, Mount (PLACE) + 6:47-49 Davies, G. I. Sinaiticus, Codex. See Codex (Sinaiticus) Sinaiticus, Syrus + 6:49-50 Charlesworth, James H. Sinites + 6:50-51 Baker, David W. Sinuhe, Tale of + 6:51 Foster, John L. Siphmoth (PLACE) 6:51 Kotter, Wade R. Sippai (PERSON). See Saph (PERSON) Sippor, Tel (M.R. 125118) + 6:51 Biran, Avraham Sirach, Book of Jesus Ben-. See Wisdom of Ben-Sira Sirah, Cistern of (PLACE) 6:51 Willett, Tom Wayne Sirion (PLACE) + 6:51-52 Baker, David W. Sirocco. See Palestine, Climate of 6:52 Sisera (PERSON) 1-2 + 6:52-53 Hauser, Alan J. Sisinnes (PERSON) + 6:53 Bowman, Craig D. Sismai (PERSON) 6:53-54 Steeger, William P. Sithri (PERSON) + 6:54 Hostetter, Edwin C. Sitnah (PLACE) 6:54 Weitzman, Steven Sivan. See also Calendars (Ancient Israelite and Early Jewish) 6:54 Six Hundred and Sixty-Six + 6:54-55 Watson, Duane F. Skepticism + 6:55-57 van der Toorn, Karel; Stadhouders, H.A.I. Slave Girl at Philippi (PERSON) + 6:57-58 O’Toole, Robert F. Slavery: 6:58-73 Ancient Near East + 6:58-62 Dandamayev, Muhammad A. Old Testament + 6:62-65 Dandamayev, Muhammad A. New Testament + 6:65-73 Bartchy, S. Scott Sling. See Weapons and Implements of Warfare Slothfulness. See Virtue/Vice Lists Smuggling. See Trade and Commerce (ANE) Smyrna (PLACE) + 6:73-75 Potter, David S. Snail. See Zoology Snake. See Zoology Snares. See Zoology Snuffers 6:75 Meyers, Carol So (PERSON) + 6:75-76 Meltzer, Edmund S. Sobata (M.R. 114032) + 6:76-79 Negev, Avraham Sociology: 6:79-99 Sociology of Ancient Israel + 6:79-89 Gottwald, Norman K. Sociology of Early Christianity + 6:89-99 Garrett, Susan R. Socoh (PERSON) 6:99 Lance, H. Darrell Socoh (PLACE) 1-4 + 6:99 Lance, H. Darrell Socrates + 6:99 Betz, Hans Dieter
- 95. ABD Article Index 94 Sodi(PERSON) 6:99 Paulien, Jon Sodom and Gomorrah (PLACE) + 6:99-103 Mulder, Martin Jan Sodom, Sea of (PLACE). See Salt Sea (PLACE) 6:103 Sojourner + 6:103-104 Spencer, John R. Solem (PLACE). See Shunem (PLACE) Solomon (PERSON) + 6:105-113 Ishida, Tomoo Solomon’s Portico (PLACE) 6:113 Smith, Robert Wayne Solomon’s Servants + 6:113-114 Healey, Joseph P. Solomon, Odes of + 6:114-115 Charlesworth, James H. Solomon, Psalms of + 6:115-117 Trafton, Joseph L. Solomon, Song of. See Song of Songs, Book of Solomon, Testament of + 6:117-119 Duling, Dennis C. Solomon, Wisdom of + 6:120-127 Winston, David Son. See Family Son of God + 6:128-137 Fossum, Jarl Son of Man + 6:137-150 Nickelsburg, George W. E. Song of Songs, Book of + 6:150-155 Murphy, Roland E. Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice + 6:155-156 Newsom, Carol A. Sons of God + 6:156-159 Byrne, Brendan Soothsayer. See Magic (OT) Sopater (PERSON) 6:159 Gillman, Florence Morgan Sophereth (PERSON) + 6:159 Eskenazi, Tamara C. Sophia of Jesus Christ (NHC III,4). See Eugnostos and the Sophia of Jesus Christ Sorcerer, Sorcery. See Magic (OT); Punishments and Crimes Soreg. See Temple, Jerusalem Sorek, Valley of (PLACE) 6:159-160 Ferris, Paul Wayne, Jr. Sores. See Sickness and Disease Sosipater (PERSON) 1-2 6:160 Gillman, Florence Morgan Sosthenes (PERSON) 6:160 Setzer, Claudia J. Sostratus (PERSON) + 6:160 Hardwick, Michael E. Sotai (PERSON) + 6:160-161 Eskenazi, Tamara C. Soul, Exegesis on the. See Exegesis on the Soul (NHC II,6) Souls, Pre-existence of + 6:161 Brown, S. Kent Source Criticism: 6:162-171 Old Testament + 6:162-165 John Barton New Testament + 6:165-171 Koch, Dietrich-Alex South 6:171 Drinkard, Joel F., Jr. South Arabia, Religion of + 6:171-176 Ryckmans, Jacques South Arabic Languages. See Languages (Pre-Islamic South Arabia) Spain (PLACE) + 6:176 Heard, Warren J., Jr. Span. See Weights and Measures Sparrow. See Zoology Sparta (PLACE) + 6:176-177 Heard, Warren J., Jr. Speech Impediment. See Sickness and Disease Spice. See Perfumes and Spices Spider. See Zoology Spikenard. See Flora Spirits in Prison + 6:177-178 Bauckham, Richard Spiritual Gifts. See Gifts, Spiritual Squid. See Zoology Stable, Stables + 6:178-183 Holladay, John S., Jr. Stachys (PERSON) 6:183 Lampe, Peter Stadia. See Weights and Measures Stag. See Zoology Stairs of the City of David (PLACE) + 6:183-184 Liid, Dale C. Stamps, Royal Jar Handle + 6:184-185 Lance, H. Darrell Stardisks. See Jewelry Statistical Research on the Bible + 6:185-206 Forbes, A. Dean Steles of Seth. See Seth, Three Steles of (NHC VII,5) Stephanas (PERSON) + 6:206-207 Gillman, John L.
- 96. ABD Article Index 95 Stephen(PERSON) + 6:207-210 Boismard, M.-É.; Prendergast, Terrence (trans.) Stirrup. See Zoology Stoics, Stoicism + 6:210-214 Schmeller, Thomas Stoning. See Punishments and Crimes; Stephen Storax-Gum. See Perfumes and Spices Stork. See Zoology Storm God, Semitic. See Hadad (DEITY) Strangling. See Punishments and Crimes Straton’s Tower (PLACE). See Caesarea (PLACE) Stroke. See Sickness and Disease Structuralism + 6:214-217 John Barton Suah (PERSON) + 6:217 O’Brien, Julia M. Subas (PERSON) + 6:217 Bowman, Craig D. Sucathites 6:217 Hostetter, Edwin C. Succession Narrative. See Court Narrative Succoth (PLACE) 1-2 + 6:217-218 Seely, Jo Ann H. Succoth-Benoth (DEITY) + 6:218 Herion, Gary A. Sud (PLACE) 6:218-219 Herion, Gary A. Sudias (PERSON) 6:219 Suetonius (PERSON) + 6:219 Rufe, Joan Brueggeman Suffering + 6:219-225 Simundson, Daniel J. Suicide + 6:225-231 Droge, Arthur J. Sukkoth. See also Calendars (Ancient Israelite and Early Jewish) 6:231 Sumer, Sumerians + 6:231-234 Cooper, Jerrold S. Sumerian Literature + 6:234-237 Hallo, William W. Sun + 6:237-239 van der Toorn, Karel Sun, City of the (PLACE) + 6:239 Schmitt, John J. Sunstroke. See Sickness and Disease Superstition + 6:239-241 Hodgson, Robert, Jr. Suph (PLACE) + 6:241 Huddlestun, John R. Suphah (PLACE) + 6:241-242 Huddlestun, John R. Supper, Last. See Last Supper, The Supper, Lord’s. See Lord’s Supper, The Sur (PLACE) 6:242 White, Sidnie Ann Sur Gate (PLACE) + 6:242 Liid, Dale C. Surety. See Law, Biblical and Ancient Near East; Debts Susa (PLACE) + 6:242-245 de Miroschedji, Pierre Susanna (PERSON) 1-2 + 6:245-246 Witherington, Ben, III Susanna, Book of + 6:246-247 Dayagi Mendels, Michal Susi (PERSON) 6:247 Brensinger, Terry L. Susiya, Khirbet (M.R. 159090) + 6:247-250 Negev, Avraham Swallow. See Zoology Swift. See Zoology Swine. See Zoology; Meal Customs (Jewish Dietary Laws) Sword. See Weapons and Implements of Warfare Sycamine. See Flora Sycamore Fig. See Flora Sychar (PLACE). See Jacob’s Well Syene (PLACE) + 6:250 Betz, Arnold Syllabic, Byblos. See Languages (Byblos Syllabic Inscriptions) Symmachus, Symmachus’s Version + 6:251 Greenspoon, Leonard J. Synagogal Prayers, Hellenistic. See Prayers, Hellenistic Synagogal Synagogue: 6:251-263 Introductory Survey + 6:251-260 Meyers, Eric M. Diaspora Synagogues + 6:260-263 Hachlili, Rachel Synagogue of the Freedman. See Freedman, Synagogue of the Synagogue, Rulers of the. See Rulers of the Synagogue Synoptic Problem + 6:263-270 Tuckett, C. M. Syntyche (PERSON) 6:270 Gillman, Florence Morgan Syracuse (PLACE) + 6:270-271 Betz, Arnold
- 97. ABD Article Index 96 Syria(PLACE): 6:271-281 Prehistoric Syria 6:271-274 Cauvin, Jacques; Rosoff, Stephen (trans.) Bronze Age and Iron Age Syria + 6:274-281 Dorneman, Rudolph H. Syriac Language. See Language (Introductory Survey); Language (Aramaic) Syriac Menander + 6:281-282 Baarda, Tjitze Syriac Psalms. See Psalms, Syriac (Apocryphal) Syriac Versions. See Versions, Ancient (Syriac Versions) Syriacus, Codex. See Sinaiticus, Syrus Syrian Christianity. See Christianity (In Syria) Syro-Ephraimite War + 6:282-285 Cazelles, Henri Syro-Hexapla + 6:285-286 Parker, D. C. Syro-Palestinian Archaeology. See Archaeology, Syro-Palestinian and Biblical Syro-Phoenician Woman (PERSON) + 6:286 Witherington, Ben, III Syrtis (PLACE) 6:286 Olson, Mark J. Taanach (PLACE) + 6:287-290 Glock, Albert E. Taanath-Shiloh (PLACE) + 6:290-291 Toews, Wesley Irwin Tabbaoth (PERSON) + 6:291 Eskenazi, Tamara C. Tabbath (PLACE) + 6:291-292 Thompson, Henry O. Tabeel (PERSON) 1-2 + 6:292 Hull, John H., Jr. Taberah (PLACE) 6:292 Baker, David W. Tabernacle + 6:292-300 Friedman, Richard Elliott Tabernacles, Festival of. See Booths, Feast of Tabgha (M.R. 200251) + 6:300-302 Rosenthal-Heginbottom, Renate Table Fellowship + 6:302-304 Smith, Dennis E. Tables of the Law + 6:304 Begg, Christopher T. Tablet. See Writing and Writing Materials Tabor (PLACE) + 6:304 Frankel, Rafael Tabor, Mount (PLACE) + 6:304-305 Frankel, Rafael Tabor, Oak of (PLACE) 6:305 Wei, Tom F. Tabrimmon (PERSON) 6:305 Viviano, Pauline A. Tacitus (PERSON) 6:305-307 Carroll, Scott T. Tadmor (PLACE) + 6:307 White, Sidnie Ann Tahan (PERSON) + 6:307 Davis, M. Stephen Tahash (PERSON) + 6:307 Hostetter, Edwin C. Tahath (PERSON) 1-3 + 6:307-308 Davis, M. Stephen Tahath (PLACE) 6:308 White, Sidnie Ann Tahchemonite + 6:308 Thompson, David L. Tahpanhes (PLACE) + 6:308-309 Jones, Richard N.; Fiema, Zbigniew T. Tahpenes (PERSON) + 6:309 Viviano, Pauline A. Tahrea (PERSON). See Tarea Talent. See also Weights and Measures 6:309 Talionis. See Lex Talionis Talitha Cumi 6:309-310 Wilcox, Max Tallit. See also Dress and Ornamentation 6:310 Talmai (PERSON) 1-2 6:310 Raabe, Paul R. Talmon (PERSON) + 6:310 Barnes, William Hamilton Talmud + 6:310-315 Porton, Gary G. Tamar (PERSON) 1-3 + 6:315 Oller, Gary H. Tamar (PLACE) 6:315-316 Lott, Jeffrey K. Tamara (M.R. 173048) + 6:316-317 Gichon, Mordechai Tamarisk. See Flora Tammuz. See also Calendar (Ancient Israelite and Early Jewish) 6:316 Tammuz (DEITY) 6:318 Handy, Lowell K. Tanakh 6:318 Tanhumeth (PERSON) 6:318-319 Bracke, John M. Tanis (PLACE). See Zoan 6:319 Tanna, Tannaim + 6:319 Kraemer, David Taphath (PERSON) 6:319 Schearing, Linda S. Tappuah (PERSON) 6:319 Hostetter, Edwin C. Tappuah (PLACE) 1-3 + 6:319-320 Kotter, Wade R.
- 98. ABD Article Index 97 Taralah(PLACE) + 6:320 White, Sidnie Ann Tarea (PERSON) + 6:320 Brettler, Marc Zvi Tares. See Flora Targum, Targumim + 6:320-331 Alexander, Philip S. Tarshish (PERSON) 1-3 + 6:331 Bush, Frederic W. Tarshish (PLACE) + 6:331-333 Baker, David W. Tarsus (PLACE) + 6:333-334 Gasque, W. Ward Tartak (DEITY) + 6:334-335 Handy, Lowell K. Tartan 6:335 Grayson, A. Kirk Tassel. See Dress and Ornamentation Tatian + 6:335-336 Edwards, O. C., Jr. Tattenai (PERSON) + 6:336 Suiter, David E. Tau 6:336 Taverner’s Bible. See Versions, English (Pre-1900) Taverns, Three (PLACE). See Three Taverns Taw 6:336 Tawilan (M.R. 196972) + 6:336-337 Hart, Stephen Tax Collector + 6:337-338 Donahue, John R. Tax Office + 6:338 Snell, Daniel C. Taxes and Taxation + 6:338-340 Snell, Daniel C. Teacher of Righteousness (Halachic Letter). See Miqsat Ma‘ase Hatorah (4QMMT) Teachers of Righteousness + 6:340-341 Murphy-O’Connor, Jerome Teachings of Silvanus (NHC VII,4) + 6:341-343 Schoedel, William R. Tebah (PERSON) 6:343 Hostetter, Edwin C. Tebaliah (PERSON) + 6:343 Rogers, Jeffrey S. Tebeth. See also Calendar (Ancient Israelite and Early Jewish) 6:343 Tefillin. See Phylacteries Tehillim. See Psalms, Book of Tehinnah (PERSON) 6:343 Lo, Hing Choi Tekoa (PLACE) + 6:343-344 Axelsson, Lars A. Tel-Abib (PLACE) 6:344 Kobayashi, Yoshitaka Tel-Assar (PLACE) + 6:344-345 Kobayashi, Yoshitaka Tel-Harsha (PLACE) 6:345 Kobayashi, Yoshitaka Tel-Melah (PLACE) 6:345 Kobayashi, Yoshitaka Telah (PERSON) 6:345 Kennedy, James M. Telaim (PLACE) 6:345 Dyck, Elmer H. Teleilât el-Ghassûl. See Ghassul, Tuleilat el- Telem (PERSON) 6:345-346 Fager, Jeffrey A. Telem (PLACE). See Telaim Telharsha (PLACE). See Tel-Harsha Tell/Tel 6:346 Telmelah (PLACE). See Tel-Melah Tema (PERSON) 6:346 Tema (PLACE) + 6:346-347 Knauf, Ernst Axel Temah (PERSON) 6:347 Swanson, Steven R. Teman (PERSON) + 6:347-348 Knauf, Ernst Axel Temanite 6:348 Knauf, Ernst Axel Temeni (PERSON) 6:348 Lo, Hing Choi Temple of Olympian Zeus. See Olympian Zeus, Temple of Temple Scroll + 6:348-350 Schiffman, Lawrence H. Temple, Jerusalem 6:350-369 Meyers, Carol Temples and Sanctuaries: 6:369-382 Egypt + 6:369-372 Ward, William A. Mesopotamia + 6:372-376 Robertson, John F. Syria-Palestine + 6:376-380 Dever, William G. Greco-Roman Temples + 6:380-382 Cole, Susan Guettel Temptation of Jesus + 6:382-383 Collins, Raymond F. Ten Commandments + 6:383-387 Collins, Raymond F. Ten Lost Tribes. See Lost Tribes, The Tenons 6:387 Meyers, Carol
- 99. ABD Article Index 98 Tentof Meeting. See Tabernacle Tenth Part (of an Ephah). See Weights and Measures Tephon (PLACE) + 6:387 Kampen, John Terah (PERSON) + 6:387-388 Hess, Richard S. Terah (PLACE) 6:388 Hess, Richard S. Terebinth. See Flora Teresh (PERSON) 6:388 Bedford, Peter Terqumiyeh. See Iphtah (PLACE) Terror on Every Side + 6:388-389 Bracke, John M. Tertius (PERSON) 6:389 Gillman, Florence Morgan Tertullian + 6:389-391 Groh, Dennis E. Tertullus (PERSON) + 6:391 Martin, Thomas W. Testimonia (4QTestim) + 6:391-392 Brooke, George J. Testimony of Truth. See Truth, Testimony of (NHC IX, 3) Tet 6:392 Tetragrammaton in the New Testament 6:392-393 Howard, George E. Tetrarch. See Palestine, Administration of (Roman) Tetter. See Leprosy Texts. See Ebla Texts; Hittite Texts and Literature; Mari (Texts); Nag Hammadi Codices; Ugarit (Texts and Literature); and Wadi Murabbaat (Texts). See also Letters; and Epigraphy, Transjordanian Textual Criticism: 6:393-435 Old Testament + 6:393-412 Tov, Emanuel New Testament + 6:412-435 Epp, Eldon Jay Textual Glosses. See Glosses, Textual Textus Receptus + 6:435 Revell, E. J. Thaddeus (PERSON) 6:435 Watson, JoAnn Ford Thaddeus, Acts of. See Abgar, Epistle of Christ to Thamudic Language. See Languages (Introductory Survey) Thanksgiving + 6:435-438 Wolff, Christian; Fuller, Reginald H. (trans.) Thanksgiving Hymns (1QH) + 6:438-441 van der Minde, Hans-Jürgen; Callaway, Phillip R. (trans.) Thanksgiving, The Prayer of (NHC VI,7) + 6:441 Jackson, Howard Tharra (PERSON) 6:441 Herion, Gary A. Thassi 6:441-442 Rappaport, Uriel Theater. See Art and Architecture Thebes (PLACE) + 6:442-443 Redford, Donald B. Thebez (PLACE) 6:443 Dyck, Elmer H. Theft. See Punishments and Crimes (OT and ANE) Thekla, Acts of + 6:443-444 MacDonald, Dennis Ronald Theodicy + 6:444-447 Crenshaw, James L. Theodotion, Theodotion’s Version + 6:447-448 Greenspoon, Leonard J. Theodotus (PERSON) 1-5 6:448 Carroll, Scott T. Theology: 6:448-483 Old Testament + 6:449-473 Lemke, Werner E. New Testament + 6:473-483 Morgan, Robert Theology (Biblical), History of + 6:483-505 Reventlow, Henning Graf; Cryer, Frederick (trans.) Theophany in the OT + 6:505-511 Hiebert, Theodore Theophilus (PERSON) + 6:511-512 O’Toole, Robert F. Theophoric Names. See Names, Theophoric Theories of Translation + 6:512-515 Nida, Eugene A. Theras (PLACE). See Ahava (PLACE) Thessalonians, First and Second Epistles to the + 6:515-523 Krentz, Edgar M. Thessalonica (PLACE) + 6:523-527 Hendrix, Holland L. Theta 6:527 Theudas (PERSON) + 6:527-528 Jefford, Clayton N. Thiasos. See Associations, Clubs, Thiasoi Thisbe (PLACE) 6:528 Herion, Gary A. Thistle. See Flora Thomas (PERSON) + 6:528-529 Collins, Raymond F. Thomas the Contender, Book of (NHC II,7) + 6:529-530 Turner, John D. Thomas, Acts of + 6:531-534 Attridge, Harold W.
- 100. ABD Article Index 99 Thomas,Apocalypse of + 6:534 Thomason, Dana Andrew Thomas, Gospel of (NHC II,2) + 6:535-540 Cameron, Ron Thomas, The Infancy Gospel of + 6:540-544 Mirecki, Paul Allan Thorn. See Flora Thought of Norea. See Norea, Thought of (NHC IX,2) Thracia (PLACE) + 6:544 Heard, Warren J., Jr. Three Steles of Seth. See Seth, Three Steles of (NHC VII,5) Three Taverns (PLACE) 6:544 Wineland, John D. Threshing. See Agriculture Threshold + 6:544-545 Meyers, Carol Throne, Hall of the (PLACE). See Judgement, Hall of (PLACE) Thunder, Perfect Mind, The (NHC VI,2) + 6:545-546 Buckley, Jorunn Jacobsen Thutmose (PERSON). See Egypt, History of (New Kingdom: 18th-20th Dynasty) Thyatira (PLACE) + 6:546 Stambaugh, John E. Tiamat (DEITY) + 6:546-547 Handy, Lowell K. Tiberias (PLACE) + 6:547-549 Strange, James F. Tiberius (EMPEROR) 6:549-550 Carroll, Scott T. Tibhath (PLACE) 6:550 Roth, Ray Lee Tibni (PERSON) + 6:550-551 Cuffey, Kenneth Hugh Tidal (PERSON) + 6:551-552 Astour, Michael C. Tiglath-Pileser (PERSON) 6:552 Grayson, A. Kirk Tikvah (PERSON) 1-2 + 6:552 Fager, Jeffrey A. Tilon (PERSON) 6:552-553 Smith, David Channing Timaeus (PERSON) 6:553 Watson, JoAnn Ford Timna (PERSON) 1-2 + 6:553 Williams, David Salter Timna‘ (PLACE) + 6:553-556 Manor, Dale W. Timnah (PLACE) + 6:556-557 Kotter, Wade R. Timnath (PLACE) + 6:557 Kampen, John Timnath-Heres (PLACE) 6:557-558 Weeks, Harry R. Timon (PERSON) + 6:558 Paulien, Jon Timothy (PERSON) + 6:558-560 Gillman, John L. Timothy and Titus, Epistles to + 6:560-571 Quinn, Jerome D. Tiphsah (PERSON). See Tappuah (PERSON) Tiphsah (PLACE) 1-2 6:571 Hull, John H., Jr. Tiras (PERSON) + 6:571-572 Baker, David W. Tirathites 6:572 Hostetter, Edwin C. Tirhakah (PERSON) + 6:572-573 Redford, Donald B. Tirhanah (PERSON) 6:573 Hostetter, Edwin C. Tiria (PERSON) 6:573 Lo, Hing Choi Tirzah (PERSON) 6:573 Taylor, Marion Ann ; Taylor, J. Glen Tirzah (PLACE) + 6:573-577 Manor, Dale W. Tishbe (PLACE) + 6:577-578 Walsh, Jerome T. Tishbite 6:578 Walsh, Jerome T. Tishri. See also Calendars (Ancient Israelite and Early Jewish) 6:578 Titans 6:578 White, Sidnie Ann Tithe + 6:578-580 Wilson, J. Christian Titles, Divine. See Names of God in the OT Titus (EMPEROR) + 6:580-581 Jones, Brian W. Titus (PERSON) + 6:581-582 Gillman, John L. Titus Manius (PERSON). See Manius, Titus (PERSON) Titus, Epistle to. See Timothy and Titus, Epistles to Tizite 6:582-583 Uitti, Roger W. Toah (PERSON) 6:583 Willett, Tom Wayne Tob (PLACE) + 6:583 Redditt, Paul L. Tobadonijah (PERSON) + 6:583 Lowery, Kirk E. Tobiah (PERSON) 1-3 + 6:584-585 Eskenazi, Tamara C. Tobias (PERSON) 1-2 + 6:585 Schmidt, Frederick W. Tobiel (PERSON) + 6:585 Schmidt, Frederick W. Tobijah (PERSON) 1-2 6:585 Lowery, Kirk E. Tobit, Book of + 6:585-594 Moore, Carey A.
- 101. ABD Article Index 100 Tochen(PLACE) 6:594 Kotter, Wade R. Toga. See Dress and Ornamentation Togarmah (PERSON) + 6:594-595 Baker, David W. Toggle-Pin. See Jewelry, Ancient Israelite Tohu (PERSON) 6:595 Petter, Gerald J. Toi (PERSON) + 6:595 Pitard, Wayne T. Tokhath (PERSON). See Kohath (PERSON) Tola (PERSON) 1-2 + 6:595-596 Boling, Robert G. Tolad (PLACE). See Eltolad Tongues, Gift of + 6:596-600 Johnson, Luke Timothy Tophel (PLACE) 6:600 Younker, Randall W. Topheth (PLACE) + 6:600-601 Schmitz, Philip C. Toponyms and Toponymy + 6:601-605 Knauf, Ernst Axel Torah (Pentateuch) + 6:605-622 Friedman, Richard Elliott Tou (PERSON). See Toi (PERSON) Toubiani + 6:622 Redditt, Paul L. Towers + 6:622-624 Banning, Edward B. Town Clerk. See City Authorities Trachonitis (PLACE) + 6:624-625 Smith, Robert Wayne Trade and Commerce: 6:625-633 Ancient Near East + 6:625-629 Snell, Daniel C. Roman Empire + 6:629-633 Sidebotham, Steven E. Tradition History + 6:633-638 Knight, Douglas A. Tradition of the Elders + 6:638-639 Setzer, Claudia J. Trajan (EMPEROR) + 6:639-640 Jones, Brian W. Trance. See Mysticism Transfiguration + 6:640-642 Chilton, Bruce Transjordan + 6:642-643 Thompson, Henry O. Transjordanian Epigraphy. See Epigraphy, Transjordanian Translation of the Bible. See Theories of Translation; Versions Traps. See Zoology Travel and Communication: 6:644-653 The Old Testament World + 6:644-648 Beitzel, Barry J. The New Testament World + 6:648-653 Bruce, Frederick Fyvie Travelers, Valley of the (PLACE) + 6:653 Ferch, Arthur J. Tray 6:653 Meyers, Carol Treason. See Punishments and Crimes (OT and ANE) Treaties in the ANE + 6:653-656 Barré, Michael L. Treatise of Seth. See Seth, Second Treatise of the Great (NHC VII,2) Treatise of Shem. See Shem, Treatise of Treatise on the Resurrection. See Resurrection, Treatise on the (NHC I,4) Tree of Knowledge and Tree of Life + 6:656-660 Wallace, Howard N. Trial of Jesus + 6:660-663 Prendergast, Terrence Tribe. See Family Tribes, Lost. See Lost Tribes, The Tribulation, The. See Millennium; Eschatology (Early Christian) Tribute. See Taxes and Taxation Trimorphic Protennoia (NHC XIII,1) + 6:663-664 Robinson, Gesine M. Tripartite Tractate (NHC I,5) + 6:664-665 Attridge, Harold W. Tripolis (PLACE) 6:665 Smith, Robert Wayne Trismegistos (Hermes). See Hermes Trismegistos Triumphal Entry. See Passion Narratives Troas (PLACE) + 6:666-667 Yamauchi, Edwin M. Trogyllium (PLACE) + 6:667 Heard, Warren J., Jr. Trophimus (PERSON) + 6:667-668 Paulien, Jon Trumpets. See Music and Musical Instruments Truth, Gospel of (NHC I,3; XII,2) + 6:668 Brown, S. Kent Truth, Testimony of (NHC IX,3) + 6:668-669 Pearson, Birger A. Tryphaena and Tryphosa (PERSONS) 6:669 Lampe, Peter Trypho (PERSON) + 6:669 Pacwa, Mitchell C.
- 102. ABD Article Index 101 Trypho,Dialogue with. See Justin Martyr Tryphosa (PERSON). See Tryphaena and Tryphosa Tubal (PERSON) + 6:670 Baker, David W. Tubal-Cain (PERSON) + 6:670 Hess, Richard S. Tubas (PLACE). See Thebez Tuleilat el-Batashi (PLACE). See Batashi, Tuleilat el- Tuleilat el-Ghassul. See Ghassul, Tuleilat el- Tumors. See Sickness and Disease Tunic. See Dress and Ornamentation Turban. See Dress and Ornamentation Turtledove. See Zoology Twelve, The + 6:670-671 Collins, Raymond F. Twined Linen + 6:671 Meyers, Carol Two-Gospel Hypothesis + 6:671-679 Dungan, David L. Two-Source Hyphothesis + 6:679-682 Boismard, M.-É.; Prendergast, Terrence (trans.) Tychicus (PERSON) + 6:682 Gillman, John L. Typology + 6:682-685 Alsup, John E. Tyrannus (PERSON) + 6:686 Yamauchi, Edwin M. Tyre (PLACE): 6:686-692 A-C 6:686-690 Katzenstein, H. J. D Tyre in the Greco-Roman Period 6:690-691 Edwards, Douglas R. Bibliography 6:691-692 Katzenstein, H. J.; Edwards, Douglas R. Tyre, Ladder of. See Ladder of Tyre Tyropoeon Valley (PLACE) 6:692 Smith, Robert Wayne ’Ubaid. See al ’Ubaid Ubeidiya (M.R. 205232) 6:693 Bar-Yosef, Ofer Ucal (PERSON) + 6:693-694 Berry, Donald K. Udhruh (M.R. 207971) + 6:694 Killick, Alistair Uel (PERSON) 6:694-695 Fager, Jeffrey A. Ugarit (35º35'N; 35º45'E): 6:695-721 History and Archaeology + 6:695-706 Yon, Marguerite; Rosoff, Stephen (trans.) Texts and Literature + 6:706-721 Pardee, D. ; Bordreuil, Pierre ‘Ula, al- (PLACE). See Dedan (PLACE) Ulai (PLACE) + 6:721 Arnold, Bill T. Ulam (PERSON) 1-2 + 6:721-722 Graham, M. Patrick Ulcer. See Sickness and Disease Ulla (PERSON) 6:722 O’Brien, Julia M. ‘Umeiri, Tell el- (M.R. 234142) + 6:722-724 Geraty, Lawrence T.; Herr, Larry G. Umm al-Biyara (M.R. 191970) + 6:724-725 Hart, Stephen Umm el-Jimal (39º19'N; 36º22'E) + 6:725-728 de Vries, Bert Ummah (PLACE) 6:728 White, Sidnie Ann Unclean and Clean: 6:729-745 Old Testament + 6:729-741 Wright, David P. New Testament + 6:741-745 Hübner, Hans; Thomas, Ronald B., Jr. (trans.) Underworld. See Dead, Abode of the; Hades, Hell; Descent to the Underworld Unforgivable Sin 6:745-746 Everts, Janet Meyer Unity/Unity of Humanity + 6:746-753 Taylor, Walter F., Jr. Universe. See Cosmogony, Cosmology Unknown God, Inscription to the + 6:753-755 Wachob, Wesley Hiram Unleavened Bread and Passover, Feasts of + 6:755-765 Bokser, Baruch M. Unni (PERSON) 1-2 6:765 Dillard, Raymond B. Unno (PERSON) 6:765 Kutsko, John F. Uphaz (PLACE) + 6:765 Baker, David W. Upper Gate (PLACE) + 6:765 Liid, Dale C. Upsilon 6:766 Ur (PERSON) 6:766 Fuller, Russell Ur (PLACE) + 6:766-767 Margueron, Jean-Claude; Rosoff, Stephen (trans.) Urartian Language. See Languages (Introductory Survey) Urartu (PLACE). See Ararat (PLACE) Urbanus (PERSON) 6:767 Lampe, Peter
- 103. ABD Article Index 102 Uri(PERSON) 1-3 + 6:767 Fager, Jeffrey A. Uriah (PERSON) 1-6 + 6:767-769 Althann, Robert Uriel (ANGEL) + 6:769 Newsom, Carol A. Uriel (PERSON) 1-2 6:769-770 Dillard, Raymond B. Usury. See Interest and Usury Uthai (PERSON) 1-3 + 6:770 Shearer, Rodney H. Uz (PLACE) + 6:770-771 Knauf, Ernst Axel ‘Uza, Horvat (M.R. 165068) + 6:771-775 Beit-Arieh, Itzhaq Uzai (PERSON) 6:775 Ruffin, Michael L. Uzal (PERSON) + 6:775-776 Müller, Walter W. Uzzah (PERSON) 1-4 6:776 Thompson, David L. Uzzen-Sheerah (PLACE) 6:776 Davis, M. Stephen Uzzi (PERSON) 1-7 6:776-777 Hutton, Rodney R. Uzzia (PERSON) + 6:777 Fuller, Russell Uzziah (PERSON) 1 + 6:777-779 Kuntz, J. Kenneth Uzziah (PERSON) 2-6 6:779 Perkins, Larry J. Uzziel (PERSON) 1-6 + 6:779-780 Hutton, Rodney R. Vaizatha (PERSON) + 6:781 Bedford, Peter Valentinian Exposition (NHC XI,2) + 6:781-783 Turner, John D. Valentinus + 6:783-784 Mirecki, Paul Allan Valley Gate (PLACE) + 6:784-785 Liid, Dale C. Vaniah (PERSON) 6:785 Fager, Jeffrey A. Vashti (PERSON) + 6:785 McKenna, John E. Vaticanus. See Codex (Codex Vaticanus) Vegetables. See Flora Veil. See Dress and Ornamentation Veil of the Temple + 6:785-786 Meyers, Carol Vengeance + 6:786-787 Pitard, Wayne T. Verse, Hebrew. See Parallelism Versions, Ancient. 6:787-813 See also Aquila’s Version; Aristeas, Letter of; Diatessaron; Hexapla of Origen; Septuagint; Symmachus, Symmachus’s Version; Syro-Hexapla; Targum, Targumim; Theodotion, Theodotion’s Version; Vulgate; See also Textual Criticism; Dead Sea Scrolls; Nag Hammadi; and Wadi Murabbaat. See also Languages Introductory Survey + 6:787-793 Birdsall, James Neville Greek Versions + 6:793-794 Greenspoon, Leonard J. Syriac Versions + 6:794-799 Brock, Sebastian Paul Latin Versions + 6:799-803 Bogaert, Pierre-Maurice Coptic Versions + 6:803 Mills, Watson E. Gothic Versions + 6:803-805 Birdsall, James Neville Armenian Versions + 6:805-808 Alexanian, Joseph M. Ethiopic Versions + 6:808-810 Zuurmond, Rochus Georgian Versions + 6:810-813 Birdsall, James Neville Versions, Catholic + 6:813-816 Collins, Raymond F. Versions, English. 6:816-838 See also Theory of Translation; Versions, American; Versions, Catholic; Versions, Jewish; and Versions, Modern Era Pre-1960 English Versions + 6:816-829 Lewis, Jack P. Wycliffe’s Version + 6:830 Lewis, Jack P. Authorized Versions + 6:830-832 Lewis, Jack P. King James Version + 6:832-834 Lewis, Jack P. American Versions + 6:834-838 Frerichs, Ernest S. Versions, Jewish + 6:838-842 Orlinsky, Harry M. Versions, Modern Era + 6:842-851 Grether, Herbert G. Vespasian (EMPEROR) + 6:851-853 Milns, R.D. Vessels. See Pottery Vestibule. See Temple, Jerusalem Vices. See Virtue/Vice Lists Vine. See Flora Viper. See Zoology Virgin + 6:853-854 Schmitt, John J. Virgin Mary. See Mary, Mother of Jesus
- 104. ABD Article Index 103 Virgin,Apocalypses of the + 6:854-856 Bauckham, Richard Virgin, Assumption of the + 6:856-857 Esbroeck, Michel V. Virtue/Vice Lists + 6:857-859 Fitzgerald, John T. Vision. See Prophecy; Mysticism Vophsi (PERSON) 6:859-860 Paulien, Jon Vulgar Language. See Bible, Euphemism and Dysphemism in the Vulgate + 6:860-862 Parker, D. C. Vulture. See Zoology Wadi 6:863 Wadi Murabbaat (M.R. 110185): 6:863-864 Archaeology + 6:863-864 Murphy-O’Connor, Jerome Texts + 6:864 O’Brien, Julia M. Wadi Musa (M.R. 196970) + 6:864-865 Knauf, Ernst Axel Wafer 6:865 Meyers, Carol; Flesher, Paul V. M. Waheb (PLACE) + 6:865 Ferch, Arthur J. Wailing Wall. See Temple, Jerusalem Walls. See Fortifications (Levant) Wanting and Desiring + 6:866-867 Schunck, Klaus-Dietrich; Callaway, Phillip (trans.) War and Warfare. See Weapons and Implements of Warfare; Military Organization in Mesopotamia; Deuteronomy, Book of War in the NT + 6:867-875 Klassen, William War Rule (1QM) + 6:875-876 Davies, Philip R. Warrior, Divine + 6:876-880 Hiebert, Theodore Wars of the Lord, Book of the + 6:880 Christensen, Duane L. Washingtonianus. See Codex (Codex Washingtonianus) Wasm (Camel Brand) + 6:880-882 King, Geraldine Waten, Khirbet el-. See Moladah (PLACE) Water for Impurity + 6:882 Wright, David P. Water Gate (PLACE) + 6:882-883 Suiter, David E. Water Works + 6:883-893 Oleson, John Peter Waters of Megiddo. See Megiddo, Waters of Waters of Merom. See Merom, Waters of Wave Offering. See Sacrifice and Sacrificial Offerings Waw 6:893 Weapons and Implements of Warfare + 6:893-895 Fretz, Mark J. Weasel. See Zoology Weather. See Palestine, Climate of Wedding. See Marriage Weeds. See Agriculture Week. See Calendars Weeks, Festival of + 6:895-897 VanderKam, James C. Weights and Measures + 6:897-908 Powell, Marvin A. West 6:908 Drinkard, Joel F., Jr. West Semitic Languages. See Languages (Introductory Survey) Western Sea (PLACE) + 6:908-909 Lubetski, Meir Western Text + 6:909-912 Epp, Eldon Jay Western Wall. See Temple, Jerusalem Wheat. See Agriculture; Flora Widow. See Levirate Law Wife. See Family Wild Goat, Wild Ox. See Zoology Wilderness Wanderings + 6:912-914 Davies, G. I. Will of God in the OT + 6:914-920 Fretheim, Terence E. Willow. See Flora Willows, Brook of the (PLACE) + 6:920 Ferch, Arthur J. Wind. See Palestine, Climate of Winnowing. See Agriculture Wisdom in the OT + 6:920-931 Murphy, Roland E. Wisdom of Ben-Sira + 6:931-945 Di Lella, Alexander A. Wisdom, Book of. See Solomon, Wisdom of Wise Men. See Infancy Narratives in the NT Gospels
- 105. ABD Article Index 104 Witchcraft.See Magic (OT) Withered Hand. See Sickness and Disease Witness, Altar of (PLACE) 6:945 Willett, Tom Wayne Wizard. See Magic (OT) Woe: 6:945-947 OT "Woe" Oracles 6:945-946 Clements, Ronald E. "Woe" in the NT 6:946-947 Collins, Raymond F. Bibliography 6:947 Clements, Ronald E.; Collins, Raymond F. Wolf. See Zoology Women: 6:947-961 Mesopotamia + 6:947-951 Harris, Rivkah Old Testament 6:951-957 Bird, Phyllis A. New Testament + 6:957-961 Witherington, Ben, III Wood. See Flora Wool. See Dress and Ornamentation; Zoology Word of God + 6:961-968 Fretheim, Terence E. Wordplay, Hebrew + 6:968-971 Greenstein, Edward L. Words of the Luminaries (4QDibHam) + 6:971-972 Davies, Philip R. Works of God 6:972 Minear, Paul S. World, On the Origin of (NHC II,5) + 6:972-973 Perkins, Pheme Worm. See Zoology Wormwood + 6:973 Reddish, Mitchell G. Worship, Early Christian + 6:973-989 Aune, David E. Wrath of God: 6:989-998 Old Testament + 6:989-996 Herion, Gary A. New Testament + 6:996-998 Travis, Stephen H. Wreath 6:998 Meyers, Carol Writing and Writing Materials + 6:999-1008 Lemaire, André Wyclif’s Version. See Versions, English (Wycliffe’s Version) Xanthicus + 6:1009 Kampen, John Xerxes (PERSON) + 6:1009-1010 Young, T. Cuyler, Jr. Xi 6:1010 Yael, Ein. See Rephaim, Valley of Yahudiya, el- (PLACE). See Jehud (PLACE) Yahweh (DEITY) + 6:1011-1012 Thompson, Henry O. Yahweh, Day of. See Day of Yahweh Yahwist ("J") Source + 6:1012-1020 de Pury, Albert Ya‘nin, Khirbet. See Neiel (PLACE) 6:1020 Yavneh (PLACE). See Jamnia (Jabneh), Council of 6:1020 Yavneh-Yam (M.R. 121147) + 6:1020-1021 Kaplan, Jacob Year. See Calendars Yeast. See Meal Customs (Jewish Dietary Laws) Yeruham, Mount (M.R. 139045) + 6:1021 Kochavi, Moshe Yiftahel (M.R. 171240) + 6:1021-1023 Braun, Eliot Yin‘am, Tel (M.R. 198235) + 6:1023 Liebowitz, Harold A. Yiron (PLACE) + 6:1024 Arav, Rami Yod 6:1024 Yohanan Ben Zakkai + 6:1024-1026 Porton, Gary G. Yoke + 6:1026-1027 Tyer, Charles L. Yokefellow (PERSON) + 6:1027 Gillman, Florence Morgan Yom Kippur. See Day of Atonement Yoqneam, Tell. See Jokneam (PLACE) Yuttah (PLACE). See Juttah (PLACE) Zaanan (PLACE) + 6:1029 Luker, Lamontte M. Zaanannim (PLACE) 6:1029 White, Sidnie Ann Zaavan (PERSON) 6:1029 Matthews, Victor H. Zabad (PERSON) 1-7 + 6:1030 Eades, Keith L. Zabadeans + 6:1030-1031 Kasher, Aryeh Zabbai (PERSON) 1-2 6:1031 Fager, Jeffrey A. Zabdi (PERSON) 1-4 6:1031 Nysse, Richard W.
- 106. ABD Article Index 105 Zabdiel(PERSON) 1-3 6:1031-1032 Hardwick, Michael E. Zabud (PERSON) 6:1032 McMillion,Phillip E. Zabulon. See Zebulun Zaccai (PERSON) 6:1032 Bergdall, Chaney R. Zacchaeus (PERSON) + 6:1032-1033 O’Toole, Robert F. Zaccur (PERSON) 1-10 + 6:1033-1034 Eades, Keith L. Zadok (PERSON) 1 + 6:1034-1036 Ramsey, George W. Zadok (PERSON) 2 + 6:1036 Porter, Stanley E. Zadokite Fragments (Damascus Document) + 6:1036-1038 Schiffman, Lawrence H. Zaham (PERSON) + 6:1038 Kennedy, James M. Zair (PLACE) + 6:1038-1039 Liwak, Rüdiger Zalaph (PERSON) 6:1039 Williams, Nora A. Zalmon (PERSON) 6:1039 Schley, Donald G. Zalmon (PLACE) 6:1039 Schley, Donald G. Zalmonah (PLACE) 6:1039 Lott, Jeffrey K. Zalmunna (PERSON) 6:1039 Zanoah (PLACE) 1-2 + 6:1039 Kotter, Wade R. Zaphenath-Paneah (PERSON) 6:1040 Oller, Gary H. Zaphon (PLACE) + 6:1040 Franklyn, Paul Nimrah Zaphon, Mount (PLACE) + 6:1040-1041 Avalos, Hector Zarephath (PLACE) + 6:1041 Roth, Ray Lee Zarethan (PLACE) + 6:1041-1043 Thompson, Henry O. Zarius (PERSON) 6:1043 Bowman, Craig D. Zattu (PERSON) 6:1043 Swanson, Steven R. Zayin 6:1043 Zaza (PERSON) 6:1043 Steeger, William P. Zealots + 6:1043-1054 Rhoads, David Zebadiah (PERSON) 1-9 + 6:1054-1055 Eades, Keith L. Zebah and Zalmunna (PERSONS) + 6:1055 Mendenhall, George E. Zebedee (PERSON) 6:1055 Watson, JoAnn Ford Zebidah (PERSON) 6:1055 Schearing, Linda S. Zebina (PERSON) 6:1055 Fager, Jeffrey A. Zeboiim (PLACE) + 6:1055-1056 Pressler, Carolyn J. Zeboim (PLACE) 1-2 6:1056 Arnold, Patrick M. Zebul (PERSON) + 6:1056 Lowery, Kirk E. Zebulun (PERSON) + 6:1056-1057 Jeansonne, Sharon Pace Zechariah (PERSON) 1-30 + 6:1057-1060 Wright, John W. Zechariah (PERSON) 31 + 6:1060-1061 Watson, JoAnn Ford Zechariah, Book of: 6:1061-1068 Zechariah 1-8 + 6:1061-1065 Meyers, Carol; Meyers, Eric M. Zechariah 9-14 + 6:1065-1068 Petersen, David L. Zecher (PERSON). See Zechariah (PERSON) Zedad (PLACE) + 6:1068 Thompson, Henry O. Zedekiah (PERSON) 1-6 + 6:1068-1071 Althann, Robert Zeeb (PERSON). See Oreb and Zeeb 6:1071 Zeiraqoun, Khirbet (M.R. 239222) + 6:1071-1072 Ibrahim, Moawiyah M.; Mittmann, Siegfried Zela (PLACE) + 6:1072 Edelman, Diana Vikander Zelek (PERSON) + 6:1072 Thompson, David L. Zelophehad (PERSON) + 6:1072-1073 Taylor, Marion Ann ; Taylor, J. Glen Zelzah (PLACE) + 6:1073-1074 Edelman, Diana Vikander Zemaraim (PLACE) 1-2 + 6:1074 Toews, Wesley Irwin Zemarites + 6:1074 Baker, David W. Zemer (PLACE) 6:1074 Roth, Ray Lee Zemirah (PERSON) 6:1074 Willett, Tom Wayne Zenan (PLACE) + 6:1074 Kotter, Wade R. Zenas (PERSON) + 6:1074-1075 Gillman, John L. Zephaniah (PERSON) 1-4 + 6:1075 Berridge, John M. Zephaniah, Apocalypse of + 6:1075-1077 Wintermute, Orval S. Zephaniah, Book of + 6:1077-1080 Kselman, John S. Zephath (PLACE) 6:1080 Baker, David W.
- 107. ABD Article Index 106 Zephathah(PLACE) + 6:1080 Willett, Tom Wayne Zepho (PERSON) 6:1080 Hübner, Ulrich Zephon (PERSON) 6:1080 de Groot van Houten, Christina Zephonites. See Ziphion 6:1080 Zer (PLACE) 6:1080 Frankel, Rafael Zerah (PERSON) 1-6 + 6:1080-1081 Knauf, Ernst Axel Zerahiah (PERSON) 1-2 6:1081 Shearer, Rodney H. Zeraiah (PERSON). See Zebadiah Zerdaiah (PERSON) 6:1082 Fager, Jeffrey A. Zered, Brook of (PLACE) 6:1082 Herion, Gary A. Zeredah (PLACE) + 6:1082 Thompson, Henry O. Zererah (PLACE) + 6:1082-1083 Thompson, Henry O. Zeresh (PERSON) + 6:1083 Wiebe, John M. Zereth (PERSON) 6:1083 Lo, Hing Choi Zereth-Shahar (PLACE) + 6:1083 Franklyn, Paul Nimrah Zeri (PERSON) 6:1083 McCann, J. Clinton, Jr. Zeror (PERSON) + 6:1083-1084 Edelman, Diana Vikander Zeror, Tel (M.R. 147203) + 6:1084 Kochavi, Moshe Zeruah (PERSON) 6:1084 Schearing, Linda S. Zerubbabel (PERSON) + 6:1084-1086 Beyer, Bryan E. Zeruiah (PERSON) 6:1086 Schley, Donald G. Zeruiah (PERSON) 6:1086 Schley, Donald G. Zervanism + 6:1086-1087 Hultgård, Anders Zeta 6:1087 Zetham (PERSON) 6:1087 Kennedy, James M. Zethan (PERSON) 6:1087 Willett, Tom Wayne Zethar (PERSON). See Mehuman Zeus, Friend of Strangers. See Gerizim, Mount Zeus, Temple of. See Olympian Zeus, Temple of Zia (PERSON) 6:1087 Graham, M. Patrick Ziba (PERSON) 6:1087-1088 Bailey, Randall C. Zibeon (PERSON) 1-2 + 6:1088 Matthews, Victor H. Zibia (PERSON) 6:1088 Willett, Tom Wayne Zibiah (PERSON) 6:1088 Schearing, Linda S. Zichri (PERSON) 1-12 + 6:1088-1089 Uitti, Roger W. Ziddim (PLACE) + 6:1089-1090 Frankel, Rafael Ziha (PERSON) 6:1090 Augustin, Gary C. Ziklag (PLACE) + 6:1090 Kotter, Wade R. Ziklag (PLACE) II + 6:1090-1093 Oren, Eliezer D. Zillah (PERSON) + 6:1093-1094 Hess, Richard S. Zillethai (PERSON) 1-2 6:1094 Dillard, Raymond B. Zilpah (PERSON) + 6:1094 Mariottini, Claude F. Zimmah (PERSON) 6:1094 Kennedy, James M. Zimran (PERSON) 6:1094 Matthews, Victor H. Zimri (PERSON) 1-4 6:1094-1095 Hutton, Rodney R. Zimri (PLACE) 6:1095 White, Sidnie Ann Zin, Wilderness of (PLACE) + 6:1095-1096 Seely, David R. Zina (PERSON). See Zizah Zion (PLACE) + 6:1096-1097 Mare, W. Harold Zion Gospel Edition + 6:1097-1098 Petersen, William L. Zion Traditions + 6:1098-1102 Levenson, Jon D. Zion, Daughter of + 6:1103 Follis, Elaine R. Zior (PLACE) + 6:1103-1104 Kotter, Wade R. Ziph (PERSON) 1-2 6:1104 Herion, Gary A. Ziph (PLACE) 1-3 + 6:1104 Lance, H. Darrell Ziphah (PERSON) 6:1104 Lo, Hing Choi Ziphion (PERSON) 6:1104 Mariottini, Claude F. Ziphron (PLACE) 6:1104 Lott, Jeffrey K. Zippor (PERSON) 6:1104-1105 Hutton, Rodney R. Zipporah (PERSON) + 6:1105 Burns, Rita J.
- 108. ABD Article Index 107 Ziv.See also Calendars (Ancient Israelite and Early Jewish) 6:1105 Ziz, Ascent of (PLACE) + 6:1105 Herion, Gary A. Ziza (PERSON) 1-2 + 6:1105-1106 Uitti, Roger W. Zizah (PERSON) 6:1106 Rogers, Jeffrey S. Zoan (PLACE) + 6:1106-1107 Redford, Donald B. Zoar (PLACE) + 6:1107 Astour, Michael C. Zobah (PLACE) + 6:1108 Pitard, Wayne T. Zobebah (PERSON) 6:1108 Lo, Hing Choi Zohar (PERSON) 1-2 + 6:1108-1109 Moyer, James C. Zoheleth, Stone of. See Serpent’s Stone Zoheth (PERSON) 6:1109 Smith, David Channing Zoldera (PLACE). See Lystra Zoology (Fauna) + 6:1109-1167 Firmage, Edwin Zophah (PERSON) + 6:1167 O’Brien, Julia M. Zophai (PERSON). See Zuph (PERSON) Zophar (PERSON) + 6:1167-1168 Holbert, John C. Zophim (PLACE) 6:1168 Brensinger, Terry L. Zor (PLACE). See Jordan, Jungle of Zorah (PLACE) + 6:1168 Greenberg, Raphael Zoroaster, Zoroastrianism + 6:1168-1174 Boyce, Mary Zostrianos (NHC VIII,1) + 6:1174-1175 Sieber, John H. Zuar (PERSON) 6:1175 Launderville, Dale F. Zugoth 6:1175 Flesher, Paul V. M. Zuph (PERSON) 6:1175 Petter, Gerald J. Zuph (PLACE) + 6:1175 Petter, Gerald J. Zur (PERSON) 1-2 + 6:1175-1176 Knauf, Ernst Axel Zuriel (PERSON) 6:1176 de Groot van Houten, Christina Zurishaddai (PERSON) 6:1176 Launderville, Dale F. Zurra‘a, Khirbet el-. See Gath-Hepher 6:1176 Zuzim + 6:1176 Astour, Michael C.
- 109. THE ANCHOR BIBLE DICTIONARY David NoelFreedman EDITOR-IN-CHIEF ASSOCIATE EDITORS GARY A. HERION • DAVID F. GRAF John David Pleins MANAGING EDITOR ASTRID B. BECK DOUBLEDAY NEW YORK • LONDON • TORONTO • SYDNEY • AUCKLAND THE ANCHOR BIBLE DICTIONARY PUBLISHED BY DOUBLEDAY A DIVISION OF BANTAM DOUBLEDAY DELL PUBLISHING GROUP, INC. 666 Fifth Avenue, New York, New York 10103 THE ANCHOR BIBLE DICTIONARY, DOUBLEDAY, AND THE PORTRAYAL OF AN ANCHOR WITH THE LETTERS ABD are trademarks of Doubleday, a division of Bantam Doubleday Dell Publishing Group, Inc. DESIGN BY Stanley S. Drate/Folio Graphics Company, Inc. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Anchor Bible dictionary / David Noel Freedman, editor-in-chief; associate editors, Gary A. Herion, David F. Graf, John David Pleins;
- 110. managing editor, AstridB. Beck —1st ed. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references. 1. Bible—Dictionaries. I. Freedman, David Noel, 1922–. BS440.A54 1992 220.3—dc20 91–8385 CIP Copyright © 1992 Doubleday, a division of Bantam Doubleday Dell Publishing Group, Inc. All Rights Reserved CONSULTANTS HANS DIETER BETZ (Greco-Roman Religion) Shailer Mathews Professor of NT Studies, University of Chicago JAMES H. CHARLESWORTH (Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha) George L. Collord Professor of NT Language and Literature, Princeton Theological Seminary FRANK MOORE CROSS (Old Testament) Hancock Professor of Hebrew and Other Oriental Languages, Harvard University WILLIAM G. DEVER (Archaeology) Professor of Newr Eastern Archaeology and Anthropology, University of Arizona A. KIRK GRAYSON (Mesopotamia and Assyriology) Professor, University of Toronto PETER MACHINIST (Bible and Ancient Near East) Professor of Near Eastern Languages, Harvard University ABRAHAM J. MALHERBE (New Testament) Buckingham Professor of New Testament Criticism and Interpretation, The Divintiy School, Yale University BIRGER A. PEARSON (Early Christianity) Professor of Religious Studies, University of California at Santa Barabara JACK M. SASSON (Bible and Ancient Near East) Professor in Religious Studies, University of North Carolina WILLIAM R. SCHOEDEL (Early Christian Literature) University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
- 111. EDITORIAL STAFF EDITOR-IN-CHIEF: DAVID NOELFREEDMAN ASSOCIATE EDITORS: GARY A. HERION David F. Graf John David Pleins MANAGING EDITOR: ASTRID B. BECK ASSISTANT EDITOR: PHILIP C. SCHMITZ PRODUCTION EDITOR: LESLIE BARKLEY ASSISTANTS TO THE EDITOR: MARK J. FRETZ Herbert Grether John Huddlestun John Kutsko Dale Manor Paul Mirecki James Mueller David R. Seely William Ward Harry Weeks PRODUCTION ASSISTANTS: CAROL HERION Dennis Moser PREFACE In view of Gary Herion‘s comprehensive Introduction to the Anchor Bible Dictionary, very little needs to be added byway of preface, but a few words may be helpful. The project itself was initiated early in the 1980s by conversations between Robert Heller, then head of the Religion Department at Doubleday, and me. Because of the widespread acceptance and use of the Anchor Bible Critical Commentaries, we felt that a companion work, the ABD, was an appropriate undertaking. As a consequence, I prepared a master plan, which called for a set of fives: five volumes, five years, five hundred contributors, and five million words. As such, it would have matched generally earlier major works of the same kind: the justly regarded classic work of the turn of the century, The Hastings‘
- 112. Dictionary of theBible (in five volumes, 1898–1904), and the well-known Interpreter‘s Dictionary of the Bible (also in five volumes, the first four appearing in 1962, with a fifth, supplemental volume in 1976). Now, at the end of the first major stage of this enterprise (the submission of the manuscript), the ABD has turned out to consist of six volumes, with nearly a thousand contributors, well over six million words, with the completed manuscript submitted to the publisher in just six years. That it was done within this period is a tribute to the last of the associate editors, Gary Herion, who delivered all six volumes in manuscript form from the beginning of June to the latter part of August, 1990. While a project of such magnitude is difficult to manage in its various aspects, the hardest part of all is to finish it and close it down. Getting started certainly was not easy, but once this huge vehicle was well under way, it threatened to become a runaway, moving faster and growing larger (like a snowball coursing down a mountainside) and sweeping everything in its path. It is difficult to imagine how dangerous a prospect this can be, of continuing and unlimited expansion, a never-ending process. It is not readily recognized that for each topic assigned there are many more that could be assigned, and between every two entries there could exist any number of others, all worthy of consideration. Even before the project has reached maximum speed and efficiency, and manuscripts are pouring in in large numbers, it is necessary to call a halt, turn off the power, and apply the brakes. The next most dramatic moment in the work comes with the decision to call a halt and the declaration that the dictionary is done. Of course it isn‘t (and never will be) ―done‖ because the task of scholarship goes on, old entries need to be revised, and new entries need to be written; but when the deadline arrives, the work is finished. It takes a person of character and courage to make such a determination in the midst of the endless flow of words, but it is necessary. Not every assigned article is received within the time limits, and not every one that is received is finally acceptable. But at some point the declaration must be made, and the editors and the publisher must take what they have and go on to the second major stage: producing the work of a whole generation of scholars in book form. Gary Herion proved to be the right person in the right place at the right time. He came onboard after others had started the project and moved it along. But he finished it, and for that a special accolade is in order. He organized and coordinated the work force for this powerful push to the finish line, and he himself contributed a major effort in negotiating with authors, bringing in the manuscripts, reading and editing the latter. He set an example of conscientiousness and dedication that stirred the rest to emulation as well as embarrassment: he came earlier and stayed later as time wore on and the deadlines approached. He was the ideal coadjutor and chief of operations, and when the time came and the last whistle blew, he had successfully completed what others had started. I wish to add a personal word of gratitude to all those who had a hand in this undertaking, and whose names are listed in Herion‘s Introduction. I want to mention in particular the administrative officers of the University of Michigan, who provided substantial material assistance for the ABD, in particular the several vice presidents for academic affairs who held the office during the life of the ABD project: Billy Frye, James Duderstadt, Charles Vest, and Gilbert Whitaker. Each VPAA in turn renewed the commitment and the support, the continuity being established and maintained by that most modest and self-effacing of associate vice presidents, Robert Holbrook, who has been a faithful backer of this project since its inception. A final word of gratitude is owing to Astrid B. Beck, without whose constant and diligent oversight of the Project and the Program on Studies in Religion, neither would have succeeded or even survived. She maintained both at the highest levels of efficiency and equanimity during the most trying periods, when the entire building was being torn apart and rebuilt, and when the work force threatened to overwhelm the facilities, and the work load reached a crisis point. There is an unpayable debt owed by all of us. DAVID NOEL FREEDMAN EDITOR-IN-CHIEF DECEMBER 7, 1990 Ann Arbor, Michigan
- 113. INTRODUCTION Every generation needsits own Dictionary of the Bible. Within its pages one can expect to find presented the essence of critical scholarship on subjects pertaining to the Bible, as those subjects are understood by students of that generation. Thus while such encyclopedic reference works provide a valuable service to their readers, in a larger sense they can never transcend the limits of their own historical contexts. In time they inevitably become outdated, and after a generation or so they can hope to achieve a sort of ―second shelf life‖ as a valuable period piece, witness to where the field of biblical studies was at one point in its history. It has been thirty years since the last major Bible dictionary appeared in America. The Biblical Theology movement was in its heyday, and a certain ―consensus‖ on matters pertaining to the history and literature of both testaments had been established. When reviewing English-language Bible dictionaries of the time, one cannot help but notice the preponderance of word studies and of sweeping historical reconstructions that were characteristic of the field at midcentury. One critic at the time noted this and lamented that more attention was not being devoted to the critical issues of methods and assumptions. Baldly stated, it seems that scholarship at that time was more interested in presenting ―the facts‖ than in considering critically how we know them to be ―facts.‖The emphasis in biblical studies has changed considerably since then. The mainstream American consensus that held in the 1950s and early ‘60s unravelled during the 1970s. Sweeping historical reconstructions became increasingly rare as OT and NT scholars alike began to engage in often fierce debates over methods and assumptions (e.g., about the role and value of archaeology, and about the ―literary‖ nature of biblical historiography).And when syntheses were attempted, one would very often find scholars moving beyond the venerable limits of the canon itself: the vocation of ―biblical scholar‖ increasingly required one to be competent in dealing with a wide range of later, extrabiblical texts attesting to the complex emergence of early Judaism and early Christianity (or, as many would now insist, ―early Judaisms and early Christianities‖). The Anchor Bible Dictionary is no less a product of its time. In some respects, the situation since the 1960s is now reversed: scholars now tend to be more preoccupied with considering how we know something to be a ―fact‖ than in assembling those ―facts‖ into a meaningful whole. Thus the overwhelming majority of major articles found in the following pages devotes a good deal of space to the basic epistemological question: ―How do we know what we know about this topic?‖ One will be hard pressed to find in these pages any sort of sweeping historical synthesis that presumes a scholarly consensus. Scholarly consensus simply does not exist here at the end of the twentieth century. Nevertheless in these six volumes there are still many new and refreshing insights one can discover about biblical texts, about histories and personalities referred to therein, about religious ideas and themes that find expression in its pages, about ancient Oriental and Hellenistic intellectual and cultural contexts that almost invariably lie just beneath the surface of the text (if not on the surface itself), and about the processes that helped to ensure the Bible‘s central place in nascent Judaism and Christianity. In short, the ABD provides the scholarly world and the general public with an up-to-date and comprehensive treatment of all biblical subjects and topics. Our goal has been to provide an eminently readable and yet authoritative reference source for all readers of the Bible. To achieve this, we have assembled an international host of scholars—including prominent archaeologists, Assyriologists, Egyptologists, classicists, philosophers, and ancient historians—who have been selected on the basis of their expertise and special contributions to biblical scholarship. They come with diverse professional and confessional backgrounds, reflecting the growing pluralism and interdisciplinary interests of the field. A review of ABD entries should quickly convince the interested student of the Bible that the ABD is indeed an invaluable reference source and a powerful research tool. Yet the perceptive reader scanning these pages and comparing its entries with those of other Bible dictionaries will also discover that there is something to be learned here about the field of biblical studies itself. One may note, for example, the
- 114. preponderance of newarticles pertaining to the cultural history and social institutions that lie in the background of ancient Israel and early Christianity; this is so because these days there is a relatively large number of scholars with social science interests working in these areas. One will also note the large number of articles dealing with archaeological sites and excavations; this is so because the last twenty- five years have seen a veritable explosion of archaeological activity in the lands of the Bible. One will also note specific entries treating pseudepigraphic and apocryphal texts, Nag Hammadi tractates, and individual Dead Sea scrolls; this is so because the scope of scholarly interest has now extended beyond the conventional limits of the canon. One will note that the so-called ―minor entries‖ on personal and place names usually go beyond the one- or two-sentence recapitulations often found in other Bible dictionaries; this is so because scholars today seem to have a keener interest in the often minute details associated with genealogies and toponyms, and they appreciate how a careful reexamination of these details can sometimes lead to fresh insights about the relationship between tradition and history. Conversely one will not find as many minor or midlevel entries dealing with biblical lexical items; this is so because we could not find many scholars interested in these subjects or able to push their presentations beyond those found in other Bible dictionaries. What this means is that in some areas related particularly to word studies the ABD simply does not replace such major English-language works as the IDB or the still-incomplete TDOT. This also reveals something about the agenda and the priorities of biblical scholarship in the 1970s and ‘80s. One will also appreciate the extent to which biblical studies has become increasingly specialized and even fragmented during the past thirty years. This first became apparent to us during the assignment phase of the project, as more and more contributors expressed reservations about taking on assignments that did not lie within the immediate bounds of their particular ―subject‖ or area of expertise. On the positive side, this means that most ABDentries devote greater attention to crucial matters of data and methodology, so that the reader usually gets an expert presentation of the basic issues associated with the study of this or that topic. However, as noted above, the drawback is a certain reluctance to place a given topic within a larger picture—to provide the sweeping and definitive synthesis that some readers desire and expect in a dictionary of the Bible. When presented, syntheses in ABD entries tend to be developed more cautiously than in earlier Bible dictionaries, and conclusions are frequently hedged with significant qualifications. That is simply the way responsible critical biblical scholarship tends to be practiced today. One ramification of this increased specialization is evident in our long list of contributors: those who would lament all this as ―overspecialization‖ will no doubt delight in noting that in 1962 only 253 contributors were needed to write more than 7,500 entries for the IDB, while thirty years later almost four times as many were needed to write 6,200 entries for the ABD. This is an honest reflection of the nature of biblical scholarship here in the final decades of the second millennium. If it really will be another generation before the next major English-language dictionary of the Bible is attempted, one senses that the ABD may in fact be one of the last of its kind. Somehow one suspects that the next major English-language Bible dictionary may not be something one ―purchases‖ but something to which one ―subscribes‖ (complete with annual updates and revisions); that—like money—its primary medium will not be ink-on-paper but electronic impulses (complete with three-dimensional, interactive, color graphics); that it will not be something you place on your shelf but that you load into your computer. Despite all the exciting possibilities this presents, it is also a bit discomforting. Perhaps more than anyone else, we who study the Bible should appreciate the power and the impact of the immutably printed word that, for better or worse, reflects an age and a perspective that cannot easily be erased or revised. * * * One of the happy duties associated with writing ―introductions‖ is to acknowledge all those whose labors helped to bring these printed words before the reader. In the case of the Anchor Bible Dictionary this is a particularly happy assignment because of the camaraderie and friendships that developed over the
- 115. years as dedicatedpeople applied their respective talents to the common task. This is not to imply that the production of the ABD was without serious practical challenges. No one affiliated with its production was a professional ―dictionary maker.‖ Rules and procedures tended to be invented as the need arose. In short, we learned how to create a Bible dictionary primarily by creating a Bible dictionary. Challenges such as this (especially when they are associated with omnipresent deadlines) either fray people‘s nerves and drive them apart or draw them closer together. Fortunately the latter was the case. Those bonds tended to be strengthened as together we faced hardships such as unpredictable power failures and periodic fire alarms, incessant jackhammers operating just outside the office door, day after day of dust, and (not surprisingly) chronic computer malfunctions. But in the long run what held the bonds intact was the sense that the work was meaningful. Everyone involved in the ABD project soon came to share David Noel Freedman‘s passionate commitment to the field of biblical studies, and his belief that the time was right for a new multivolume encyclopedic reference work on the Bible. Few other scholars can command the worldwide respect and admiration that are prerequisite to a major collaborative venture such as this. Fewer still possess the ability and skill needed to orchestrate effectively the many necessary resources and personalities. David Noel Freedman could. If indeed the ABD should reflect the epitome of biblical scholarship in the last half of this century, who can be surprised that he should be its chief editor? At the beginning of the project, David F. Graf assisted Freedman as the first associate editor. One of Graf‘s initial tasks was to draw up a preliminary list of entries and to estimate projected lengths for each. Graf also expanded the enterprise from a purely textual project to a more comprehensive purview integrating the perspective of other related disciplines. In particular, there was an expansion of the archaeological entries for both the Ancient Near East and the Classical world. David R. Seely, a graduate student in biblical studies at the University of Michigan at the time, helped Graf in this initial process of preparing lists of entries. Perhaps Graf‘s most important task was to identify leading scholars who could write the major ABD entries. He assembled a staff of consultants from leading specialists in various biblical fields and related disciplines. These scholars were extremely helpful in recommending potential authors for specific dictionary assignments, not only in the first year of the project but also over the years that followed. In making contact with potential authors, Graf was a tireless and ubiquitous presence at professional conferences, not only in the United States but also throughout Europe and the Middle East, cornering scholars one-on-one and enlisting them for the project. Initially the challenges were formidable: many scholars needed to be convinced of the need for yet another multivolume Bible dictionary, while almost all needed to come to terms with the sacrifices they were being asked to make to ensure that this new dictionary would be available soon and at an affordable price. Graf‘s perseverance and success ensured not only that the very finest and most appropriate authorities would write the major entries for the ABD; it also seems to have helped characterize the emerging relationship between the project and its contributors, most of whom came to envision their association with the ABD not simply as another professional transaction but as a personal investment in the future of biblical studies. In 1985 John David Pleins joined Graf and assisted in the administration and organization of the project, which by then had already expanded to involve almost twice as many contributors as had been involved in earlier major Bible dictionary projects. In 1986 he assumed the duties of associate editor while Graf, who had accepted a faculty position at the University of Miami, continued to serve in a consulting capacity, assisting in the assignment of the remaining major entries. Pleins concentrated on assigning the midlevel entries, reading the growing number of major entries that were beginning to arrive, and streamlining office procedures for managing the growing stable of authors and assignments. During the summer of 1987 Pleins accepted a faculty position at Santa Clara University, and I was asked to serve as the third associate editor of the ABD. In the months before his departure, Pleins did a masterful job of orienting me about all the complexities of the project. Together we drafted a comprehensive style guide for authors, thereby facilitating the editorial process by ensuring that all contributions would now display a higher level of uniformity and standardization. In the months that followed, both Pleins and Graf continued to be a valuable and accessible resource to me. Many other
- 116. projects would havebeen jeopardized by the number of staff transitions that affected theABD, but Graf‘s and Pleins‘ continued cooperation and commitment to the project—and the good rapport that developed among the three of us—guaranteed significant continuity and made my task of completing the project much easier. By early 1988 the ABD project had grown to include more than three times as many contributors as other dictionary projects, while the bulk of minor entries still remained unassigned. It became obvious that we would never be able to manage such a growing number of authors and assignments without a computerized data base. Robert Croninger of the Programs for Educational Opportunity in the University of Michigan‘s School of Education provided crucial advice and assistance as we initially began setting up this data base. Two graduate students at the University of Michigan, John Kutsko and Harry Weeks, played key roles in gathering data for these minor entry subjects and matching them with potential authors working in related areas of biblical studies. An emphasis in assigning minor entries was to recruit contributors from among the young scholars, women and men, who will be shaping the next generation of biblical studies. Mark Fretz, another graduate student, began researching and writing dozens of these entries to see how they might be improved beyond the usual one- or two-sentence recapitulations of the biblical text. His important work resulted in an ABD ―Style Guide for Minor Entries,‖ which contributors clear guidelines on how ideally to proceed. Although everyone realized that many minor entries simply cannot be expanded beyond one or two sentences, it was gratifying to observe that many of our contributors were able to provide far more informative―minor entries‖ than those typically found in other Bible dictionaries. The basic task of editing manuscripts began as soon as the first entries arrived in 1985. Not surprisingly, the dual responsibilities of reading manuscripts and managing assignments proved more than any single editor could handle. Especially with the major entries, various consultants and other editors m specific areas (such as New Testament and Intertestamental literature) had opportunities initially to read and respond to many manuscripts: among these editors who deserve special thanks are Herbert Grether, James Mueller, Paul Mirecki, and William Ward. Also, beginning m the fall of 1988, various graduate students in biblical studies provided part-time assistance, editing the minor entries but also copy editing other manuscripts to ensure uniform use of abbreviations, bibliographic style, and other format conventions. In addition to Fretz, Kutsko, and Weeks, these included Arnold Betz, April DeConick, Marianna Giovino, John Huddlestun, Brian Keck, Glenn LaPoint, Tim LaVallee, Robert Miller, and Helen Richards. In the last hectic year we added to the ABD staff a number of full-time assistants to help complete the editing of manuscripts. The first addition was Philip C. Schmitz, who joined the project full-time in the spring of 1989. In addition to editing a large number of manuscripts, Schmitz played a crucial role in supervising and coordinating the editorial activities of our various part- time graduate students and was a strong force in helping to guarantee that the bibliographies accompanying ABD articles met the most exacting standards of scholarly usefulness. In many respects Schmitz functioned as a fourth associate editor actively involved in every phase of the project providing extremely helpful advice and expertise on a wide range of matters. Dale W. Manor, a doctoral candidate in archaeology at the University of Arizona, moved to Ann Arbor in the fall of 1989 to work full-time editing a large number of manuscripts dealing with archaeological and historical geographical matters. In implementing various editorial decisions for standardizing and improving the presentations of these subjects, Manor helped to set new standards that future dictionaries covering biblical places and archaeology must now strive to match. In the spring of 1989 Leslie Barkley joined the project as Production Assistant, essentially serving as a full-time work coordinator. Within the first two months she learned how to direct the office routine and personnel better than I had done in the previous two years, as a consequence, our productivity and output increased significantly. She was extremely effective in identifying and anticipating problems and in establishing procedures for resolving them. In the year after we submitted manuscripts to the publisher, she remained on staff to help coordinate the final preparation of illustrations, prefatory material, corrigenda, and proofreading. She demonstrated a keen interest in the subject matter, an attention to detail, and a commitment to professional standards that would be the envy of many biblical scholars.
- 117. Between 1985 and1990 the ABD project benefited from a rotating staff of part-time secretaries who handled the routine clerical duties associated with form letters, manuscripts, files, and phone calls. At various times this staff included Lisa Anderson, Kathleen Haviland, Amy Polack Catherine Kiah, Lisa O‘Donnell, Daniel Slager, Paul Slager, Debra Abbott, Shawn Herkimer, Pamela Rejniak, Tina O‘Donnell, and Sharon Manor. During the sometimes hectic times of transitions, Diane Feikema, Theresa Nehra, Lynette Lowey, and Jacqueline Phillips provided notable stability and continuity. Shereen Sauer of the University of Michigan Printing Services took an active interest in the ABD project, and consistently provided us with reliable and efficient photocopying assistance. In the final six months of the project, Dennis Moser provided invaluable assistance in the proofreading and in ensuring that the ―mechanics‖ of the finished product indeed worked as intended. The impression one may have from all of this is that the ABD office was always a crowded place buzzing with activity. That was not always the case. During the 1988–89 academic year—a critical phase in the life of the project—the ABD essentially had two staff persons: myself and my wife Carol. Although it is common for spouses to be mentioned in introductions, Carol‘s involvement in the project was uncommon. The year preceding the hiring of several full-time staff members was in many respects the most demanding (that was what justified the full staff), but Carol was there to handle the enormous onslaught of mail, the multitude of daily changes that needed to be made on the data base, the problems that seemed to be surfacing all around us, and all the minute details of managing workflow. She thereby freed me for the task of reading and editing the rapidly growing stack of manuscripts. While many people, thankfully, were on hand to share in the satisfactions of bringing this project to a close, I was very glad to have Carol with me during those months when the future of the project was most in doubt. (In addition, our third child, Daniel, was born in April of that year, and he became an intimate member of the ―team.‖)Not the least we need to give credit and express appreciation to the donors who made significant contributions to the dictionary through financial support. First and foremost among these is the University of Michigan through the office of the vice president for academic affairs, specifically through support from Robert S. Holbrook, who never wavered in his goodwill for this research project and who lobbied for us with the higher powers for continued funding. The University of Michigan supported us not only with funds, but also with space and equipment. We are indeed grateful. Drs. Charles C. and JoAnne Walton Dickinson were also very generous with their financial support. Their contributions made it possible for us to fund our first research assistant for the dictionary, Mark Fretz, and it came at a crucial time of necessary expansion for the project. They continued their support over time; we owe them a great vote of thanks. In addition, we received financial help from Joy Ungerleider-Mayerson through the Dorot Foundation early in the project, again at a crucial time when resources were slim. We heartily thank all our donors. A word of appreciation is also due to the Religion Department of the Bantam, Doubleday, Dell Publishing Group. At various key moments in the life of this project, certain individuals were on hand to help move this project closer to publication. Theresa D‘Orsogna provided helpful advice throughout most of the project, and James Bell was instrumental in helping us to coordinate our editorial work with that of the publisher. Michael Iannazzi was instrumental in steering the ABD through its final production stages. One colleague stands out as deserving special notice. Dr. Astrid Beck, the Program Associate for the University of Michigan‘s Program on Studies in Religion, has been a constant source of support to all of us who worked on the project and a key to its success. Had she done nothing more than serve as chief financial officer for the project, meticulously ensuring that the costs of editing the ABD were covered, she would merit abundant accolades. But she has done considerably more. She was our principal liaison with the university community: in addition to managing the university‘s religious studies curriculum and maintaining her own teaching load, she provided for all the space, equipment, and personnel needs of the dictionary project. She was an untiring and effective advocate of the project and a particularly graceful and calming presence whenever we confronted the frustrations of bureaucratic ―red tape.‖ She always promised to resolve problems, and she always managed to do so. Astrid was also our principal liaison with the publisher; she taught all of us the ins and outs of dealing with a major publisher, and she
- 118. especially sensitized meto publishing concerns of which I was completely ignorant. Furthermore she served the project directly as an author and as a translator; and whenever my own writing needed editing, I regularly turned to her. At every stage of the project—from its inception to its completion, in happy times and in sad ones—she has been a model of professionalism, a key adviser, and a good friend. If it is true that one learns how to create a Bible dictionary simply by creating one, then it follows that the Bible dictionary in question will contain numerous mistakes and reflect occasional bad judgments. So it is with the Anchor Bible Dictionary. It also follows that the best time to start a major Bible dictionary project such as the ABD is immediately after one has completed a major Bible dictionary project such as the ABD—and then to make everything perfect and exactly right. That task, however, is perhaps best left to the next generation. GARY A. HERION ASSOCIATE EDITOR DECEMBER 6, 1990 Ann Arbor, Michigan A AARON (PERSON) [Heb ˒ahărōn (ֹןש ֲה ַא)]. AARONITES. The son of Amram and the brother of Moses and Miriam who was the eponymous ancestor of the priestly Aaronites and the paradigm for later priests. He dies at Mount Hur (Deut 32:50) and is succeeded by his son Eleazar (Num 20:22–29). Aaronites are the priests who claim descent from Levi through Aaron. They are often referred to as the ―sons of Aaron‖ (Heb bĕnê ˒ahărōn) (cf. Lev 3:8; 21:1; Num 10:8; Josh 21:4; 1 Chr 24:1; Neh 12:47) or as ―belonging to Aaron‖ (Heb lĕ˒ahărōn) (cf. 1 Chr 12:28—Eng12:27; 27:17). The meaning of the name ―Aaron‖ is uncertain, although it is perhaps derived from Egyptian. ——— A. Introduction B. Images of Aaron in the Biblical Literature C. Aaron/Aaronite Relations with Others D. The Priestly Functions of Aaron and the Aaronites E. Summary ——— A. Introduction The first task in understanding Aaron and the Aaronites is to examine the varied images of them in the biblical accounts. Sometimes there is a strong positive image of Aaron as the officially ordained priest of God. At other times, the picture is rather negative, portraying Aaron at odds with Moses and ―mainline‖ religious practices. In examining these portrayals, it becomes clear that positive images appear in the later biblical materials and negative images are prominent in the earlier materials. It is also true that there is a significant body of biblical literature (the prophets—especially Ezekiel—and the Deuteronomistic History) in which priests are present but there is little or no reference to Aaron or his followers. Thus, in order to understand the images of Aaron and the Aaronites, one needs to be aware of the particular
- 119. literature in whichthese references to Aaron are found, and the specific time frame in which that literature emerged. A second set of concerns when discussing Aaron and the Aaronites focuses on their relationship to other people or priestly groups. In terms of individuals, the question is primarily Aaron‘s relationship with Moses. In terms of the Aaronites, the question is how they relate to the Levites and Zadokites, two other major priestly factions. Finally, Aaron and his descendants are the preeminent models of what it means to be a priest. They are the ones who perform the most holy of rituals, who handle the holiest of sacred objects and who enter the holiest of places. In addition, they are the ones who oversee all priestly functions and groups, and monitor the activities of the priests at both the temple and the tabernacle. B. Images of Aaron in the Biblical Literature It is clear that there is some ambivalence in the biblical texts toward Aaron. On the one hand, he becomes involved with the construction of the GOLDEN CALF (Exodus 32) and joins Miriam in opposing Moses (Numbers 12). On the other hand, Aaron and his sons are singled out to serve God as priests (Exodus 28–29; Leviticus 8–9). Somewhere amid these two perspectives stands a remarkable silence on the Aaronites (e.g. 1–2 Kings, Ezekiel), in which they are neither good nor bad. There are other priests or priestly groups present, but Aaron and the Aaronites are not part of that presence. This confusing portrayal has been the subject of speculation for some period. As early as Wellhausen (WPHI) and Kennett (1905), it was suggested that the positive portrayal of Aaron emerged only in the post-exilic period and that the negative or neutral portrayals dated from the pre-exilic period. Since those early discussions, Meek (1929), Welch (1939), North (1954) and Cody (1969, 1977) have offered slight variations on the same basic position—that the positive image of Aaron is a product of the post-exilic period. Their arguments are based on an examination of the materials in which Aaron appears. There are 346 references to Aaron in the Hebrew Bible (several in the Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha and 5 in the NT). A vast majority (296) appear in Exodus, Leviticus, and Numbers. The remainder are spread out in Deuteronomy (4), Joshua (6), Judges (1), 1 Samuel (2), Micah (1), Psalms (9), Ezra (1), Nehemiah (3), 1 Chronicles (16), and Chronicles (7). The lack of appearances in Ezekiel, who is very concerned with priests, and the scarcity in Deuteronomy (4), where Moses plays a predominant role, are very curious. However, prior to drawing any conclusions, specific passages need to be investigated, and this investigation must be cognizant of the historical situation from which the passages emerge. A safe place to begin such an examination is the work of the Chronicler, whose postexilic date is essentially undisputed. In 1–2 Chronicles one sees a prominent positive role for Aaron. He is the brother of Moses (1 Chr 5:29—Eng6:3); he and his sons make sacrifices, offerings, and atonement in the most holy place in the temple (1 Chr 6:34—Eng6:49); and Aaron and his sons are ―set apart‖ to perform the most sacred of duties—to burn incense, to minister, and to bless (1 Chr 23:13; 24:19). Furthermore, in 2 Chr 26:16–21, it is explicitly indicated that only the sons of Aaron, and not King Uzziah, could burn incense to Yahweh. There are many other positive portrayals of Aaron, but most are found in P (Priestly) material, a collection of material more problematical in terms of dating than the Chronicler‘s materials. The general consensus, albeit certainly not uniform, is that the present form of the P material reflects the understandings and perspectives of the early Second Temple period (i.e., postexilic period). Following that consensus yields a perspective on Aaron which is consistent with what emerged in the postexilic work of the Chronicler. When one looks at the P material, one sees a very positive understanding of Aaron. A few examples from Exodus will support this point. Following the description of the ark and tabernacle (Exod 25:1– 27:20), Aaron and his sons (the Aaronites) are to ―tend‖ the tent of meeting (Exod 27:21), to serve Yahweh as priests (Exod 28:1), to wear priestly garments (Exod 28:3–43), including the Urim and Thummim (Exod 28:30), to be consecrated to Yahweh (Exod 29:1) and to be ordained (Exod 29:9, 35). To celebrate this ordination, a bull and two rams are to be sacrificed in Aaron‘s honor (Exod 29:10–37).
- 120. Finally, Aaron andhis sons shall be anointed and consecrated as priests of Yahweh with ―holy oil‖ (Exod 30:30–31). This positive image of Aaron continues through most of Exodus (with the exception of Exodus 32, which will be discussed later), throughout all of Leviticus and most of Numbers. In Leviticus, much time is spent describing specific offerings and the procedures for those offerings. Consistently, Aaron, or ―Aaron‘s sons, the priests‖ are specified as the only people authorized to perform these rituals. In Lev 6:1–9:24—Eng6:8–9:24, Aaron and his sons are instructed as to the law of the various offerings and their crucial role in these offerings. The ritual for anointing Aaron and his sons is spelled out in Lev 6:12–16—Eng6:19–23. The actual ceremony for the ordination of Aaron and his sons is prescribed in Leviticus 8–9. The regulations for the actions of the Aaronites—―the priests, the sons of Aaron‖—are spelled out in Leviticus 21. The concern is to maintain the holy status of the priests so that they do not become defiled by such actions as marrying a divorced woman (v 7), letting one‘s hair hang loose (v 10), or coming in contact with a dead body (v 11). In addition, no person with a blemish may ―offer bread‖ to Yahweh (v 18). In Numbers 1–4, Moses and Aaron conduct a census of the people in preparation for war. Three factors should be considered when examining the role of Aaron in this census. First, the Levites, another priestly group, are numbered separately from the rest of the people (Num 1:47; 3:16–37), and are to be given to Aaron to stand (Heb ˒md) before and serve (Heb šrt) him (3:6). The second point is that the line of succession to Aaron is established. In Num 3:2–3 Aaron‘s sons are listed and identified as anointed priests ―ordained to minister in the priest‘s office‖ (literally ―whose hands are filled for the priesthood‖ [Heb ml˒ yd lkhn], ―to fill the hand,‖ is the common Hebrew expression used to indicate ordination). Since Nadab and Abihu, two of Aaron‘s sons, have died (Leviticus 10), Eleazar and Ithamar, Aaron‘s other sons, are the successors to Aaron. Finally, only Aaron and his sons are to be priests. All others who seek to come near the tent of meeting should be killed (Num 3:10). This perspective on Aaron‘s exclusive role as priest is continued in Numbers 16. The account records the rebellion of Korah, Dathan, and Abiram against Moses and Aaron (Num 16:1–3) and contains the statement that only the descendants of Aaron can be priests (Num 17:5—Eng 16:40). This is curious since Korah, the son of Ishar, and Aaron, the son of Amram, are both seen as descendants of the priestly family of Levi (Exod 3:16–18; Num 3:17–19; 16:1). However, for the Priestly writer it is only Aaron‘s branch of the Levitical family which can claim the legitimate right to the priesthood at the temple and tabernacle. Other material in Numbers (except Numbers 12) conveys the same basic positive evaluation of Aaron. As with the Chronicler, the Priestly writer presents a positive image of Aaron. In contrast to that perspective, one can find materials in which there is a negative, or at least neutral, image of Aaron. One example is in Deuteronomy. This material is examined first because it can be identified, with a comfortable degree of certainty, as having originated in a pre-exilic context. One example, in particular, is Deuteronomy 9, which contains part of Moses‘ presentation to the people. Of interest here is the telling of the story of Moses‘ descent from Mount Horeb after having received the two tablets of stone. Moses comes upon the people who have sinned and made a GOLDEN CALF (Deut 9:15–16). The story continues with a statement that Yahweh is so angry toward Aaron that he was about to destroy him. It appears that it is only Moses‘ intercessory prayer and his utter destruction of the Golden Calf which saves Aaron. It is certainly not a glowing recommendation of Aaron. Indeed, the only other appearance of Aaron in Deuteronomy is in 32:50, where Aaron is merely mentioned as a brother of Moses. Thus Deuteronomy neither presents a positive image of Aaron, nor contains a reference to Aaron as priest (unless one considers Aaron‘s role in the building of the Golden Calf as priestly—but even then it would not be seen as consistent with the mainline worship of Yahweh). This negative perspective is not confined to this passage in Deuteronomy. In Exodus 32, although there is some discussion as to the integrity of the passage, Aaron is portrayed as the villain who receives the gold from the people (Exod 32:4a), makes the calf (Exod 32:4a, 35), declares, ―These are your gods, O Israel, who brought you out of the land of Egypt!‖ (Exod 32:4b), and builds an altar before the calf (Exod 32:5). When Moses returns from the mountain, he indicates that Aaron has brought a great sin upon the
- 121. people (Exod 32:21)and has allowed the people to ―break loose‖ (Exod 32:25). While Aaron seeks to redirect Moses‘ anger (Exod 32:22–24), his culpability is clearly indicated. A third example of this negative image of Aaron is found in Numbers 12. Here Aaron and his sister Miriam challenge Moses‘ authority (12:1) and claim that Yahweh speaks through them as well as through Moses (12:2). The response of Yahweh is clear; Moses is the specially chosen spokesperson, and no one should challenge him (12:5–8). As punishment, Yahweh makes Miriam leprous and subsequently heals her only after Aaron pleads with Moses to petition Yahweh on their behalf. All three of these passages which convey either a negative or a nonpriestly image of Aaron are generally considered to be preexilic in date. The single reference to Aaron in the prophets (Mic 6:4), which is preexilic, merely refers to Aaron as having been sent to Egypt with Moses and Miriam. In addition, there are precious few references to Aaron in the pre-exilic and exilic work of the Deuteronomistic Historian, which is surprising, given the number of times priests or priestly factions are mentioned. It is only in Joshua, where cities are distributed to the Levites (Josh 21:4, 13, 19), that Aaron is referred to as a priest. Finally, Ezekiel, an exilic work which spends much time discussing the roles and functions of the priests and priestly groups, never refers to Aaron or the Aaronites. The implication of this examination of the biblical passages which refer to Aaron is that the positive image of Aaron and the Aaronites, and of their role as priests, arises in the post-exilic period. This may be expected since it reflects, in general, the prominent position of priests in the postexilic period, and, in particular, the emergence of the role of the high priest. In contrast, in the pre-exilic period Aaron is mentioned only a few times, often in a neutral or negative way, and very rarely as a priest. Thus one must conclude that the prominence of Aaron and the Aaronites as priests is a post-exilic phenomenon. C. Aaron/Aaronite Relations with Others A second area of consideration is the relationship of Aaron to other individuals and of the Aaronites to other priestly groups. Aaron‘s relationship to Moses is of primary importance. In terms of the associations of the Aaronites, there are two other priestly factions which have a significant role in the Hebrew Bible— the Zadokites and the Levites. It is clear that there is struggle, conflict, and competition among these three groups over who is going to have control of the priesthood. As indicated in the previous section, one must remember that all of these relationships are fluid and that Aaron‘s priority is emphasized in the later biblical materials. The close association of Moses and Aaron is a common theme in the Pentateuch (although not exclusively found there [Josh 24:5; 1 Sam 12:6; Ps 77:21—Eng 77:20, 99:6]), particularly in the later (Priestly) writings of the Pentateuch. The association begins with the claim that Aaron is Moses‘ brother (Exod 4:14; 6:20; 28:1; Num 26:59; 27:12–13; Deut 32:50; 1 Chr 5:29—Eng6:3; 23:13). There are also over 65 instances where the phrase ―Moses and Aaron‖ appears, almost like a word pair, and only a few instances where the phrase ―Aaron and Moses‖ occurs (Exod 6:26; Num 3:1). What is striking about many of these instances is that the presence of ―Aaron‖ is not crucial to the passage. It could easily be removed without a significant impact on the passage or its meaning (cf. Exod 7:8; 10:3; 16:6; Lev 9:23; 11:1; Num 4:1; 14:5; 33:1). So the evidence for a close association of Moses and Aaron is not absolutely certain, and it is primarily found in the later materials. In the relationship between Moses and Aaron, it is clear that Moses has a more prominent role. Most often in the Torah, Yahweh speaks to Moses, who in turn speaks to Aaron (Exod 7:19; 16:32–34; Lev 17:1–2; Num 6:22–23; 8:1–2), or Yahweh speaks to Moses and Aaron at the same time (Exod 12:43; Lev 11:1; 14:33; Num 2:1; 19:1; 20:12). Only rarely does Yahweh speak directly to Aaron (Lev 10:8; Num 18:1). In addition, when one looks at the dynamics of the plague stories, there is a clear but subtle shift in the relationship between Moses and Aaron. At the beginning, Moses fumbles for words and pleads his incompetence until in anger Yahweh appoints Aaron to be Moses‘ spokesperson. Even then Aaron receives Yahweh‘s words through Moses (Exod 4:1–17; 7:19). Thus at the beginning of the plague stories Aaron has an important role. When both Moses and Aaron appear before Pharaoh (Exod 5:1, 7:10), it is Aaron‘s rod which becomes the serpent (7:10), swallows the rods of Pharaoh‘s magicians (7:12), is used to turn the Nile into blood (7:19), causes the plague of frogs (8:1—Eng8:5), and brings about the plague
- 122. of gnats (8:16–17).However, with Exodus 9, Aaron begins to fade from the scene, and it is Moses who brings the boils (9:10) and uses his own rod to bring hail and fire (9:23) and the locusts (10:12–13). One explanation of this shift is that the earlier plagues tend to be from the P writer and the later plagues tend to be from the older pentateuchal source, the J writer. Although there is considerable and justifiable discussion about the degree to which one can identify a particular passage or verse as J or P, the general perspective suggests that the older materials do not place an emphasis on Aaron whereas the newer materials do. Thus, like the prominence of Aaron as priest in the postexilic period, it seems that the association of Aaron with Moses also finds its greatest emphasis in the post-exilic materials. Moses and Aaron also appear together when the people are ―murmuring‖ during the Exodus. Usually this murmuring involves the rebellion of the people against the leadership. In Exodus 17 the people murmur against Moses (v 2). Aaron is not the target of the rebellion and his role in the incident is only that of holding up Moses‘ arms, along with Hur (v 12). In Numbers 12, the rebellion is again directed at Moses (v 1). However, this time it is Aaron and his sister Miriam who lead the rebellion against Moses. Finally, in Numbers 14 and 16, the rebellion is directed not just against Moses but also against Aaron (Num 14:2, 16:3). This confused situation becomes clear when one realizes that the early materials (Numbers 12, Exodus 17) either ignore Aaron or are negative toward him, whereas in the later materials (Numbers 14, 16) there is a positive picture of Aaron and a link with Moses. When one turns to the priestly groups, it is apparent that the relations between the Zadokites and Aaronites change over time. During the monarchy, it is the Zadokites who play a prominent role in the priesthood and little is said about the Aaronites. One merely needs to look at the dearth of references to Aaron or Aaronites in Kings and Samuel (only 2 Samuel) in contrast to the 26 references to Zadok as the priest of the monarchy. At the end of David‘s reign, there is a conflict over the succession to the throne between Solomon and his followers and Adonijah and his followers (1 Kings 1–2). When Solomon is victorious in the struggle, he appoints Zadok as the priest of the Temple and expels Abiathar (1 Kgs 2:27), the associate of Adonijah. While there may be some debate over the actual association of Abiathar— whether he is Levite or Aaronite—it is clear that Zadok and his followers, the Zadokites, are the priests in good standing. That perspective continues in the late exilic work of Ezekiel; he never mentions the Aaronites. Rather, it is the Zadokites with the assistance of the Levites who are the priests (Ezek 40:46; 44:15; 48:11). It is only in the post-exilic material of the Chronicler that any association between Aaron and Zadok appears, and the perspective is always that Zadok the priest is a descendant of Aaron (1 Chr 5:29–34— Eng6:3–8; 6:35–38—Eng6:50–53; Ezra 7:1–5), which preserves the priority of Aaron. In addition, the Chronicler seeks to clarify the relationship of Zadok and Abiathar, the two priests of David (2 Sam 8:17, cf. 1 Sam 22:20) who are rivals after his death. According to 1 Chr 24:3, Zadok is a descendant of Eleazar, the son of Aaron, and Abiathar is a descendant of Ithamar, also a son of Aaron. Thus, for the Chronicler, all priests are descendants of Aaron, which again stresses the post-exilic prominence of the Aaronites. The relationship between the Aaronites and the Levites is much more confusing and more prone to be hostile than that between the Aaronites and the Zadokites. Nevertheless, this relationship also shows development and change. A prime example of the hostility emerges in Exodus 32. The complicity of Aaron in the Golden Calf apostasy has already been mentioned. At the end of that account, there is the punishment for those involved in the idolatry (Exod 32:25–29). Moses calls for those ―on Yahweh‘s side‖ to join him in opposition to the people who ―broke loose,‖ and presumably that included Aaron. It is the Levites who respond to Moses‘ call and slay 3,000 people who participated in the apostasy. As a result of the Levites‘ actions, they are ―ordained‖ to the service of Yahweh (Exod 32:29). The Hebrew text says ―their hands are filled,‖ which is a clear reference to their ordination as priests. It thus appears that the Levites‘ rise in status is directly related to their opposition to Aaron and his followers. This same perspective is present when one examines 1 Kings 12. In this passage Jeroboam establishes two cultic centers in the Northern Kingdom at Dan and Bethel (vv 25–33), and makes two calves of gold for these centers (v 28). Jeroboam erects these calves and declares, ―Behold your gods, O Israel, who
- 123. brought you outof the land of Egypt,‖ the same phrase as was used by Aaron in Exod 32:4. In addition, when Jeroboam selects priests for his temple he explicitly excludes Levites (1 Kgs 12:31). (According to 2 Chr 13:8–9, Jeroboam excludes both Levites and Aaronites, which reflects the later post-exilic perspective of the Chronicler in which Aaron is the only true priest and could not have participated in the apostasy of the Northern Kingdom.) A further piece of data which links these two golden calf incidents of Exodus 32 and 1 Kings 12 together is that the two eldest sons of Aaron and the sons of Jeroboam have virtually the same names: Nadab and Abihu for Aaron (Exod 6:23) and Nadab and Abijah for Jeroboam (1 Kgs 14:1, 20). Furthermore, all four of these sons die as a result of their idolatry (cf. Leviticus 10; 1 Kgs 14:1–14; 15:25–30). So based on these early materials, the improper cultic practices of Jeroboam are associated with those of Aaron, and the Levites either do not participate or actively oppose those idolatrous religious practices. Numbers 16 is another passage in which there is opposition between Aaron and the Levites. However, in this instance, it is Aaron who is declared the righteous follower of God; and it is Korah, the descendant of Levi, who revolts against Moses and Aaron. Indeed, the followers of Aaron (Aaronites) are explicitly identified as the priests of Yahweh to the exclusion of Korah (Num 16:1–5—Eng16:36–40). This change in perspective on Aaron, where Aaron is now seen as the dominant priest, is reflective of the post-exilic materials of the Priestly writer and the Chronicler and again exemplifies the post-exilic relationship of Aaronites and Levites. It also shows that although all priestly factions traced their ancestry back to Levi, and Levi is considered ordained by God, the Levites‘ primary function is to serve the Aaronites. When the census of the people is being taken by Aaron and Moses in Numbers, the Levites are explicitly set aside (Num 1:47) and not numbered at the beginning, since they have special tasks around the tabernacle. Later, however, the Levites are numbered and chosen by God to stand (Heb ˒md) before Aaron and to ―minister‖ (Heb šrt) to Aaron, since they are given to Aaron and his sons (Num 3:5–10; cf. 4:27). What is clear in this passage is that there is a distinction between the Aaronites as priests and the Levites, who, although also ordained, are secondary priests subordinate to Aaron. Aaron is then to collect the Levites and consecrate them to service (Heb ˓bd) (Num 8:5–26; cf. 18:1–7). This perspective is continued in Chronicles, where there is a clear distinction between priests, understood to be Aaronites, and Levites (1 Chr 23:2; 24:31; 28:13, 21; and 2 Chr 7:6; 11:13; 13:9; 19:8; 23:4, 6). The Levites are to stand (Heb ˒md) before the priests, the sons of Aaron (1 Chr 23:27–28), and guard (Heb šmr) the sons of Aaron (1 Chr 23:32; cf. 2 Chr 13:10; 35:14; Neh 12:47). The priority of the Aaronites is illustrated in no better way than in the account in Num 17:16–28—Eng 17:1–13. According to the passage, each of the twelve tribes has a rod or staff, and each is to have the tribal ancestor‘s name placed on the rod. However, the rod representing Levi‘s tribe has Aaron‘s name written upon it. When all twelve rods are deposited in the tent of meeting to determine which of them will be chosen by God, it is the ―rod of Aaron‖ which sprouts and bears ―ripe almonds.‖ This, of course, indicates Yahweh‘s selection of Aaron over all other (cf. Ps-Philo 17:1–4; 53:9). Finally, Aaron‘s rod, which is put before the ―testimony‖ in the tent of meeting, is to become a sign that the people should not murmur against Yahweh (cf. Numbers 16). In the following chapter (Numbers 18), where Aaron‘s priesthood and the role of the tribe of Levi are again discussed, the priority of Aaron and his sons as priests and the secondary status of the tribe of Levi are reiterated. The Levites are to minister to (Heb šrt; Num 18:2), to guard (Heb šmr; Num 18:3), and to serve (Heb ˓bd; Num 18:6) Aaron and his sons. This role of attending to Aaron and the Aaronites is given exclusively to the Levites (Num 18:4). However, the Levites are firmly cautioned not to approach the altar, lest they die (Num 18:3). This material in Numbers is late, again suggesting that the priority of Aaron and the Aaronites and the secondary status of the tribe of Levi (the Levites) emerges in the time of the Second Temple. In the material from the earlier periods, the Levites are often preferred, and it is the Aaronites whose activities are questionable and whose status is secondary to the Levites. In general, it appears that Aaron‘s relationship with others has had the same mixed history as was seen in the review of Aaron in the biblical literature. In the monarchical period, Aaron and the Aaronites have a
- 124. secondary, nonexistent, ornegative status in relation to the other priestly groups. That perspective changes in the post-exilic period of the high priest, when Aaron and his sons (the Aaronites) become the high priests and establish their superiority over other groups. They do this by a genealogical link which traces their ancestry back to Moses and beyond to Levi, and by the accounts of Yahweh‘s selection of Aaron as the chosen priest, the paradigm—preferred over the other priestly factions (Levites and Zadokites). Indeed, the other priestly factions became servants to Aaron and the Aaronites. D. The Priestly Functions of Aaron and the Aaronites The role of Aaron as priest emerges in the activities and functions he and his descendants, the Aaronites, perform. Of course, one of their main functions is to preside at cultic ceremonies. However, there are other related activities in which they are involved. There are numerous references in which Aaron (or his descendants) officiate at and participate in cultic rituals. In fact, the majority of the discussion in Leviticus is devoted to the priestly functions of Aaron and the Aaronites. They perform the ―burnt offering‖ (Lev 1:3–17; 9:12–14), the ―cereal offering‖ (Lev 2:1– 16), and the ―peace offering‖ (Lev 3:1–17; 9:18–21). Aaron is not explicitly mentioned when the ―sin offering‖ (Lev 4:1–5:13) or ―guilt offering‖ (Lev 5:14–26—Eng5:14–6:7) are discussed. However, when the laws (Heb tôrāt) of the ―sin offering‖ are presented (Lev 6:17–23—Eng6:24–30; cf. 9:8, 16:6), it is the Aaronites who are addressed. For the ―guilt offering‖ Aaron is again not specified, but it is always a priest who officiates (Lev 5:16, 5:25–26—Eng6:6–7, 7:1–5), and Aaron is in charge when the offering of atonement is made (Leviticus 16). Thus the presumption that this anonymous priest should be understood as Aaron seems valid (cf. 1 Chr 6:34—Eng6:49). Another priestly function of the Aaronites is participation in ordination. Indeed, the Aaronites participate in their own ordination ceremony (Leviticus 8). It is run by Moses at Yahweh‘s command, but Aaron and his sons participate by laying their hands upon the bull of the ―sin offering‖ (8:14), the ram of the ―burnt offering‖ (8:18), and the ram of the ―ordination‖ (8:22). Finally, they are to eat from the ordination offering (8:31–36). An important passage which outlines Aaron‘s duties is Leviticus 10:8–11. This passage is unusual because it is one of the few places where Yahweh speaks directly to Aaron rather than through Moses. Here Aaron is told to do three things: avoid drinking when going into the tent of meeting; distinguish between the holy and the common and between the clean and the unclean; and teach the people Yahweh‘s statutes. One curiosity about the passage is how closely it echoes Ezekiel 44. In Ezekiel the reference is not to Aaron but to the priests who are the sons of Zadok and who also claim descent from Levi. Nevertheless, the functions of the priests are very similar: the sons of Zadok are told not to drink before going into the temple (Ezek 44:21); to distinguish between clean and unclean (Ezek 44:23b); to teach the people the difference between holy and common (Ezek 44:23a); to act as judge (Ezek 44:24a; cf. Exod 28:29–30); and to keep Yahweh‘s laws (Ezek 44:24b). Although the priestly faction in charge may have changed, the priestly functions relative to the central shrine remain essentially the same. The distinction between clean and unclean is the focus of Leviticus 11–14. Moses and Aaron (Lev 11:1) are to speak to the people about this distinction, and people who are thought to be diseased are to be brought before Aaron and his sons for examination (Lev 13:1–2). It is Aaron who is to determine clean and unclean in relation to disease, and to deal with unclean houses and how to cleanse them (Lev 14:33– 57). The same standards of purity apply to the Aaronites themselves. They are to be without blemish and pure in all ways (Leviticus 21). This is another means of distinguishing Aaron from others, and supports the contention that Aaron is chosen above the others to be priest (Ps 105:26, 106:16) and to have access to the holy things (1 Chr 23:13) in the temple (1 Chr 24:19) or in the tent of meeting (Exod 27:21, Num 17:1–5—Eng 16:36–40). In Joshua 21, the Aaronites are to receive 48 Levitical cities from among the cities recently conquered by the twelve tribes (vv 4, 10, 13, 19). These cities, along with their pasture lands (but not, presumably, the agricultural lands [Num 35:1–8]), are to be set aside as land in which the priests can live and raise herds. This perspective is reiterated in 1 Chr 6:39–66—Eng6:54–81, where there is a special reference to the sons of Aaron receiving cities of refuge (1 Chr 6:42–45—Eng6:57–60). They are said to receive 13
- 125. cities, although only11 are listed by name, in which a criminal may find refuge from pursuers. In the other major references to the cities of refuge (Num 35:9–15; Deut 19:1–10; Joshua 20), only 6 cities are set aside, and there is no mention of the cities being given to Aaron. The Aaronite control of these cities of refuge may well reflect the Chronicler‘s post-exilic perspective, in which there is a positive image of Aaron, and the Aaronites are in charge of the priesthood. Finally, the Aaronites are given the Urim and Thummim (Exod 28:30, Lev 8:5–9). These ―sacred lots‖ are used to determine the will of Yahweh (Num 27:21; 1 Sam 14:36–42, 27:6; cf. 1 Sam 10:20–24) and to indicate the juridical role of Aaron (Exod 28:29–30a; cf. Ezek 44:24). In Num 27:21, it is Eleazar, the son of Aaron, the next in the priestly line (cf. Num 20:22–29), who uses the Urim to inquire whether Joshua should succeed Moses. The Urim and Thummim are thus symbols of special access to God‘s will; and, according to parts of the biblical tradition, they belong in the hands of the Aaronites. It is clear that Aaron and the Aaronites play a prominent role as priests. Their fulfillment of that role is emphasized in the Hebrew Bible, especially in the later materials. That perspective continues in the intertestamental literature (4 Macc 7:11; 3 En. 2:3; 48A:7), although there are surprisingly few references to Aaron in this material. In the New Testament, the book of Hebrews speaks of Jesus being called by God, just like Aaron (Heb 5:4–5). However, to distinguish Jesus from the priests of his contemporary time, Jesus is said to be of the order of Melchizedek, not that of Aaron and the Levites (Heb 7:4–22). Thus the writer of Hebrews is claiming a priestly authority for Jesus which predates that of Aaron or Levi and comes through Melchizedek at the time of Abraham (Gen 14:17–24; Ps 110:4; Heb 7:1–3). E. Summary Aaron and the Aaronites play an important role in the religious structure of ancient Israel. The emphasis upon them and their functions clearly indicates their place as the preeminent priests. However, close examination of the biblical literature suggests that this prominent role was not present at the beginnings of Israel and was not won without a struggle. The earlier materials indicate a more significant role for the Levite and Zadokite priestly factions than for the Aaronites. It is only with the realignment and reorganization forced upon the Israelites by the trauma of the fall of Jerusalem in 586 B.C.E. that the Aaronites assume center stage. Then, in the writings of the post-exilic period, the Aaronites are portrayed as the paradigm of priests, and the other priestly groups are relegated to secondary or servant status. (See also PRIESTS AND LEVITES.) Bibliography Aberbach, M., and Smolar, L. 1967. Aaron, Jeroboam, and the Golden Calves. JBL 86: 129–40. Cody, A. 1969. A History of Old Testament Priesthood. AnBib 35. Rome. ———. 1977. Aaron: A Figure with Many Facets. BToday 88: 1089–94. Gunneweg, A. H. J. 1965. Leviten und Priester. FRLANT 89. Göttingen. Horbury, W. 1983. The Aaronic Priesthood in the Epistle to the Hebrews. JSNT 19: 43–71. Judge, H. G. 1956. Aaron, Zadok and Abiathar. JTS n.s. 7: 70–74. Kennett, R. H. 1905. Origin of the Aaronite Priesthood. JTS 6: 161–86. Meek, T. J. 1929. Aaronites and Zadokites. AJSL 45: 149–66. North, F. S. 1954. Aaron‘s Rise in Prestige. ZAW 66: 191–99. Sabourin, L. 1973. Priesthood: A Comparative Study. SHR 25. Leiden. Welch, A. C. 1939. The Work of the Chronicler. London. JOHN R. SPENCER AB [Heb ˒āb (ב ָא)]. The fifth month of the Hebrew calendar, roughly corresponding to July and August. See CALENDAR. ABADDON [Heb ˒ăbaddôn (ֹּדון ַב ֲא)]. Derived from Heb ˒ābad, ―became lost,‖ ―be ruined, destroyed,‖ ―perish,‖ Abaddon has a variety of nuanced meanings. A poetic synonym for the abode of the dead, meaning ―Destruction,‖ or ― (the place of) destruction.‖ Abaddon occurs in parallel and in conjunction with Sheol (Job 26:6 and Prov 15:11; 27:20). It is also found in conjunction with Death (Job 28:22) and in parallel with the grave (Ps 88:12—Eng 88:11).
- 126. Although a placeof mystery which is hidden from human eyes, Abaddon is clearly known by God (Job 26:6; Prov 15:11). It is twice personified: (1) along with Death, it speaks (Job 28:22); and (2) along with Sheol, it is insatiable (Prov 27:20). It is also remote: in Job 31:12, adultery becomes ―a fire that consumes unto [as far as] Abaddon.‖ See also DEAD, ABODE OF THE. In Rev 9:11, the word ―Abaddon‖ is personified as ―the angel of the bottomless pit.‖ It is also identified as the king of the demonic ―locusts‖ described in Rev 9:3, 7–10, and is explained for Greek-speaking readers as Apollyon (Gk apollyōn), ―destroyer.‖ The LXX usually translates Heb ˒abaddon as Gk apōleia, ―destruction‖; the Vg renders it as Latin perditio, ―ruin, destruction‖ (whence Eng ―perdition,‖ which ordinarily means ―hell‖); in Syr (Peshitta), the cognate word means ―destruction,‖ and is sometimes used in the Psalms to render ―the Pit,‖ which is another OT synonym of Sheol. In rabbinic literature, the word has come to mean the place of punishment reserved for the wicked. Current English versions render this word variously in the OT: ―Abaddon,‖ ―Destruction/destruction,‖ ―the place of destruction,‖ ―Perdition/perdition,‖ ―the abyss,‖ ―the world of the dead.‖ In the single NT occurrence, the word is consistently transliterated as ―Abaddon.‖ HERBERT G. GRETHER ABAGTHA (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăbagtā˒ ( ֲֲאא ָת ְג ַב )]. See MEHUMAN (PERSON). ABANA (PLACE) [Heb ˒ăbānâ (ה ָנ ָב ֲא)]. One of two rivers of Damascus, which Naaman the Syrian considered to be superior to the Jordan (2 Kgs 5:12). The Awaj and the Barada are now the chief streams that flow through the city of Damascus, the former representing the Pharpar of the Hebrew text and the latter the Abana. The Barada (Abana) has as its source a large pool of great depth on a high plain rising 1149 feet (383 m) in the Anti-Lebanon Mountains, 23 miles (37 km) northwest of Damascus. Making a rapid descent down the mountains, the stream flows through a picturesque gorge, across a plain, through Damascus, and loses itself in the marshy lake Bahret el-Kibliyeh about 18 miles (29 km) east of the city. RAY LEE ROTH ABARIM (PLACE) [Heb ˓ăbār m (ים ִש ָב ֲף)]. A mountain range generally located east of the mouth of the Jordan river and northeast of the Dead Sea forming the northwestern rim of the Moabite tableland, thus separating the latter from the rift valley (Num 33:47–48). The highest peaks of this range rise about 600 feet above the Moabite plateau and overlook the Dead Sea some 4000 feet below their summits. The mountains of Abarim, a southern extension of the Transjordan range, are located ―in front of [the town of] Nebo‖ (Num 33:47). One of the peaks of this ridge is Mount Nebo (see also NEBO, MOUNT), which Moses ascended from the Plains of Moab (Num 27:12) and from which he viewed the land of Canaan prior to his death (Deut 32:49). The Israelites camped in the mountains of Abarim after leaving Almon-diblathaim and before reaching the Plains of Moab, the final stage of the exodus from Egypt (Num 33:47–48). In Jer 22:20 the RSV treats ˓ăbār m as a proper name, assuming it to be a region as are Lebanon to the north and Basham to the northeast. However, the KJV translates ˓ăbār m by ―passages.‖ Similarly, several ancient versions (LXX, Vg and Pesh) reflect in their translations of ˓ăbār m in Jer 22:20 the verbal root meaning ―to cross over‖ or ―to pass over.‖ Abarim may originally have been an appellative (reflected in the Gk of the LXX translation of Num 27:12 ―to oros to en tō peran‖ i.e. ―[places] on the other side [of Judah])‖ before it became the proper name ―Abarim.‖ The NEB emends the RSV reading ―valley of the travelers‖ in Ezek 39:11 to read ―the valley of Abarim‖ (see also TRAVELERS, VALLEY OF). While most maps confine the Abarim range to the highland north of the river Arnon, several scholars (GP 1:379; GTTOT: 261; van Zyl 1960: 51) infer from Jer 22:20 and the name of the encampment Iye- abarim, which by definition appears to be associated with the Abarim range, that the hills of Abarim also
- 127. describe the mountainseast of the southern end of the Dead Sea. Though the precise location of IYE- ABARIM is uncertain, scholars generally place it south of the Arnon gorge. In antiquity Josephus (Ant 4. 8,§48), Jerome and Eusebius made reference to the Abarim hills (Lagarde 1966: 16,5; 89,8; 216,4). For references, see BEER (PLACE). ARTHUR J. FERCH ABBA. A form of the Aramaic word for ―father‖ found in Gal 4:6; Rom 8:15; and Mark 14:36 alongside the Greek ho patēr as an address to God. The presence of ho patēr in every case (instead of the vocative pater) shows that the NT writers saw abba as a determinative form: ˒abbā˒, ―the father‖; cf. Matt 11:16; Luke 10:21. Such forms are frequently used in Aramaic and Hebrew when a vocative is required: another example is talitha (Aram. ṭalyētā˒/ṭalyĕtā˒), rendered to korasion in Mark 5:41. Accordingly the explanation of abba as the determinative form of ab (―father‖) is almost certainly correct. Alternatively the form has been explained as a rare vocative (in which case it could just as well be Hebrew as Aramaic) or as derived from children‘s baby talk (cf. ―Papa,‖ ―Daddy‖). If the last explanation were right, then the use of abba as an address to God in Mark 14:36 might be thought to imply a special, indeed a unique, intimacy. This view was held at one time by J. Jeremias, but he later came to regard it as ―a piece of inadmissible naivety‖ (1967: 63). Wrong as it is, it deserves mention not only because of its extensive dissemination beyond the walls of academia but also because its influence can be detected even in the work of respected scholars such as J. G. D. Dunn (1975: 21–26; 1980: 22–23) and is explicit in the most recent writing of M. J. Borg (1987: 45). Apart from the intrinsic unlikelihood of the idea that Jesus ever addressed God as ―Daddy,‖ the suggestion is ruled out of court by one important fact: wherever abba is found with the meaning ―father‖ or ―my father‖ (in Mishnaic Hebrew or Targumic Aramaic), it is equally employed of the fathers of grown-up sons. One instance cited by G. Vermes (1983: 42) is Judah‘s threat to his unrecognized brother, Joseph, in the Tg. Neof. version of Gen 44:18: ―I swear by the life of the head of abba, as you swear by the life of the head of Pharaoh your master …‖ And as J. Barr (1988) emphasizes, inferences concerning the meaning of words must be based upon function, not upon origin or derivation. There is no evidence in pre-Christian Palestinian Judaism that God was ever addressed as abba by an individual Jew in prayer. Jeremias (1967: 59) adduces two instances in the Babylonian (Talmud b. Ta˓an. 23ab) from stories told of sages who lived in the 1st century B.C.; but Schelbert (1981: 398–405) has shown these attributions to be insecure, a point reemphasized by Fitzmyer (1985: 27) in the most comprehensive of all recent discussions of the subject. Though God is frequently alluded to as the father of his people in the OT and elsewhere, the earliest attestation of abba as a personal address to God is Gal 4:6. This should not be taken to imply that the sense of God as the father of the individual supplicant was not pre-Christian: there are a few passages that perhaps indicate it: Sir 23:1, 4; Wis 2:16; 14:3. This evidence, however, is neither abundant nor strong. The question why the Aramaic abba was retained in the Spirit-inspired prayer of Greek-speaking communities cannot be answered with certainty. But even the single attribution of the term to Jesus (in the prayer in Gethsemane) lends plausibility to the suggestion that Christian usage was prompted by an authentic tradition of Jesus‘ own prayer. This is supported by Paul‘s association of the prayer of the community with the divine sonship of Christ ―God has sent the spirit of his Son into our hearts, crying, ‗Abba! Father!‘ ‖ (Gal 4:6). The fact that Matthew and Luke have different renderings of Jesus‘ prayer to God in Gethsemane (pater mou, Matt 26:39; pater, Luke 22:42) may be explained in one of two ways: either the memory of Jesus‘ own prayer did not survive beyond the first written account; or else the use of abba in Christian prayer was no longer current in the Matthean and Lucan communities. Finally, what are the christological implications of the use of the term by Jesus? Since the address was taken over by Christians in their own prayer, they cannot have seen it as evidence of an exclusive relationship between Jesus and God. Moreover, postbiblical usage (the only comparative material available) suggests that the nuance of abba as an address is closer to ―Father‖ than the earlier Hebrew and Aramaic forms (˒āb and ˒ăb respectively), which mean specifically ―my father.‖ These, like abba, can
- 128. be used inspeaking about one‘s father as well as in addressing him; but unlike abba, they are not used of another person‘s father. Besides, the Gospels portray Jesus as urging his disciples to regard God as a father and to address him as their father in prayer. Nevertheless, taken in conjunction with other gospel evidence (e.g. Matt 11:25–27 = Luke 10:21–22) for Jesus‘ own awareness of God as Father, the use of abba constitutes one especially strong argument for the view that the personal sense of the fatherhood of God was a typically Christian development of the Judaic tradition, and that this probably originated in a recollection of Jesus‘ teaching and of the example of his own prayer. Bibliography Barr, J. 1988. ―Abba‖ Isn‘t ―Daddy,‖ JTS 39: 28–47. Borg, M. J. 1987. Jesus: A New Vision. San Francisco. Dalman, G. 1902. The Words of Jesus. Trans. D. M. Kay. Edinburgh. Dunn, J. G. D. 1975. Jesus and the Spirit. London. ———. 1980. Christology in the Making. London. Jeremias, J. 1967. The Prayers of Jesus. London. Fitzmyer, J. A. 1988. Abba and Jesus‘ Relation to God. Pp. 15–38 in À Cause de l‘Évangile. Lectio Divina 123. Paris. Schelbert, G. 1981. Sprachgeschichtliches zu ―Abba.‖ Pp. 395–447 in Mélanges Dominique Barthélémy, ed. P. Casetti et al. Freiburg. Vermes, G. 1983. Jesus and the World of Judaism. London. JOHN ASHTON ABDA (PERSON) [Heb ˓abdā˒ (א ָֹּד ְב ַף)]. 1. The father of Adoniram (1 Kgs 4:6), an official in charge of forced labor during King Solomon‘s reign (1 Kgs 5:27—Eng5:14). Abda appears in a list of Solomon‘s high officials (1 Kgs 4:1–6). 2. The son of Shammua, and descendant of Jeduthun, one of 284 Levites listed among those who performed their duties in ―the holy city‖ (Jerusalem) under Nehemiah (Neh 11:17; LXX variants of the name include ōbēb and abdas). As a descendant of Jeduthun, Abda was a member of a family set apart for musical service by King David (1 Chr 25:1–6). A parallel biblical list (1 Chr 9:14–16) mentions not Abda but Obadiah (also derived from the Heb root ˓bd), but the Neo-Babylonian Murašu Archive (dated ca. 429–428 B.C.E.) refers to an Ab-da-˒ son of Aplā (Hilprecht 1898: 45.5; Zadok 1976: 17), demonstrating the contemporaneous use of this name in Babylon. Bibliography Hilprecht, H. V., ed. 1898. The Babylonian Expedition of the University of Pennsylvania. Series A: Cuneiform Texts. Vol. 9. Philadelphia. Zadok, R. 1976. The Jews in Babylonia in the Chaldean and Achaemenian Periods in the Light of the Babylonian Sources. Tel Aviv. MARK J. FRETZ ABDEEL (PERSON) [Heb ˓abdĕ˒ēl ( ְֲֹּד ְב ַףל ֵא )]. The father of Shelemiah, an official of unspecified status under Jehoiakim, King of Judah (Jer 36:26—LXX 43:26). Together with Jerahmeel and Seraiah, Shelemiah was ordered by the king to seize Baruch the scribe and Jeremiah the prophet (cf. Jer 26:20– 24—LXX 33:20–24, where Uriah the prophet was similarly seized, and then executed). The MT phrase including ―Shelemiah the son of Abdeel‖ (Jer 36:26) is missing in the LXX, and was likely lost through homoioteleuton (note the similarities between Heb ben-˓abdĕ˒ēl and the preceding ben-˓azr ˒ēl). MARK J. FRETZ ABDI (PERSON) [Heb ˓abd (י ִֹּד ְב ַף)]. 1. A Levite of the clan of Merari, and father of Kishi and grandfather of Ethan (1 Chr 6:29—Eng6:44). His name appears in an extended genealogy listing Levi‘s descendants (1 Chronicles 1–9). Abdi‘s son Kishi (Heb qyšy) is probably the Kushaiah (Heb qwšyhw) of 1 Chr 15:17. His grandson, Ethan, served as temple singer under King David and eventually supplanted Jeduthun as head of the third clan of temple singers (1 Chr 6:16–34—Eng6:31–48; see Williamson 1979: 263).
- 129. 2. The fatherof Kish, a Levite who helped cleanse the temple during the reign of King Hezekiah (2 Chr 29:12). See KISH. This Abdi is mentioned in a short list of Levites who cleansed the temple, rather than in an extended genealogy. However, the appearance of the name ―Abdi‖ in lists from both the Davidic- Solomonic period (see above) and the Hezekiah period is noteworthy: both Abdi‘s were Levites of the clan of Merari, their sons had similar names (Kish/Kishi), and their descendants appear to have been involved in various aspects of temple service. On the one hand, this similarity may be historical: there may well have been two Levites named Abdi living three hundred years apart, the second of whom named his offspring Kish and thereby recalled the earlier ―golden age‖ of David and Solomon. On the other hand, the similarity may be a purely literary creation, a technique whereby the Chronicler supported his portrayal of Hezekiah as a ―second Solomon‖ (Williamson 1977: 119–25). A third view is that ―Kish the son of Abdi‖ means ―Kish the descendant of Abdi.‖ According to this view, the legitimizing function of the Levitical genealogies (1 Chronicles 6) was utilized to indicate not a literal, biological father, but a real or fictive ancestor for this important Levite, who assisted in cleansing the temple in Hezekiah‘s time. 3. A descendant of Elam who returned from Babylonian exile. This Abdi was one of a number of returnees who married foreign women from ―the people of the land‖ (Ezra 10:26 = 1 Esdr 9:27 [abdia is a variant of ōabdeios in 9:27]). Under Ezra, he was subsequently forced by a covenant made with God to separate himself from his foreign wife and her children (Ezra 10:1–44 = 1 Esdr 8:88–9:36; see also Neh 13:23–31). Bibliography Williamson, H. G. M. 1977. Israel in the Books of Chronicles. Cambridge, MA. ———. 1979. The Origins of the Twenty-four Priestly Courses, A Study of 1 Chronicles xxiii–xxvii. Pp. 251–68 in Studies in the Historical Books of the Old Testament, ed. J. A. Emerton. VTSup 30. Leiden. MARK J. FRETZ ABDIEL (PERSON) [Heb ˓abd ˒ēl (ל ֵיא ִֹּד ְב ַף)]. The father of Ahi, a prominent member of the tribe of Gad (1 Chr 5:15) in the northern Transjordan during the reigns of King Jotham of Judah and Jeroboam II of Israel (mid-8th century B.C.E.). According to various LXX manuscripts, Abdiel is not the father of Ahi but instead the father of either zaboucham, or achibouz, or simply the brother (Heb ˒ḥy) of Buz (Gk bouz). The name ―Abdiel‖ occurs in an extended genealogy of Israel that also identifies tribal locations within Palestine (1 Chronicles 2–8). MARK J. FRETZ ABDON (PERSON) [Heb ˓abdôn (ֹּדון ְב ַף)]. Four individuals mentioned in the OT bear this name, which is formed on the root ˓bd with an abstract or diminutive ending, thus evoking the sense of ―service‖ or, possibly, ―servile.‖ 1. Abdon son of Hillel was from the town of Pirathon in Ephraim (possibly at or near Far˓ata, ca. 10 km southwest of Shechem). He is one of the tribal leaders who ―judged Israel,‖ for ―eight years,‖ in the premonarchy period (Judg 12:13–15). Information about him is sketchy. That he had ―forty sons and thirty grandsons,‖ an odd progression, ―who rode on seventy donkeys‖ may indicate declining wealth and prominence of one extended family in the central hill country where the territory of Ephraim and Manasseh merged. Territorial claims were still so unsettled that the area where Abdon lived is also called ―Amalekite hill country‖ (12:15). 2. Another Abdon is the first-mentioned (1 Chr 8:23) of eleven sons of Shashak in a second genealogy of Benjamin. In contrast to the genealogy in the preceding chapter (1 Chr 7:6–12), chapter 8 is organized to show distribution of Benjaminite families, at some time not specified, outside as well as within the ―Deuteronomic‖ description of Benjamin‘s territory (Josh 18:11–28; Myers 1 Chronicles AB, 53). Seemingly contradictory, or inconsistent, genealogies may coexist because they have different functions (Wilson 1977:203). 3. Another Abdon is the firstborn of Jeiel‘s 9 sons in a list of Saul‘s ancestors which is recorded twice (1 Chr 8:30 and 9:36).
- 130. 4. Abdon sonof Micah (2 Chr 34:20) is a member of the board of inquiry sent by King Josiah to the prophetess Huldah, for authentication of the rediscovered ―book of the law.‖ In the parallel account, however, the name is ACHBOR (2 Kgs 22:14). Bibliography Mullen, E. T. Jr. 1982. The ―Minor Judges.‖ CBQ 44: 185–201. Wilson, R. R. 1977. Genealogy and History in the Biblical World. New Haven. ROBERT G. BOLING ABDON (PLACE) [Heb ˓abdôn (ֹּדון ְב ַף)]. Var. EBRON. Located in the tribe of Asher, Abdon is mentioned three times in the OT, once in the territorial allotment to Asher in Josh 19:28 (MT ˓ebrōn; RSV Ebron) and twice in the Levitical City lists, Josh 21:30 and 1 Chr 6:59—Eng6:74. The biblical site has been identified with Khirbet ˓Abda (M.R. 165272), a site located 6 km E of the coastal city, Tell ˒Achzib. (See Boling and Wright Joshua AB; Noth Joshua HAT; Peterson 1977: 29–39.) Khirbet ˓Abda is situated in the coastal plain of Acco and on the important Wadi el-Qarn. Tell ˒Achzib is located at the W end of the wadi, and Khirbet ˓Abda is situated where the wadi emerges from the Galilean hills. The importance of this site should not be minimized since it appears to have dominated an important trade route from Phoenicia to the Galilee region. The remains lie on a fairly large natural hill, and so the tell itself is actually smaller than at first appears. The surrounding countryside is lush, with the coastal plain able to support much agricultural activity. There is an ample water supply at the site. Since the mid-18th century many geographers have visited the site, identifying it with different degrees of probability. They include Guérin (1868: 2:67), Kitchener (1881: 170), Garstang (1931: 98), Saarisalo (1929: 39–40), a survey team from the Palestine Department of Antiquities, and most recently the Levitical City survey team. From the surface surveys conducted at Khirbet ˓Abda, there is indication of occupation in the LB Age, Iron I, Iron II, Roman, Byzantine, and Arabic periods. Bibliography Albright, W. F. 1921–23. Contributions to the Historical Geography of Palestine. AASOR 2–3. Abel, F. M. 1938. Géographie de la Palestine. Vol. 2. Paris. Conder, C. R., and Kitchener, H. H. 1881. The Survey of Western Palestine. Vol. 1. London. Garstang, J. 1931. Joshua, Judges. London. Guérin, M. V. 1868. Description géographique, historique et archéologique de la Palestine. Vol. 2. Paris. Peterson, J. L. 1977. A Topographical Surface Survey of the Levitical ―Cities‖ of Joshua 21 and I Chronicles 6: Studies on the Levites in Israelite Life and Religion. Diss. Seabury-Western Theological Seminary. Saarisalo, A. 1929. Topographical Research in Galilee. JPOS 9: 37–40. JOHN L. PETERSON ABEDNEGO (PERSON) [Heb ˓ăbēd nĕgô (גו ְדֲנ ֵב ֲף)]. See SHADRACH, MESHACH, ABEDNEGO. ABEL (PERSON) [Heb hebel (ל ֶב ֶה)]. Second son of Adam and Eve (Gen 4:2). Abel was a herdsman who gave as a sacrifice to the Lord the firstborn of his flock and their fat portions. Yahweh‘s acceptance of this sacrifice and the rejection of the gift of Abel‘s brother, Cain, set the latter at enmity with him, prompting Cain to murder Abel in a field (Gen 4:8). The subsequent birth of Seth to Adam and Eve is understood by Eve as a replacement for Abel (Gen 4:25). In the gospels, Jesus assigns the guilt of all righteous blood—from that of Abel to that of Zechariah—to the Pharisees of his generation (Matt 23:35; Luke 11:51). The writer of Hebrews notes that by faith Abel brought a more acceptable sacrifice than his brother, Cain (Heb 11:4). The next chapter of Hebrews argues for the superiority of the blood of Jesus to that of Abel (Heb 12:24). Three issues surround the figure of Abel in the Bible: the question as to why God looked with favor on the offering of Abel; the meaning of the phrase ―the blood of Abel‖ as it is used in the NT; and the meaning of the name ―Abel‖ and its usage in the story of Genesis. The biblical text gives no explicit reason for God‘s preference for Abel‘s offering. This has given rise to speculation. Even the writer of Hebrews does little more than observe the offering as characteristic of
- 131. faith. Explanations whichfocus on the difference in the type of offering of Cain and Abel (Gunkel Genesis HKAT, 37; Skinner Genesis ICC, 105) or on the difference in their disposition, like those which emphasize the inscrutable choice of God (von Rad Genesis OTL, 104; Westermann Genesis 1–11 BKAT, 403–4), rely upon suppositions not explicit within the text. Nor is there any support for a rivalry between farmers and herdsmen (as disputed by Sarna 1970: 28). Note that minḥāh, ―offering,‖ can refer to a grain offering as well as to a meat offering. The text makes a distinction between Abel‘s offering of the ―first‖ and Cain‘s offering of ―some‖ (Cassuto 1961: 206–7; Sarna 1970: 29; Waltke 1986; Wenham Genesis 1– 15 WBC, 103–4). In offering the firstborn, Abel‘s act parallels that of Israelite sacrifices in which the firstborn represents both that which belongs to God as well as the entirety of the flock. By giving the firstborn and the best of the animal (i.e., the fat), Abel would be understood as having given everything to God. Jesus‘ observation on the blood of Abel refers to the murder of Abel, which is interpreted as similar to that of a ―prophet‖; and to that of a martyr, apparently due to its association with the worship of God (Hill, Matthew NCBC, 315; Marshall, Luke NIGTC, 506; Légasse 1982; Fitzmyer, Luke 20–24 AB, 946, 951). The focus of Heb 11:4 is on the faith of Abel. He represents the first example of the righteous who are put to death for their faithfulness. In Heb 12:24 Abel‘s blood represents the murder of an innocent victim. It cries out for vengeance (Gen 4:10). The blood of Jesus could also represent the murder of an innocent victim. However, instead of a cry for vengeance, the blood of Jesus provides mercy before God (Le Déaut 1961:30–36; Moffatt, Hebrews ICC, 163–65, 218–19; Hughes 1977:453–57, 551–52). Attempts to trace the meaning of the name ―Abel‖ to the Akkadian aplu, ―heir‖ (IDB 1: 4) or the Sumerian synonym, ibila (Landersdorfer 1916: 67–68), seem to be speculative. This is true despite the occurrence of these elements in Mesopotamian personal names. Nor is a relationship with the names Jabal and Jubal at the end of chapter 4 clear from the text (contra Skinner, Genesis ICC, 103). A simpler origin for the name can be found in the Hebrew root hbl, those meaning, ―breath,‖ reflects the more basic idea of that which is transitory (Cassuto 1961:202; von Rad, Genesis OTL, 104; Westermann, Genesis 1–11 BKAT, 398; TWAT 2:337–38; Wenham, Genesis 1–15 WBC, 102). In the narrative of Genesis 4, Abel represents a figure whose life is cut short before its full time is accomplished. Although one may argue that Abel‘s name was intended to signify the general condition of humanity as subject to death, it is better to see the name as an anticipation of Abel‘s premature death. Bibliography Cassuto, U. 1961. A Commentary on the Book of Genesis. Pt. 1, From Adam to Noah. Trans. I. Abrahams. Jerusalem. Hughes, P. E. 1977. A Commentary to the Epistle to the Hebrews. Grand Rapids. Landersdorfer, S. 1916. Sumerisches Sprachgut im alten Testament. Leipzig. Légasse, S. 1982. L‘oracle contre ―cette génération‖ (Mt 23, 34–36 par Lc 1,49–51) et la polémique judéo-chrétienne dans la source des logia. Pp. 237–256 in Logia. Les Paroles de Jésus—The Sayings of Jesus, ed. J. Delobel. Le Déaut, R. 1961. Traditions targumiques dans le corpus Paluinien? (Hebr 11,4 et 12,24; Gal 4, 29–30; II Cor. 3, 16). Bib 42: 28–48. Offord, J. 1916. Archaeological Notes on Jewish Antiquities. PEFQS 138–48. Sarna, N. 1970. Understanding Genesis. Heritage of Biblical Israel 1. New York. Waltke, B. K. 1986. Cain and His Offering. WTJ 48: 363–72. RICHARD S. HESS ABEL-BETH-MAACAH (PLACE) [Heb ˒ābēl bêt-ma˓ăkâ (ה ָכ ֲף ַית־מ ֵלֲב ֵב ָא)]. Var. ABEL OF BETH-MAACAH. A town in the N part of Israel conquered by Ben-hadad at the beginning of the 9th century B.C. (1 Kgs 15:20) and then by Tiglath-pileser III in 734 B.C. (2 Kgs 15:29). Its identification with ˒bw€ m in the Execration texts (E47) (Alt 1941: 33) is doubtful, but it can be identified with ibr no. 92 in the list of Thutmoses III (LBHG, 150) and thus must have been one of the Canaanite centers in the country. Its role during the revolt of Sheba (2 Sam 20:14–18) may indicate both a certain independence during the reign of David and the continuation of the Canaanite population. According to the proverb in 2
- 132. Sam 20:18, Beth-Maacahmust have been famous for its council. The city has been identified with Tell Abel el-Qamḥ (M.R. 204296), 7 km WNW of Dan. Bibliography Alt, A. 1941. Herren und Herrensitze Palästinas im Anfang des zweiten Jahrtansends v. Chr. ZDPV 64: 21–39. VOLKMAR FRITZ ABEL-KERAMIM (PLACE) [Heb ˒ābēl kĕrām m (ים ִמ ָש ְלֲכ ֵב ָא)]. A town on the border of the Ammonites (Judg 11:33), probably identical with Abila in Eusebius‘ Onomast. (32, 14–16 Klostermann). According to Eusebius, the distance from Abila to Philadelphia/Rabbath Ammon/Amman is 6 roman leagues. Based on this reference, suggestions for the location of Abel-Keramim form a circle around Amman: Nā˓ūr (M.R. 228142; GP 2: 233f), Khirbet es-Suq (KISchr I: 159, n. 3), and Kōm Yājūz (M.R. 237160; Mittmann 1969: 75). These identifications were all ruled out by Redford (1982a; 1982b), who identified Abel-Keramim with the krmm of Thutmosis‘ III list of Asiatic toponyms (see ANET, 242). However, Redford‘s own identification of Abel-Keramim at Tell el-˓Umeiri (M.R. 234142) is open to criticism, since excavations there did not corroborate the LB occupation assumed by Redford on the basis of his survey. See UMEIRI, TELL EL-. Knauf (1984) adduced evidence from the Islamic conquest narratives, and proposed identifying Abel-Keramim with Saḥāb. According to early Islamic tradition, in A.D. 634 a battle was fought between ― bil, Z za˒, and Qasṭal‖ (cf. Donner 1981: 113f). The plain N of Z za˒, NE of Qasṭal, and S of the Ammonite hill country, now transversed by the Hijaz railway and the location of Amman‘s international airport, would indeed have formed a splendid battleground for cavalry. To the N, this plain is dominated by Saḥāb. Sahab was a walled city in the 15th century B.C., and extensively occupied during the Iron Age. See SAHAB. Its vicinity was densely occupied by hamlets and farmsteads in the Late Byzantine and Umayyad periods (Gustavson-Gaube and Ibrahim 1986). Abel-Keramim can be translated ―pasture of vineyards,‖ or since *Karam m/Karamen is previously attested as this place‘s name, ―the pasture of the vineyard town.‖ Place names containing the abel element have a high frequency in the OT and in the present toponymy of S Syria, Jordan, and Palestine. These names seem to have originated among the nonurban population of this area in the course of the LB and Early Iron Age transition. These names may indicate the sociopolitical change which took place in this period, i.e. the demise of the city-states and the formation of the Aramaean, Israelite, and Ammonite tribal states. Bibliography Donner, F. M. 1981. The Early Islamic Conquests. Princeton. Gustavson-Gaube, C., and Ibrahim, M. 1986. Sahab Survey, 1984. AfO 33: 283–86. Knauf, E. A. 1984. Abel Keramim. ZDPV 100: 119–121. Mittmann, S. 1969. Aroer, Minnith und Abel Keramim (Jdc. 11, 33). ZDPV 85: 63–75. Redford, D. 1982a. Contact between Egypt and Jordan in the New Kingdom: Some Comments on Sources. Pp. 115–19 in Studies in the History and Archaeology of Jordan I, ed. A. Hadidi. Amman. ———. 1982b. A Bronze Age Itinerary in Transjordan (Nos. 89–101 of Thutmose III‘s List of Asiatic Toponyms). JSSEA 12: 55–74. ERNST AXEL KNAUF ABEL-MEHOLAH (PLACE) [Heb. ˒ābēl mĕḥôlâ (ה ָחול ְלֲמ ֵב ָא)]. A town located in the western Jordan ghor (Judg 7:22; 1 Kgs 4:12). It was the hometown of the prophet Elisha, son of Shaphat (1 Kgs 19:16), and probably also of Adriel ben Barzillai the Meholathite, the son-in-law of Saul, the first King of Israel (1 Sam 18:19; 2 Sam 21:8). The name of the settlement means ―meadow of dancing.‖ It is one of a group of compound names formed with ˒ābēl, ―meadow, well-watered land,‖ as a descriptive first element. Other examples include Abel-maim, Abel-shittim, Abel-keramim, Abel-mizraim, and Abel-beth- maacah. While the present spelling and vocalization of the second element means ―dancing,‖ it is possible that before the medial waw was added as a vowel marker, the nonvocalized consonantal text mḥlh designated the Manassite clan of Mahlah (Num 26:33; 27:1; 36:11; Josh 17:3; 1 Chr 7:18), indicating that the meadow where the town was founded belonged to the Mahlah clan.
- 133. The location ofthe ancient settlement is disputed. 20th-century proposals have included two sites on the eastern side of the Jordan: Tell Maqlub (M.R. 214201) inland on the north bank of the Wadi el-Yabis (Glueck 1945–48: 215–23) and Tell el-Meqbereh/Tell Abu Kharaz, in the eastern ghor at the mouth of the Wadi el-Yabis (Alt 1928:44–46; Noth 1959: 52–60); and four sites in the western Jordan ghor; Ras Umm el-Harrube (M.R. 196175) in the hills above the north bank of the Wadi Faria (Burney 1914: 94–96); Tell Abu Sifri (S)/Khirbet Tell el-Hilu, which lies at the junction of Wadi el-Helwah and Wadi el-Malih north of the Wadi Faria (Albright 1925: 18; Alt 1928:45; GP, 234; Simons 1959: 294; LOB, 284, n. 222); Tell el-Hamme, which lies at the mouth of the Wadi Losm el-hamme, about 5.25 km north of Tell Abu Sifri (Hölscher 1910: 17–18); and Tell Abu Sus, which lies about 15 km south of Beth She˒an, at the southern edge of the Beth She˒an Valley (Naor 1947:90–93; Zobel 1966: 97–101; Mittmann 1970: 128; Rosel 1976: 15; Zori 1977: 38–9; LOB 313; HGB, 63). The town‘s location on the western side of the Jordan River is clearly indicated by the description of the fifth Solomonic district in 1 Kgs 4:12. The district included the lowland areas forming an arc around the Gilboa spur, from Taanach in the Esdraelon Plain, westward, through the Beth She˒an Valley, swinging south to include the western bank of the ghor to the southern boundary of Abel-Meholah, opposite Jokmeam. A location in the western ghor is also indicated by the description of the flight of the Midianites from the Jezreel Valley in Judg 7:22–8:5. Attempting to return to their home in the east, which required the crossing of the Jordan (Judg 6:33), they are said to have moved southward from the Valley, to Beth- Shittah, as far as the riverbank of Abel-Meholah, near or opposite Tabbath. Gideon is to have sent mesengers to the inhabitants of the hill country of Ephraim to seize the waters as far as Beth-barah and also the Jordan against the retreating Midianites, to prevent them from fording the Jordan and escaping into Gilead or down the eastern ghor to the arabah region south of the Dead Sea. Their failure to act allowed the Midianites to cross the Jordan, forcing Gideon to cross in pursuit (Judg 8:1–5). Regardless of one‘s stance as to the historical reliability and date of the Gideon narrative (Payne 1983: 163–72), one can presume that the author of the story would have been familiar with the geography and the ancient road systems in the regions depicted in the story, which would not have changed significantly over time. The information provided requires a location for Abel-Meholah in the western ghor near the Jordan River, north of Beth-barah and near or opposite Tabbath, and north of the latitude of Succoth on the eastern bank of the Jordan, which was the first settlement Gideon reached after crossing the river. Eusebius places Abel-Meholah in the western ghor, identifying it with the Roman settlement known as Bethmaela ten Roman miles south of Scytholpolis (Beth She˒an). In light of the available information, Tell el- Meqbereh/Tell Abu Kharaz, Tell Maqlub, and Ras Umm el-Harrube can be eliminated from potential candidacy. Archaelogical surveys at Tell Abu Sifri (S)/Khirbet Tell el-Hilu have indicated occupation during the EB I, MB I, IIB, LB, Iron I-II, Pers, Hell, Rom, Byz, Medieval, and Ottoman periods (Zertal 1986: 141; cf. Gophna and Porat 1972: 218; Mittmann 1970: 336), while similar surveys at Tell el-Hamme have uncovered evidence of occupation during EB I, MB I, IIB, LB, Iron I-II, Pers, Hell, Byz, Medieval, and Ottoman periods (Gophna and Porat 1972: 214; Mittmann 1970: 338; cf. Zori 1977: 37). Excavations were begun at Tell el-Hamme in 1988. A preliminary survey at Tell Abu Sus yielded diagnostic shards from EB I-II, Iron I, Byz, and Arabic periods (Zori 1977: 38–39). Of the three proposed locations in the western ghor, Tell abu Sifri (S)/Khirbet Tell el-Hilu and Tell el- Hamme would both seem to be located too far inland from the Jordan to have been along the theoretical Midianite retreat path in Judg 7:22. While settlements often controlled outlying fields or territory beyond the settlement proper, the reference to Abel-Meholah‘s ―riverbank‖ suggests that the town was located close to the Jordan. Tell Abu Sus seems to be the best candidate in light of the description in both Judg 7:22 and 1 Kgs 4:12. In order for the equation with Tell Abu Sus to be upheld, future survey work or excavations would need to confirm occupation during the Roman period, to corroborate Eusebius testimony, and probably also Iron II occupation, the period when the Gideon story may first have become part of the Deuteronomistic History. Bibliography
- 134. Albright, W. F.1925. Bronze Age Mounds of Northern Palestine and the Hauran. BASOR 19: 5–19. Alt, A. 1928. Das Institut im Jahre 1927. Die Reise. PJ 24: 30–73. Burney, C. F. 1914. The Topography of Gideon‘s Rout of the Midianites. BZAW 87–99. Glueck, N. 1945–49. Explorations in Eastern Palestine, IV. AASOR 25–28. Gophna, Y., and Porat, R. 1972. The Land of Ephraim and Manasseh. Pp. 196–243 in Judaea Samaria and the Golan, ed. M. Kochavi. Jerusalem. Hölscher, G. 1910. Bemerkungen zur Topographie Pälastinas 2. ZDPV 33: 16–25. Mittmann, S. 1970. Beiträge zur Siedlungs- und Territorialgeschichte des nördlichen Ostjordanlandes. Wiesbaden. Naor, M. 1947. Jabesh-Gilead, Abel Meholah, and Zaretan. BJPES 13: 89–99 (in Hebrew). Noth, M. 1959. Gilead und Gad. ZDPV 75: 14–73. Payne, E. 1983. The Midianite Arc in Joshua and Judges. Pp. 163–172 in Midian, Moab, and Edom, ed. J. Sawyer and D. Clines. JSOTSup 24. Sheffield. Rosel, H. 1975. Studien zur Topographie der Kriege in den Büchern Josua und Richter. ZDPV 92: 10–46. Simons, J. 1959. Geographical and Topographical Texts of the Old Testament. Studia Francisci Scholten Memoriae Dicata 2. Leiden. Zertal, A. 1986. The Israelite Settlement in the Hill-Country of Manasseh. Diss. Tel Aviv University (Hebrew). Zobel, H. J. 1966. Abel-Mehola. ZDPV 82: 83–108. Zori, N. 1977. The Land of Issachar: Archaeological Survey. Jerusalem. DIANA V. EDELMAN ABGAR, EPISTLE OF CHRIST TO. This correspondence consists of two letters, one from Abgar V Ukkama ―the Black,‖ toparch of Edessa to Jesus of Nazareth, and Jesus‘ reply. Both are pseudepigraphic. The earliest surviving versions of this apocryphal epistle, which appear in Eusebius‘ Hist. Eccl. 1.13.6–10 (ca. A.D. 303) may be summarized as follows: Addressing Jesus as ―good Savior,‖ Abgar professes admiration for his cures accomplished ―without medicines or herbs‖ and asserts that he must be ―God, and came down from heaven to do these things, or … a Son of God.‖ He invites Jesus to come to Edessa, on the one hand, to heal him of an illness [pathos] and, on the other, to take refuge since ―the Jews are mocking you and wish to ill-treat you.‖ In response, Jesus praises the ruler for his belief ―not having seen me‖ (cf. John 20:29). Yet he replies that he cannot come since he ―must first complete here all for which I was sent, and after thus completing it be taken up to him who sent me‖ (cf. John 16:5; 17:4). He promises to send one of his disciples to cure Abgar and to ―give life to you and all those with you.‖ Eusebius claimed to have translated the letters from Syriac documents in the archives of Edessa (Hist. Eccl. 1.13.5), and he concluded, again claiming to follow his Syriac source, with the story of the fulfillment after Pentecost of Jesus‘ promises to Abgar, when the apostle Thomas sent Thaddeus (= Syriac ―Addai‖), one of the seventy, to Edessa (Hist. Eccl. 1.13.11–22). The letters appear in their earliest Syriac versions at the beginning of the Doctrine of Addai ca. A.D. 400 (Howard 1981: 6–8 = Doc.Add.). Here Jesus‘ reply is spoken to Hanan, Abgar‘s messenger and archivist, who puts it into writing. The wording of the letters themselves in Syriac is almost identical to Eusebius‘ Greek version. Here, however, and in later references two new features appear: (1) Jesus‘ letter adds a blessing or promise of protection for the city of Edessa (Doc.Add. 8:19–20; cf. CChr Ser. Latina 175: 27–105) and (2) Hanan also paints a portrait of Jesus and brings it back to Abgar with the letter from Jesus (Doc.Add. 8:20–9:4; Evagrius h.e. 4.27). Apotropaic powers were subsequently ascribed to copies of the letter as well as to the painting, which came to be known as an acheiropoietos icon (Dobschütz 1899: 102–96; Segal 1970: 75; Runciman 1931: 245–51). Despite the fact that Jesus‘ letter to Abgar was included in the Gelasian decretals‘ list of apocrypha (A.D. 494), the story of King Abgar and Jesus retained its popularity into the medieval period (Segal 1970: 75). Early scholarly acceptance of the letters as genuine has given way to various degrees of skepticism. Following Gutschmid (1887), Burkitt (1904: 10–38) argued that the ruler in question was Abgar IX (d. ca. A.D. 216) rather than Abgar V (d. A.D. 50) since he is mentioned in the Bardaisanite Book of the Laws of the Countries (= BLC, see BARDAISAN OF EDESSA) as having forbidden emasculation in honor of Atargatis when he ―came to the faith‖ (BLC 607). Burkitt held further that, although the letters were pseudepigraphic, together with the rest of the Doctrine of Addai they shed light on Jewish-Christian evangelization of Edessa, which began in the latter half of the 2d century. In 1934 Bauer denied any
- 135. historical basis forthe Abgar legend (Bauer 1971:2–12). Literary models for the legend have been seen in Josephus‘ account of the conversion of the Jewish rulers of Adiabene (Marquart 1903; Segal 1970: 67–69; cf. Murray 1975: 8–9) or in Manichaean literature (Drijvers 1980). Bibliography Bauer, W. 1963. The Abgar Legend. Pp. 437–44 in New Testament Apocrypha, by E. Hennecke, ed. W. Schneemelcher. Vol. 1. Philadelphia. ———. 1971. Orthodoxy and Heresy in the Earliest Christianity. Philadelphia. Burkitt, F. C. 1904. Early Eastern Christianity. London. Devos, P. 1967. Égérie à Édesse. S. Thomas L‘Apôtre: Le Roi Abgar. AnBoll 85: 381–400. Dodschütz, E. von 1899. Christusbilder; Untersuchungen zur christlichen legende. TU 18.1–2. ———. 1900. Der briefwechsel zwischen Abgar und Jesus. ZWT 43: 422–86. Drijvers, H. J. W. 1980. Addai und Mani. Christentum und Manichäismus im dritten Jahrhundert in Syrien. OCA 221: 171–85. Gutschmid, A. von 1887. Untersuchungen über die Geschichte des königreiches Osroëne. Mémoires de l‘Académie impériale des Sciences de S. Pétersbourg. Sér. 7, 35.1. Howard, G. 1981. Labubna bar Sennak. The Teaching of Addai. SBLTT 16. Ann Arbor. (= Doc.Add.) Marquart, J. 1903. Osteuropäische und Ostasiatische Streifzüge ethnologische und historisch-topographische Studien zur geschichte des 9. und 10. jahrhunderts (ca. 840–940). Leipzig. Phillips, G. 1876. The doctrine of Addai the Apostle, Now First Edited in a Complete Form in the Original Syriac. London. Runciman, S. 1931. Some Remarks on the Image of Edessa. Cambridge Historical Journal 3: 238–52. Segal, J. B. 1970. Edessa ‗The Blessed City.‘ Oxford. Tixeront, L.-J. 1888. Les origines de l‘église d‘Édesse et la légende d‘Abgar. Étude critique suivie de deux textes orientaux inédits. Paris. KATHLEEN E. MCVEY ABI (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăb (י ִב ֲא)]. Var. ABIJAH. Wife of Ahaz, king of Judah, and mother of Hezekiah (2 Kgs 18:2 = 2 Chr 29:1). Abi‘s name appears in the regnal formula of her son, Hezekiah. She is the daughter of Zechariah, whose place of origin is unknown. In the Chronicler‘s parallel account she is called Abijah [Heb ˒ab yâ]. See QUEEN. LINDA S. SCHEARING ABI-ALBON (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăb -˓albôn (בון ְל ַי־ף ִב ֲא)]. An Arbathite listed in a roster of King David‘s thirty chief warriors (2 Sam 23:31). His native town is probably Beth-arabah, possibly to be identified with el-Gharabeh, southeast of Jericho (cf. Jos 18:18, 22). The confusion associated with this name is signaled by the substitution of the name ―Abiel‖ in the 1 Chr 11:32 parallel list. Several significant opinions about the name have been offered. Zadok (1979: 105) believes that Heb ˒ăb -˓albôn may be an altered form of an unattested ˒abi-ba˓lon, and that the MT tendency to change pagan theophoric elements (such as ba˓lon) to ˒ēl accounts for the variant ―Abiel‖ in 1 Chr 11:32. Mazar (1986: 94) holds that the original text read ―Abibaal son of the Arbathite‖; the replacement of the ba˓al element with ˒ēl rendered the Abiel associated with ―the Arbathite‖ (preserved in 1 Chr 11:32), while the dropping of the b consonant in b˓l and fusion with the following word ―son of‖ (Heb bn) rendered ˒by˓lbn Abi- albon (2 Sam 23:31). McCarter (2 Samuel AB, 492) suggests that an even more complex textual history lies behind the MT reference to Abi-Albon. He believes that 2 Sam 23:31 originally read ―Abial the Beth- arabathite‖ (Heb ˒by˓l bt h˓rbty), but that the common prefix for town names, bêt, had been misread bat, ―daughter of,‖ and was ―corrected‖ to ben, ―son of.‖ This ―corrected‖ version is reflected in the LXX: abiēl huios tou Arabōthitou, ―Abiel son of the Arabathite.‖ Finally, a fusion of the name ―Abial‖ with the word ―son of‖ resulted in the name ˒by˓lbn, vocalized Abi-Albon. Bibliography Mazar, B. 1986. The Early Biblical Period, Historical Studies. Ed. S. Aḥituv, and B. Levine. Jerusalem. Zadok, R. 1979. The Jews in Babylonia During the Chaldean and Achaemenian Periods, according to the Babylonian Sources. Studies in the History of the Jewish People and the Land of Israel Monograph Series 3. Haifa. MARK J. FRETZ
- 136. ABIASAPH (PERSON) [Heb˒ăb ˒āsāp (פ ָס ָיא ִב ֲא)]. One of three sons of Korah (Exod 6:24), who led an uprising against Moses and Aaron in the wilderness (Numbers 16). Abiasaph is listed as the head of a Korahite clan in a genealogy relating Aaron and Moses to the Levitical order (Exod 6:14–25; cf. Num 26:5–11). MARK J. FRETZ ABIATHAR (PERSON) [Heb ˒ebyātār (ש ָיָת ְב ֶא)]. The son of Ahimelech and priest of David (1 Sam 22:20–23). Abiathar fled to David with an ephod after the massacre of the priests of Nob at the hands of Doeg the Edomite. Saul had ordered the slaughter after hearing that Ahimelech had harbored David, supplied him with bread and a sword, and also inquired of God on his behalf. The text is not consistent concerning the precise location of Abiathar‘s delivery of the ephod to David. Earlier David is reported to have been in the forest of Hereth in Judah (1 Sam 22:5), yet we are later informed that Abiathar had fled to David at Keilah (1 Sam 23:6). A common solution, based on the LXX, is to understand this verse as referring to Abiathar‘s earlier flight and that he later accompanied David to Keilah. There is some confusion concerning the relationship between Abiathar and Ahimelech. In 2 Sam 8:17 the MT reads ―Ahimelech the son of Abiathar,‖ which conflicts with 1 Sam 23:26 and 30:7, whereas the Syriac reads ―Abiathar son of Ahimelek.‖ The Hebrew of 1 Chr 18:16 points to a similar confusion, but reads ―Abimelech son of Abiathar.‖ The LXX, Syr, and Vg suggest ―Ahimelech‖ in line with 2 Sam 8:17. The reference to Abiathar in Mark 2:26 is usually explained as a result of this confusion in 2 Sam 8:17. However, it is difficult to see how Mark could have made such an error when the reference was to the incident with David at Nob where he accepted the consecrated bread from Ahimelech. The parallel passages in Matt 12:1–8 and Luke 6:1–5 both omit any reference to Abiathar. The episode represents an important transition in the narrative of Saul‘s decline and David‘s rise since Saul has become increasingly isolated, culminating in his complete estrangement from Yahweh. The murder of the priests of Nob and the transfer of the ephod to David by Abiathar symbolizes Yahweh‘s complete withdrawal from Saul and his continuing presence with David. Abiathar provides an important medium of communication between Yahweh and David by consulting the ephod on David‘s behalf (1 Sam 23:9–12). McCarter (1 Samuel AB, 366) understands the episode as depicting David as the protector and preserver of the priesthood of Nob, whereas Saul is depicted as its destroyer. Gunn (1980: 88) understands the episode in literary terms; Abiathar provides David with access to the ephod and thus access to the divine realm of foreknowledge. Those who treat the narratives in historical terms also see the relationship between David and Abiathar as particularly significant. During the rebellion of Absalom, Abiathar is willing to accompany David in his flight from Jerusalem (2 Sam 15:24–36). He and Zadok are said to be responsible for the ark of the covenant of God. Zadok and Abiathar are told by David to return to Jerusalem (15:27–28). They later (17:15–22) inform David, through their sons, of Hushai‘s warning not to wait at the fords of the wilderness. Bright (BHI, 200–1) sees David‘s strategy here as a brilliant move to combine Abiathar, as the representative of tribal Israel, with Zadok, as the representative of the indigenous Jerusalemite priesthood. Abiathar‘s support for Adonijah and Zadok‘s support for Solomon in the struggle for succession to the throne of David is often understood in similar terms. The representatives of tribal Israel were ousted in a purge at the beginning of Solomon‘s reign with Abiathar being exiled to Anathoth. Solomon spared him only because of his service to David (1 Kgs 2:26). Zadok‘s appointment in his place (1 Kgs 2:35) is understood in terms of the victory of urban Canaanite religious specialists. However, in the subsequent list of Solomon‘s officers, Abiathar is still recorded as priest alongside Zadok (1 Kgs 4:4); presumably, this refers to the beginning of the reign. The exile of Abiathar is presented in the Deuteronomistic History as the fulfillment of the word of Yahweh against Eli (1 Sam 2:30–36). This forms part of the common prophecy-fulfillment scheme in Deuteronomistic History. The implicit assumption that Abiathar was a descendant of Eli presumably rests upon 1 Sam 14:3. Bibliography
- 137. Gunn, D. 1980.The Fate of King Saul. Sheffield. KEITH W. WHITELAM ABIB [Heb ˒āb b (יב ִב ָא)]. The first month of the Canaanite calendar, roughly corresponding to March–April. See the CALENDARS articles. ABIB, TEL. See TEL-ABIB (PLACE). ABIDA (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăb dā˓ (ע ָיד ִב ֲא)]. The son of Midian and grandson of Abraham‘s second wife, Keturah (Gen 25:4 = 1 Chr 1:33). The name ―Abida‖ may be either a patronym or a toponym. Abida is used as a patronym both in the genealogy at the end of the Abraham narrative (Gen 25:1–4), and in the genealogy connecting Adam to Israel/Jacob (1 Chronicles 1). This patronym has traditionally been associated with the Arabian tribe of Ibadidi (ANET, 286; Glaser 1890: 259; Musil 1926: 292; Abel GP, 287); however, Eph˓al (1982: 89, 217) rejects this identification because it involves two radical a spelling change of the name ―Ibadidi.‖ Abida may also be a toponym associated with the modern town named al- Bad˓ (or al-Bed˓; a shortened form of Heb ˒ăb dā˓?), located 25 km east of the Gulf of ˓Aqaba and 120 km south of al-˓Aqaba in northwest Arabia, (Winnett 1970: 192; see also von Wissmann PWSup 12: 544 on al-Bad˓ and Mughayir Šu˓ayb). Bibliography Eph˓al, I. 1982. The Ancient Arabs. Jerusalem and Leiden. Glaser, E. 1890. Skizze der Geschichte und Geographie Arabiens Vol. 2. Berlin. Musil, A. 1926. The Northern Heǧâz. Vol. 1 of American Geographical Society Oriental Explorations and Studies, ed. J. K. Wright. New York. Winnett, F. V. 1970. The Arabian Genealogies in the Book of Genesis. Pp. 171–96 in Translating and Understanding the Old Testament, ed. H. T. Frank and W. L. Reed. Nashville. MARK J. FRETZ ABIDAN (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăb dān ( י ִב ֲאן ָד )]. The son of Gideoni and leader of the Benjaminites (Num 2:22; 10:24) who assisted Moses in taking a census of the Israelites in the wilderness of Sinai (Num 1:1–16). Abidan also contributed offerings on behalf of the Benjaminites on the ninth day of the tabernacle dedication (Num 7:60–65). MARK J. FRETZ ABIEL (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăb ˒ēl (ל ֵיא ִב ֲא)]. 1. A Benjaminite, the father of Kish and Ner, and the grandfather of Saul and Abner (1 Sam 9:1; 14:51). The name probably means ―my father is [the god] El.‖ Abiel represents the fourth generation in the Saulide genealogy in 1 Sam 9:1. An identification of Abiel with Abijah, the son of Becher in the Chronicler‘s genealogy of Benjamin (1 Chr 7:8), has been suggested on the presumption that Becher can be equated with the Saulide ancestor Becorath, and that the final divine name elements have been interchanged (Malamat 1968: 171–72, n. 28). Abiel‘s absence from the Saulide genealogy in 1 Chr 8:29–32 and 9:39–44 has been explained in different ways. One approach has been to argue that the name was dropped as the ancient records were adjusted to reflect altered rankings within Saul‘s extended family for possible succession to the Israelite throne (Flanagan 1981:59). A second approach has been to posit that the name is found in the Chronicles lists in the corrupted form Ba˓al in 8:30 and 9:36 (Demsky 1971:17). In order for this view to be possible, it would also need to presume the principle espoused in the first approach to explain why Abiel becomes the son or brother of Kish in Chronicles instead of his father, as in Samuel. A third approach would be to suggest that Abiel has been deliberately removed from the genealogies in Chronicles and replaced by Ner as a means of secondarily linking the Saulide genealogy with the post-exilic genealogy of Gibeon (1 Chr 9:35–38 = 1 Chr 8:29–32). The occurrence of a Ner in the late Gibeonite list (1 Chr 9:36) seems to have led to the truncation of the early Saulide genealogy and to the substitution of Ner, Saul‘s uncle, for Abiel,
- 138. his grandfather. Inthis way the Ners would appear to be a single individual and the Saulide genealogy could be grafted onto the Gibeonite one (see NER). 2. The Arbathite, named in 1 Chr 11:32 as one of the ―mighty men‖ of David‘s armies. In a list detailing the same group of individuals in 2 Sam 23:31 he appears as Abialbon, one of the military elite group known as the ―Thirty.‖ The variant reading in 2 Sam 23:11, Abiel son of the Arbathite, may indicate that the original text of that verse read ―Abiel/Abial son of the Arbathite,‖ or ―Abi˓al/Abiba˓al the Beth- Arabathite‖ (Mc Carter 2 Samuel 492; Mazar 1963: 316 n. 4). The name ―Abial‖ would mean ―my (divine) father is ˓Al (= the ―High One‖), while the name ―Abibaal‖ would mean ―my (divine) father is Baal (or ‗the Lord‘).‖ The gentilic Arbathite indicates the person‘s town of origin, or clan association (see ARBATHITE). Abiel‘s status within David‘s army is somewhat obscured by his twofold designation as a member of the ―Mighty Men‖ and of ―the Thirty.‖ The correct vocalization and identity of the term usually translated ―the Thirty,‖ šlyšm, is disputed. One group understands it to designate the group of men who served as the third person of the chariot team (i.e., Haupt 1902). A second group suggests that it designated an institution not necessarily limited to thirty members that served either as the king‘s bodyguard (Elliger 1935: 68) or supreme command (Mazar 1963: 310). According to a third approach, the single form was a title meaning ―of the third rank‖ that designated high-ranking officers (Mastin 1979: 153–54; Na˒aman 1988: 71, 75). Of the three possibilities, the last one requires the least number of textual emendations and provides the most cogent explanation for the required equation of the functions ―military elite‖ (gibbôrîm) and ―officers‖ (šāl š m) that are assigned to the same list of individuals in the two texts in 2 Sam 23:8–39 and 1 Chr 11:10–47. The group of officers apparently was headed by the commander of the entire militia, Abishai, and he was followed in rank by ―the Three,‖ Josheb-bassebeth, Eleazer, and Shammah, who served as commanders of the three subunits of the professional army. The remaining individuals, including Abiel, then served as commanders over smaller divisions within the three subunits (Na˒aman 1988: 75). See also DAVID‘S CHAMPIONS. Bibliography Demsky, A. 1971. The Genealogy of Gibeon (I Chronicles 9:35–44): Biblical and Epigraphic Considerations. BASOR 202: 16– 23. Elliger, K. 1935. Die dreissig Helden Davids. PJ 31: 29–75. Flanagan, J. 1981. Chiefs in Israel. JSOT 20: 47–73. Haupt, P. 1902. The Phrase Rkbm ṣmdym in 2 Kings ix. 25. JBL 21: 74–78. Malamat, A. 1968. King Lists of the Old Babylonian Period and Biblical Genealogies. JAOS 88: 163–73. Mastin, B. A. 1971. Was the šāl š the Third Man in the Chariot? VTSup 30: 125–54. Mazar, B. 1963. The Military Elite of King David. VT 13: 310–20. Na˒aman, N. 1988. The List of David‘s Officers. VT 38: 71–79. DIANA V. EDELMAN ABIEZER (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăb ˓ezer (שֶז ֶיף ִב ֲא)]. ABIEZRITE. Var. IEZER; IEZERITE. The name of two individuals in the Hebrew Bible. Although Abiezer may mean ―father of help,‖ or ―my father is help,‖ ˒ab (father) is here a relational noun used as a theophoric (or divine name) element and the subject of a nominal clause: ―Ab is help‖ (IPN, 33, 67–75, 154). The use of the relational nouns ˒ab and ˒aḥ (brother) in a theophoric sense, according to Noth, derives from a period in early Semitic tribal history when the tribe maintained a familial identification with the tribal deity. This special relationship to the god of the tribe allowed that god to be designated ―father‖ or ―brother.‖ Thus the name ―Abiezer‖ would designate not a single god, universally identified as ˒ab, but the deity of the respective tribe (cf. Abijah ―Yahweh is father‖). The NT use of the Aramaic Abba for the deity would therefore appear to have its antecedents in ancient Semitic tribal religion. 1. The name of one of the families of Manasseh (Josh 17:2), named for its male progenitor (1 Chr 7:18). This Abiezer was the ―son‖ of Gilead, a descendant of Machir; the reference to Iezer (Heb ˒iy˓ezer) among the ―sons‖ of Gilead and to the family of the Iezerites in Numbers 26:30 probably applies to the
- 139. same group. Thisfamily received its inheritance west of the Jordan, and the judge and deliverer Gideon belonged to it (Judg 6:11, 34; 8:2). 2. A Benjaminite warrior among David‘s champions, who was a native of Anathoth (2 Sam 23:27 = 1 Chr 11:28). The same village was home to Abiathar the priest, and his likely descendant, the prophet Jeremiah. This same Abiezer is listed as the officer over David‘s monthly levies of 24,000 in the ninth month (1 Chr 27:12). The historicity of this second list, however, and its concomitant figures, is doubtful. It is more likely that 1 Chronicles 27 reflects more of an idealized view of David‘s military organization than a real one. As one of David‘s champions (Heb šāliš m; RSV: The Thirty), Abiezer was more likely a member of an elite corps of fighters loyal only to the king, rather than an officer over his monthly levies. See DAVID‘S CHAMPIONS . D. G. SCHLEY ABIGAIL (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăb gayil (לִיַיג ִב ֲא); ˒ăb gal (לַיג ִב ֲא)]. 1. Wife, first of Nabal, then of David (1 Samuel 25). She appears as the second wife/mother mentioned in two lists of David‘s sons born in Hebron (2 Sam 3:2–5 and 1 Chr 3:1–3). The name of her son is problematic, being either Chileab (2 Sam 3:3), Daluiah (LXX—2 Kgdms 3:3), or Daniel (1 Chr 3:1). Abigail first appears in 1 Samuel 25 as the wife of Nabal the Calebite. She is portrayed as the ―ideal wife‖—both beautiful and intelligent—while her husband is presented as ill behaved and rude. When Nabal refuses to accommodate David‘s request for food, it is Abigail who, unknown to her husband, hastily amasses the food and delivers it to David. Her speech to David, a masterful example of tact and diplomacy (vv 24–31), succeeds in averting David‘s wrath at Nabal (vv 32–35). Upon hearing of his wife‘s generosity, Nabal‘s heart ―died within him‖ (v 37) and ten days later he was dead. 1 Samuel 25 concludes with David‘s marriage to both Abigail of Carmel, and to Ahinoam of Jezreel. Abigail‘s name appears five times in the OT outside of 1 Samuel 25. Three times it is linked with Ahinoam of Jezreel. Both Abigail and Ahinoam accompany David to Gath (1 Sam 27:3), where they are later captured by an invading group of Amalekites (1 Sam 30:5). After their rescue (1 Sam 30:18), they journey with David to Hebron (2 Sam 2:2) where they bear David children (2 Sam 3:3 = 1 Chr 3:1). Of the five times Abigail‘s name appears outside of 1 Samuel 25, all except one (1 Chr 3:1) carry with it the epithet ―widow of Nabal.‖ Recent literary approaches to 1 Samuel 25 underscore Abigail‘s speech and character. J. D. Levenson (1978) argues 1 Samuel 25 is a ―narrative analogy‖ presenting a ―proleptic glimpse‖ of 2 Samuel 11. Unlike Bathsheba, Abigail is the ―ideal woman‖ whose ―rhetorical genius‖ prevents David from killing her husband (Levenson 1978: 11–28). D. Gunn (1980: 98–100), while sharing Levenson‘s appreciation for the speech‘s artistry, rejects (1980: 154, n. 13) his conclusion that the episode is a ―moral allegory.‖ Abigail‘s speech reveals her to be ―shrewd‖ rather than good, while Nabal is ―unwise‖ rather than evil. While both Levenson and Gunn analyze Abigail‘s speech, A. Berlin focuses on Abigail‘s characterization. Abigail is an exaggerated stereotype—the model wife. David‘s treatment of her (as well as of Michal, Abishag, and Bathsheba) represents an ―indirect presentation‖ of David. Moreover, each ―private‖ response to the women in his life corresponds to a phase of David‘s ―public‖ life. Thus, David‘s ―eager but gentlemanly response‖ to Abigail mirrors his ―self assurance as a popular leader‖ (Berlin 1983: 30– 33). Behind the literary presentation of Abigail lies the socio-political realities of her marriage to David. Nabal was a wealthy and probably influential Calebite. David‘s marriage to Nabal‘s widow was useful in bringing David much needed support from the south. This support might have been instrumental in David‘s being crowned king at Hebron—an area associated with the figure of Caleb in the text (Levenson 1978: 24–28). 2. Sister of David (1 Chr 2:16) and Zeruiah (2 Sam 17:25, 1 Chr 2:16); mother of Amasa (2 Sam 17:25, 1 Chr 2:17). The name of Abigail‘s father is unclear. 1 Chr 2:13–16 identifies Jesse as the father of Abigail, while 2 Sam 17:25 says she was the ―daughter of NAHASH.‖ Most critics prefer the reading in 1 Chronicles 2, explaining the discrepancy by either: (1) understanding ―Nahash‖ as the mother of Abigail
- 140. rather than thefather; (2) declaring the reading in 2 Sam 17:25 corrupt, an intrusion from v 27; or (3) positing an earlier husband (Nahash) of Jesse‘s wife, who fathered Abigail and Zeruiah. The name of Abigail‘s husband is also problematic. The MT of 2 Sam 17:25 gives the name of Amasa‘s father as ―ITHRA the Israelite,‖ while 1 Chr 2:17 says it was ―JETHER the Ishmaelite.‖ The issue is further complicated by the variant reading in the M which identifies him as a ―Jezreelite.‖ J. D. Levenson and B. Halpern (1980) argue that Ithra/Jethro was the real name of Abigail‘s husband (―Nabal‖) mentioned in 1 Samuel 25. They find it highly unlikely that the only two Abigails in the OT would be: (1) contemporaries, (2) sister-in-laws, and (3) married to men from the same geographical area (assuming Ithra/Jethro/Nabal to be from Jezreel and Jezreel to refer to the Judean town near Hebron). They therefore conclude there was only one Abigail—David‘s sister—who later became David‘s wife. Later tradition suppressed the memory of this incestuous union. Bibliography Berlin, A. 1983. Poetics and Interpretation of Biblical Narrative. Bible and Literature Series 9. Sheffield. Fokkelman, J. P. 1986. Narrative Art and Poetry in the Books of Samuel. Vol. 2 of The Crossing Fates (I Sam. 13–21 & II Sam. 1). Gunn, D. M. 1980. The Fate of King Saul. JSOTSup 14. Sheffield. Levenson, J. D. 1978. I Samuel 25 as Literature and History. CBQ 40: 11–28. Levenson, J. D., and Halpern, B. 1980. The Political Import of David‘s Marriages. JBL 99: 507–18. LINDA S. SCHEARING ABIHAIL (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăb ḥāyil (לִי ָיח ִב ֲא)]. 1. Father of Zuriel; descendant of Merari, Levi‘s youngest son (Num 3:35). Abihail‘s name appears in the epithet of his son found in the third and last division of the census list in Num 3:14–39. The census, ordered by Moses, involved the three Levitical branches of Gershon, Kohath, and Merari. Abihail‘s son was leader of the Merarite branch during their journey in the wilderness. 2. Wife of Abishur, of the House of Judah; mother of Ahban and Molid (1 Chr 2:29). Her name appears in a genealogy of Jerahmeel, the great-grandson of Judah and Tamar. 3. A Gadite (1 Chr 5:14). Abihail is mentioned in the Gadite genealogy found in 1 Chr 5:11–17. 4. Mother of Mahalath; wife of Jerimoth; and daughter of Eliab (2 Chr 11:18). Abihail‘s name occurs in a genealogical note concerning Rehoboam‘s wives. The reading of the verse, however, is problematic: KJV: And Rehoboam took him Mahalath the daughter of Jerimoth the son of David to wife, and Abihail the daughter of Eliab the son of Jesse; RSV: Rehoboam took as wife Mahalath the daughter of Jerimoth the son of David, and of Abihail … Some translators (i.e. KJV) conclude v 18 mentions two wives (Mahalath and Abihail) while others (i.e. RSV) assume only one (Mahalath). Although the Hebrew of v 18 is unclear, the context is helpful in determining its meaning. Since the following verses (vv 19–20) refer to v 18 using only the feminine singular, it can be concluded that only one wife, Mahalath, is mentioned. Thus, the reading which understands Abihail as Mahalath‘s mother (RSV), is to be preferred. Abihail‘s daughter, Mahalath, is one of eighteen wives credited to Rehoboam, king of Judah. The marriages of both mother and daughter are particularly interesting. Abihail‘s husband (Jerimoth) and father (Eliab) were both sons of David. Her daughter married David‘s grandson (Rehoboam). Thus both Abihail and Mahalath married their cousins. Their marriages reflect a period of intermarriage within the Davidic house not witnessed elsewhere in the text. 5. Father of Queen Esther; uncle of Mordecai (Esth 2:15; 9:29; cf. also 2:7). His name appears twice in the epithet of his daughter, the alleged wife of King Ahasuerus. LINDA S. SCHEARING ABIHU (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăb h ˒ (יהּוא ִב ֲא)]. One of four sons born to Aaron, the brother of Moses, by Elisheba (Exod 6:23). At Sinai, Abihu was singled out by God, along with Aaron and Nadab, as one of those leaders who would accompany Moses up the mountain (Exod 24:1, 9). He also performed priestly services for God as one of Aaron‘s sons (Exod 28:1; Num 3:2; 26:60; 1 Chr 5:29—Eng6:3; 24:1). When
- 141. Abihu and hisbrother Nadab offered ―unholy fire‖ to the Lord, they were devoured by God‘s holy fire as punishment (Lev 10:1; Num 26:61; cf. Numbers 16). Although the sin committed by Abihu was not clearly defined (Lev 10:1–4; see Laughlin 1976 for various opinions), it served as a point of reference in identifying Abihu within the Bible (Num 3:4; 1 Chr 24:2). In Rabbinic literature the sins of Nadab and Abihu were multiplied and this incident (Lev 10:1–4) became the basis for teachings on cultic and ethical behavior in Judaism (see Shinan 1979). Bibliography Laughlin, J. C. H. 1976. The ―Strange Fire‖ of Nadab and Abihu. JBL 95: 559–65. Shinan, A. 1979. The Sins of Nadab and Abihu in Rabbinic Literature. Tarbiz 48: 201–14, II. MARK J. FRETZ ABIHUD (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăb h d (יהּוד ִב ֲא)]. A grandson of Ben-jamin through Bela (1 Chr 8:3), the name ―Abihud‖ is preserved in an extended genealogy of Israel that also identifies tribal locations within Palestine (1 Chronicles 2–8). According to the MT, the first three sons of Bela were ―Addar, and Gera, and Abihud‖ (Heb ˒addār wĕgērā˒ wa˒ăb h d); however, the text could easily be emended to read ―Addar, and Gera, that is, the father of Ehud‖ (Heb ˒addār wĕgērā˒ wa˒ăb ˒ēh d). Baker (1980) argues that the two separate individuals named Gera listed as sons of Bela (1 Chr 8:3, 5) were distinguished by the waw explicative, which followed the first Gera, providing a detail about him being the father of Ehud. Thus, MT wa˒ăb h d is divided into wa˒ăb , ―that is, the father of,‖ plus ˒ēhûd ―Ehud,‖ the judge mentioned elsewhere in his own right as the son of Gera (Judg 3:15). Note also the EHUD who had a son named Gera (1 Chr 8:6–7). Kuhn (1923) observed that a misunderstanding of the phrase ˒by hwdyh produced the name ˒ăb h d (―Abihud‖), and the Gk abioud (Matt 1:13) was based on the LXX rendering of this synthetic name (see ABIUD). Bibliography Baker, D. W. 1980. Further Examples of the WAW EXPLICATIVUM. VT 30: 131–36. Kuhn, G. 1923. Die Geschlechtsregister Jesu bei Lukas und Matthäus, nach ihrer Herkunft untersucht. ZNW 22: 206–28. Meyer, E. 1986. Die Entstehung des Judenthums. Halle. MARK J. FRETZ ABIJAH (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăb yâ ( ֲִב ֲאהָי )]. Var. ABIJAM; ABI. 1. According to the MT, a man from the tribe of Benjamin (1 Chr 7:6, 8). He was the grandson of Benjamin, being the son of Becher who was Benjamin‘s son. But some scholars are suspicious of the text of 1 Chr 7:6a. Curtis and Madsen (Chronicles ICC, 145–49) present a detailed explanation in support of the contention that ―Benjamin‖ in v 6 is a corruption of ―Zebulun‖ and that 1 Chr 7:6–12 contains a Zebulunite genealogy. In that case Abijah would be from the tribe of Zebulun. 2. The second son of Samuel (1 Chr 6:13—Eng6:28). When Samuel appointed him and his older brother, Joel, as judges over Israel (1 Sam 8:1), they were corrupted by bribery. This perversion of justice contributed to Israel‘s disillusionment with the office of judge, which in turn aroused among the people the desire for a king (1 Sam 8:5). 3. A chief among the descendants of either Eleazar or Ithamar, sons of Aaron (1 Chr 24:3–4, 10). When David assigned the priests to service in the temple according to divisions determined by lot, Abijah became the leader of the 8th (1 Chr 24:10) from among 24 divisions. In their service the members of his division (as of all divisions) were obligated to observe the procedures first instituted by Aaron (1 Chr 24:19). Zechariah, the father of John the Baptist, was serving in the temple with the division of Abijah (Luke 1:5) when he received the announcement that he would have a son. 4. According to the MT of 1 Chr 2:24, she was the wife of Hezron, the mother of Ashhur, and the grandmother of Tekoa. She was probably the daughter of Machir (1 Chr 2:21). But the MT is uncertain here, an uncertainty which the LXX confirms by giving a different reading for v 24a, though it follows the MT in identifying Abijah as the wife of Hezron. Noting the LXX‘s dissatisfaction with the MT, modern scholars have attempted to reconstruct the text, and in the process they have altered also the name
- 142. ―Abijah‖ and itsimmediate syntax. Curtis and Madsen (Chronicles ICC, 92) offer one reconstruction. In this reconstruction ―Abijah‖ is corrected to ―Abiu,‖ or ―Abihu,‖ meaning ―his father.‖ The reconstructed passage then reads, ―Caleb went in unto Ephrath, the wife of his father, and she bore …‖ In this reading, ―Abijah‖ is no longer a proper name. Williamson (1979: 353–55) offers another reconstruction. He considers the phrase ―and the wife of Hezron was Abijah‖ to be a gloss; this eliminates the word ―Abijah,‖ in any of its possible forms or meanings, from the original text. Both Curtis and Madsen and Williamson provide detailed accounts of their process of reconstruction. The RSV translates: ―Caleb went in to Ephrathah, the wife of Hezron his father, and she bore …‖ This translation also eliminates ―Abijah‖ as a proper name. 5. A son of Jeroboam, king of Israel (1 Kgs 14:1). During Jeroboam‘s reign he fell seriously ill, which prompted Jeroboam to seek from Ahijah the prophet a favorable word on the issue of the illness. But in his quest, Jeroboam proceeded in a manner which determined some of the details of a melancholy conclusion to Abijah‘s illness. Having conducted himself wickedly as king, Jeroboam had already gained the disfavor of Ahijah, who had designated him king (1 Kgs 11:28–30) in the name of Yahweh. Therefore he sent his wife in disguise to Shiloh to seek the word from the prophet. But the design failed. Through Yahweh‘s intervention, the prophet identified her when she arrived and spoke judgment on Abijah: he would die when she reentered Tirzah to return to her residence. The boy died in accordance with the prophet‘s word. After his death, the seal on his father‘s wickedness, Israel awarded him a dubious distinction: Israel mourned him and buried him with proper ceremony. By contrast, all other members of Jeroboam‘s family upon their death were unceremoniously eaten by either dogs, if they died in the city, or birds, if in the country (1 Kgs 14:1–18). Abijah was awarded this distinction because in him was found ―something pleasing to the Lord‖ (1 Kgs 14:13); the text does not identify what in the child pleased the Lord. The LXX includes this account (3 Kgdms 12:24g–n) in another version and earlier in the narrative of Jeroboam‘s life, immediately after his return from a flight to Egypt and before his accession. It also preserves details about Abijah which are lacking in the MT. According to the LXX, Abijah was born in Egypt. His mother‘s name was Ano; she was an Egyptian and a sister-in-law of Susakim, king of Egypt. Accordingly, Abijah was Susakim‘s nephew. Debus (1967: 55–92) discusses in detail the differences between the versions of the narrative in the MT and the LXX. 6. See ABIJAH, KING OF JUDAH. 7. The mother of King Hezekiah (2 Chr 29:1 = 2 Kgs 18:2). She was the wife of King Ahaz and the daughter of Zechariah. In 2 Kings she is called ―ABI‖ in the MT, and ―Abou‖ in the LXX. 8. A priest during the governorship of Nehemiah (Neh 10:8—Eng10:7). He endorsed, by the impress of his seal, a covenant which the people under Ezra‘s leadership made with Yahweh at the conclusion of the Feast of Tabernacles. 9. A priest, perhaps a Levitical priest, who returned from Babylon with Zerubbabel and Jeshua (Neh 12:1, 4). He was one of the chiefs of the priests in the days of Jeshua (Neh 12:7), and he was the father of Zichri upon whom his authority devolved (Neh 12:17) in the days of Jeshua‘s son, Joiakim (Neh 12:12). Bibliography Debus, J. 1967. Studien zur Darstellung Jerobeams und der Geschichte des Nordreichs in der deuteronomistischen Geschichtsschreibung. Göttingen. Williamson, H. 1979. Sources and Redaction in the Chronicler‘s Genealogy of Judah. JBL 22: 351–59. GERALD J. PETTER ABIJAH, KING OF JUDAH. Var. ABIJAM. The son of Rehoboam and king of Judah (1 Kgs 14:31), whose mother was Maacah, daughter of Abishalom (1 Kgs 15:2). The spelling of the same varies. In the MT of 1 Kings the name appears as Abijam (˒ăb yām); some mss and the MT of Chronicles have Abijah (˒ăb yâ), while the LXX has Abiou. It is also possible that the king‘s name was a theophoric compounded with the divine name ―Yam,‖ the Canaanite god of the sea, who is known from Ugaritic literature. Gray (1–2 Kings3 OTL, 347, n. c) thinks that such a name of a king of Judah is inconceivable and that the divine element would have been a form of Yahweh. He argues that the LXX reading Abiou
- 143. suggests a variantAbiyo in which the final w may have been corrupted to m, which it closely resembles in the photo-Hebraic script. He is said to have reigned three years (ca. 913–911 B.C.E.), but it appears it may have been only two (1 Kgs 15:2; 2 Chr 13:2; cf. 1 Kgs 15:1, 9). LXX reads ―6 years‖ for the length of his reign: this would suggest a confusion between šš, ―6,‖ and šlš, ―3.‖ Miller and Hayes (HAIJ, 240) speculate that, owing to the short length of his reign and the extended length of the reign of his successor, Abijah either died early and Asa was a minor when he became king, or the queen mother acted as regent during the early years of his son Asa. The evidence concerning Abijah‘s mother is confusing and inconsistent. 1 Kgs 15:2 records that his mother‘s name was Maacah the daughter of Abishalom (˒ăb šālôm) whereas 2 Chr 11:20 reads ―Absalom‖ (˒abšālôm). Gray (1–2 Kings3 OTL, 347–78, n. g) accepts the reading ―Absalom‖ and argues that Maacah may well have been the ―granddaughter‖ of Absalom, David‘s son, particularly since the usual place of origin of the father of the queen mother has been omitted. A further difficulty is that at the accession of his son, Asa‘s mother is also said to be Maacah the daughter of Abishalom (1 Kgs 15:10 = 2 Chr 15:16). Gray (1–2 Kings3 OTL, 348, n. f) believes that 1 Kgs 15:10 may indicate that Abijah and Asa were brothers rather than son (cf. HAIJ, 240). He offers the alternative explanation that since Abijah reigned for such a short time Maacah may have remained as ―the principal lady,‖ while the mother of Asa was omitted. However, the MT and Vg of 2 Chronicles 13 record the name of Abijah‘s mother as Micaiah, daughter of Uriel of Gibeah. The LXX and Syr follow 1 Kgs 15:2 in suggesting that the queen mother was Maacah. Although Abijah was condemned in typical Deuteronomistic terms for apostasy, nevertheless the dynasty was established for David‘s sake. It is stated that despite his apostasy, Yahweh gave him a lamp in Jerusalem, set up a son after him, and established Jerusalem (1 Kgs 15:4). The establishment of Jerusalem is important in the theology of the Deuteronomistic History as the site of the central sanctuary. The treatment of the reign of Abijah admirably illustrates the theological bias and selectivity of the Deuteronomistic History. The negative presentation of his reign invites a direct comparison with that of Asa his son who is portrayed as a cultic reformer in line with Deuteronomistic principles, who even removed the Asherah of Abijah‘s wife Maacah (1 Kgs 15:13). The one political aspect of the reign which is mentioned briefly, without comment, is that Abijah and Jeroboam I ben Nebat were at war. The Deuteronomistic History provides little, if any, useful information for the historian. The Chronicler presents a significantly different account, representing Abijah as righteous and divinely blessed (2 Chr 13). His 14 wives, 22 sons, and 16 daughters are presented as a sign of favor from Yahweh (2 Chr 13:21). Whereas the Deuteronomistic History merely notes that Abijah was involved in the continuing border warfare with the north (1 Kgs 15:7), the Chronicler preserves a tradition of a major military conflict near mount Zemaraim in the hill country of Ephraim (2 Chr 13:13–20). Abijah‘s moralizing speech to Jeroboam and Israel is in distinct contrast to his rejection in 1 Kgs 15:3 for apostasy. The speech is usually understood as representing the Chronicler‘s own ideology since it justifies the Davidic dynasty and the Jerusalem cult installed by David. It then acts as a rejection of the apostasy of the north with a strong claim that Yahweh is the god of Judah as demonstrated in the military victory. Williamson (1977: 114), however, rejects the common interpretation that this is a piece of anti-Samaritan polemic, arguing that, although the speech criticizes the northern kingdom, it carries within it an appeal for repentance. Following Abijah‘s speech of justification to Jeroboam, he wins an overwhelming victory capturing Bethel, Jeshanah, and Ephron with their villages (2 Chr 13:19). The historical reliability of this information is difficult to assess; Miller and Hayes (HAIJ, 247) think that at most it can only refer to a border skirmish. The exaggerated numbers (see Dillard 2 Chronicles WBC, 106–7) are a further reason for questioning the veracity of this report. Williamson (1977: 114–17) has demonstrated the importance of 2 Chronicles 13 within the structure of the work of the Chronicler, who draws a sharp distinction between the faithfulness of Abijah and the apostasy of Ahaz in 2 Chronicles 28. Ahaz is utterly condemned in terms which echo Abijah‘s rejection of the north in his speech to Jeroboam. Bibliography
- 144. Williamson, H. G.M. 1977. Israel in the Books of Chronicles. Cambridge. KEITH W. WHITELAM ABIJAM (PERSON) [Heb ˒ab yām (םָי ִב ַא)]. See ABIJAH (PERSON). ABILA OF THE DECAPOLIS (M.R. 231231). A city belonging to a league of cities called the Decapolis, originally having ten members. A. Location and Identification Abila of the Decapolis has been identified with Quailibah (M.R. 231231) in N Jordan. Eusebius (Onomast. 32.16) states that Abila was located twelve Roman miles E of Gadara. The name from this ancient site has continued to modern times—Schumacher (1889) found that local tradition attached the name Abil to the N tell. In the 1984 excavations a stone inscription with the name ―Abila‖ written in Greek was found on the site. An inscription (A.D. 133–44) at Tayibeh near Palmyra speaks of ―Well- heralded Abila of the Decapolis.‖ Ptolemy (Geog. 5.14), lists this Abila separately from the Lysanias Abila (W of Damascus), and Hierokles (Synekdemos 720, 721) identifies it as part of Provincia Arabia. Abila probably became a Decapolis city sometime between Alexander‘s conquests and the zenith of Seleucid power (ca. 198 B.C.). Polybius (5.69–70) states that Antiochus III (ca. 218 B.C.) conquered Abila, Pella, and Gadara. The Decapolis as a region is mentioned in the Gospels (Matt 4:25, Mark 5:20; 7:31), but no specific cities are mentioned. Abila consists of two tells, Abila (N) and Umm el ˒Amad (S) with a ―saddle‖ joining the two. The site is bordered on the E by Wadi Quailibah, on the N by Wadi Abila, and on the S by Ain Quailibah and its wadi. Tombs and graves are cut into the soft limestone mainly along the wadi ledges on the E, S, and N. B. Survey and Excavation The major inquiry into the site began in 1978 when W. Harold Mare of Covenant Seminary visited Abila as part of an overview of several Decapolis cities. A cooperative effort ensued with Dr. Adnan Hadidi, Director of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan, and W. H. Mare as principal investigators to survey the area and excavate the site over several seasons beginning in 1980. In 1980 a small survey team, using a time-controlled transect surface sherd collection technique in segments across the site, determined that there was occupation on the site at various times from the EB through the Umayyad periods. The heaviest concentration was in the Byzantine and Umayyad periods, diminishing in the Roman, Hellenistic, Iron Age II, and EB periods, with minimal evidence from the Chalcolithic, Neolithic, and Islamic periods. The subsequent excavations have confirmed the evidence of the 1980 survey project. Ruins of a large rectangular building were found N of the stub of an E-W acropolis wall which stretches along the S crest of the tell. This building proved to be the remains of a 5th–6th-century triapsidal Byzantine basilica, with evidence at the central apse that it was built over an earlier Roman building (a temple?). The Umayyad rebuilding over the basilica and stockpiling of basilica architectural fragments for further use imply an Umayyad presence and possible construction of a mosque. Excavation N of the Byzantine basilica produced Byzantine and earlier materials—Byzantine loci and a water channel, remains of earlier Roman buildings, and reuse of still earlier Hellenistic walls. On the N slope was found a city wall preserved to a height of ca. 5 m; this proved to be at least of Roman-Byzantine origin. The S slope of the N tell had remains of a stairway and gate (?). On the W side of the acropolis of Umm el ˒Amad were ruins of a residential section (areas D 5–7, 8–10) including a street, market, and a palaestra or residence with a two-column entrance. To the E of the residential section were the remains of a basilica (areas D 1–4, 11, 12), which Schumacher (1889) had suggested was a ―temple,‖ but which was another Byzantine basilica. Farther still to the E, was a theater nestled along the slopes of the ―saddle.‖ The theater overlooked the remains of a massive ruined building (a Roman bath?) and an ancient road which led eastward over a bridge crossing wadi Quailibah. A third Byzantine basilica was located on a ledge E of the theater. The three basilicas so far found at the site suggest a possible Byzantine bishopric headquarters at Abila.
- 145. Three underground aqueductshave been investigated. The Khureibah Aqueduct stretches 2.5 km, bringing water from the S to the Ain Qualibah area on the S of Umm el ˓Amad; this aqueduct was apparently dug during the Roman period. Two other aqueducts (ca. 1400 m long) direct water N from Ain Quailibah under the E edge of Umm el ˓Amad to the saddle area between the two tells. The upper aqueduct (one to two m higher on the ledge) seems to date from the Roman-Byzantine period, while the lower aqueduct was probably built in Hellenistic-Roman times or earlier (Persian or Iron Age). The excavation of fourteen tombs (both loculus and arcosolium types) and nine simple graves along the E band of Wadi Quailibah (areas H and J) and the bank S of Ain Quailibah (area K) revealed important aspects of Early and Late Roman and Byzantine culture. Males and females and children (36 percent of the persons found had died before their 16th birthday) were buried with a variety of grave goods which imply a wide range of social stratification. Nine limestone anthropoid busts found in Tomb K 1 point to cult feasts or annual family reunions. C. Summary The research at Abila points to an Early Roman Abila of moderate size, with considerable expansion in the Late Roman and Byzantine periods. Evidence of the later Umayyad and earlier Hellenistic city is just emerging. The extent of later Islamic presence and earlier Hellenistic, Persian, Iron, and Bronze Age periods and still earlier habitations will be revealed through future excavation seasons. Bibliography Bowersock, G. W. 1971. A Report on Provincia Arabia. JRS 61: 219–42. Brünnow, R. E., and Domazewski, A. 1904–9. Die Provincia Arabia, I–III. Strassburg. Mare, W. H., et al. 1982. ―The Decapolis Survey Project: Abila 1980,‖ ADAJ 26: 37–65. ———. 1983. The Second Campaign at Abila of the Decapolis (1982). Near East Archaeological Society Bulletin, Pt. 1, 21: 5–55; Pt. 2, 22: 5–64. ———. 1985. The Third Campaign at Abila of the Decapolis (1984). Near East Archaeological Society Bulletin, Pt. 1, 24: 5– 98; Pt. 2, 25: 5–70. ———. 1986. The Third Campaign at Abila of the Decapolis (1984). Near East Archaeological Society Bulletin, Pt. 3, 26: 5– 70. ———. 1987. The Fourth Campaign at Abila of the Decapolis (1986). Near East Archaeological Society Bulletin, Pt. 1, 28: 35–76; Pt. 2, 29: 63–88. McNichol, A.; Smith, R. H.; and Hennessy, B. 1982. Pella in Jordan 1. Canberra. Schumacher, G. 1889. Abila of the Decapolis. London. Smith, R. H. 1973. Pella of the Decapolis. Wooster, OH. W. HAROLD MARE ABILENE (PLACE) [Gk Abilene (Ἀβιλενε)]. A tetrarchy named after its chief town, Abila, which is located on the bank of modern Barada (Abana) 18 miles NW of Damascus en route to Heliopolis (Baalbec). A Moslem legend places Abel‘s tomb near the ruins of an Abilenian temple, thereby preserving the ancient name. Luke 3:1 identifies Abilene as the tetrarchy of Lysanias (II) at the incipient stage of John the Baptist‘s ministry. Josephus is careful to associate Abila and Abilene with Lysanias, he Lusaniou (JW 2, 11.5; Ant 17, 6.10), an association found as late as the time of Ptolemy (ca. A.D. 170). Two Gk inscriptions from Abila support this association, and coincide with the chronology of Luke 3:1, i.e., between the years A.D. 14–29 (Yamauchi 1981: 99). Abilene was originally part of the Ituraean kingdom of Ptolemy Menaeus (ca. 85–40 B.C.). In 36 B.C., M. Antonius executed Ptolemy‘s son, King Lysanias I, and divided Ituraea. Cleopatra received part of the kingdom, which in turn was transferred by her conqueror, Augustus, to Herod the Great in 20 B.C. (Bruce: 1971: 20, 248). Except for an Abila inscription identifying a second Lysanias (above), Abilene‘s history remains obscure until A.D. 37 when Gaius conferred the title ―king‖ on his friend Herod Agrippa I, along with Abilene and additional territory. Procurators governed Abilene from the time of Agrippa I‘s death (A.D. 40) until Claudius conferred it upon Herod Agrippa II in A.D. 53. Upon the latter‘s death, Abilene became part of the province of Syria. Bibliography Bruce, F. F. 1971. New Testament History. New York. Yamauchi, E. 1981. The Stones and the Scriptures: An Introduction to Biblical Archaeology. Grand Rapids.
- 146. JERRY A. PATTENGALE ABIMAEL(PERSON) [Heb ˒ăb mā˒ēl ( ֲֵא ָימ ִב ֲאל )]. A son of Joktan and thus the name of an Arabian tribe (Gen 10:28; 1 Chr 1:22), which has not been identified nor localized in a satisfactory way. The name is either to be analyzed as ˒ăb + mā (as an emphasizing enclitic particle) + ˒ēl ― (my) father is truly God‖ or, less probably, as Old S Arabic ˒bm (in the absolute state) + ˒l, i.e., ―Father is God,‖ which may be compared to the apotropaic formula ˒bm wdm ―Father is (the God) Waddum‖ (CIS IV, 475 and 476; etc.), or to the Akkadian name abumilum ―Father is God.‖ Hommel (1893: 16) has already pointed out that Old Arabic has a name type that contains the enclitic - m, e.g., ˒lmnbṭ ―God has truly brought to light,‖ ˒lmyd˓ ―God truly knows,‖ and ˒bm˓ṯtr ―Father is truly ˓Aṯtar.‖ The last-mentioned name occurs as the name of a clan, ˒hl/˒bm˓ṯtr, in the early Sabaean inscription RES 2740,4 which was written not later than the 5th century B.C. and which had been found in the ruined ancient town of Haram in the Yemenite Jawf on the N side of the main wadi. The Sabaean boustrophedon text CIS IV, 516, in which the name ˒lmnbṭ is found (line 26), comes from the same place; and the fragmentary inscription RES 2847, in which the name ˒lmyd˓ occurs, was discovered in the neighboring ancient site of Kamnā. From this epigraphic evidence, it can be concluded that proper names with the enclitic -m were only in use in the region of the town of Haram and are to be reckoned among the dialectal peculiarities which the inscriptions from this town show. With due reservation, it may therefore be supposed that the Hebrew form ˒ăb mā˒ēl reflects a hitherto unattested Sabaean name *˒bm˒l which might have originated from the area of the ancient town of Haram. The first who connected the biblical name ˒ăb mā˒ēl with the Sabaean name ˒bm˓ṯtr was Halévy (1885: 6–7); he thought, however, that both names contain the contracted form of the word for mother, ˒m, and are therefore to be interpreted respectively as ―father of the mother of God‖ and ―father of the mother of ˓Attar.‖ The explanation of ˒ăb mā˒ēl as ―father of mā˒ēl‖ must likewise be rejected, since at such an early time no names are attested which are compounded with the element ˒abû (or ˒ăb ) ―father of,‖ which later on became common among the Arabs. Another rejected interpretation is the comparison of the last part of the name, proposed for the first time by Bochartus (1674: 144–45), with the people or region mali mentioned by the Greek author Theophrastus (Hist. Pl. 9.4); this is, however, only a variant of mamali, the designation of the W Arabian mining region. Bibliography Bochartus, S. 1674. Geographia sacra. Pars prior Phaleg. Francofurti ad Moenum. Halévy, J. 1885. Recherches bibliques. 3. REJ 10: 1–9. Hommel, F. 1893. Süd-Arabische Chrestomathie. Munich. W. W. MÜLLER ABIMELECH (PERSON) [Heb ˒ab melek (ך ֶל ֶימ ִב ַא)]. Two or three persons in the Hebrew Bible bear this name. 1. A king of Gerar mentioned in Genesis 20 and 26:1–33. He is tied to the patriarchal narratives with regard to their pastoral nomadic activities and the fear Abraham and Isaac display whenever entering the political domain of a powerful ruler. Each enter Gerar, between Kadesh and Shur, seeking pasturage and water. They obtain both through the use of the ―Wife-Sister‖ deception in which the patriarch, to save his life, hides his true relationship with his wife (note the first use of this motif in Gen 12:10–20, where the Pharaoh is the dupe). Once the king has mistakenly taken the patriarch‘s wife, Yahweh‘s displeasure is aroused against him and his people. Subsequently, Abimelech returns the wife to her husband, and is forced (through embarrassment and fear) to grant to him, in the form of a parity treaty, grazing rights and the use of wells within his territory. The fact that this preliminary episode is found in both the Abraham and Isaac narratives suggests a literary doublet. It is possible, however, that the name ―Abimelech,‖ like Pharaoh, is simply a throne name used by all kings of Gerar. Thus whenever the ―Wife-Sister‖ deception is used, it is applied to a
- 147. different ruler, butfor the same reason, as a measure of self-defense by an immigrant against a powerful, indigenous ruler. One additional problem in the Abimelech stories is found in Gen 26:1, where he is referred to as the ―king of the Philistines.‖ This is generally explained as an anachronism since the Philistines did not inhabit the area around Gerar until after the Sea Peoples‘ invasion of the Near East (ca. 1200 B.C.E.). Van Seters (1975: 52), however, takes this as evidence of the lack of historicity in the narrative, while Wiseman (1980: 150) points to the Gerarites as part of a settlement of Philistines prior to the mass invasions of the 13th century. 2. The name ―Abimelech‖ also appears in the superscription of Psalm 34. The writer is either using the name as a generic title for all Philistine kings, or perhaps has confused Achish of Gath (1 Sam 21:10–15) with Ahimelech of 1 Sam 21:2. Bibliography Matthews, V. H. 1986. The Wells of Gerar. BA 49: 118–26. Van Seters, J. 1975. Abraham in History and Tradition. New Haven. Wiseman, D. J. 1980. Abraham Reassessed. Pp. 141–60 in Essays on the Patriarchal Narratives, ed. A. R. Millard and D. J. Wiseman. Winona Lake, IN. VICTOR H. MATTHEWS 3. One of the sons of Jerubbaal who administered the central hill country (and by dint of conquest—Judg 8:1–17—Gilead) in the aftermath of their father‘s demise. The historian equates Jerubbaal with Gideon, and although the equation has often been questioned (e.g., Richter 1963: 157–67), the absence of any obvious reason for the historian to have inferred it (he could simply have introduced Abimelech as a filibuster) suggests that the equation was already traditional. The name ―Abimelech‖ means ―the (divine) king is my father,‖ and is of a type attested in Israel as well as its environs: cf. Ahimelech (―the king is my brother‖; Old Palestinian variant Abimelech) in 1 Sam 21:2–9 (> Ps 34:1; 52:2); 22:10–16; 23:6; 26:6; 30:7; Abimilki, king of Tyre in the Amarna archive (EA 146–55); and the Philistine king Abimelech in Gen 20:2–18; 21:22–32; 26:1–26, where the name is evidently retrojected. It has no necessary monarchic overtones; but it is interesting that the earliest ―king‖ in Israelite memory should have such a name, and it is possible that it is in fact a throne name. Abimelech persuades the men of Shechem to prefer his personal kingship over the oligarchy of Gideon‘s sons. Killing his brothers, therefore, he enters into a covenant of kingship (9:5–21), characterized by a fable drawing on the normal topoi of Near Eastern royal apology, and sealed by the ordinary ceremony of blessings and curses (see Halpern 1978: 92–96). Abimelech resides in ―trmh‖ (9:31; cf. Dossin 1957), probably identical with the ―˒rmh‖ of 9:41 (by interchange of t and ˒), or Khirbet el- ˒Urma, about 7 km SE of Shechem (WHJP 1/3: 319 n. 56). Shechem‘s acceptance of his sovereignty makes him master of the central hills. During Abimelech‘s reign, the Shechemites prey upon the trade routes leading through their territory (9:25), and sedition comes to the town (9:27–29). The name of the instigator, Gual (with Josephus) ben- Ebed, is probably invented—it means ―despised, son of a slave.‖ Abimelech‘s principal there is also named as in a folktale, Zabul (―prince,‖ ―magnate‖). Zabul informs Abimelech that Gual plans to march from the temple of Baal/El Berit (―the lord/god of the covenant‖), which was outside the town (9:46–49), in the aftermath of the feast of the vintage, and to lay siege to Shechem, the acropolis of which, at least, Zabul held (9:31–33). Abimelech therefore sets four ambushes in the field, and as Gual takes the field, his forces descend from all directions (those to the E are first confused with shadows, which, with 9:48, may have inspired the use of Burnam Wood in Macbeth). They worst Gual, who during the night is expelled from the town. The next day, therefore, Abimelech ambushes Gual and assaults and demolishes Shechem, and the ―temple of El Berit‖ (9:30–49). A similar action at Thebez (for an identification with Tirzah, see WHJP 1/3: 320 n. 61) ends in Abimelech‘s demise. Abimelech drives the defenders from the lower city to the citadel, and dies while attempting to burn the citadel. The manner of his death is proverbial—David cites it in 2 Sam 11:21: he is
- 148. crushed by agrindstone a woman drops from atop the wall (9:50–54). The short flirtation with kingship ends just after it begins, and it is another century before monarchy is reintroduced in the hills. The tradition concerning Abimelech is to be dated quite early (see Halpern 1978; Rösel 1983, both with bibliography), although different critics identify various pieces of the textual formulation as deriving from later retelling (see Soggin Judges OTL, 163–66). In any case, the archaeological record at Shechem dovetails nicely with the story: the site was apparently abandoned after a destruction in the mid-12th century B.C.E. (Wright 1967: 365–66; Campbell 1976: 41), its reoccupation in the 10th century B.C.E. coinciding with the return of a monarchic government (Shechem commands the interior trade routes of Ephraim and Manasseh, and is a natural seat of government for the region N of Jerusalem). The reference in 2 Sam 11:21 to Abimelech‘s death is generally understood to be a token of an early composition. And Abimelech campaigns for the kingship of Shechem with the slogan that he is their ―flesh and blood‖ (9:2)—that is, he qualifies to be their king because he is their kin. This expression, which must be linked to the insistence on endogenous kingship in Deut 17:14–16, appears elsewhere only in 10th century B.C.E. contexts, principally in connection with David (2 Sam 5:1–3; cf. 1 Chr 11:1–3; 12:23–40; and 2 Sam 19:11–13; note the transformation in J in Gen 2:23–24; 29:14, where Jacob ends by ―serving‖ his kinsman). The slogan that repudiates the claim to kinship and kingship is ―Who is Abimelech?‖ (9:28)— denouncing the claimant as a stranger. It, too, is used only in 10th century B.C.E. contexts, or in connection with 10th century figures (1 Sam 25:10; 2 Sam 20:1; 1 Kgs 12:16; see BAR 3: 170; Buccellati 1967: 100). Furthermore, it may be that the later historian misunderstood this tradition—which would be evidence that he inherited it: Abimelech becomes the son of Gideon‘s Shechemite concubine (Judg 8:31), i.e., a brother Shechemite, rather than a brother Israelite. Finally, the memories of fighting at the city gate, differences between lower cities and citadels, dealing with citadels by burning them down, and socioethnic distinctions in Shechem all bear the mark of authenticity. The Shechemite depradations on the trade routes also probably reflect premonarchic reality (and cf. Judg 5:6). A 10th century B.C.E. date for the oldest version of the tale is the latest possible; the tradition itself probably extends at least into the 11th and perhaps into the 12th century B.C.E. It is possibly one of the oldest historical traditions Israel has preserved. Bibliography Buccellati, G. 1967. Cities and Nations of Ancient Syria. Studi Semitici 26. Rome. Campbell, E. F. 1976. Two Amarna Notes: The Shechem City-State and Amarna Administrative Terminology. Pp. 39–54 in Magnalia Dei: The Mighty Acts of God, ed. F. M. Cross; P. D. Miller; and W. E. Lemke. Garden City, N.Y. Halpern, B. 1978. The Rise of Abimelek ben-Jerubbaal. HAR 2: 79–100. Richter, W. 1963. Traditionsgeschichtliche Untersuchungen zum Richterbuch. BBB 18. Bonn. Rösel, H. N. 1983. Überlegungen zu Abimelech und Sichem im Jdc. ix. VT 33:500–3. Wright, G. E. 1967. Shechem. Pp. 355–70 in Archaeology and Old Testament Study, ed. D. Winton Thomas. London. BARUCH HALPERN ABINADAB (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăb nādāb (ב ָדָינ ִב ֲא)]. The name of three individuals. It means ―my father is noble.‖ 1. The father of Eleazar, Uzzah, and possibly Ahio, if the latter is a proper name and not a reference to Eleazar ―his brother‖ (1 Sam 7:1; Sam 6:3, 4; 1 Chr 13:7). The men of the Gibeonite enclave town of Kiriath-jearim are reported to have moved the ark from Beth-Shemesh to ―the palace/temple of Abinadab on the hill‖ (1 Sam 6:19–7:1) at the request of the latter group. Abinadab‘s son Eleazar is said to have been consecrated as priest to have charge of the ark (1 Sam 7:1). The context suggests that the ambiguous Hebrew term bêt, which can mean simply ―house,‖ but also ―palace‖ or ―temple,‖ here refers to a temple or place complex containing a temple. Since it is unlikely that the townspeople would have moved the ark to the home of a common citizen for safekeeping, and in light of the purported need to seek out someone who could minister to Yahweh appropriately (cf. Klein 1 Samuel WBC, 60), without invoking divine wrath (1 Sam 6:19–20), it is likely that Abinadab was himself a well-known priest. Abinadab need not have been a priest in Kiriath-Jearim; he could have been the high priest for the entire Gibeonite enclave, connected to the enclave‘s main sanctuary. Kiriath-jearim was one of four cities in the
- 149. Benjaminite territory thatformed a separate Hivite enclave. The main city of the enclave was Gibeon, and the remaining two were Chephirah and Beeroth. If the main goal of the author was to have the men of Beth-Shemesh turn the ark over to members of the neighboring Hivite enclave, it would have been natural to have them contact the closest Gibeonite city, Kiriath-jearim. It does not necessarily follow, however, that the men from the latter town are to be understood to have taken the ark home; it would have been more natural for them to have delivered it to the main Gibeonite sanctuary. By having the men of Beth-Shemesh call out the nearest members of the Gibeonite enclave to remove the ark to their territory to deal with the wrathful Yahweh, who had just slain seventy of their men for looking into the ark, the biblical writer has indirectly implied that the Gibeonites would have known how to assuage the deity connected with the ark. The logical implication is that Yahweh was at home among the Gibeonites. An alternative understanding would see the choice of Kiriath-jearim to be based on the site‘s nodal point as the boundary between Judah, Benjamin, and Dan. Kiriath-jearim, Beth-Shemesh, and Ekron, the three reported stopping places of the ark on its return journey from Philistia, all occur in the Judahite boundary list in Josh 15:9b–11a, suggesting that the author of the narrative in 1 Sam 6:19–7:2 wanted to emphasize the ark‘s return within the boundaries of Judah, so linking it closely to the later tribe (Blenkinsopp 1969:147–48). The ―hill of Abinadab‖ is identified as KIRIATH-JEARIM in 1 Sam 7:2, compared to BAALE-JUDAH in 2 Sam 6:2. Both seem to be later glosses (Blenkinsopp 1969:156). The conflicting traditions are harmonized elsewhere in the Bible by equating the latter two names (Josh 15:9; 18:14; 1 Chr 13:6). Baale-Judah might itself be an artificial hybrid created by equating the town of Baalah (Josh 15:9; 1 Chr 13:6) with Kiriath-jearim (Blenkinsopp 1969:146; Mazar 1960:66). The site of ―Abinadab‘s hill‖ is commonly linked with the place name ―Gibeat-Kiriath (Jearim)‖ in the list of Benjaminite cities in Josh 18:28, although the final element in the name (―jearim‖) must be restored to the reading on the basis of purported haplography. It has been proposed that the Hill was the older Hivite-turned-Benjaminite town as opposed to the later Judahite settlement built on the adjoining hill (Aharoni 1959: 229), or simply a particular quarter of the city (McCarter 1 Samuel 137). An alternative identification of ―Abinadab‘s hill‖ can be made on the basis of historical consideration. The ark almost certainly played a central role within Saul‘s national cult, a fact that led David to move it to his new capital at Jerusalem. As the site of the ark prior to David‘s reign, it is plausible to conclude that ―Abinadab‘s hill‖ is an oblique reference to the religious capital of Saul‘s state. Textual tradition (esp. 1 Kings 3–9 and 2 Chronicles 1–2) tends to indicate that the great bāmâ sanctuary of Gibeon served as Saul‘s religious capital (Schunk 1963: 131–38; Blenkinsopp 1974; Edelman 1990). It has been suggested that the actual sanctuary might have been located southwest of Gibeon proper on the height of Nebi Samwil (see bibliography cited in Blenkinsopp 1969: 151, n. 32; Edelman 1990). No Iron I remains have been detected from surface survey, however, so the latter proposal remains conjecture (Kallai 1972: 185– 86). 2. The second son of Jesse and older brother of David (1 Sam 16:8, 1 Chr 2:13). He is reported to have been a soldier in Saul‘s army along with his brothers Eliab and Shamma. The three are said to have been among the Saulide forces at the battle against the Philistines in the Elah Valley, when Goliath was killed (1 Sam 17:13). David is depicted as having been sent by his father to deliver the three older brothers provisions while in camp during this confrontation, providing the biblical writer a motive for David‘s presence at the time of the battle and his eventual reported slaying of Goliath. Since a variant tradition in 2 Sam 21:19 reports that Elhanan son of Jaareoregim the Bethlehemite slew Goliath, the historical reliability of the narrative account in 1 Samuel 16 is doubtful (for bibliography, see Klein 1 Samuel WBC, 268). Nevertheless, it is conceivable that Abinadab and his two brothers had been present at the battle where Goliath was killed, as members of Saul‘s professional military forces (1 Sam 14:52). 3. A son of Saul, probably the fourth-born son and sixth child born to Ahinoam, who died in battle alongside his father and two brothers, Jonathan and Malchishua, on Mt. Gilboa. He and his brother Eshbaal do not appear in the two-generation Saulide genealogy in 1 Sam 14:49, but both are named subsequently in the fourteen-generation genealogy in 1 Chr 8:33–39; 9:39–44. The logical conclusion is
- 150. that they wereboth born after the first list was made. Abinadab must have been in his early twenties when he died, since he was eligible for military service, but apparently had not yet married or had any children. According to Num 26:2, 4, the military draft began at age twenty, although it is not certain whether this standard would have applied at the beginning of the monarchy. The age of marriage for ancient Israelite males, either for royalty or the common citizenry, is unknown. 4. For ―son of Abinadab‖ (1 Kgs 4:11), see BEN-ABINADAB. Bibliography Aharoni, Y. 1959. The Province List of Judah. VT 9: 225–46. Blenkinsopp, J. 1969. Kiriath-Jearim and the Ark. JBL 88: 143–56. ———. 1974. Did Saul Make Gibeon His Capital? VT 24: 1–7. Edelman, D. 1990. Saulide Israel. Winona Lake, IN. Kallai, Z. 1972. Benjamin and Mt. Ephraim. In Judaea, Samaria and the Golan. Archaeological Survey 1967–1968, ed. M. Kochavi. Jerusalem. Mazar, B. 1960. The Cities of the Territory of Dan. IEJ 10: 65–77. Schunk, K. D. 1963. Benjamin. Berlin. DIANA V. EDELMAN ABINOAM (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăb nō˓am (ם ַֹףני ִב ֲא)]. The father of Barak, the military leader summoned by Deborah the prophetess to lead the Israelites into battle against Sisera, commander of the Canaanite army (Judg 4:2, 6–7, 12). In the ―Song of Deborah‖ (Judg 5:2–31), two out of the three occurrences of the name ―Barak‖ (vv 1, 12) are identified by the patronym ―Abinoam.‖ MARK J. FRETZ ABIR. See NAMES OF GOD (OT). ABIRAM (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăb rām (ם ָיש ִב ֲא)]. 1. Son of Eliab, a Reubenite, who with DATHAN, KORAH, and 250 leaders of Israel conspired against the exclusive leadership of Moses and Aaron in the wilderness (Num 16:1–40). The conspiracy ended when, in the aftermath of a ritual contest with Aaron, the earth ―swallowed‖ the leaders and fire devoured the 250. The name is theophoric, meaning ―the exalted one is (my) father‖ (same as Abram). In the LXX the name occurs as Abiron. It is generally agreed that this narrative represents the later editing of two such independent conspiracy traditions. Owing to the interest of the postexilic priestly redactor, the dominant strand in the present text is that concerning the attempted encroachment of the Levite Korah upon Aaronide priestly rights. However, underlying the story of Abiram is a quite different conspiracy against Moses‘ political leadership attributable to the epic tradition (J). Here the concern is Moses‘ sole claim to be ―prince‖ (śar, v 13) over the people. The reference to ―putting out the eyes‖ of the conspirators (v 14) is not to be dismissed as a figure of speech (so Budd Numbers WBC, 187), but is to be understood as a typical punishment for political treason. Whereas the Korah tradition ended in conflagration (a case of the punishment matching the offense), the theme of the earth swallowing the conspirators is at home in the Dathan-Abiram tradition. This earlier form of the tradition lies behind both Deut 11:6 and Ps 106:17. If Ps 106:17 predates the present form of the story in Numbers, then the mention of fire in the psalm could account for the development of the ―Korah‖ tradition. That the tradition in the psalm is early is suggested by the fact that it places the conspiracy prior to both the apostasy at Horeb and the aborted invasion of Canaan, clearly out of synchronization with the present form of the narrative. The story of Abiram is often understood as a reflection of the loss of prestige by the tribe of Reuben following the period of settlement. 2. The firstborn son of Hiel of Bethel, the man who rebuilt the city of Jericho in the days of Ahab (1 Kgs 16:34). The text suggests that Abiram was offered by his father as a sacrifice at the laying of the foundation in order to effect the successful completion of the building program, just as his brother SEGUB was offered at its conclusion. The offering of such ―foundation sacrifices‖ reflects a custom attested by archaeological discovery in which infants placed in jars have been found buried within the gate complex of a city. Whether the children were sacrificed or died of natural causes, the deuteronomist regards this action as the working out of the curse on Jericho spoken by Joshua in Josh 6:26 (Gray Kings
- 151. OTL, 334–35). Healso links the episode to the evil deeds of Ahab, particularly Ahab‘s building projects. The rebuilding of Jericho is thus placed within the context of the deuteronomistic judgment on ―the sins of Jeroboam‖ (1 Kgs 16:31). Bibliography Liver, J. 1961. Korah, Dathan and Abiram. Pp. 189–217 in Studies in the Bible, ed. C. Rabin. Jerusalem. RODNEY R. HUTTON ABISHAG (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăb šag (ג ַיש ִב ֲא)]. A beautiful young woman from Shunem whose parents are unknown (1 Kgs 1:1–4). Her name, with the epithet ―the Shunammite,‖ occurs five times in the succession narrative in 1 Kgs 1–2 (1:3, 15; 2:17, 21, 22). Seeking a young maiden to attend the ailing king, David‘s servants locate Abishag ―the Shunammite,‖ who is ―very beautiful.‖ They bring her to David, but David ―knows‖ her not (vv 3–4). Aside from a brief note about her ministering to David (1:15), nothing more is heard about Abishag until after David‘s death. Adonijah (Solomon‘s brother) asks Bathsheba to intercede with Solomon on his behalf. The purpose of this intercession is to secure Abishag as Adonijah‘s wife (2:16–18). Bathsheba does as Adonijah requests, but Solomon replies, ―Ask for him the kingdom also …‖ (2:19–22) and has Adonijah put to death (2:24–25). Attempts to reconstruct the historical Abishag focus on her relationship to David, the nature of her activities in David‘s court, and the political significance of Adonijah‘s request and Solomon‘s refusal. Abishag‘s relationship to David is defined by her function in court. Commentators have alternatively suggested she was David‘s nurse (Montgomery Kings ICC, 72), his concubine (Gray Kings OTL, 77), or his queen (Mulder 1972: 43–54). The issue is whether Abishag‘s job was to cure or to test David. If Abishag‘s primary task was to cure him, then she is best likened to a nurse. Her actions constitute a kind of ―contactual medicine‖ whereby the warmth of a beautiful young maiden was imbued—through contact—to an aging body. Both Josephus (Ant 7.14.3) and Galen (cited by Montgomery Kings ICC, 72) attest the practice. If, however, the issue was not David‘s health but his ability to rule, then Abishag‘s presence is better explained in terms of a test. The king‘s authority (and the nation‘s future) corresponded to his virility (Gray Kings OTL, 77). Abishag‘s presence ―tests‖ the elderly David‘s sexual prowess. His failure to ―know‖ Abishag (1:4) indicates his failure as king and precipitates the fight for succession which follows. If Abishag‘s function was to test David‘s virility, then it is possible she was admitted into David‘s harem either as concubine or wife. After David‘s death, Adonijah‘s request for Abishag became the catalyst for his own death. What motivated this request and why did Solomon refuse? What was Abishag‘s political significance? Assuming Abishag was part of David‘s harem, Adonijah‘s request can be interpreted as an attempt to seize Solomon‘s throne. Since the appropriation of a king‘s harem appears to be tantamount to a bid for the throne itself (cf. 2 Sam 3:7ff.; 16:21ff.), the possession of Abishag as wife would be politically significant. One could argue, however, that Adonijah would have been a fool to make such an open bid. Instead, his request might have reflected nothing more ambitious than his desire for Abishag. Regardless of Adonijah‘s motives, however, Solomon chose to interpret his request as a direct threat (2:22). One can only speculate as to Solomon‘s reasons for this move. Either Solomon intentionally misunderstood Adonijah‘s motives; Adonijah did attempt to seize the throne; the whole accusation was a figment of Solomon‘s paranoid imagination (Gunn 1978: 137 n. 4); or Solomon realized Abishag—as witness to Bathsheba‘s conspiracy (cf. 1:15)—could be dangerous wed to his rival (Sanda, cited in Montgomery Kings ICC, 79). Aside from historical considerations, the story and characterization of Abishag have been the object of recent literary analysis. David Gunn traces the political (David as King) and the personal (David as Man) themes found in the story of David and sees both converging in the story of Abishag. David‘s impotence as a man is echoed by his impotence as a ruler (Gunn 1978: 90–91). Adele Berlin accepts Gunn‘s observations, but focuses on the characterization of Abishag. For Berlin, Abishag is neither a fully developed character like other women in David‘s story (cf. Michal, Bathsheba), nor is she a stereotypical character (cf. Abigail). Rather, Abishag functions as an agent—a character about whom little is known
- 152. that is notnecessary for the plot. The reader knows Abishag only through the eyes of the narrator or the other characters in the story. Thus Abishag is the ―younger woman‖ to Bathsheba, a token of kingship to Solomon, and a symbol of impotence to David (Berlin 1983: 23–33). Bibliography Berlin, A. 1983. Poetics and Interpretation of Biblical Narrative. Sheffield. Gunn, D. M. 1978. The Story of King David: Genre and Interpretation. JSOTSup 6. Sheffield. Mulder, M. J. 1972. Versuch zur Deutung von sokenet in 1 Kö. i.2, 4. VT 22: 43–54. LINDA S. SCHEARING ABISHAI (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăb šay (י ַיש ִב ֲא)]. One of the three sons of Zeruiah, David‘s sister (1 Chr 2:16; 2 Sam 17:25; see ZERUIAH). These men belonged to David‘s ―inner circle‖ and presumably had served as his advisors and retainers since his early days as a fugitive from Saul (1 Sam 22:1). The name Abishai is of obscure origin. It may be based on a theophoric element in a nominal clause, meaning something like ―Father (Heb ˒ab-; i.e., the god) is a gift (Heb šay).‖ It is also possible that the second particle is a shortened form of a longer three-radical root such as šālôm, in which case Abishai would be the equivalent of Absalom/Abisalom (see NAMES, HYPOCORISTIC). A third possibility is that Abishai is the Hebrew form of the Egyptian name A/Ibša (AOT², 51; cf. LXX Abessa) or the Akkadian name Ibašši (-ilum). Abishai, who served as one of the chiefs of DAVID‘S CHAMPIONS (Heb šāliš m; RSV: The Thirty; 2 Sam 23:8–39), is depicted as intensely combative toward the enemies of David, especially Saul (1 Sam 26:6–9) and Saul‘s kinsman Shimei (2 Sam 16:9–11). The narrator also implicates Abishai in the murder of Abner, the son of Ner (Saul‘s cousin and commander of the army) by his brother JOAB (2 Sam 3:30). Still, no mention of Abishai‘s complicity in this act is made in the account of Abner‘s death (2 Sam 3:20– 27), in David‘s curse upon the perpetrator (2 Sam 3:29), or in David‘s avenging of this deed (1 Kgs 2:5– 6). Abishai is also credited with having saved David‘s life during the Philistine wars when he struck down Ishbi-benob, one of the descendants of the Rephaim (2 Sam 21:16–17). Thus, he was a valiant warrior about whom heroic tales were told—the true mark of a great warrior in ancient society. (Examples from Greek legend are Achilles, Ajax, Diomedes, and Odysseus at Troy.) Indeed, David appears to have retired from active military service as a result of this incident, so that the sons of Zeruiah, Abishai and Joab, appear as the leaders of David‘s army in the campaigns from the time of the Ammonite wars (2 Samuel 10–11; 12:26–31) on. According to 2 Sam 23:18–19, Abishai was commander of the šāliš m (RSV: The Thirty), an elite corps of renowned warriors within David‘s private army. This position gave Abishai a command in the army second only to his brother, Joab, the commander-in-chief. Abishai served in this capacity during the Ammonite wars and in the revolt of Absalom (2 Sam 18:1–5). Prior to the revolt of Sheba ben Bichri, however, David had removed Joab from his command (probably for killing the rebel Absalom against the king‘s express orders), so that Abishai initially appeared as the commander of the Cherethites and Pelethites in that conflict (2 Sam 20:6–7). By the end of the campaign, Joab returned to his command after killing the tardy Amasa. Thus, not only was Abishai one of David‘s warrior elite, but he served as second-in-command of the army after Joab, probably because of his status as commander of the šāliš m (although this status is not mentioned in the summary lists of David‘s officials: 2 Sam 8:15– 18; 20:23–25). Because Abishai generally appears working closely with his brother Joab, his absence from the intrigue surrounding the selection of David‘s successor is remarkable (1 Kings 1–2). A logical explanation for this absence is that Abishai by this time was dead. Certainly, had he been alive, he would have lent his support to the cause of Adonijah, whom Joab had backed in place of Solomon. Indeed, David‘s warrior elite is depicted as supporting Solomon, and Joab‘s nemesis emerges in the figure of Benaiah ben Jehoiada, another of David‘s warrior elite who is variously described as commander of the foreign mercenaries (the Cherethites and Pelethites; 2 Sam 8:18; 20:23) or commander of the bodyguard (the mišma˓â; 2 Sam 23:23). Since Abishai had commanded the foreign mercenaries during the revolt of Sheba (2 Sam 20:7), it
- 153. is likely thatBenaiah was a latecomer to this position (Benaiah‘s most prominent role was as commander of the army under Solomon). It is perhaps not too bold to assume that Abishai had died prior to the attempt to crown Adonijah, necessitating the promotion of Benaiah. Abishai‘s departure from his accustomed command allowed for the entry of Benaiah into the drama surrounding Solomon‘s succession and guaranteed the victory of Solomon‘s party, and eventually, Joab‘s death. Yet Abishai plays more than an historical role within the Davidic narratives: along with his brother, Joab, he is made a violent foil for the pious David. Thus the impetuous Abishai accompanies David into Saul‘s camp at night and urges David to let him kill the sleeping monarch (1 Sam 26:6–12). David righteously restrains the warrior, however, refusing to put his hand forth against the Lord‘s anointed. A further incident occurs in the murder of Abner. Although Abner‘s murder by men who are, after all, David‘s henchmen appears all too convenient to modern observers, the narrator seeks to exculpate David in the matter and lays the blame squarely on the heads of Joab and Abishai (2 Sam 3:30). Again David stands forth as the righteous man who refuses to shed the blood of the innocent and who rejects stealth in killing, while Joab and Abishai are portrayed as treacherous murderers (note the threat to kill Saul while he sleeps, and the slaying of Abner under the pretense of friendship). David says of Abner‘s death, ―as one falls before the wicked you have fallen.‖ Abishai appears as a foil a third time when David and his followers are abandoning Jerusalem in the face of Absalom and his rebel army (2 Sam 16:5–14). A man of the house of Saul, Shimei ben Gera, meets David and his retainers and curses them: Begone, begone you man of blood, you worthless fellow! The Lord has avenged upon you all the blood of the house of Saul, in whose place you have reigned. And the Lord has given the kingdom into the hand of your son Absalom. See! Your ruin is upon you—for you are a man of blood. (2 Sam 16:7–8) Shimei‘s curse highlights a major Tendenz of the Davidic narratives: David‘s burden of guilt for his hand in the death of Saul and the extermination of Saul‘s line, and the writer‘s efforts to exonerate David in the matter. As in the camp of Saul, Abishai seeks David‘s permission to kill Shimei on the spot. David again refuses, rebuking Abishai and implying that Shimei has a right to curse him. Furthermore, David appeals to the Lord to look upon him in his affliction, and to repay him with good for this cursing. The impression thus created is that the sons of Zeruiah (who are addressed collectively here, though it is only Abishai who acts) are ruthless men of blood. Conversely, David righteously rejects even that claim upon his enemy‘s life and person which normally would have been granted him. Seen in this light, David emerges as the Wisdom tradition‘s paradigm of the righteous man who leaves vengeance in the hands of the Lord and does not put forth his hand in violence. Joab and Abishai are, conversely, the paradigmatic violent men—men of blood, ruthless and unrestrained in their wickedness. While Abishai fulfills this archetype in several instances, the final curse falls upon Joab, who is said to have avenged ―in time of peace blood which had been shed in war,‖ and to have put ―the blood of war upon the girdle about his loins and upon the sandals on his feet‖ (1 Kgs 2:5, MT; contra RSV ―my loins,‖ ―my feet‖). It is precisely the juxtaposition of these two archetypes—the righteous man who will not put forth his hand to shed blood versus the wicked who is only too quick to draw his sword—that allows the author (or authors) of the Davidic narratives to place the blame for the blood shed under David (especially that of Saul‘s house) upon his nephews and loyal retainers, the sons of Zeruiah. Thus two pictures of Abishai emerge from the Davidic narratives. As an historical figure, Abishai was probably one of David‘s staunchest supporters, a member of the king‘s own family who had probably been with him since his days as an exile from Saul in the Judean wilderness (1 Sam 22:1–2). As a literary figure, Abishai, along with his brother Joab, provides a violent foil for the self-renunciatory David, who will not lift his hand in to harm either his enemy, Saul, Saul‘s kinsmen, Abner and Shimei, or even his own rebellious son, Absalom. D. G. SCHLEY ABISHALOM (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăb šālôm (לום ָיש ִב ֲא)]. See ABSALOM (PERSON).
- 154. ABISHUA (PERSON) [Heb˒ăb š a˓ (ֲַישּוע ִב ֲא)]. 1. A high priest of the tribe of Levi and grandson of Eleazar (1 Chr 5:30–31—Eng6:4–5; 6:35—Eng6:50). In the post-exilic Jewish community, Ezra‘s authority was legitimized by proof of descent through the high priest Abishua (Ezra 7:5; 1 Esdr 8:2; 2 Esdr 1:2). Wilson (1977) notes that this is one of the functions of genealogical lists; sometimes these lists simply function to legitimize the positions of important individuals, rather than to transmit all the names of that person‘s ancestors and/or descendants. 2. A son of Bela the Benjaminite (1 Chr 8:4). This Abishua appears only in this extended genealogy of Israel (1 Chronicles 2–8), which also identifies tribal locations within Palestine. Bibliography Johnson, M. D. 1969. The Purpose of Biblical Genealogies with Specific Reference to the Setting of the Genealogies of Jesus. SNTSMS 8. Cambridge, MA. Wilson, R. R. 1977. Genealogy and History in the Biblical World. YNER 7. New Haven. MARK J. FRETZ ABISHUR (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăb š r (ישּוש ִב ֲא)]. One of two sons of the Judahite Shammai, a descendant of Hezron (1 Chr 2:28–29). Abishur, his wife Abihail, and his two sons appear in an unparalleled list of Jerahmeel‘s descendants (1 Chr 2:25–33) contained within the Chronicler‘s larger genealogy of Israel (1 Chronicles 2–8). MARK J. FRETZ ABITAL (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăb ṭāl (ל ָיט ִב ֲא)]. The mother of Shephatiah and a wife of King David (2 Sam 3:4 = 1 Chr 3:3). Abital‘s name occurs in two lists of sons born to David at Hebron. In one case (2 Sam 3:2–5), this list is inserted within the narrative concerning the strife between the houses of Saul and David; in the other case, its parallel (1 Chr 3:1–4) forms part of a larger genealogy of Israel (1 Chronicles 2–8). MARK J. FRETZ ABITUB (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăb ṭûb (יטּוב ִב ֲא)]. A son of Shaharaim the Benjaminite by Hushim, one of the two women whom Shaharaim subsequently sent away while he was living in Moab (1 Chr 8:8–11). The textually questionable MT refers to Hushim and Baara as ―his (Shaharaim‘s) women‖ (Heb nāšāyw), but then calls Hodesh ―his wife‖ (Heb ˒ištô). Also, the children of the wife Hodesh are distinguished by the designation ―heads of fathers‘ houses‖ (1 Chr 8:10), and are listed before the sons of the woman Hushim, who are simply named Abitub and Elpaal. Moreover, the text lists the descendants of Elpaal (1 Chr 8:12), but does not mention Abitub again, which may indicate Abitub‘s relative unimportance or else the author‘s disfavor of this son of Shaharaim. MARK J. FRETZ ABIUD (PERSON) [Gk Abioud (Ἀβιοτδ)]. The son of Zerubbabel and father of Eliakim, according to Matthew‘s genealogy tying Joseph, the husband of Mary, to the royal house of David and Solomon (Matt 1:13). The name ―Abiud,‖ however, occurs neither in Luke‘s parallel genealogy of Joseph‘s ancestors (Luke 3:23–38), nor in the OT list of Solomon‘s descendants (1 Chr 3:10–24). This paradox has yielded no easy explanations. Kuhn (1923), for example, noted that the Chronicler lists a ―HODAVIAH‖ (Heb hôd-awyāh ) as a descendant of Zerubbabel (1 Chr 3:24), and that the Heb form hôd yâ ―HODIAH‖ is frequently confused with this term (1 Chr 4:19; Neh 10:10). He then suggests that Matthew‘s abioud represents Heb ˒ăb h d, and that ˒ăb h d resulted from a combination of ˒by and hwdyh in the (unattested) phrase zrbbl ˒by hwdyh , ―Zerubbabel (was) the (fore)father of Hodiah,‖ a phrase which perhaps telescopes the genealogy by conveniently leaping over all the names between Zerubbabel and Hodaviah/Hodiah. Kuhn believes that this ―Hodiah‖ (Heb hōd yâ) is rendered in Luke‘s parallel genealogy (3:26) as ―JODA‖ (Gk iōda). Gundry (1982: 17) takes a less direct approach: he suggests that Matthew noted the name ―Eliezer‖ in Luke‘s genealogy (3:29) and was reminded of the priestly lineage of
- 155. Aaron (1 Chr5:29—Eng 6:3), whose sons‘ names included a similarly spelled Eleazar and Abihu (MT ˒ăb h ˒, but LXX abioud). Gundry proposes that Matthew mistakenly believed that LXX abioud represented Heb ˒ăb yĕ-hûd (â) (―My father is Judah‖), and that he lifted the name from its priestly context and inserted it into the genealogy of Joseph to help underscore his Judaean royal lineage. Bibliography Gundry, R. H. 1982. Matthew: A Commentary on His Literary and Theological Art. Grand Rapids. Kuhn, G. 1923. Die Geschlechtsregister Jesu bei Lukas und Matthäus, nach ihrer Herkunft untersucht. ZNW 22: 206–28. MARK J. FRETZ ABNER (PERSON) [Heb ˒abner (ש ֶנ ְב ַא)] Var. ABINER. The son of NER and cousin of Saul ben Kish. The name means ―father is Ner‖ or ―father is a lamp.‖ The variant form ―Abiner‖ means ―my father is Ner‖; ―my father is a lamp.‖ Abner served as commander of the first national Israelite army during the reigns of Saul and Eshbaal (1 Sam 14:50, 17:55; 2 Sam 2:8 etc.). The circumstances of his appointment are not related in the biblical texts, but it was common practice in ancient times to place blood relatives in positions of trust. The importance of Abner‘s position is indicated by his being seated beside King Saul at the observance of the New Moon festival (1 Sam 20:25). His status as commander seems to have prompted the Chronicler to report that he had dedicated war spoils for the maintenance of the temple, alongside Samuel, Saul, and Joab (1 Chr 26:27–28). Since the temple of Jerusalem did not exist during the time of any of those named, the tradition should probably be seen to derive from the Chronicler‘s pious imagination. By having Saul request Abner to find out David‘s identity after the youth confronted Goliath (1 Sam 17:55–58), the biblical writer introduces irony into his narrative and at the same time, provides a basis from which to explore the motifs of loyalty and treachery. As Saul‘s loyal and trusted servant responsible for the kingdom‘s security, Abner is made responsible for the first formal introduction of David, the divinely chosen successor to Saul, the divinely rejected king. In addition, Saul‘s request to discover David‘s identity leads Abner to establish formal ties to the youth who will become his rival both within the Saulide military ranks, and within the political arena, for control of the Saulide throne. The narrative tradition in 1 Samuel 26 portrays Abner in the additional role of the king‘s personal bodyguard. It reports that Abner slept next to the king in the camp during the pursuit of David, with the army surrounding the two, for protection. After David allegedly infiltrates the Saulide camp by night, stealing the king‘s spear and water jug, David chides Abner for not having kept a close enough watch over Saul in camp. The historical reliability of Abner‘s depicted role as Saul‘s personal bodyguard in 1 Samuel 26 is doubtful. 1 Sam 22: 14 reports that David had served as the commander of Saul‘s personal bodyguard before his flight from the Saulide court. It appears that Saul had established a separate elite corps of professional soldiers who were not an official branch of the professional army but were loyal directly to him. David had a similar group, known as The Thirty (2 Sam 23:18). Abner apparently served as commander of the regular Israelite forces but was not involved directly with the royal bodyguard, which was under the command of another officer. It might be possible to presume that Saul was unable to find a suitable replacement the ranks of his bodyguard after David‘s flight and appointed Abner interim commander of both groups. It seems more likely, however, that the depiction of Abner in 1 Samuel 26 is to be understood as shaped by literary rather than historical concerns. Perhaps the author wanted to contrast David‘s superior service in protecting the king prior to his flight from court with that of Saul‘s most trusted servant, Abner. In this way he could illustrate the theme of David‘s blamelessness before Saul and Saul‘s unfounded suspicion and rejection of David. In the wake of the disastrous battle at Mt. Gilboa that left Saul and his three eldest sons dead, Abner took Saul‘s remaining son ESHBAAL and crowned him as the new king of Israel at Mahanaim, the district capital of Saulide holdings in Gilead (2 Sam 2:8–9). Eshbaal was probably a youth under twenty at the time of his coronation. It can be presumed that Eshbaal‘s kingship would have been acclaimed by the surviving troops accompanying Abner, commander of the Saulide forces, to Mahanaim. (The army
- 156. played a similarrole, serving as a convenient quorum of assembled Israelite citizens, in the subsequent coronations of Omri [1 Kgs 16:16] and Joram [2 Kgs 11:4–12]). During Eshbaal‘s brief two-year reign, Abner continued to serve as commander of the national Israelite army. Abner‘s first task as Eshbaal‘s commander-in-chief was to secure the town of Gibeon, which may have served as the Saulide capital (2 Kgdms 21: 1–9), against seizure by David (2 Sam 2:12–32). Engaging in representative combat with David‘s men, each side chose 12 men to fight and determine who would control the city. All 24 died, leading to a draw. In the wake of the fighting that ensued, Abner killed Asahel, the brother of JOAB, commander of David‘s forces (2 Sam 2:23). Both Asahel and Joab were David‘s nephews. Three hundred and sixty of Abner‘s men from Benjamin are reported slain in the ensuing melee, while only nineteen of David‘s men were killed (2 Sam 2:30–31). A desire to portray Judah as the stronger of the two, and as the unofficial victor, is evident. According to 2 Sam 3:1, 6, during Eshbaal‘s 2-year reign, there was war between the house of Saul and the house of David, during which time Abner was making himself strong in the house of Saul. It seems that Abner decided to take advantage of Eshbaal‘s youth and inexperience in his effort to gain the Israelite throne. As the longtime commander of the Israelite forces, he would have had most of the army‘s support in his bid to replace Eshbaal. Abner made further attempt to usurp the throne by having sexual relations with Saul‘s concubine RIZPAH (2 Sam 3:7), for possession of the royal harem gave a person title to the throne (de Vaux 1965:115–19). David is later reported to have received Saul‘s wives when he became king over Israel (2 Sam 12:8). Likewise, Absalom asserted his claim to kingship in Jerusalem by erecting a tent on the palace roof and having sexual relations with the ten concubines whom David had left behind ―to keep the house‖ when he fled to Gilead (2 Sam 15:16; 16:20–22). After his return, David put the ten concubines under guard in a separate house, where they were provided for but were left to live out their lives as if in widowhood (2 Sam 20:3). The Bible reports that Eshbaal chastised Abner for his actions with Rizpah; in response, Abner vowed to set up the throne of David over both Israel and Judah, in fulfillment of the divine promise to David (2 Sam 3:9–10). To this end, Abner is said to have negotiated with David, with the consent and support of the elders of Israel and Benjamin, to make David king over Israel in place of Eshbaal (2 Sam 3:12–21). The course of historical events underlying the present narrative depiction may have been slightly different. Abner‘s negotiations with David may have taken place as part of a larger plan for a coup d‘état, in which Abner sought David‘s help in accomplishing his coup in exchange for promised cooperation between the two neighboring states. The incident with Rizpah would have been an additional step in the planned coup. Alternatively, Abner may have offered to deliver Israel to David in exchange for a position as commander of the combined forces of Israel and Judah, thereby ousting Joab from his post as commander of the Judahite forces (Josephus Ant 7.1.5; Hertzberg Samuel OTL, 260; VanderKam 1980: 531; cf. Grønbaek 1971:234–42). The occurrence of some sort of collusion between David and Abner is indicated by David‘s later appointment of Abner‘s son Jaasiel to be the leader of Benjamin, after he succeeded Eshbaal to the throne of Israel (1 Chr 27:21). During his negotiations with David, Abner was killed by Joab, David‘s commander, and Joab‘s brother Abishai, to avenge Abner‘s slaying of their brother Asahel at the battle at Gibeon. Upon learning that Abner had been conferring with David, Joab tried to convince David that Abner was acting as a spy on Eshbaal‘s behalf. Without David‘s knowledge, Joab sent messengers after Abner to have him return to Hebron, whereupon he slew Abner in the city gate while talking to him in private (2 Sam 3:22–30). In spite of the biblical apologetic, there is growing recognition that David was actively involved in Abner‘s murder, either directly in a murder plot with Joab; indirectly, through manipulation of Joab by allowing him to murder Abner as part of a standing blood feud; or independently in some unknown fashion covered up in the biblical account (i.e. Hertzberg Samuel OTL, 261; Lemche 1978: 16–17; VanderKam 1980: McCarter 2 Samuel AB, 120–22; Cryer 1985: 392). David cursed Joab and his father‘s house for the act of blood revenge, and had Abner buried in Hebron with a great display of public lamentation in order to convince both Judah and Israel that he had not plotted Abner‘s death (2 Sam 3:31–39). Ironically, Eshbaal‘s head would later be entombed with Abner‘s
- 157. remains (2 Sam4:12) after his similar assassination, probably at David‘s command. David‘s brief dirge over Abner (2 Sam 3:33–34), written with the chiastic structure abb´a´, may artfully maintain the ambiguity of his cause of death by carrying over the initial interrogative he to the fourth line, rendering the answer to the initial question with a further question (Freedman 1987:127; cf. McCarter 2 Samuel AB, 111). Bibliography Cryer, F. H. 1985. David‘s Rise to Power and the Death of Abner. VT 35: 385–94. Freedman, D. N. 1987. On the Death of Abiner. Pp. 125–27 in Love and Death in the Ancient Near East, ed. J. H. Marks and R. M. Good. Guilford, CT. Grønbaek, J. H. 1971. Die Geschichte vom Aufstieg Davids (1 Sam. 15–2. Sam. 5). Copenhagen. Lemche, N. P. 1978. David‘s Rise. JSOT 10: 2–25. VanderKam, J. C. 1980. Davidic Complicity in the Deaths of Abner and Eshbaal. JBL 99: 521–39. Vaux, R. de 1965. Ancient Israel: Social Institutions. Trans. John McHugh from French. New York. DIANA V. EDELMAN ABODE OF THE DEAD. See DEAD, ABODE OF THE. ABOMINATION OF DESOLATION. A phrase occurring in the OT book of Daniel (11:31, 12:11, and perhaps 9:27), in 1 Maccabees 1:54, and in the teaching of Jesus as recorded in the synoptic gospels (Matt 24:15, Mark 13:14; see GOSPELS, LITTLE APOCALYPSE IN). The phrase refers in Daniel and 1 Maccabees to the desecration of the temple by the pagan emperor Antiochus Epiphanes in 167 B.C.E. and in the teaching of Jesus to some analagous disaster which he anticipates. A. Daniel and 1 Maccabees 1. The Hebrew Phrase in Daniel. There are a number of textual and translational difficulties in the three Daniel texts. Dan 11:31 is most simply translated: ―And they shall set up the abomination making desolate‖ (wĕnātĕn haš-šiqqṣ mĕšōmēm). Dan 12:11 speaks of ―the time … for the setting up of an abomination being/making desolate‖ (lātēt šiqqṣ šōmēm). Dan 9:27 reads literally: ―and upon wing abominations making desolate‖ (wĕ ˓al kĕnap šiqqṣ m mĕšō-mēm), which may mean: ―upon the wing of abominations shall come one who makes desolate‖ (so RSV), or if the participle ―making desolate‖ is construed with the noun ―abominations‖ (even though in our texts the participle is singular and the noun plural), the text may mean: ―On a wing … he will set up an abomination causing desolation‖ (so NIV). The meaning of the ―wing‖ in 9:27 is in any case problematic, being variously explained by scholars, e.g. as referring to the ―pinnacle‖ of the Jerusalem temple, to the ―horns‖ of the altar in the temple, and/or to the ―wings‖ of Baal portrayed as an eagle or winged sun. Other commentators have suggested emendation of the text, e.g. reading ―and in its place‖ or ―on their base‖ (wĕ ˓al kannô/kannām). (On these possibilities see Daniel commentaries and Goldstein 1 Maccabees AB, 147.) Despite the uncertainty of such details, the overall sense of the passages in Daniel is clear and the same in all three passages (cf. also 8:13). They refer to the coming to Jerusalem of a pagan invader, who will forcibly end the traditional worship of the temple, as epitomized by the daily burnt offering, and who will introduce pagan worship (―the abomination of desolation‖) until the time of the end. 2. Antiochus Epiphanes. Almost all commentators, including those who question the scholarly consensus that Daniel in its present form is to be dated in the second century B.C.E., see in the Danielic ―abomination‖ a reference to the profanation of the temple by Antiochus IV (―Epiphanes‖) in 167 B.C.E. The phrase in 1 Macc 1:54 refers quite explicitly to this event: ―On the fifteenth day of Chislev, in the one hundred and forty-fifth year, they erected a desolating sacrilege upon the altar of burnt offering.‖ Antiochus was ruler of the Seleucid empire, of which Palestine was a part, and he responded to an act of defiance on the part of the Jews by attacking Jerusalem and by seeking to abolish the practice of the Jewish religion. His most horrifying action was the desecration of the temple and the introduction there of pagan worship (i.e. ―the abomination of desolation‖). His action met with courageous resistance, inspired and led by the family of Judas Maccabeus. Against all odds, the Jews defeated the Seleucid armies and regained a significant amount of control of their own affairs, including of the temple; this was cleansed of
- 158. the ―abomination‖ in164 B.C.E., an event recalled ever after by the Jews in the feast of Hanukkah or Dedication (see MACCABEES, 1–2). 3. Further Observations. A number of further points about the Danielic ―abomination‖ should be noted. a. The unusual phrase ―abomination of desolation‖ is commonly seen by scholars as a derogatory reference to the deity to whom Antiochus rededicated the Jerusalem temple. The new dedication was probably to Zeus Olympios (so 2 Macc 6:1), who may have been identified with, or at least given the Semitic name of, the Phoenician god Ba˓al šāmên (= ―Lord of heaven‖). In order to avoid referring to the pagan deity directly, the author of Daniel parodies, substituting the term šiqqṣ (i.e. abomination) for the name Baal (or Zeus) and the word šōmēm (i.e. desolating) for the consonantally similar šāmêm (i.e. of heaven). The term šiqquṣ is frequently used in the OT to designate something filthy or disgusting, and in particular idols; the substitution of this term for the name ―Baal‖ can be compared to the use elsewhere in the OT of the word bôšeth (―shame‖) for Baal, as in the names in 2 Sam 4:1, 4, etc. (For a modification of this view, see Goldstein 1 Maccabees AB, 143–52). b. There is some doubt as to whether ―of desolation‖ is the best translation for the relevant Hebrew word(s) in the Daniel texts. The Heb root šmm can have the sense of ―being desolate,‖ e.g., of deserted places; but it can also mean ―to be appalled.‖ The Greek versions of the OT opt for the first sense, using the verb erēmoō; but many modern scholars consider that the second meaning is more likely in Daniel, and that we should translate the whole phrase as ―appalling sacrilege.‖ It is possible, however, that the author of Daniel intended several connotations: the term may have been a parody of the name of the pagan god (see above), and may have suggested both the desolation brought to the temple (spiritual desolation at least), and the appalling nature of what had taken place; it is just possible that there is also an allusion to Antiochus‘ supposed madness, since the root šmm sometimes has this sense in postbiblical Hebrew (Rowley 1932: 265). c. What form did the ―abomination‖ set up by Antiochus take? A reading of 1 Maccabees (1:54,59) and of Josephus (Ant 12 §252) suggests that a pagan altar was erected on top of the altar of burnt offering in the temple. There is no explicit mention of an idol being erected, nor of one being destroyed when the temple was cleansed (1 Macc 4:43). However, the later Christian and Jewish tradition that a statue of Zeus was erected in the rededicated temple (perhaps also statues of Antiochus himself) may have some historical foundation. The phrase ―abomination of desolation‖ could be a reference to such an unmentionable thing, or to some other stone structure(s) associated with pagan worship (Rowley 1953: 310–12; Goldstein 1 Maccabees AB, 143–52). It has been suggested that Antiochus saw his rededication of the temple as the restoration of the original religion of the Jews rather than as the introduction of a new religion and deity; but whether this was his theory or whether he more simply saw himself as suppressing one undesirable and politically subversive religion and replacing it with something superior, the effect on the Jews was the same. (On Antiochus and his religious outlook, see Mørkholm 1966, and Goldstein 1 Maccabees AB, 104–60). d. The suggestion that the Babylonian creation myth with its account of Marduk slaying the chaos monster Tiamat has influenced the Danielic portrayal of the ―abomination‖ is of interest (Heaton Daniel TBC, 92–96). However, while it is plausible to postulate connections between the Babylonian myth and the four sea beasts of Daniel 7 and then also with the ―beast‖ of Revelation, it is not clear that the myth has contributed at all directly to the Danielic description of the abomination. B. The Gospels and New Testament The LXX translates the Danielic phrase ―abomination of desolation‖ in 12:11 with the words to bdelugma tēs erēmōseōs (similar phraseology being used also in 9:26, 11:31; cf. bdelugma erēmōseōs in 1 Macc 1:54). Matthew and Mark use precisely this Greek phrase in their parallel accounts of Jesus‘ eschatological discourse (Matt 24:15; Mark 13:14). In speaking of the future, Jesus warns generally of sufferings to come, and then says particularly, ―When you see the abomination of desolation standing where it ought not to be [so Mark; Matt ―in the holy place‖], then let those who are in Judea flee to the mountains …‖ The picture is of a disaster in Judea and of enormous and widespread suffering, to be
- 159. ended only bythe coming of the heavenly Son of Man. Luke‘s parallel passage does not have the phrase ―abomination of desolation,‖ but says, ―When you see Jerusalem surrounded by armies, then know that its desolation has come near‖ (21:20). The synoptic ―abomination‖ has been variously interpreted (for a survey of views see, e.g., Ford 1979: 158–69). Many scholars have linked it to specific events in the 1st century, for example to the crisis that occurred in Palestine in 39–40 C.E., when the emperor Caligula ordered that his statue be placed in the Jerusalem temple (an order not eventually implemented, thanks to the emperor‘s death), or to the events leading up to the destruction of Jerusalem in 70 C.E. More particularly some have identified the ―abomination‖ with the disgraceful and bloody wrangling of the Zealots during the Jewish war (Jos JW 4 §196–207, 377–94, etc.), or with the Roman standards advancing on Jerusalem. Other scholars have declined to see such historical significance in the phrase, preferring instead to interpret the ―abomination‖ as the coming of an eschatological anti-christ figure, akin perhaps to the Pauline ―man of lawlessness‖ and to the ―beast‖ of Revelation. Others again have argued for a double reference to historical events in the 1st century and also to a future eschatological catastrophe. To decide between such interpretations is a complicated task, entailing judgments about many related questions, e.g., about the history and authenticity of the traditions in question, about the respective dates of the synoptic Gospels, and about the nature of NT prophecy. And it may, of course, be that there are several interpretations of the ―abomination‖ represented in the NT. However, a few further points may be noted. 1. The Origin of the Tradition. The Gospels ascribe the Christian ―abomination‖ tradition to Jesus, but many scholars have questioned that attribution, arguing that the synoptic eschatological discourse contains a considerable amount of material that had its origin in the church (or even in Jewish tradition) rather than in Jesus‘ own teaching. They have argued on literary grounds for the composite nature of the eschatological discourse, and on theological and historical grounds for the tradition having its origin after Jesus‘ ministry, perhaps in the crisis situation provoked by Caligula in 39 C.E. This argument has been disputed by other scholars, who see the tradition as entirely congruous with other aspects of Jesus‘ teaching. (On the history of the discourse see commentaries, also Wenham 1984 for references.) 2. Background Considerations. In order to understand the NT use of the phrase ―abomination of desolation,‖ it is helpful, first, to be reminded of the historical and emotional importance of the Maccabean period and experience for the Jews of the 1st century C.E. It was natural for them to see parallels between their experience of Roman rule and the Maccabean experience of Seleucid rule and for them to regard the courageous stand of the Maccabees as an example and inspiration at times of tension or confrontation with Rome (even though there were differing views about what sort of resistance was called for). It was natural, too, for the Jews to be particularly sensitive to anything resembling the outrage perpetrated by Antiochus; thus, when Pilate ordered Roman legionary standards to be taken into Jerusalem, he was surprised by the massive outcry among the Jews (Jos JW 2 §175). It is helpful, second, to recognize the importance of the book of Daniel within the Christian tradition of the NT period. It is not just the ―abomination of desolation‖ that has a Danielic background, but also the tradition of the heavenly Son of Man, as now found in the Gospels; and it is possible that Jesus‘ kingdom teaching derives more from Daniel than anywhere else (Dan 2:44; 7:14, 27 etc.). It is hard to exaggerate the importance of Daniel for NT eschatology as a whole; Jesus‘ eschatological discourse in particular has been viewed as a midrash on Daniel (so Hartman 1966). The indebtedness of the NT to the book of Daniel is no doubt connected with the general interest of 1st-century Palestinian Jews in the Maccabean experience. That experience was seen as paradigmatic and prophetic. Such an understanding is clear in Luke, who makes no reference to ―the abomination,‖ but who explicitly refers to ―armies‖ surrounding Jerusalem, to the city‘s desolation, and then to the people being killed and taken captive, while the Gentiles trample the city. Luke‘s significant differences at this point from Matthew and Mark are often supposed to be a reflection of his post 70 C.E. standpoint; he has modified the Markan tradition in the light of his knowledge of the events and in order to distinguish clearly between the events of 70 C.E. and the eschatological coming of the Son of Man. Against this view
- 160. it has beenargued that Luke‘s changes betray no specific knowledge of the events of 70 C.E., and that they could be simple clarifications of the obscure Markan wording, or even independent early tradition. Although it is less obvious what Mark and Matthew intend when they refer to the ―abomination of desolation standing,‖ it is quite likely that Luke has correctly conveyed their meaning. Mark intriguingly has a masculine participle ―standing‖ (hestēkota) with the neuter noun ―abomination‖ (bdelugma), suggesting that he associated the awful event with an evil individual; he also refers to the abomination standing ―where it ought not,‖ whereas Matthew says more clearly ―in the holy place.‖ One possible explanation of Mark‘s obscurity is that he may have been writing at a sensitive time, when caution was appropriate; his gospel has often been dated to the period 66–70 C.E.. It is of interest to note that the Jewish writer Josephus sees Daniel‘s ―abomination‖ as prophesying both the desolation of Antiochus and that perpetrated by the Romans (Ant 10 §276); the NT evangelists may have had the same understanding. 3. Concluding Observations on the Synoptic Phrase. If the Maccabean experience and the book of Daniel were so important in the 1st century C.E., then this is probably a clue that the NT ―abomination‖ will have been understood by something analogous to the action of Antiochus, i.e., as an idolatrous attack on the people and temple of God by a powerful pagan force. The Gospels‘ own evidence supports the view that this was their understanding: Matthew specifically invites his readers to think back to Daniel (24:15), and it is possible that Mark‘s much debated ―let the reader understand‖ is a similar invitation (13:14). All three evangelists include the injunction to those in Judea to ―flee to the hills,‖ a phrase reminiscent of 1 Macc 2:28 (cf. Matt 24:16; Mark 13:14; Luke 21:21). Luke has probable echoes of Daniel when he refers to the Gentiles treading down Jerusalem (Luke 21:24; cf. Dan 8:13). Another clue to the evangelists‘ understanding of the abomination is the prediction of the destruction of the temple which in each Gospel precedes the eschatological discourse. Since the discourse, including the warning of the ―abomination,‖ is presented as explanatory of that prediction, there is a strong case for linking the setting up of the abomination with the predicted destruction of the temple (which is otherwise not mentioned in the discourse, unless the ―coming of the Son of Man‖ is interpreted as a reference to that destruction). The picture, then, would appear to be of a major catastrophe, analogous to 167 B.C.E., but involving the profanation and destruction of the temple. The ―desolation‖ in the synoptic phrase was probably understood literally. 4. Other Parts of the New Testament. Although the phrase ―abomination of desolation‖ is not found in the NT outside the Gospels, the Danielic idea is probably reflected in the Pauline ―man of lawlessness‖ in 2 Thessalonians 2, in the Johannine ―Antichrist‖ of 1 John 2:18, 4:3, and in the ―beast‖ of Revelation 13, 18. If we have in these different writings variations on a common eschatological theme and tradition, then 2 Thessalonians, if it is Pauline, is our earliest written contact with the tradition, showing it to be quite primitive. It may be that when Paul calls the lawless one ―the man of perdition‖ or ―of destruction,‖ this is equivalent to the synoptic phrase ―of desolation.‖ But it is notable that both Paul and John, perhaps because they are writing in a Gentile context, describe the future evil in rather general religious terms without obvious political or military allusions (i.e., with no explicit reference to an attack on Jerusalem, though note Paul‘s reference to the man of lawlessness being in the ―temple of God‖ and his remark about the Jews of Judea in 1 Thess 2:16), and also in terms of the appearance of an individual antichrist figure rather than in terms of an ―abomination‖ being set up. It has been suggested that Paul was influenced in his thinking by Caligula‘s outrageous threat to the temple in 39–40 C.E., but his ―man of lawlessness‖ is entirely explicable on the basis of the Danielic tradition. In Revelation the beast is clearly political in character, being the Roman empire, but the attack is now (after 70 C.E.?) not on the city of Jerusalem, but on the reconstituted people of God, i.e. the church. Bibliography Beasley-Murray, G. R. 1957. A Commentary on Mark Thirteen. London. Bickerman, E. 1979. The God of the Maccabees. Leiden. Dancy, J. C. 1954. A Commentary on 1 Maccabees. Oxford. Ford, D. 1979. The Abomination of Desolation in Biblical Eschatology. Washington. Gaston, L. 1970. No Stone on Another. Leiden. Hartman, L. 1966. Prophecy Interpreted. Lund.
- 161. Mørkholm, O. 1966.Antiochus IV of Syria. Copenhagen. Rowley, H. H. 1932. The Bilingual Problem of Daniel. ZAW 9:256–68. ———. 1953. Menelaus and the Abomination of Desolation. Pp. 303–15 in Studia Orientalia Ioanni Pedersen. Copenhagen. Wenham, D. 1984. The Rediscovery of Jesus‘ Eschatological Discourse. Sheffield. DAVID WENHAM ABORTION IN ANTIQUITY. Abortion, natural and induced, is attested as a legal matter as early as the mid-2d millennium B.C. This article will consider abortion and related topics in the OT and the Ancient Near East, in ancient Judaism, the Greco-Roman world, and in early Christianity. ——— A. Abortion in ANE Law and the OT B. Abortion in the Hellenistic and Roman World C. Abortion in Ancient Judaism and in the NT D. Conclusion ——— A. Abortion in ANE Law and the OT With the exception of the Middle Assyrian Laws (ca. 1600 B.C.), the earliest Near Eastern law codes (including the legal materials in the OT) do not deal with the willful destruction of the fetus with the consent of the mother, but mention only natural miscarriages caused by a blow from another party. According to the injunctions outlined in the Middle Assyrian Laws, if a woman has had a miscarriage by her own act, when they have prosecuted her (and) convicted her, they shall impale her on stakes without burying her (Middle Assyrian Laws 53, in ANET 185). This code further directs that if the woman dies in the process of inducing the abortion, her body will still be impaled (as a kind of poetic justice) and will be denied burial. Several of the law codes of the Ancient Near East, the Code of Hammurabi (ca. 1950 B.C.), the Lipit- ištar Laws, the Sumerian Laws (ca. 1800 B.C.), the Hittite Laws (ca. 1300 B.C.), as well as the Middle Assyrian Laws contain stipulations providing for compensation when a woman has been caused to miscarry because of a blow that she received from another person, thus providing at least indirect evidence concerning the status of the fetus in these societies. The Code of Hammurabi directs that if a seignior [a man of rank or authority] struck a (nother) seignior‘s daughter and caused her to miscarry, he shall pay ten shekels of silver for her fetus. If that woman has died, they shall put his daughter to death (Code of Hammurabi 209–10, ANET, 175). The Code of Hammurabi further provides for compensation for miscarriages caused to the daughter of a commoner and of a female slave. In each of these cases the penalty is commensurately smaller: the miscarriage of the fetus of a commoner‘s daughter is assessed at five shekels of silver, while her death must be compensated by a half mina of silver; causing the miscarriage of a female slave was fined at two shekels of silver, while the one causing her death was obliged to pay one third of a mina of silver (Code of Hammurabi 211–14). The Sumerian Laws (4.1–2, ANET 525), the Lipit-ištar Laws (iii.2´–5´, 7´–13´; Civil 1965: 5), and the Middle Assyrian Laws (21, 50– 52, ANET 181, 184–85), contain provisions similar to those in the Code of Hammurabi, although the penalties in the Middle Assyrian Laws are somewhat more stringent: the man causing the miscarriage by his blow must compensate for her fetus with a life. Further, in both the Lipit-ištar and Middle Assyrian Laws, if the woman dies, the man himself will be put to death (Lipit-ištar iii.7´–8´, Civil 1965: 5; Middle Assyrian Laws 50, ANET 184). The Hittite Laws provide a further refinement: the fine assessed for a miscarriage caused in the tenth (lunar) month of pregnancy is twice the amount of the fine when the miscarriage occurred during the fifth month (Hittite Laws 1.17–18, ANET 190). The fine assessed for a miscarriage in the tenth (lunar) month of pregnancy suggests a distinction made in the status of the fetus and the loss that it implies for the father or family. Unlike the other law codes, in the Hittite Laws the assault on the woman and her possible death as a consequence are not considered. The codes discussed above were not designed primarily to protect the unborn, although that was certainly one result of these injunctions, because the exposure or killing of abnormal, deformed, or otherwise unwanted children was both tolerated and practiced among them (Ebeling RLA 1:322). These
- 162. laws and prohibitionswere primarily sociopolitical in intent and protected the community from the potential loss of strength that a normal, healthy child could provide. Exod 21:22–25 is frequently referred to in discussions of abortion. According to this passage, ―When men strive together, and hurt a woman with child, so that there is a miscarriage, and yet no harm follows, the one who hurt her shall be fined, according as the woman‘s husband shall lay on him; and he shall pay as the judges determine. If any harm follows, then you shall give life for life, eye for eye, tooth for tooth, hand for hand, foot for foot, burn for burn, wound for wound, stripe for stripe‖ (RSV). These verses present numerous exegetical difficulties that have resulted in widely differing interpretations. According to one view, the ―harm‖ (Heb ˒āsôn) in the Hebrew text refers to an injury done to the woman, since (according to this interpretation of the passage) the miscarriage is explicitly mentioned in contrast or juxtaposition to the ―harm.‖ Thus, the ˒āsôn done the woman, through either serious injury or death, is punished more severely than the miscarriage of the fetus, thereby indicating that the fetus was not viewed as fully human. Those holding to this view also note that this interpretation closely parallels evidence from other Near Eastern codes (Paul 1970: 71; Loewenstamm 1977: 356; Weinfeld 1977: 129; Sinclair 1978: 179–82; Sinclair 1980: 110). According to others, the first instance refers to a blow that results in a premature birth, but produces no further complications (˒āsôn) to the child, while the second case refers to an instance in which the miscarriage results in the death of the fetus. Thus, according to this view, the fetus could be viewed as having a status similar or identical to that of human beings (Cottrell 1973: 8– 9[604–15]; Jackson 1973: 273–304; Waltke 1976: 3–13; House 1978–79: 117–20). While these differing interpretations of Exod 21:21–25 influence the view of the status of the fetus in Hebrew law, they provide at best only indirect evidence for the case of induced abortions. B. Abortion in the Hellenistic and Roman World Greek philosophers offered opinions on abortion that diverged as widely as did their perspectives on the moment of ensoulment. Plato believed that the fetus is a living being (Plutarch De placitis philosophorum 5.15). Still, he recommended abortions for women who conceived after the age of forty (Resp. 5.9). Aristotle (Pol. 7.15.25[1335b]) allowed abortions only before ―sense and life have begun‖ in the fetus, which he viewed as coming as forty days for males and ninety for females (HA 7.3; GA 4. 1), and indicated by the movement of the fetus in the mother‘s womb. According to the Stoics, the fetus remains a part of the mother until it is born. Although no Greek Stoic whose writings are preserved takes a position on induced abortion, the Roman Stoic Musonius Rufus (whose views may have paralleled those of the earlier Greek Stoics) forbade induced abortions. However, it may also be here that the views of Aristotle and Musonius Rufus were more the result of a concern for the welfare of the state than for the fetus itself. The exposure of children was a practice tolerated, and in some instances even encouraged, by the same Greek philosophers and ethicists who took clear positions against abortion, probably for the same reasons, mentioned above, in the ancient Near Eastern societies: abortion was forbidden in order to protect the potential contribution to the society that the child would provide. However, once the child was born and found to be deformed in some way and, thus, a potential drain on the resources of the society, its death through exposure was allowed (Bennett 1923: 341–51; Eyben 1980–81: 12–19). The paucity of Greek legislation on abortion makes it difficult to draw any definite conclusions concerning its legal status. According to a document falsely attributed to Galen, the lawmakers Lycurgus and Solon both enacted legislation prohibiting abortion and punishing its practice (Moòssides 1922: 64). While corroborating evidence is wanting, in the light of parallel laws in the ancient Near East, in particular the Middle Assyrian law punishing induced abortion, it is certainly not beyond the realm of possibility for induced abortion to have been forbidden in early Greek law as well. Indeed, according to the 1st-century Stoic philosopher, Aelius Theon, one of the orations by the Attic orator Lysias concerned ―whether the fetus was human and whether abortions might be subject to penalty‖ (Dölger 1934: 10–12). The Hippocratic oath forbids administering abortifacients (Nardi 1970: 59–60) except to expel a fetus that was already dead. On the other hand, there are reports of other methods recommended by Greek physicians in order to abort in the very earliest stages of pregnancy (Moòs-sides 1922: 68; Hèhnel 1936: 235; Crahay 1941: 14–15; Dickison 1973: 160). An inscription from Philadelphia in Asia Minor dating
- 163. from about 100B.C. includes prohibitions against the taking of drugs to prevent birth (atokeion) or to cause abortions (phthoreion [Nardi 1970: 193–94]). This differs from other Kultsatzungen of the Hellenistic period in that the use of birth control devices and abortifacients are not merely viewed as the source of cultic impurity, but as ethical and moral failings (Dölger 1934: 19–20; Weinfeld 1977: 132; but cf. Crahay 1941: 17). While induced abortion is only occasionally mentioned in Rome during the period of the Republic, it seems to have been very common during the early centuries of the Empire. In reaction to this growing permissiveness, eminent writers of the period raised their voices in praise of those who avoided it and against those who practiced it. Borrowing a military metaphor, Ovid says that the woman who first aborted a fetus ―deserved to die by her own weapons‖ (Am. 2.14. 5–6). Seneca pays tribute to his own mother for never having ―crushed the hope of children that were being nurtured in [her] body‖ (Helv. 16.3). Suetonius, Juvenal, and Pliny the Younger each report the tragic account of Julia, the niece of the emperor Domitian, whom he seduced and later compelled to undergo an abortion that resulted in her death (Suet. Dom. 22; Juv. 2.32–33; Pliny Ep. 4.11.16). Further, the exposure of unwanted infants, rare during the Republican period, appears also to have been commonplace under the Empire (Eyben 1980– 81: 14). C. Abortion in Ancient Judaism and in the NT The LXX translators rendered Exod 21:22–23 in a manner that is markedly different from the received Hebrew text, apparently reflecting an awareness of the various strands of Greek philosophical thought on the status of the fetus: ―If two men fight and they strike a woman who is pregnant, and her child comes out while not yet fully formed, he will be forced to pay a fine; whatever the woman‘s husband imposes, he will pay with a valuation. But if it is fully formed, he will give life for life, eye for eye, tooth for tooth, hand for hand, foot for foot, burning for burning, wound for wound, stripe for stripe.‖ Whereas in the Hebrew text the term ˒āsôn may be understood as referring either to the fetus or to the woman, the LXX rendering of this phrase as ―fully formed‖ makes explicit its reference to injuring the fetus, not the woman. Further, the use of the term ―not fully formed‖ and ―fully formed‖ is reminiscent of Aristotle‘s distinction between fetuses in which ―sense and life have begun‖ and those that have not. The LXX translation implies a view about the status of the fetus that is basically Aristotelian and takes a middle position between the Stoic and Platonic views (Gorman 1982: 34–35; cf. Salvoni 1975: 27). It stipulates the death penalty in the event of the death of a fully developed fetus that was caused to miscarry when the woman was struck by another person. Philo of Alexandria (25 B.C.–A.D. 41), in his treatise on the Ten Commandments and other Jewish laws, Special Laws (Spec Leg III 108–9), discusses in the section on the commandment ―Thou shalt not kill‖ the situation reflected in Exod 21:22–23. In this passage Philo says that if a man assaults a pregnant woman and strikes her in the belly, he will be required to pay a fine if the fetus is as yet unformed, as compensation both for the blow itself and for the fact that he has deprived ―nature of bringing a human being into existence. However, if the fetus is formed, he will be put to death.‖ Philo compares the formed fetus in the womb to ―a statue lying in the sculptor‘s workshop needing nothing more than to be taken outside and released from confinement.‖ While retaining the LXX‘s distinction between the fetus that is ―fully formed‖ and one that is not, Philo changes the specific situation that results in harm to the fetus from a fight between two men into one man‘s intentional assault on a pregnant woman. Most significant, however, is the moral tenor of his discussion. Unlike the text of Exodus, which is primarily concerned with nice legal distinctions, Philo emphasizes the moral wrongness of such an assault on the unborn. In Philo‘s view, one who injures a fetus that is not fully formed is guilty of an outrage against nature, while one who harms the formed fetus is guilty of the murder of a human being and is thus deserving of death (Gorman 1982: 35–36). It is significant to note that the context in which Philo is speaking is part of an a fortiori argument against exposure. According to Philo, although Moses never includes exposure among prohibited practices, it is certainly implied, since Philo understands the law as prohibiting the destruction of life in utero. He is also challenging the justification of abortion by legal, medical, and philosophical authorities
- 164. who, he declares,claim that ―the child while still adhering to the womb below the belly is part of its future mother‖ (Philo Spec Leg III 117). Philo‘s perspective also differs significantly from those of the Hellenistic world and the ancient Near East in that he is not primarily concerned with the prerogatives of the father, or the needs of the state, but with the rights of the mother and unborn child. The Jewish historian Flavius Josephus briefly discusses the injunction in Exod 21:22–25 (Ant 4§278). However, unlike Philo, Josephus follows the Hebrew text rather than the LXX in his rendering of this passage. Further, Josephus has recast the statute sufficiently that the ambiguity inherent in the Hebrew original concerning the object of the ―harm‖ (Heb. ˒āsôn) is eliminated: in the view of Josephus, it is the woman, and not the fetus, who is intended. According to Josephus, whoever kicks a pregnant woman, thereby causing the fetus to miscarry, will be fined according to the judges‘ determination (which fine will be given to the aggrieved husband) ―for having by the destruction of the fruit of her womb, diminished the population.‖ He further indicates that if the woman dies from the blow she received, he will be put to death. In his apology for Judaism, Josephus writes: ―The Law orders all of the offspring to be brought up and forbids women either to abort or to do away with a fetus, but if she is convicted, she is viewed an infanticide because she destroys a soul and diminishes the race‖ (AgAp 2.202). It is somewhat difficult to reconcile Josephus‘ statement here with his view expressed in Ant. In the former, a clear distinction in penalty is made for the death of the fetus and the death of the woman. Here, however, Josephus explicitly states that the willful destruction of the fetus is equivalent to murder (although, strikingly, no penalty is stated). The contradictions in the two statements may, perhaps, be reconciled (if they are to be harmonized at all) in the following manner: although the willful destruction of a fetus is viewed in a manner not unlike murder, because Josephus regarded the woman and not the fetus as the primary target of the attack in the passage in Exodus 21, he may be treating the death of the fetus in a manner somewhat different from the death of the woman. In any case, it is significant that Josephus describes the fetus as having a soul, and clearly forbids a deliberate abortion of the fetus. The rabbinic writings reflect an interest in the status of the fetus as well as a concern for the health and well-being of the mother. A passage in the Mekilta (Nez. 8) indicates that the blow to a woman that results in a miscarriage described in Exodus 22 is an act to be punished by a fine, but not by death, as it would be in the case of a capital crime. Similarly, according to the Mishnah (Nid. 5:3), only the killing of a child already born (―one day old‖) is an offense subject to the death penalty, whereas no mention is made of abortion as a capital offense. A fetus only becomes a person after it is born, when the ―greater part of the head‖ (i.e., the forehead) emerges from the womb (Mishnah Ohol. 7:6; Nid. 3:5). If the mother‘s life is endangered by the pregnancy, then the obligatory principle of piqqaḥ-nepeš (―safeguarding of life‖) is invoked, and the termination of the pregnancy is mandated. Thus, ―if a woman is suffering hard labor, the child must be cut up while in her womb and brought out member by member, since the life of the mother takes precedence over that of the child‖ (m. Ohol. 7:6). On the other hand, this same passage indicates that if the greater part of its head has already emerged, then nothing is done to it since no preference may be given to one life over another. Subsequent Talmudic discussions reiterate these same principles (Sinclair 1980: 122–14, 119–22). The early Christians opposed both abortion and infanticide. While there is no direct reference to either practice in the NT, the pharmakoi mentioned in Rev 21:8 and 22:15 may refer to those who obtained abortifacients (cf. 9:21; 18:23; Gal 5:20). However, other writings of the early period of Christianity, such as the Didache and the so-called Epistle of Barnabas, expressly condemn both abortion and infanticide. Didache 2:2, in writing about the ―two ways,‖ notes that there is a great difference between these two ways. In an exposition of the second great commandment (―Love thy neighbor as thyself‖) as part of the ―Way of Life,‖ the author makes a list of prohibitions modeled on the Ten Commandments, including: ―Thou shalt not murder a child by abortion/destruction‖ (ou phoneuseis teknon en phthora). The Ep. Barn. (19:5) contains the same prohibition immediately preceded by ―thou shalt love thy neighbor more than thyself‖ (cf. Apos. Con. 7.3.2). According to Did. 5:2, among those who are on the ―Way of Death‖ are ―infanticides‖ and ―those destroying the image of God‖ (cf. Ep. Barn. 20:2). Apparently, then, the
- 165. fetus was viewedas being a neighbor with the same rights—including the right to life—that the neighbor would have. Similarly, the early Christian apocalyptic literature reflects a moral abhorrence of willful abortion. The Apocalypse of Peter, roughly contemporary with the Did. and the Ep. Barn. and at one time included in the canon of scripture (in the Muratorian Fragment and by Clement of Alexandria), paints a graphic portrait of hell‘s population, which includes a scene in which women who have obtained abortions are in a gorge, up to their throats in excrement, while fire shoots forth from the infants who were aborted and strikes the women on the eyes. The Apocalypse continues by stating that the infants will be given to Temlakor, while the women who aborted them ―will be tortured forever‖ (Apoc. Pet. [Ethiopic 8 = Akhmim Fragment 26]; cf. Clement of Alexandria Ecl. 41, 48–49 = PG 9.717–20; Quasten 1950: 144; Gorman 1982: 50–51). From the 2d century on, opposition by Christian writers to induced abortion on ethical grounds continued, if not increased. The Christian apologist Athenagoras, in response to the charge that the Christians engaged in the ritual slaughter of children, asked what reason they might have to commit murder when they already assert that women who induce abortions are murderers and will have to give account of it to God. The same person, Athenagoras reasons, would not regard the fetus in the womb as a living thing and, therefore, an object of God‘s care and then kill it (Presbeia 35 = PG 6.969) For Clement of Alexandria (Ecl. 50.1–3 = PG 9.720–21; cf. Dölger 1934: 28–29), Tertullian (An. 27; cf. Emmel 1918: 33–44, 90–97), and Lactantius (De opificio Dei 17.7 = CSEL 27.56), ensoulment takes place at or immediately after conception. Thus, abortion at any stage of the pregnancy is viewed by them as unacceptable. The view in subsequent centuries is equally insistent on the moral right of the fetus to life. The councils of Elvira in A.D. 305 (Canons 63, 68 = PL 84:308–9; cf. Connery 1977: 46–49) and Ancyra in 314 (Canon 21; Cf. Nardi 1970: 496–501) contained canons against abortion. Similarly, the voices of Jerome (Ep. 22 ad Eustochium 13 = CSEL 54:160; Ep. 121 ad Algasiam 4 = CSEL 56:16), Ambrose (Exameron 5.18.58 = CSEL 32:184–85), and Augustine (De nuptiis et concupiscentiis 1.17 = CSEL 42:230) in the Latin West, and Basil of Caesarea (Ep. 188.2 = PG 32:671) and John Chrysostom (Hom. in Rom. 24 = PG 60:626–27) in the Greek East were raised against abortion and in defense of the life of the unborn (Nardi 1970: 483–582; Eyben 1980–81: 62–74; Gorman 1982: 53–73). See also RAC 1: 55–60; 2: 176–83. D. Conclusion In the ancient Near East, only the Middle Assyrian Laws provide explicit sanctions against those practicing the pre-meditated abortion of a fetus. The text in Exodus 22 gives only implicit evidence for the question of willful abortion. As a result, some scholars have attempted to elicit from other biblical texts an ethic that could be applied to the question of abortion (Waltke 1976: 3–13; Kline 1977: 193–201; Kurz 1986: 668–80). However, even where the evidence concerning the status of the fetus is somewhat ambiguous, there is no indication that premeditated abortion was tolerated in ancient Israel. On the other hand, the relatively permissive attitude in the ancient Near East toward the exposure of unwanted infants (for which there is no evidence available in ancient Israel) suggests that the prohibition of abortion, even where it existed, was designed more to protect the society from the loss of potentially productive members than from any particular concern with the rights of the fetus itself. A roughly analogous situation existed among the Greeks during the Hellenistic period: there was a general, though by no means uniform or monolithic, indisposition toward premeditated abortion, while the exposure of unwanted infants was widely tolerated. In Imperial Rome, the attitude toward abortion was more permissive than in the Hellenistic world, while exposure was also widely tolerated under the Empire. A significant development in attitude toward abortion can be seen in the writings of formative Judaism, particularly in Philo, as well as in early Christianity: not only is abortion prohibited—and exposure, too—but this prohibition rests upon an ethical concern for the fetus and the newly born. A further dimension to the discussion on abortion is added in the rabbinic writings, where the health and well-being of the expectant mother are taken into consideration. Bibliography Cottrell, J. W. 1973. Abortion and the Mosaic Law. Christianity Today 17: 602–5.
- 166. Civil, M. 1965.New Sumerian Law Fragments. Pp. 1–13 in Studies in Honor of Benno Landsberger. AS16. Chicago. Crahay, R. 1941. Les Moralistes anciens et l‘avortement. L‘antiquitè classique 10: 9–23. Dickison, S. K. 1973. Abortion in Antiquity. Arethusa 6: 159–66. Dölger, F. 1934. Das Lebensrecht des ungeborenen Kindes und die Fruchtabtreibung in der Bewertung der heidnischen und christlichen Antike. Antike und Christentum 4: 1–61. Emmel, K. 1918. Das Fortleben der antiken Lehren von der Beseelung bei den Kirchenvätern. Borna-Leipzig. Eyben, E. 1980–81. Family Planning in Graeco-Roman Antiquity. Ancient Society 11: 5–81. Feldman, D. 1968. Birth Control in Jewish Law. New York. Gorman, M. J. 1982. Abortion and the Early Church. New York. Hèhnel, R. 1936. Der künstliche Abortus im Altertum. Archiv für Geschichte der Medizin 29: 224–25. House, H. W. 1978/79. Miscarriage or Premature Birth: Additional Thoughts on Exodus 21: 22–25. WTJ 41: 108–23. Huser, R. J. 1942. The Crime of Abortion in Canon Law. Washington. Ilberg, J. 1910. Zur gynäkologischen Ethik der Griechen. ARW 13: 1–19. Jackson, B. S. 1977. The Problem of Exod. 21:22–25. VT 27: 352–60. Kline, M. 1977. Les Talionis and the Human Fetus. JETS 20: 193–201. Krenkel, W. A. 1971. Erotica I. Der Abortus in der Antike. Wissenschaftliche Zeitschrift der Universität Rostock 20: 443–52. Kurz, W. S. 1986. Genesis and Abortion: An Exegetical Test of a Biblical Warrant in Ethics. TS 47: 668–80. Moòssides, M. 1922. Contribution à la étude de l‘avortement dans l‘antiquité grecque. Janus 26: 59–85; 129–45. Nardi, E. 1970. Aborto procurato nel mondo grecoromano. Milan. Noonan, J. T., Jr. 1970. An Almost Absolute Value in History. Pp. 1–59 in The Morality of Abortion, ed. John T. Noonan, Jr. Cambridge, MA. Paul, S. 1970. Studies in the Book of the Covenant in the Light of Cuneiform and Biblical Law. Leiden. Quasten, J. 1950. Patrology. Vol. 1. Utrecht. Rasmussen, J. A. 1979. Abortion: Historical and Biblical Perspectives. Concordia Theological Quarterly 43: 19–25. Salvoni, F. 1975. Indagine veterotestamentaria, problemi dell‘ominizzazione e indicazioni per i casi di aborto terapeutico ed eugenetico, la legge civile e l‘etica del credente. Ricerche Bibliche e Religiose 10: 7–53. Sinclair, D. 1980. The Legal Basis for the Prohibition of Abortion in Jewish Law. Israel Law Review 15: 109–30. ———. 1978. The Legal Basis for the Prohibition of Abortion in Jewish Law (in Comparison with Other Legal Systems). Shena-ton Hamishpat Haivri 5: 177–207 (In Hebrew). Waltke, B. K. 1976. Reflections from the Old Testament on Abortion. JETS 19: 3–13. Weinfeld, M. 1977. The Genuine Jewish Attitude towards Abortion. Zion 42: 129–42 (in Hebrew). STEPHEN D. RICKS ABRAHAM (PERSON) [Heb ˒abrāhām (ם ָה ָש ְב ַא)]. Var. ABRAM. The biblical patriarch whose story is told in Genesis 12–25. ——— A. The Biblical Information 1. Outline of Abraham‘s Career 2. Abraham‘s Faith 3. Abraham‘s Life-style 4. Abraham, Ancestor of the Chosen People B. Abraham in Old Testament Study 1. Abraham as a Figure of Tradition 2. Abraham as a Figure of History C. Abraham—A Contextual Approach 1. Abraham the Ancestor 2. Abraham‘s Career and Life-style 3. Abraham‘s Names 4. Abraham‘s Faith 5. Objections to a 2d Millennium Context D. Duplicate Narratives E. Conclusion ——— A. The Biblical Information
- 167. 1. Outline ofAbraham’s Career. Abraham is portrayed as a member of a family associated with city life in Southern Babylonia, moving to Haran in Upper Mesopotamia en route to Canaan (Gen 11:31). In Haran, God called him to leave for the land which he would show him, so he and Lot, his nephew, went to Canaan. At Shechem in the center of the land, God made the promise that Abraham‘s descendants would own the land (Gen 12:1–9). Famine forced Abraham to seek food in Egypt, where the Pharaoh took Abraham‘s wife, Sarah, who Abraham had declared was his sister. Discovering the deception, the Pharaoh sent Abraham away with all the wealth he had acquired, and Sarah (Gen 12:10–12). In Canaan, Abraham and Lot separated in order to find adequate grazing, Lot settling in the luxuriant Jordan plain. God renewed the promise of Abraham‘s numberless descendants possessing the land (Genesis 13). Foreign invaders captured Lot, so Abraham with 318 men routed them and recovered Lot and the booty. This brought the blessing of Melchizedek, the priest-king of Salem to whom Abraham paid a tithe (Genesis 14). Following a reassuring vision, Abraham was promised that his childless condition would end and that his offspring would occupy the land, a promise solemnized with a sacrifice and a covenant (Genesis 15). Childless Sarah gave Abraham her maid Hagar to produce a son, then drove out the pregnant maid when she belittled her barren mistress. An angel sent Hagar home with a promise of a harsh life for her son, duly born and named Ishmael (Genesis 16). Thirteen years later God renewed his covenant with Abraham, changing his name from Abram, and Sarai‘s to Sarah, and imposing circumcision as a sign of membership for all in Abraham‘s household, born or bought. With this came the promise that Sarah, then ninety, would bear a son, Isaac, who would receive the covenant, Ishmael receiving a separate promise of many descendants (Genesis 17). Three visitors repeated the promise of a son (Gen 18:1–15). Lot meanwhile had settled in Sodom, which had become totally depraved and doomed. Abraham prayed that God would spare the city if ten righteous people could be found there, but they could not, so Sodom and its neighbor were destroyed, only Lot and his two daughters surviving (Gen 18:16–19:29). Abraham living in southern Canaan encountered the king of Gerar, who took Sarah on her husband‘s assertion that she was his sister. Warned by God, King Abimelech avoided adultery and made peace with Abraham (Genesis 20). Now Isaac was born and Hagar and Ishmael sent to wander in the desert, where divine provision protected them (Gen 21:1–20). The king of Gerar then made a treaty with Abraham to solve a water-rights quarrel at Beersheba (Gen 21:22–34). When Isaac was a boy, God called Abraham to offer him in sacrifice, only staying the father‘s hand at the last moment, and providing a substitute. A renewal of the covenant followed (Gen 22:1–19). At Sarah‘s death, Abraham bought a cave for her burial, with adjacent land, from a Hittite of Hebron (Genesis 23). To ensure the promise remained within his family, Abraham sent his servant back to his relatives in the Haran region to select Isaac‘s bride (Genesis 24). The succession settled, Abraham gave gifts to other sons, and when he died aged 175, Isaac and Ishmael buried him beside Sarah (Gen 25:1–11). 2. Abraham’s Faith. Although it was Abraham‘s grandson Jacob who gave his name to Israel and fathered the Twelve Tribes, Abraham was regarded as the nation‘s progenitor (e.g., Exod 2:24; 4:5; 32:13; Isa 29:22; Ezek 33:24; Mic 7:20). Israel‘s claim to Canaan rested on the promises made to him, and the God worshipped by Israel was preeminently the God of Abraham (e.g., Exod 3:6, 15; 4:1; 1 Kgs 18:36; Ps 47:9). God‘s choice of Abraham was an act of divine sovereignty whose reason was never disclosed. The reason for Abraham‘s favor with God (cf. ―my friend,‖ Isa 41:8) is made clear in the famous verse, ―Abraham believed God and he credited it to him as righteousness‖ (Gen 15:6; cf. Rom 4:1–3), and in other demonstrations of Abraham‘s trust (e.g., Gen 22:8). Convinced of God‘s call to live a seminomadic life (note Heb 11:9), Abraham never attempted to return to Haran or to Ur, and took care that his son should not marry a local girl and so gain the land by inheritance, presumably because the indigenous people were unacceptable to God (Gen 24:3; 15:16). Throughout his career he built altars and offered sacrifices, thereby displaying his devotion (Gen 12:7, 8; 13:4, 18), an attitude seen also in the tithe he gave to Melchizedek after his victory (Genesis 14). The places sacred to him were often marked by trees, a token of his intention to stay in the land (Gen 12:6; 13:18; 21:33). Abraham believed his God to be just, hence his concern for any righteous in Sodom (Gen 18:16ff.). Even so, he attempted to preempt God‘s actions by taking Hagar when Sarah was barren (Gen 16:1–4), and by pretending Sarah was not his wife.
- 168. In the lattercases, God intervened to rescue him from the results of his own deliberate subterfuge because he had jeopardized the fulfilment of the promise (Gen 12:17f.; 20:3f.). The God Abraham worshipped is usually referred to by the name yhwh (RSV LORD); twice Abraham ―called on the name of the LORD‖ (Gen 12:8; 13:4), and his servant Eliezer spoke of the Lord, the God of Abraham (Gen 24:12, 27, 42, 48). The simple term ―God‖ (˒ĕlōh m) occurs in several passages, notably Gen 17:3ff; 19:29; 20 often; 21:2ff; 22. Additional divine names found in the Abraham narrative are: God Almighty (˒el šadday, Gen 17:1), Eternal God (yhwh ˒ēl ˓ôlām Gen 21:33), God Most High (˒ēl ˓elyôn Gen 14:18–22), Sovereign Lord (˒ădōnāy yhwh, Gen 15:2, 8), and Lord God of heaven and earth (yhwh ˒ĕlōhê haššā-mayim wĕhā˒āreṣ Gen 24:3,7). Abraham approached God without the intermediacy of priests (clearly in Genesis 22; elsewhere it could be argued that priests were present, acting as Abraham‘s agents but not mentioned). God spoke to Abraham by theophanic visions (Gen 12:7; 17:1; 18:1). In one case, the appearance was in human form, when the deity was accompanied by two angels (Gen 18; cf. v19). Perhaps God employed direct speech when no other means is specified (Gen 12:1f; 13:14; 15:1; 21:12; 22:1). Angels could intervene and give protection as extensions of God‘s person (Gen 22; 24:7, 40). Prayer was a natural activity (e.g., 20:17) in which Eliezer followed his master‘s example (Gen 24). Eliezer did not hesitate to speak of Abraham‘s faith and God‘s care for him which he had observed (Gen 24:27, 35). God commended Abraham to Abimelech as a prophet (Gen 20:7, nāb ˒). Abraham is portrayed as worshipping one God, albeit with different titles. Abraham‘s is a God who can be known and who explains his purposes, even if over a time span that stretches his devotee‘s patience. 3. Abraham’s Life-style. Leaving Ur and Haran, Abraham exchanged an urban-based life for the seminomadic style of the pastoralist with no permanent home, living in tents (Gen 12:8, 9; 13:18; 18:1; cf. Heb 11:9), unlike his relations near Haran (Gen 24:10, 11). However, he stayed at some places for long periods (Mamre, Gen 13:18; 18:1; Beersheba, Gen 22:19; Philistia, Gen 21:3, 4), enjoyed good relations with settled communities (Gen 23:10, 18 mentions the city gate), had treaty alliances with some, and spoke on equal terms with kings and the Pharaoh (Gen 14:13; 20:2, 11–14; 21:22–24). He is represented as having owned only one piece of land, the cave of Machpelah (Genesis 23). Wealth flowed to him through his herds, and in gifts from others (Gen 12:16; 20:14, 16), so that he became rich, owning cattle, sheep, silver, gold, male and female slaves, camels and donkeys (Gen 24:35). He may have traded in other goods, for he knew the language of the marketplace (Genesis 23). His household was large enough to furnish 318 men to fight foreign kings (Genesis 14). He was concerned about having an heir, and so looked on Eliezer his servant before sons were born (Gen 15:2), and took care to provide for Isaac‘s half- brothers so that his patrimony should not diminish (Gen 24:36; 25:5, 6; cf. 17:18). While Sarah was his first wife, Abraham also married Keturah, and had children by her, by Hagar, and by concubines (Gen 25:1–6). His burial was in the cave with Sarah (Gen 25:9–10). 4. Abraham, Ancestor of the Chosen People. Belief in their ancestry reaching back to one man, Abraham, to whom God promised a land, was firmly fixed among Jews in the 1st century (e.g., John 8:33–58; cf. Philo), and is attested long before by the prophets of the latter days of the Judean Monarchy (Isa 41:8; 51:2; 63:16; Jer 33:26; Ezek 33:24; Mic 7:20). The historical books of the OT also contain references to Abraham (Josh 24:2, 3; 2 Kgs 13:23; 1 Chr 16:16–18; 2 Chr 20:7; 30:6; Neh 9:7, 8) as does Psalm 105. In the Pentateuch the promise is mentioned in each book after Genesis (Exod 2:24; 33:1, etc.; Lev 26:42; Num 32:11; Deut 1:8; etc.). B. Abraham in Old Testament Study 1. Abraham as a Figure of Tradition. Building on meticulous literary analysis of the Pentateuch, Julius Wellhausen concluded ―… we attain to no historical knowledge of the patriarchs, but only of the time when the stories about them arose in the Israelite people; this latter age is here unconsciously projected, in its inner and its outward features, into hoar antiquity, and is reflected there like a glorified mirage.‖ And of Abraham he wrote, ―Abraham alone is certainly not the name of a people like Isaac and Lot: he is somewhat difficult to interpret. That is not to say that in such a connection as this we may regard him as a historical person; he might with more likelihood be regarded as a free invention of
- 169. unconscious art‖ (WPHI,319f.). The literary sources of the early Monarchy, J and E, drawing on older traditions, preserved the Abraham stories. At the same time, Wellhausen treated the religious practices of Abraham as the most primitive in the evolution of Israelite religion. Hermann Gunkel, unlike Wellhausen, argued that investigating the documentary sources could allow penetration beyond their final form into the underlying traditions. Gunkel separated the narratives into story-units, often very short, which he alleged were the primary oral forms, duly collected into groups as sagas. These poems told the legends attached to different shrines in Canaan, or to individual heroes. Gradually combined around particular names, these stories were ultimately reduced to the prose sources which Wellhausen characterized. Gunkel believed the legends arose out of observations of life associated with surrounding traditions, obscuring any historical kernel: ―Legend here has woven a poetic veil about the historical memories and hidden their outlines‖ (Gunkel 1901: 22). The question of Abraham‘s existence was unimportant, he asserted, for legends about him could not preserve a true picture of the vital element, his faith: ―The religion of Abraham is in reality the religion of the narrators of the legends, ascribed by them to Abraham‖ (122). The quest for the origins of these elements has continued ever since. Martin Noth tried to delineate the oral sources and their original settings, building on Gunkel‘s premises (Noth 1948), and Albrecht Alt investigated religious concepts of the expression ―the gods of the fathers‖ in the light of Nabatean and other beliefs. He deduced that Genesis reflects an older stage of similar seminomadic life, the patriarchal figures being pegs on which the cult traditions hung (Alt 1966). The positions of Alt and Noth have influenced commentaries and studies on Abraham heavily during the past fifty years. At the same time, others have followed the literary sources in order to refine them and especially to discern their purposes and main motifs (e.g., von Rad Genesis OTL). For Abraham the consequence of these studies is the same, whether they view him as a dim shadow in Israel‘s prehistory, or as a purely literary creation: he is an example whose faith is to be emulated. The question of his actual existence is irrelevant; the stories about him illustrate how generations of Jews believed God had worked in a man‘s life, setting a pattern, and it is that belief, hallowed by the experience of many others, which is enshrined in them (see Ramsey 1981). 2. Abraham as a Figure of History. Several scholars have searched for positions which allow a measure of historical reality to Abraham. While accepting the literary sources as the channels of tradition, they have seen them as reflecting a common heritage which was handed down through different circles and so developed different emphases. This explains the nature of such apparently duplicate stories as Abraham‘s twice concealing Sarah‘s status (Gen 12:11–20; 20:2–18). W. F. Albright and E. A. Speiser were notable exponents of this position, constantly drawing on ancient Near Eastern sources, textual and material, to clarify the patriarch‘s ancient context. Albright claimed the Abraham stories fitted so well into the caravan society that he reconstructed for the 20th century B.C. ―that there can be little doubt about their substantial historicity‖ (1973: 10). Textual and material sources included the cuneiform tablets from Mari and Nuzi and occupational evidence from Palestine. The Nuzi archives were thought to have yielded particularly striking analogies to family practices in the stories (see Speiser Genesis AB). These comparisons were widely accepted as signs of the antiquity of the narratives, and therefore as support for the contention that they reflected historical events. Even scholars who held firmly to the literary analyses took these parallels as illlumination of the original settings of the traditions (e.g., EHI). In 1974 and 1975 T. L. Thompson and J. Van Seters published sharp and extensive attacks on the views Albright had fostered, Thompson urging a return to the position of Wellhausen, and van Seters arguing that the stories belonged to exilic times (Thompson 1974; Van Seters 1975). The impact of these studies was great. They showed clearly that there were faults of logic and interpretation in the use made of the Nuzi and other texts, and put serious doubt on the hypothesis of an Amorite ―invasion‖ of Palestine about 2000 B.C. In several cases, they pointed to other parallels from the 1st millennium B.C. which seemed equally good, thus showing that comparisons could not establish an earlier date for the patriarchal stories. For many OT scholars the arguments of Thompson and Van Seters reinforced the primacy of the literary analysis of Genesis and its subsequent developments, allowing attention to be paid to the narratives as ―stories‖ rather than to questions of historicity.
- 170. Inevitably, there havebeen reactions from a variety of scholars who wish to sustain the value of comparisons with texts from the 2d millennium B.C. These include an important study of the Nuzi material by M. J. Selman (1976) and investigations of the Mari texts in relation to nomadism by J. T. Luke (1965) and V. H. Matthews (1978). Equally important, however, are considerations of the methods appropriate for studying the Abraham narratives, and these will be discussed in the remainder of this article, with examples as appropriate. C. Abraham—A Contextual Approach When the literary criticism of the Old Testament was elaborated in the 19th century in conjunction with theories of the evolution of Israelite society and religion, the ancient Near East was hardly known. With increasing discoveries came the possibility of checking the strength of those hypotheses against the information ancient records and objects provide. Were Genesis a newly recovered ancient manuscript, it is doubtful that these hypotheses would be given priority in evaluating the text. A literary analysis is one approach to understanding the text, but it is an approach that should be followed beside others and deserves no preferential status. The current analysis is unsatisfactory because it cannot be demonstrated to work for any other ancient composition. Changes can be traced between copies of ancient texts made at different periods only when both the earlier and the later manuscript are physically available (e.g., the Four Gospels and Tatian‘s Diatessaron). Moreover, the presuppositions of the usual literary analysis do not sustain themselves in the light of ancient scribal practices, for they require a very precise consistency on the part of redactors and copyists. Ancient scribes were not so hide-bound. Rather, the Abraham narratives should be judged in their contexts. They have two contexts. The first is the biblical one. Historically this sets Abraham long before Joseph and Moses, in current terms about 2000 B.C. (Bimson 1983: 86). Sociologically it places Abraham in the context of a seminomadic culture not controlled by the Mosaic laws, moving in a Canaan of city-states. Religiously it puts Abraham before the cultic laws of Moses, aware of God‘s uniqueness and righteousness, yet also of others who worshipped him, such as Melchizedek. To an ancient reader, there was no doubt that Abraham, who lived many years before the rise of the Israelite monarchy, was the ancestor of Israel, a position which carried with it the promise of the land of Canaan and of God‘s covenant blessing. That is the biblical context and it should not be disregarded (see Goldingay 1983). The detection of apparently duplicate or contradictory elements in the narratives, and of episodes hard to explain, is not sufficient reason for assuming the presence of variant or disparate traditions, nor are anachronisms necessarily a sign of composition long after the events described took place. These questions can only be considered when the narratives are set in their second context, the ancient Near Eastern world, at the period the biblical context indicates. Only if it proves impossible to fit them into that context should another be sought. 1. Abraham the Ancestor. Although Abraham‘s biography is unique among ancient texts, its role in recording his ancestral place is not. Other states emerging about 1000 B.C., like Israel, bore the names of eponymous ancestors (e.g., Aramean Bit Bahyan, Bit Agush). Some traced their royal lines back to the Late Bronze Age, and many of the states destroyed at the end of that period had dynasties reaching back over several centuries to founders early in the Middle Bronze Age (e.g., Ugarit). Assyria, which managed to survive the crisis at the start of the 1st millennium B.C., listed her kings back to that time, and even before, to the days when they lived in tents. In this context, the possibility of Israel preserving knowledge of her descent is real (cf. Wiseman 1983: 153–58). States or tribes named after ancestors are also attested in the 2d millennium B.C. (e.g., Kassite tribes, RLA 5: 464–73). Dynastic lineages are known because kings were involved. Other families preserved their lines, too, as lawsuits about properties reveal (in Egypt, Gaballa 1977; in Babylonia, King 1912: no. 3), but they had little cause to write comprehensive lists. Israel‘s descent from Abraham, the grandfather of her national eponym, is comparable inasmuch as he received the original promise of the land of Canaan. The ancient King Lists rarely incorporate anecdotal information (e.g., Sumerian King List, Assyrian King List; see ANET, 265, 564). However, ancient accounts of the deeds of heroes are not wholly dissimilar. Sargon of Akkad (ca. 2334–2279 B.C.), a king whose existence was denied when his story was first translated, is firmly placed in histories as the
- 171. first Semitic emperor,well attested by copies of his own inscriptions made five centuries after his death, and by the records of his sons. Stories about Sargon were popular about 1700 B.C., and are included among the sources of information for his reign from which modern historians reconstruct his career. Other kings have left their own contemporary autobiographies (e.g., Idrimi of Alalakh, ANET, 557). All of these ancient texts convey factual information in the style and form considered appropriate by their authors. The analyses of their forms is part of their proper study. Finding a biography in an ancient Near Eastern document that combined concepts drawn from the family-tree form and from narratives about leaders, such as Genesis contains, preserved over centuries, would not lead scholars to assume the long processes of collecting, shaping, revising and editing normally alleged for the stories of Abraham. 2. Abraham’s Career and Life-style. Journeys between Babylonia and the Levant were certainly made in the period 2100–1600 B.C. Kings of Ur had links with north Syrian cities and Byblos ca. 2050 B.C., and in Babylonia goods were traded with Turkey and Cyprus ca. 1700 B.C. A detailed itinerary survives for a military expedition from Larsa in southern Babylonia to Emar on the middle Euphrates, and others trace the route from Assyria to central Turkey. If Abraham was linked with the Amorites, as W. F. Albright argued, evidence that the Amorites moved from Upper Mesopotamia southward during the centuries around 2000 B.C. cannot invalidate the report of Abraham‘s journey in the opposite direction, as some have jejunely asserted (e.g., van Seters 1975: 23). Where the identifications are fixed and adequate explorations have been made, the towns Abraham visited—Ur, Haran, Shechem, Bethel, Salem (if Jerusalem), Hebron—appear to have been occupied about 2000 B.C. (Middle Bronze I; for a summary of archaeological material, see IJH, 70–148). Gerar remains unidentified, nor is there positive evidence for identifying the site now called Tel Beer-sheba with the Beer-sheba of Genesis (Millard 1983: 50). Genesis presents Abraham as a tent dweller, not living in an urban environment after he left Haran (cf. Heb 11:9). Extensive archives from Mari, ca. 1800 B.C., illustrate the life of seminomadic tribesmen in relationship with that and other towns (see MARI LETTERS). General similarities as well as specific parallels (e.g., treaties between city rulers and tribes) can be seen with respect to Genesis. Some tribes were wealthy and their chieftains powerful men. When they trekked from one pasturage to another, their passage was marked and reported to the king of Mari. Town dwellers and steppe dwellers lived in dependence on each other. In Canaan, Abraham had sheep and donkeys like the Mari tribes, and cattle as well. This difference does not disqualify the comparison (pace van Seters 1975: 16), for the Egyptian Sinuhe owned herds of cattle during his stay in the Levant about 1930 B.C. Like Abraham, Sinuhe spent some of his life in tents, and acquired wealth and high standing among the local people (ANET, 18–22; note that copies of this story were being made as early as 1800 B.C.). To strike camp and migrate for food was the practice of ―Asiatics‖ within reach of Egypt, so much so that a wall or line of forts had to be built to control their influx (ca. 1980 B.C., see ANET, 446). The story of Sinuhe relates that the hero met several Egyptians in the Levant at this time (ANET, 18–22); the painting from a tomb at Beni Hasan depicts a party of 37 ―Asiatics‖ (ANEP, 3), and excavations have revealed a Middle Bronze Age settlement in the Delta with a strong Palestinian presence (Bietak 1979). Military contingents brought together in coalitions traveled over great distances to face rebellious or threatening tribes, as in the affair of Genesis 14 (see below C5). In an era of petty kings, interstate rivalry was common and raids by hostile powers a threat to any settlement. To meet the persistent military threat, many cities throughout the Near East were strongly fortified during the Middle Bronze Age; fortification provided well-built gateways in which citizens could congregate (Gen 23:10, 18). Disputes arose over grazing rights and water supplies. Abraham‘s pact at Gerar is typical, the agreement duly solemnized with an oath and offering of lambs. Abraham was a resident alien (gēr), not a citizen (Gen 15:13; 23:4). Concern for the continuing family was normal. Marriage agreements of the time have clauses allowing for the provision of an heir by a slave girl should the wife prove barren (ANET, 543, no. 4; cf. Selman 1976:127–29). The line was also maintained through proper care of the dead, which involved regular ceremonies in Babylonia (see DEAD, CULT OF). Burial in the cave at Machpelah gave Abraham‘s family a focus which was valuable when they had no settled dwelling (cf., the expression in
- 172. Gen 47:30). Comparisonsmade between Abraham‘s purchase of the cave reported in Genesis 23 and Hittite laws (Lehmann 1953) are now seen to be misleading (Hoffner 1969: 33–37). However, the report is not a transcript of a contract, and so cannot be tied in time to the ―dialogue document‖ style fashionable in Babylonia from the 7th to 5th centuries B.C., as Van Seters and others have argued (Van Seters 1975: 98–100), and at least one Babylonian deed settling property rights survives in dialogue form from early in the 2 millennium B.C. (Kitchen 1977: 71 gives the reference). 3. Abraham’s Names. Abram, ―the father is exalted,‖ is a name of common form, although no example of it is found in the West Semitic onomasticon of the early 2d millennium B.C. The replacement, Abraham, is given the meaning ―father of a multitude‖ (Gen 17:5). That may be a popular etymology or a play on current forms of the name ―Abram‖ in local dialects for the didactic purpose of the context, the inserted h having analogies in other West Semitic languages. The name ―Aburahana‖ is found in the Egyptian Execration Texts of the 19th century B.C. (m and n readily interchange in Egyptian transcriptions of Semitic names [EHI, 197–98]). Genesis introduces the longer name as part of the covenant God made with Abram, so the new name confirmed God‘s control and marked a stage in the Patriarch‘s career (see Wiseman 1983: 158–60). No other person in the OT bears the names ―Abram‖ or ―Abraham‖ (or ―Isaac‖ or ―Jacob‖); apparently they were names which held a special place in Hebrew tradition (like the names ―David‖ and ―Solomon‖). 4. Abraham’s Faith. A monotheistic faith followed about 2000 B.C. is, so far as current sources reveal, unique, and therefore uncomfortable for the historian and accordingly reckoned unlikely and treated as a retrojection from much later times. The history of religions undermines that stance; the astonishing impact of Akhenaten‘s ―heresy‖ and the explosion of Islam demonstrate the role a single man‘s vision may play, both imposing a monotheism upon a polytheistic society. Abraham‘s faith, quietly held and handed down in his family until its formulation under Moses, is equally credible. Contextual research helps a little. Further study has traced the ―gods of the fathers‖ concept far beyond Alt‘s Nabatean inscriptions to the early 2d millennium B.C., when the term referred to named deities, and the god El could be known as Il-aba ―El is father‖ (Lambert 1981). Discussion of the various names and epithets for God in the Abraham narratives continues, revolving around the question whether they all refer to one deity or not (see Cross 1973; Wenham 1983). Some ancient texts which apply one or two of these epithets to separate gods (e.g., the pair ˒l ―God‖ and ˓lywn ―Most High,‖ in an 8th-century Aramaic treaty, ANET, 659), may reflect later or different traditions; the religious patterns of the ancient Levant are so varied that it is dangerous to harmonize details from one time and place with those from another. The OT seems to equivocate over the antiquity of the divine name yhwh. Despite Exod 6:3, the Abraham narratives include the name often. Apart from the (unacceptable) documentary analysis, explanations range from retrojection of a (post-) Mosaic editor to explanations of Exod 6:3 allowing the name to be known to Abraham, but not its significance (see Wenham 1983:189–93). The latter opinion may find a partial analogy in the development of the Egyptian word aten from ―sun disk‖ to the name of the supreme deity (Gardiner 1961: 216–18). However, the absence of the divine name as an indubitable element in any pre-Mosaic personal name should not be overlooked. Abraham naturally had a similar religious language to those around him, with animal sacrifices, altars, and gifts to his God after a victory. He found in Melchizedek another whose worship he could share, just as Moses found Jethro (Gen 14; Exod 2:15–22; 8), yet he never otherwise joined the cults of Canaan. 5. Objections to a 2d Millennium Context. a. Anachronisms. The texts about Sargon of Akkad are pertinent to the question of anachronisms in the Abraham stories. In those texts, Sargon is said to have campaigned to Turkey in aid of Mesopotamian merchants oppressed there. Documents from Kanesh in central Turkey attest to the activities of Assyrian merchants in the 19th century B.C., but not much earlier. Therefore the mention of Kanesh in texts about Sargon and his dynasty is considered anachronistic. At the same time, the incidents those texts report are treated as basically authentic and historically valuable (Grayson and Sollberger 1976: 108). The anachronism does not affect the sense of the narrative. In this light, the problem of the Philistines in Gen 21:32, 34 may be viewed as minimal. Naming a place after a people whose presence is only attested there six or seven centuries later than the setting of the story need
- 173. not falsify it.A scribe may have replaced an outdated name, or people of the Philistine group may have resided in the area long before their name is found in other written sources. Certainly some pottery entered Palestine in the Middle Bronze Age from Cyprus, the region whence the Philistines came (Amiran 1969: 121–23). A similar position can be adopted with regard to the commonly cited objection of Abraham‘s camels. Although the camel did not come into general use in the Near East until after 1200 B.C., a few signs of its use earlier in the 2d millennium B.C. have been found (see CAMEL). It is as logical to treat the passages in Gen 12:16; 24 as valuable evidence for the presence of camels at that time as to view them as anachronistic. Contrariwise, the absence of horses from the Abraham narratives is to be noted, for horses could be a sign of wealth in the places where he lived (cf. 1 Kgs 4:26); horses are unmentioned in the list of Job‘s wealth (Job 1:3). Ancient Near Eastern sources show clearly that horses were known in the 3d millennium B.C., but only began to be widely used in the mid-2d millennium B.C., that is, after the period of Abraham‘s lifetime as envisaged here (Millard 1983: 43). Comparisons may be made also with information concerning iron working. A Hittite text tells how King Anitta (ca. 1725 B.C.) received an iron chair from his defeated foe. Recent research dates the tablet about 1600 B.C., yet iron only came into general use in the Near East when the Bronze Age ended and the Iron Age began, ca. 1200 B.C. Were the Anitta text preserved in a copy made a millennium after his time, its iron chair would be dismissed as a later writer‘s anachronism. It cannot be so treated; it is one important witness to iron working in the Middle Bronze Age (Millard 1988). Alleged anachronisms in the Abraham narratives are not compelling obstacles to setting them early in the 2d millennium B.C. b. Absence of Evidence. Occasionally the absence of any trace of Abraham from extrabiblical sources is raised against belief in his existence soon after 2000 B.C. This is groundless. The proportion of surviving Babylonian and Egyptian documents to those once written is minute. If, for example, Abraham‘s treaty with Abimelech of Gerar (Genesis 21) was written, a papyrus manuscript would decay quickly in the ruined palace, or a clay tablet might remain, lie buried undamaged, awaiting the spade of an excavator who located Gerar (a problem!), happened upon the palace, and cleared the right room. If Abimelech‘s dynasty lasted several generations, old documents might have been discarded, the treaty with them. Egyptian state records are almost nonexistent owing to the perishability of papyrus, so no evidence for Abraham can be expected there. Abraham‘s encounter with the kings of the east (Genesis 14) links the patriarch with international history, but regrettably, the kings of Elam, Shinar, Ellasar, and the nations have not been convincingly identified. R. de Vaux stated that ―it is historically impossible for these five sites south of the Dead Sea to have at one time during the second millennium been the vassals of Elam, and that Elam never was at the head of a coalition uniting the four great near eastern powers of that period‖ (EHI, 219). Consequently, the account is explained as a literary invention of the exilic period (Astour 1966; Emerton 1971). At that date, its author would either be imagining a situation unlike any within his experience, or weaving a story around old traditions. If the former is true, he was surprisingly successful in constructing a scenario appropriate for the early 2d millennium B.C.; if the latter, then it is a matter of preference which components of the chapter are assumed to stem from earlier times. Yet the chapter may still be viewed as an account of events about 2000 B.C., as K. A. Kitchen has demonstrated (Kitchen 1977: 72 with references). A coalition of kings from Elam, Mesopotamia, and Turkey fits well into that time. To rule it ―unhistorical‖ is to claim a far more detailed knowledge of the history of the age than anyone possesses. The span of the events is only fifteen years, and what is known shows how rapidly the political picture could change. Current inability to identify the royal names with recorded kings is frustrating; scribal error is an explanation of last resort; ignorance is the likelier reason, and as continuing discoveries make known more city-states and their rulers, clarification may emerge. (One may compare the amount of information derivable from the Ebla archives for the period about 2300 B.C. with the little available for the city‘s history over the next five hundred years.) Gen 14:13 terms Abram ―the Hebrew.‖ This epithet is appropriate in this context, where kings are defined by the states they ruled, for Abram had no state or fatherland. ―Hebrew‖ denoted exactly that circumstance in the Middle Bronze Age (Buccellati 1977). D. Duplicate Narratives
- 174. A major argumentfor the common literary analysis of the Abraham narratives, and for the merging of separate lines of tradition, is the presence of ―duplicate‖ accounts of some events. Abraham and Isaac clashed with Abimelech of Gerar, and each represented his wife as his sister, an action Abraham had previously taken in Egypt (Gen 12:10–20; 20; 26). These three stories are interpreted as variations of one original in separate circles. That so strange a tale should have so secure a place in national memory demands a persuasive explanation, whatever weight is attached to it. In the ancient Near East, kings frequently gave their sisters or daughters in marriage to other rulers to cement alliances and demonstrate goodwill (examples abound throughout the 2d millennium B.C.). The actions of Abraham and Isaac may be better understood in this context, neither man having unmarried female relatives to hand. That they were afraid may reflect immediate pressures. For Isaac to repeat his father‘s procedure at Gerar is more intelligible as part of a well-established practice of renewing treaties with each generation than as a literary repetition (Hoffmeier fc.). Abraham and Isaac both had trouble with the men of Gerar over water rights at Beer-sheba. Again, the narratives are counted as duplicates of a single tradition (Speiser Genesis 202), and again two different episodes in the lives of a father and son living in the same area is as reasonable an explanation in the ancient context. One king might confront and defeat an enemy, the same king or his son having to repeat the action (e.g., Ramesses II and the Hittites, Kitchen 1982 passim). The naming of the wells at Beersheba, usually labeled contradictory, is also open to a straightforward interpretation in the light of Hebrew syntax which removes the conflict (NBD, 128). E. Conclusion To place Abraham at the beginning of the 2d millennium B.C. is, therefore, sustainable. While the extrabiblical information is not all limited to that era, for much of ancient life followed similar lines for centuries, and does not demand such a date, it certainly allows it, in accord with the biblical data. The advantage this brings is the possibility that Abraham was a real person whose life story, however handed down, has been preserved reliably. This is important for all who take biblical teaching about faith seriously. Faith is informed, not blind. God called Abraham with a promise and showed his faithfulness to him and his descendants. Abraham obeyed that call and experienced that faithfulness. Without Abraham, a major block in the foundations of both Judaism and Christianity is lost; a fictional Abraham might incorporate and illustrate communal beliefs, but could supply no rational evidence for faith because any other community could invent a totally different figure (and communal belief can be very wrong, as the fates of many ―witches‖ recall). Inasmuch as the Bible claims uniqueness, and the absolute of divine revelation, the Abraham narratives deserve a positive, respectful approach; any other risks destroying any evidence they afford. Bibliography Albright, W. F. 1973. From the Patriarchs to Moses. 1. From Abraham to Joseph. BA 36: 5–33. Alt, A. 1966. The Gods of the Fathers. Pp. 1–77 in Essays on Old Testament History and Religion, trans. R. A. Wilson. Oxford. Amiran, R. B. K. 1969. Ancient Pottery of the Holy Land. New Brunswick, NJ. Astour, M. C. 1966. Political and Cosmic Symbolism in Genesis 14 and its Babylonian Sources. Pp. 65–112 in Biblical Motifs: Origin and Transformation, ed. A. Altmann. Cambridge, MA. Bietak, M. 1979. Avaris and Piramesse. PBA 65: 255–90. Bimson, J. 1983. Archaeological Data and the Dating of the Patriarchs. Pp. 53–89 in Millard and Wiseman 1983. Buccellati, G. 1977. ˓Apiru and Munnabtūtu: The Stateless of the First Cosmopolitan Age. JNES 36: 145–47. Clements, R. 1967. Abraham and David. SBT n.s. 5. London. Cross, F. M. 1973. Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic. Cambridge, MA. Emerton, J. A. 1971. Some False Clues in the Study of Genesis XIV. VT 21: 24–47. Gaballa, G. A. 1977. The Memphite Tomb-Chapel of Mose. Warminster. Gardiner, A. H. 1961. Egypt of the Pharaohs. Oxford. Goldingay, J. 1983. The Patriarchs in Scripture and History. Pp. 1–34 in Millard and Wiseman 1983. Grayson, A. K., and Sollberger, E. 1976. L‘insurrection générale contre Narām-Suen. RA 70:103–28. Gunkel, H. 1901. The Legends of Genesis. Trans. W. H. Carruth. Repr. 1964. New York. Hoffmeier, J. fc. Once Again, the Wife-Sister Stories of Genesis 12, 20, and 26 and the Covenants of Abraham and Isaac at Beersheba. (Paper read at the SBL Annual Meeting, Boston, 1988.) Hoffner, H. A. 1969. Some Contributions of Hittitology to Old Testament Study. Tyndale Bulletin 20: 27–55.
- 175. Irwin, D. 1978.Mytharion. AOAT 32. Neukirchen-Vluyn and Kevalaer. King, L. W. 1912. Babylonian Boundary Stones. London. Kitchen, K. A. 1966. Historical Method and Early Hebrew Tradition. Tyn Bul 17: 63–97. ———. 1977. The Bible in Its World. Downer‘s Grove, IL. ———. 1982. Pharaoh Triumphant: The Life and Times of Ramesses II. Warminster. Lambert, W. G. 1981. Old Akkadian Ilaba = Ugaritic Ilib? UF 13: 299–301. Lehmann, M. R. 1953. Abraham‘s Purchase of Machpelah and Hittite Law. BASOR 129: 15–18. Luke, J. T. 1965. Pastoralism and Politics in the Mari Period. Ann Arbor. Matthews, V. R. 1978. Pastoral Nomadism in the Mari Kingdom. ASORDS 3. Cambridge, MA. Mendenhall, G. 1987. The Nature and Purpose of the Abraham Narratives. Pp. 337–56 in AIR. Millard, A. R., and Wiseman, D. J., eds. 1983. Essays on the Patriarchal Narratives. 2d ed. Leicester. Millard, A. R. 1983. Methods of Studying the Patriarchal Narratives as Ancient Texts. Pp. 35–51 in Millard and Wiseman, 1983. ———. 1988. King Og‘s Bed and Other Ancient Ironmongery. Pp. 481–92 in Ascribe to the Lord, ed. L. Eslinger. JSOTSup Sheffield. Noth, M. 1948. A History of the Pentateuchal Traditions. Trans. B. W. Anderson. Englewood Cliffs, NJ. Repr. Ramsey, G. W. 1981. The Quest for the Historical Israel. Atlanta. Selman, M. J. 1976. The Social Environment of the Patriarchs. Tyn Bul 27: 114–36. ———. 1983. Comparative Customs and the Patriarchal Age. Pp. 91–139 in Millard and Wiseman 1983. Thompson, T. L. 1974. The Historicity of the Patriarchal Narratives. Berlin. Seters, J. van. 1975. Abraham in History and Tradition. New Haven. Wenham, G. J. 1983. The Religion of the Patriarchs. Pp. 161–95 in Millard and Wiseman 1983. Wiseman, D. J. 1983. Abraham Reassessed. Pp. 141–60 in Millard and Wiseman 1983. A. R. MILLARD ABRAHAM, APOCALYPSE OF. A midrash based on the text of Genesis 15 presented in the form of revelation. The title of the book is preserved only in manuscript S (Codex Silvester), where it runs as follows: ―The Book of the Revelation of Abraham, son of Terah, son of Nahor, son of Serug, son of Arphaxad, son of Shem, son of Noah, son of Lamech, son of Methusaleh, son of Enoch, son of Jared.‖ A. Contents The main subject of the book is the election of Abraham and the covenant between God and Abraham and his descendants. Chapters 1–8 tell about the call of Abraham out of the midst of idolaters. After a deep reflection on the various forms of their idolatry, Abraham wants to know the true God who created the universe. God then appears to him in the form of fire and commands him to leave the home of his father Terah and to sacrifice a heifer, a she-goat, a ram, a turtledove, and a pigeon (Genesis 15) on the high mountain. Chapters 9–32 describe Abraham‘s journey to the mount of Horeb, the offering of the sacrifice, and the visions imparted to him. Abraham sees, among other things, the seven sins of the world (24:3–25:2) and the destruction of the Temple in Jerusalem (27:1–12). God announces to him the punishment of the Gentiles and of the sinners belonging to the people of Israel (chap. 29). The vision of the ―man going out from the left, the heathen side‖ (29:4) foretells the test of the people of God in the last days of this age. Before the age of justice, God will afflict ―all earthly creation‖ with ten plagues (29:15, 30:2–8) and afterward send his Elect One, who will summon the people of God (31:1). Sinners will be punished and the righteous will triumph forever (chap. 32). B. The Text The Apocalypse of Abraham (Apoc. Ab.) is preserved only in Old Church Slavonic translation. According to common opinion, it was translated from Greek around A.D. 900 in Bulgaria, although translation from a Semitic original cannot be excluded (see below). The Old Church Slavonic copies of the text were very soon transferred, probably by monks, from Bulgaria to Russia and there diffused within some centuries in different transcripts. This fact explains why the present text of the book is influenced by the old Russian language. All nine extant manuscripts containing this pseudepigraphon are preserved in the museums and the libraries of the U.S.S.R. The oldest manuscript is the Codex Silvester (14th century), which is characterized by many omissions owing mostly to inadvertance of the copyists; the text itself is incomplete. The best text is preserved in manuscript B, which belongs to the Synodal Paleja Tolkovaja
- 176. (Sin 211, GosudarstvennyjIstoričeskij Muzej 869, fols. 76–90, Moscow) and dates to the 16th century (see Philonenko-Sayer and Philonenko 1981; Rubinkiewicz 1977; 1987). C. The Integrity of the Text Most critics distinguish two parts in the Apocalypse of Abraham: the haggadic section (chaps. 1–8) and the apocalyptic section (chaps. 9–32). The two sections were probably written by different authors. Later, the two documents were most likely joined together into a single work. It seems, however, that only chapter 7 did not belong to the original text of the pseudepigraphon, and maybe also chapter 23 (the description of the sin of Adam and Eve, which undoubtedly reflects Jewish sources; the chapter could have been introduced into the Apocalypse of Abraham from another pseudepigraphon). A special problem is presented by Apoc. Ab. 29:4–13. Generally one assumes that the Man ―going out from the left, the heathen side‖ (29:4), worshipped by the great crowd of the heathen, and insulted by some of the people of Israel, represents the figure of Jesus. Therefore, some critics claim that this passage is a Christian interpolation (ANRW 2/19/1: 137–51) or that it could be a ―Jewish view of Jesus as an apostle to the heathen‖ (EncJud 1: 125–27). However, an exact analysis of the vision in Apoc. Ab. 29:4–13 proves that it must be original, and that it ―has little in common with a Christian view of Jesus but recalls the beast in Rev 13:1–4‖ (Hall 1988). The heathen man may be identified as the Roman emperor. Only ―the phrase identifying the man who is worshiped as a child of Abraham (29:9b) must be understood as a gloss, probably by a Christian interpolator who found Christ in the author‘s ‗antichrist‘ ‖ (Hall 1988). In addition to these three passages, we may note some glosses, perhaps because of the Bogomil editor (ANRW 2/19/1: 137–51; Rubinkiewicz 1987; contrary Philonenko-Sayar and Philonenko 1981). The very strange statement that Abraham‘s issue are ―the people (associated) with Azazel‖ must be understood in the light of the gloss ―ljudii s Azazilomû sii sout‖ (22:5), ―this is the people with Azazel,‖ found in one of the manuscripts in the correct form. In the other manuscripts it is slightly different and incorporated into the main phrase. This fact explains the strange association of Azazel with the people of God and is in the spirit of the medieval slavonic sect of the Bogomils. D. Original Language The original language of the Apocalypse of Abraham was undoubtedly Semitic, either Aramaic or Hebrew. Many Semitisms are found in the text which cannot be explained simply by the influence of Septuagintal style. For example, Apoc. Ab. uses the positive instead of the comparative, indicating a Semitic original. The awkward Slavonic construction ―heavy of (a big stone)‖ (1:5) renders Semitic kbd mn, which should be interpreted ―heavier than (a big stone).‖ Also, prepositions are sometimes used according to Hebrew rather than Slavonic syntax (e.g., 8:4; 12:10; see Rubinkiewicz 1980). E. Date and Origin The Apocalypse of Abraham was written after A.D. 70, as is evident from its reference to the destruction of the Temple. If one assumes that plagues 1, 3, 5, 7, 9, (Apoc. Ab. 30:4–8) refer to the events from A.D. 69 and 70, and that plagues 2, 4, 6, 8, 10 (Apoc. Ab. 30:4–8) refer to the eruption of Vesuvius in A.D. 79, then it may be surmised that the text was composed between A.D. 79–81. This opinion is reinforced by the symbolic interpretation of the haggadic material found in Apoc. Ab. 1–6 (the idols symbolize the hostile kingdoms and kings: Marumat = Rome, Barisat = Babylon, [Su]zuch = Persia, ―five other gods‖ = Galba, Otho, Vitellius, Vespasian, and Titus), but this explanation must remain hypothetical (see Rubinkiewicz 1982). The author of Apoc. Ab. belonged to the priestly environment. Some doctrinal affinities of the text with the Qumran writings—e.g., the opinion regarding the High Priest in the Temple, the liturgical milieu of the pseudepigraphon concentrated around the Feast of Tabernacles as the Feast of the renewal of the Covenant, and predeterminism contained in the text of this work—show at least some dependency on Essene doctrine. Despite these similarities, there is no convincing argument that the author of Apoc. Ab. was an Essene. The views expressed in the pseudepigraphon correspond equally well to the concepts represented by the priestly environment of Palestine in general, not just the Essene environment. F. Theology
- 177. God is eternal(9:3) and He is the God who protects Abraham and his issue (9:4). He has created the universe, has elected Israel, has called her ―my people‖ (22:5; 31:1), and will give her the victory over her enemies (31:1–2). Angelology plays an important part in the pseudepigraphon. The most eminent person is the angel of God, Iaoel. His features resemble certain features of the Angel of God in Exod 23:20–23. His fundamental role is to protect and fortify Abraham (10:3). The chief of the fallen angels is Azazel (13:7). His power is on the earth (13:7–8; 14:6), but it is not unlimited; for example, Azazel has no power over the just (13:10). The world is divided into two parts: (1) the land and the garden of Eden, and (2) the upper and lower waters. In the same way, mankind is divided into the people of God (Israel) and the Gentiles (21:3–7). However, there is no ontological dualism in Apoc. Ab. The world created by God is good (22:2). There is no other God except that one for whom Abraham searched and who is beloved (19:3). There is evil in the world, but it is not unavoidable. God has full control over the development of events and does not allow the body of the just man to fall under the control of Azazel (13:10). Azazel is wrong if he thinks that he may scoff at justice and disclose the secrets of heaven (14:4). He will be punished and banished to the desert, where he will remain forever (14:5). The age of wickedness will consist of ―twelve periods‖ (29:2). After this age comes the last judgment, preceded by the redemption of the righteous. First, however, ten plagues will affect all the world (29:15; 30:2–8). Then God will send his ―Elect One‖ (31:1) and will gather the dispersed people of God. At this time, the Gentiles who oppressed Israel will be punished (31:2) and the apostates will be burned by the fire of Azazel‘s tongue (31:6). The Temple will be rebuilt and the cult restored (29:17–18). There is no explicit doctrine of the resurrection in the pseudepigraphon. However, this idea may be suggested by the symbol of the dew (19:4) and by the conviction expressed in 13:10 that the body of the just will not belong to Azazel. This may be connected with the exegesis of Ps 16:10, a Psalm utilized by Christians to prove the resurrection of Jesus (Acts 2:27). G. The Apocalypse of Abraham and the Bible The books of Genesis and Ezekiel play fundamental roles in Apoc. Ab. The author begins his work with an allusion to Gen 20:13, adduced in light of targumic exegesis, and closes with reference to Gen 15:13– 16 (Apoc. Ab. 32:1–3). Apoc. Ab. 8:4 and 9:1–4 reflect the expression contained in Gen 12:1 and 15:1 seen in the light of Ps 22:2–3 and Deut 33:29. The author quotes Gen 15:9 (Apoc. Ab. 9:5) and employs the image of Gen 15:17a (Apoc. Ab. 15:1). The text of Apoc. Ab. 20:4 reminds one of Gen 18:27 and that of Apoc. Ab. 20:6 alludes to Gen 18:30. Apoc. Ab. 18–19 is based on Ezekiel 1, 10. Abraham sees four living creatures (Apoc. Ab. 18:3–12; cf. Ezek 3:12–13), the throne (Apoc. Ab. 18:3; cf. Ezek 1:26), and the Divine Chariot (Apoc. Ab. 18:12; cf. Ezekiel 1, 10). There is no direct relation between the Apocalypse of Abraham and the NT. There are nonetheless many parallel expressions which show that the authors drew from the same tradition (for example, Apoc. Ab. 13:3–14 and Matt 4:1–11 par; Apoc. Ab. 9:5–8; 12:1–10 and Gal 4:21–31; Apoc. Ab. 18:11 and Rev 5:9; see Rubinkiewicz 1987). H. The Apocalypse of Abraham and the Pseudepigrapha The author of Apoc. Ab. follows the tradition of 1 Enoch 1–36. The chief of the fallen angels is Azazel who rules over the stars and the main part of humanity. It is easy to find here the tradition of Gen 6:1–4 developed in 1 Enoch. Azazel rebelled against God and, together with the other angels, united sexually with the daughters of men. He disclosed the secrets of heaven and caused great misfortune on earth. Therefore, he was expelled to the desert. Abraham, like Enoch, receives the power to tame Satan (Apoc. Ab. 14:3; 1 En. 14:3). The tradition of 1 Enoch 10 about Azazel underlying Apoc. Ab. 13–14 permits us to understand better the difficult text of Matt 22:11–14 (see Rubinkiewicz 1984). The Apocalypse of Abraham, with its Palestinian origin, early date of composition, common tradition with 1 Enoch, and connections with NT writings, finds a place for itself among the most significant works of the Jewish world in the 1st century A.D. Bibliography
- 178. Charlesworth, J. H.1976. The Pseudepigrapha and Modern Research. SCS 7. Missoula. Denis, A.-M. 1970. Introduction aux pseudepigraphes grecs d‘Ancien Testament. SVTP 1. Leiden. Hall, R. G. 1988. The ―Christian Interpolation‖ in the Apocalypse of Abraham. JBL 107: 107–10. Lunt, H. 1985. On the Language of the Slavonic Apocalypse of Abraham. Studia Hierosolymitana 7: 55–62. Philonenko-Sayar, B., and Philonenko, M. 1981. L‘Apocalypse d‘Abraham. Sem 31. ———. 1982. Die Apocalypse Abrahams. JSHRZ 5. Gütersloh. Rubinkiewicz, R. 1977. L‘Apocalypse d‘Abraham en slave. 2 vols. Diss. Rome [typescript]. ———. 1980. Les sémitismes dans l‘Apocalypse d‘Abraham. Folia Orientalia 21: 141–48. ———. 1982. Apokalipsa Abrahama 1–6: Propozycja interpretacji symbolicznej. RocTKan 29/1: 79–94. ———. 1984. Die Eschatologie von Henoch 9–11 und das Neue Testament. ÖBS 6. Klosterneuburg. ———. 1987. L‘Apocalypse d‘Abraham en vieux slave. Lublin. Rubinstein, A. 1953. Hebraisms in the Slavonic ―Apocalypse of Abraham.‖ JJS 4: 108–15. ———. 1954. Hebraisms in the ―Apocalypse of Abraham.‖ JJS 5: 132–35. ———. 1957. A Problematic Passage in the Apocalypse of Abraham. JJS. RYSZARD RUBINKIEWICZ ABRAHAM, TESTAMENT OF. Although titled a ―testament‖ in many of the extant manuscripts, the Testament of Abraham exhibits few of the traits of that genre. Abraham is instructed to make a testament in preparation for his death, but he neither relates his own personal history in order to instruct his descendants, nor imparts ethical advice to those who have gathered at his bedside. The ―Testament‖ of Abraham is more closely related to the apocalyptic dramas, the descriptions of otherworldly journeys, and the legends about the death of Moses, which circulated widely in the Hellenistic and Roman periods, than it is to the other testamentary literature. The ―Testament‖ focuses on the inevitability of death, God‘s just and merciful judgment (in contrast to Abraham‘s quick condemnation of sinners), and the fate of souls after death. The figure of Abraham bears some resemblance to the biblical character in that he is presented as hospitable and righteous, but he is also seen in the story as disobedient (refusing to go with God‘s appointed messengers) and self-righteous (condemning nearly everyone that he sees during his heavenly journey). The work survives in two distinct Greek recensions, a longer version (A) and a shorter version (B). The two recensions probably derive from a common source, but neither is directly dependent on the other. Whereas the long version is thought to preserve the more original contents and order, the short version often preserves earlier wording and simpler vocabulary (James 1892: 49; Nickelsburg 1976: 85–93). The story contains two parallel and symmetrical divisions: In the first part, Michael is sent by God to retrieve Abraham‘s soul (chaps. 1–15); in the second part, Death is sent to complete the task (chaps. 16– 20; Nickelsburg 1984: 61). In part one, Abraham receives the visitor Michael with great hospitality, but after he discovers why Michael has come, he refuses to die (A2–7; B = Abraham tries to postpone death). Michael continues to try to persuade Abraham to obey God‘s will, but Abraham instead strikes a bargain with Michael that would allow him to see all the inhabited world before he dies (A8–9; B = ―all God‘s creation‖). During the journey, Abraham is repulsed by the wickedness that he sees, and he immediately calls for the death of the sinners (A10). God orders the tour to stop before Abraham condemns everyone; he then instructs Michael to take Abraham to the place where Abel is carefully weighing the deeds of the dead so that Abraham can see God‘s compassionate judgment (A11–13). God‘s merciful treatment of the souls persuades Abraham to pray on behalf of those he had condemned during his journey (A14). Although Michael has fulfilled his part of the bargain, Abraham still refuses to die. Michael then returns to heaven and God sends Death to reclaim Abraham‘s soul (A15–16). Death attempts to frighten Abraham by showing him all manner of gruesome deaths (A17), and then tries to persuade him that a swift death is something to be sought because such a death precludes any further punishment (A17–19). Abraham still is reluctant to die; finally he is tricked by Death, and dies. The story concludes with the angels taking Abraham‘s soul to heaven (A20). Aside from the minor differences mentioned in the summary, the longer and shorter recensions differ in two major ways: (1) the shorter recension places the judgment scene before the tour of the world; and (2) the judgment scene in the shorter recension is much less fully developed.
- 179. The two recensionsare preserved in approximately thirty Greek MSS ranging from the 13th to the 17th century (for a full list, cf. Schmidt 1986: 1–3; Denis 1970: 32–33). The noteworthy other languages are Coptic (which generally follows B, but some elements resemble A; cf. Sparks‘ introduction to Turner 1984: 393), Ethiopic (based on the Coptic; cf. HJP² 3/2: 765), Arabic (also based on the Coptic), Roumanian (cf. Turdeanu 1981: 201–18, 440), and Slavonic (follows B; cf. Turdeanu 1981: 201–18, 440). Scholars such as Ginzberg and Kohler argued for a Hebrew original for the work, but the consensus today is that the longer version of the Testament was composed in Septuagintal, or Semitic, Greek (cf. OTP 1: 873; Delcor 1973: 32–34). This position is strengthened by the close vocabulary parallels between the long recension and other books such as the Wisdom of Solomon and 2,3,4 Maccabees, which were clearly composed in Greek. The shorter version can easily be retroverted to Hebrew, but as Sanders notes, the Hebrew that results is a classical biblical prose style, not the Hebrew of the Greco-Roman period as evidenced by the Dead Sea Scrolls and early rabbinic literature (OTP 1: 873). It is therefore likely, though still not settled, that the shorter recension was also composed in Greek (cf. Schmidt 1986). There are no historical allusions in the Testament. Thus estimates of the date of composition have ranged from the 2d century B.C.E. up to the 6th century C.E. (for the final form of the long recension), although most scholars regard the 1st century B.C.E. or 1st century C.E. as the most likely (OTP 1: 874; Schmidt; Delcor: 73–77; Collins: 226; Denis 1970: 36). An Egyptian provenience for the Testament has been widely accepted (OTP 1: 875; Collins: 226; Denis 1970: 36; Nickelsburg 1984: 63). Cited in its favor are the similarities in vocabulary between the Testament and other works thought to derive from Egyptian Jewry (3 Maccabees, Testament of Job, 3 Baruch), the balancing of deeds (weighing of souls; chaps. A11–13), the three levels of judgment (which may reflect the three levels of jurisdiction in Roman Egypt; cf. Sanders: 875; Delcor: 18), and the portrayal of the figure of death as a heavenly courtier and servant of God (Nickelsburg 1984: 63). Schmidt has argued for a Palestinian provenience (see also Janssen), but he bases his claim on the doubtful position that the shorter recension was composed in Hebrew. Undoubtedly a Jewish work, the Testament (especially the longer recension) does contain a few Christian additions (most notably in the judgment scene; cf. HJP² 3/2: 763; Nickelsburg 1984: 63). Whether any identifiable group within Judaism is responsible for its composition is still debated. Kohler and Ginzberg suggested that the work derived from the Essenes, and that idea, in a slightly diluted form, has been picked up by Schmidt, who argues that the work originated from ―a popular Essenism.‖ Delcor (70–73) has suggested that the work may have been written by the Therapeutae, an Essenelike group, but Sanders has refuted this position convincingly, noting especially that Abraham is presented in the Testament as a city dweller whereas the Therapeutae were strictly nonurban dwellers (according to Philo), and that the Judaism presented in the Testament is a ―lowest-common-denominator Judaism‖ which lacks any sectarian attributes (OTP 1: 876; but cf. HJP² 3/2: 762). Bibliography Delcor, M. 1973. Le Testament d‘Abraham. SVTP 2. Leiden. Denis, A. M. 1970. Introduction aux pseudépigraphes grecs d‘Ancien Testament. SVTP 1. Leiden. James, M. R. 1892. The Testament of Abraham. TextsS 2/2. Cambridge. Janssen, E. 1975. Testament Abrahams. JSHRZ 3: 193–256. Nickelsburg, G. W. E. 1976. Studies on the Testament of Abraham. SCS 6. Missoula, MT. ———. 1984. Stories of Biblical and Early Post-Biblical Times. Pp. 60–64 in Jewish Writings of the Second Temple Period, ed. M. E. Stone. CRINT 2.2. Philadelphia. Schmidt, F. 1986. Le Testament grec d‘Abraham.Texte und Studien zum Antiken Judentum 11. Tübingen. Stone, M. E. 1972. The Testament of Abraham. SBLTT 2; Pseudepigrapha Series 2. Missoula, MT. Turdeanu, E. 1981. Le Testament d‘Abraham en slave et en roumain. Pp. 201–18, 440 in Apocryphes slaves et roumains de l‘Ancien Testament. SVTP 5. Leiden. Turner, N. 1984. The Testament of Abraham. Pp. 393–421 in The Apocryphal Old Testament, ed. H. F. D. Sparks. Oxford. JAMES R. MUELLER ABRAM (PERSON) [Heb ˒abrām (ם ָש ְב ַא)]. See ABRAHAM (PERSON).
- 180. ABRON (PLACE) [Gkabrōna (ἀβπωνα)]. A wadi along which the Assyrian general Holofernes razed all the cities in his western campaign during the Persian period (Jdt 2:24). However, the location of Abron is uncertain, and given the genre of the book of Judith, the historicity of this campaign and the ―Assyrian‖ general is doubtful. The campaign is set in the territory of Cilicia (Jdt 2:21–25), suggesting that Abron is located somewhere between the NW bend of the Euphrates and the Mediterranean Sea. The confusion is compounded by the textual variants (Codex Sinaiticus chebrōn; Vg mambre [2:14]), which suggest that some ancient translators may have located Abron in the Hebron/Mamre region of Palestine. Some scholars, following Movers (1835), explain Gk abrōna as a translator‘s misunderstanding of the Heb phrase b˓br hnhr (―beyond the river‖), designating ―east of the Euphrates River,‖ or ―Mesopotamia‖ (cf. Josh 24:2, 14–15). However, from the Mesopotamian point of view, this phrase designated the region, or an administrative district, west of the northern bend of the Euphrates River (namely, Syria-Palestine; see Rainey 1969). In this phrase the Heb ˓br was mistaken by the translator to be the actual name of the river. Others identify Abron with the Habur River (see HABOR), which joins the Euphrates 31 km NW of Dura (Soubigiou Judith Sainte Bible, 516). Bibliography Movers, F. C. 1835. Über die Ursprache der deuterocanonischen Bücher des alten Testaments. ZPKT 13: 31–48. Rainey, A. F. 1969. The Strategy ―Beyond the River.‖ AJBA 1: 51–78. MARK J. FRETZ ABRONAH (PLACE) [Heb ˓abrōnâ (ה ָֹנש ְב ַף)]. An Israelite camp-site on the exodus itinerary, located between the stations of Jotbathah and Ezion-geber, N of the Gulf of ˓Aqaba (Num 33:34–35; see Deut 2:8; 10:6–7). The historical location of the site of Abronah remains uncertain, as do most of the sites on the wilderness itinerary (Num 33:1–49), and any proposed location of these sites presumes a theoretical travel route (Aharoni LBHG, 198). A modern site named both Ar ˓Ain ed-Def yeh or Dāfiya, and also ˓Ein Avrona (Hebrew), located 15 km N of the Gulf of ˓Aqaba, is one identification (Rothenberg, et al., 1961: 89; Baly 1963: 166; see also RNAB, 114), while Aharoni and Avi-Yonah (MBA, 174) allow for the tenuous possibility of Elat (modern Umm Rashrash; M.R. 145884), situated on the northern shore of the Gulf of ˓Aqaba. Bibliography Baly, D. 1963. Geographical Companion to the Bible. London. Rothenberg, Beno; Aharoni, Y.; and Hashimshoni, A. 1961. God‘s Wilderness: Discoveries in Sinai. London. MARK J. FRETZ ABSALOM (PERSON) [Heb ˒abšālōm (ֹלם ָש ְב ַא)]. Var. ABISHALOM. 1. Third son of David. His mother was a foreigner, MAACAH, daughter of Talmai, king of Geshur (2 Sam 3:3; 1 Chr 3:2). He was one of six sons born to David at Hebron by six different wives. He was at the center of a long-running series of troubles that David had with his sons: he killed his older brother AMNON and later rebelled against David himself. Absalom first appears in the story of Amnon‘s rape of their sister Tamar (2 Samuel 13). After the rape was committed, Absalom hated Amnon (13:22) with the same hatred that the latter had shown for Tamar (13:15–19), and he bided his time for revenge. After two years, Absalom was able to lure Amnon—who himself had lured his sister into a trap—as well as ―all the king‘s sons‖ to festivities at Baal-hazor, near Ephraim, during the time of sheepshearing (13:23–29). There, Absalom had Amnon killed and the brothers fled. David first mourned the death of Amnon, and then he mourned the absence of Absalom, who had fled to his mother‘s household in Geshur, where he remained for three years (13:30–39). David appears here and throughout as a noble, yet somewhat passive and detached hero. Absalom was finally brought back through the efforts of Joab, David‘s general and nephew (2 Samuel 14). In an episode reminiscent of Nathan‘s parable that entrapped David into acknowledging his sin, Joab recruited a wise woman from Tekoa to masquerade as a bereaved mother whose remaining son‘s life was
- 181. threatened. When David‘scompassion led him to intercede, she pointed out to him that Absalom‘s lot was the same as her son‘s. Acknowledging her point, David restored Absalom from exile, but perhaps showed considerable insensitivity in not allowing him to come into his presence for 2 years (14:28). At this point we are told of Absalom‘s great beauty (just as his sister had been beautiful) and his full head of hair (14: 25–27). A reconciliation with his father finally was brought about after some persistence on Absalom‘s part (14:29–33). Immediately thereafter, Absalom began an active campaign of subversion against his father (15:1–12). Just as people had admired his great beauty (14:25), so they now admired what they saw as his great wisdom (15:3–6). He conspired to be made king at Hebron, his birthplace and—ironically—the place of his father‘s acclamation as king and early reign over Judah and all Israel. (The duration of this campaign is uncertain; it was likely 40 days or 4 years, and not the 40 years of the MT at 15:7; see Conroy 1978: 106–7, n. 40.) In the narrative, Absalom temporarily fades into the background after 15:12; the story now focuses on David‘s flight to the Jordan River and his encounters with various opponents and supporters along the way (15:13–16:14). As the conspiracy gained supporters (15:12), David was persuaded to flee from Jerusalem, along with his household and warriors loyal to him (15:13–23). Among these loyal ones was Ittai, leader of six hundred men from Gath and one of three generals who led the climactic battle against Absalom (18:2). David directed the priests Abiathar and Zadok that the ark should not accompany him in his flight (15:24–29), a contrast with earlier attitudes toward the ark (1 Samuel 4). David also met Ziba and Shimei (16:1–14), foreshadowing later events unrelated to Absalom (19:17–31—Eng19:16–30). After David‘s departure, Absalom was able to enter Jerusalem without resistance (16:15). Ahithophel, David‘s respected counselor, had joined Absalom (15:12, 30–31), and he advised him to consolidate his position as king by taking his father‘s concubines, which Absalom did (16:20–23). He also counseled a selective strike that would kill only David (17:1–4). To counter Ahithophel‘s defection, David had enlisted one Hushai, the Archite, who then entered Absalom‘s court as a spy (15:32–37; 16:15–19). Hushai, acting in David‘s interests, advised a large-scale mobilization instead, and Absalom took his advice, prompting the rejected Ahithophel to commit suicide (17:5–14, 23). YHWH‘s hand was evident in this, since Ahithophel‘s advice had been good counsel (17:14)—the delay in mobilization allowed Hushai to send word to David about Absalom‘s plans via the two priests‘ sons Ahimaaz and Jonathan, setting the stage for the military confrontation (17:15–22). The confrontation took place across the Jordan, in the dense Forest of Ephraim in Gilead. Absalom‘s forces were no match for David‘s seasoned followers, and many were lost to the sword or to the forest (18:1–8). The narrative slows to describe the death of Absalom and its announcement to David (18:9–32). Absalom‘s hair had gotten caught in a tree in the dense woods, and Joab killed him, aided by ten of his armor-bearers. The suspense builds as David awaits word of the battle, brought by two messengers. The moving climax is reached abruptly, in David‘s reaction to his son‘s death and his poignant lament (18:33). Absalom had three sons, and a comely daughter whom he named after his sister (14:27). In light of 18:18, it appears that his sons died early in life. If he is the Abishalom of 2 Kgs 15:2, 10, then he had another daughter (or granddaughter), named for his mother, Maacah (contra the OG reading of 2 Sam 14:27b). She was the wife of Rehoboam, mother of Abijam, and (grand)mother of Asa (2 Kgs 15:2, 10, 13; cf. 2 Chr 11:20–22). The ―Absalom‘s Monument‖ that he built to commemorate his own name due to his lack of heirs (2 Sam 18:18) is not the ―Absalom‘s Tomb‖ that can be seen today on the eastern slope of the Kidron Valley. The latter dates to a much later period. The story of Absalom has been seen as part of a large document known as the ―Succession Narrative‖ (2 Samuel 9–20, 1 Kings 1–2; see Rost 1982, Whybray 1968), in which the primary concern is the struggle for succession to David‘s throne. However, this hypothesis fails to do justice to the appendix to 2 Samuel (chs. 21–24), and the evidence for the succession theme within the Absalom narrative itself (2 Samuel 13– 18 [or 20]) is meager. Thus caution should be exercised here, to avoid subordinating too much to this one theme (Conroy 1978: 101–5; IOTS: 266–80).
- 182. 2. The fatherof Mattathias, who was one of two who remained loyal to Jonathan Maccabeus when his army had been routed by the Syrians in 145 B.C.E. (1 Macc 11:70). This Absalom (GK Apsalōmos) also may have been the father of the Jonathan whom Simon Maccabeus sent on a mission to Joppe in 143 B.C.E. (1 Macc 13:11). 3. One of two envoys sent by the Jews to Lysias, Antiochus‘ deputy, to negotiate a peace after his defeat at Beth-Zur in 164 B.C.E. (GK Abessalōm; 2 Macc 11:17). The ―House of Absalom‖ is mentioned in the Qumran commentary on Habakkuk, and it may have been an influential, pious family in the Maccabean period (Goldstein 2 Maccabees AB, 410). Bibliography Conroy, C. 1978. Absalom Absalom! AnBib 81. Rome. Rost, L. 1982. The Succession to the Throne of David. Historic Texts and Interpreters in Biblical Scholarship 1. Trans. M. D. Rutter and D. M. Gunn. Sheffield. Whybray, R. N. 1968. The Succession Narrative: A Study of II Sam. 9–20 and I Kings 1 and 2. SBT, 2d Ser. 9. Naperville, IL. DAVID M. HOWARD, JR. ABU ET-TWEIN, KHIRBET (M.R. 158119). An Iron Age fortress located on the summit of a remote ridge in the W slopes of the Hebron Hills, E of the Valley of Elah. The site was surveyed and excavated in 1974–75 by A. Mazar. The fortress is a square structure, ca. 30 × 30 m, with thin outer walls, yet the corners are built of large boulders. A gate chamber led from the E into a square inner courtyard, surrounded by a double row of rooms on all four sides. The rooms were constructed by placing a row of monolithic pillars between the outer wall of the fortress and the inner wall which surrounds the courtyard. Division walls created rooms of different sizes, some of which were perhaps for storage and stables (see Fig. ABU.01). The pottery found in the fortress is mainly of the Iron Age II, but there are also forms dated to the 6th and even the 5th centuries B.C., pointing to a continuous use of the fortress even after the destruction of Judah in 587 B.C. A small village existed during the Iron Age II on a saddle at the foot of the hill on which the fortress was located. The village consisted of a number of houses scattered over a large area, with open spaces between them. It appears that the fortress was constructed during the period of the Monarchy (perhaps during the 8th century B.C.) as a guard position and observation point in the remote region, which separated the extensive urban settlements in the Shephelah from those on the summit of the Judean Hills. Similar fortresses were discovered in surveys farther to the N and S in the same relative geographical proximity. It appears that these fortresses were used also as stations in a system of communication, serving as points to transmit fire signals from the Shephelah to Jerusalem in time of war (see Jer 6:1; Zeph 1:16; 3:18; Ps 74:3; and Lachish letter No. 4), while in times of peace they probably housed garrisons and perhaps officials of the Judean Monarchy. Bibliography Mazar, A. 1982. Iron Age Fortresses in the Judean Hills. PEQ 114: 87–109. AMIHAY MAZAR ABU GHOSH (M.R. 160134). A prepottery Neolithic B (PPNB) site located within the limits of the present-day village of the same name. It is in the Judean hills ca. 12 km W of Jerusalem, 700 m above sea level. R. Neuville first explored the site in 1928 after flint artifacts and stone vessel fragments were found on the surface (Neuville 1929). In 1950, J. Perrott opened a trench (70 m2 ) and recognized a 1 m thick archaeological layer (Perrott 1952). He recognized the similarities of the materials to the prepottery levels at Jericho, the only known stratified Neolithic site in Palestine at that time. New excavations were conducted at Abu Ghosh between 1967 and 1971, which opened an 800 m2 area (Dollfus and Lechevallier 1969; Lechevallier 1978; Hesse 1978). As a result of the excavations, the following stratigraphic configuration was recognized: (a) a surface layer with terra rossa and coarse gravel, mixed with recent material (ca. 30 cm thick); (b) gray organic soil with angular stones and archaeological material in situ (ca. 0.50–1.10 m thick); and (c) sterile red clay (ca. 0.0–0.20 m thick) and bedrock.
- 183. Layer b yieldedthe remains of three levels of construction badly damaged by erosion and intrusive pits of later periods. In the relatively well-preserved intermediate level, the plans of large rectangular buildings were obtained. The walls, 0.60 to 1.10 m wide, were built with two rows of rough stones and rubble. The best preserved house measured 6.50 × 6 m. It had a white polished plaster floor with a band of red paint all along the walls. This house had been rebuilt once and the plaster floor showed evidence of two phases. Another house, also with remains of a plaster floor, had a row of three small compartments (0.80 × 1.00 m) along the S wall, which must have been used for storage. North of the buildings was an enclosure wall (18 m long), which seems to have marked the border of the settlement. Associated stone pavements, stone-lined pits, and hearths were located outside the buildings. The remains of some thirty individuals, mostly represented by isolated bones, were recovered. In the undisturbed burials, the skeletons were in a flexed position (Arensburg, Smith, and Yakar 1978). Two adults, buried under the plastered floor of one house, were missing their skulls, but their mandibles were present. Five individuals had been buried in one location—the lower one, an adult, was undisturbed, while the remains of two adolescents and a child had been pushed aside to give place to the last burial of an adult. The fauna included wild pig, cattle, gazelle, and deer, but the dominant species was goat (ca. 55 percent). From a study of the ages of the animals at death and the ratios of their sex, it appears that animal domestication was not fully developed (Ducos 1978). The material culture is represented by the flint assemblage, polished stone artifacts, and bone tools. Fine brown, cream white, or reddish (most probably heat-treated) flint was used. The tools include small denticulated sickle blades (about 40 percent) and arrowheads of various types: tanged, winged and notched (Helwan and Jericho points), shouldered (Byblos) and foliated (Amuq) points, retouched by abrupt of flat pressure flaking. A few large amygdaloid axes with a polished edge, smaller axes with rectilinear sides, and small picks are present. Obsidian is represented by one arrowhead and a few bladelets. A good number of polished limestone bowls, basins, and flat dishes were present, as well as cupholes, grinding stones, and pestles (some in imported basalt). The bone tools were mainly awls, with some spatulas, and one needle. Other finds are scarce: a few animal figurines in unbaked clay, some beads in turquoise and green stone, a limestone pendant, and some worked cowrie shells. From the data obtained through the geophysical survey and the excavations, the site seems to have covered an area of 2000–2500 m2 . The well-built stone houses and storage facilities suggest that this was a sedentary village. This is in agreement with the developing goat domestication and the reliance on harvesting and storing plants (cereals?) as inferred from the large number of sickle blades and grinding stones (no seeds were preserved). However, hunting was still an important source of food if one considers the wild species represented among the animal bones and the large number of arrowheads. While no suitable samples were avilable for radiocarbon dating, the cultural features are consistent with the PPNB (7th millennium B.C.), most probably in its later phase. A later reoccupation of the site is indicated by the presence of small pressure-flaked arrowheads and a few large denticulated sickle elements. Bibliography Arensburg, B.; Smith, P.; and Yakar, R. 1978. The human remains from Abou Gosh. Pp. 95–105 in Lechevallier 1978. Ducos, P. 1978. La faune d‘Abou Gosh; proto-élevage de la chèvre au néolithique preé-céramique. Pp. 107–120 in Lechevallier 1978. Dollfus, G., and Lechevallier, M. 1969. Les deux premières campagnes de fouilles à Abou Gosh (1967–1968). Syr 44: 279–87. Hesse, A. 1978. Reconnaissance géophysique du site d‘Abou Gosh. Pp. 83–90 in Lechevallier 1978. Lechevallier, M. 1978. Abou Gosh et Beisamoun. Mémories et Travaux du Centre de Recherches préhistoriques français de Jérusalem, no. 2. Paris. Neuville, R. 1929. Additions à la liste des stations préhistoriques de Palestine et Transjordanie. JPOS 9: 114–21. Perrot, J. 1952. Le Néolithique d‘Abou Gosh. Syria 29: 119–45. MONIQUE LECHEVALLIER ABU HAMID, TELL (M.R. 192204). A Neolithic/Chalcolithic site in the Jordan Valley, on the terrace left by the marls of the Pleistocene lake Lisan, at an altitude of 250 m below sea level. The site
- 184. covers about 4.5hectares, and is limited on its N and S by two deep wadis in which are perennial springs. Current annual precipitation is about 200 mm, allowing for some dry farming. The site was discovered during the first season of the East Jordan Valley Survey in 1975 and has been dated to the Neolithic/Chalcolithic Period by Ibrahim, Sauer, and Yassin (1976: 51). The material collected during this survey was later discussed by Kafafi (1982). In the summer of 1985, G. Dollfus and Z. Kafafi revisited the site and initiated a joint Jordano-French expedition which conducted its first season of excavation in 1986. In addition to a general survey of the site and a systematic collection of all the artifacts, various soundings at the site indicate that a maximum of 2.5 hectares were built up during one major phase of occupation, and the depth of deposits vary between 0.30 m to 1.20 m. The remainder of the site was apparently the scene of outdoor activities or enclosures for the herds. Approximately 400 m2 have been excavated, revealing two phases of construction. The basal level is characterized by planoconvex mudbrick walls defining rectangular rooms. No complete house has been excavated so far. The upper level is badly eroded, and consists of remains of walls and large numbers of pits (fire pits, storage pits, etc.) which disturb the earlier level. On the edge of the developed area, in what appears to be a storage area, one pit has produced a huge pithos—1.50 m high and 1 m in diameter. The ceramic assemblage is homogeneous. Most of the vessels are handmade, while small conical bowls show traces of the use of a slow wheel. The surfaces are either rough or wet-smoothed, especially near the rim; slips and self-slips are frequent. The decoration consists of impressed designed, applied clay coils with nail impressions or lunates in relief; occasionally painted bands will also appear. Among the painted pottery, the designs are usually linear. Very few shards are covered with a dark red paint and burnished. Rare also are fragments with chevron designs. These categories of pottery show great similarities with those excavated at Tuleilat Ghassul, Tabaqat Fahil, Shuneh North, Neve Ur, and sites in the Golan and Hauran Heights (―Chalcolithic‖). The flint industry consists of scrapers on tabular flints, end scrapers, micro end scrapers, sickle blades, adzes, axes, chisels, perforated disks of unknown function, borers, piercers, denticulated pieces, and notched pieces. The burins are rare and only three transverse-edge arrowheads have been collected so far. Ground stone tools, utensils, and vessels made out of basalt and limestone are abundant, as are also mace heads, some of which are made from hematite. Preliminary analyses of faunal and botanical remains indicate that the subsistence strategy was mostly agropastoralism. Hunting does not seem to have played an important role: wild species represent a very low percentage of the faunal remains, and arrowheads are nearly absent. While radiocarbon samples have not yet been analyzed, the architectural remains, the assemblage of the artifacts, and the subsistence activities suggest a date for the settlement in the first part of the 4th millennium B.C. Bibliography Dollfus, G., and Kafafi, Z. 1986. Abu Hamid, Jordanie. Premiers résultats. Paléorient 12/1: 91–100. ———. 1987. Preliminary results of the first season of the Joint Jordano-French Project at Abu Hamid. ADAJ 30: 353–80. Ibrahim, M.; Sauer, J.; and Yassin, K. 1976. The East Jordan Valley Survey, 1975. BASOR 222:41–66. Kafafi, Z. 1982. The Neolithic of Jordan (East Bank). Ph.D. Diss. Freie Universität. Berlin. G. DOLLFUS ZEIDAN A. KAFAFI ABU THAWWAB, JEBEL (M.R. 230174). A late Neolithic-EB I site south of Wadi Zerka (Jabbok). A. History of the Excavations/Explorations During his intensive surveys and explorations of the East Bank of the Jordan, Glueck visited the area of Jebel Abu Thawwab and identified it as Abu Trab (Glueck 1939: 225). Near the top of the mountain, he recognized three caves and considered them the results of earlier mining. In 1975, Coughenour investigated the caves and suggested, ―A furnace or smithing operation might well be located by test excavations‖ (1976: 74). The caves were revisited during the er-Rumman Survey in 1985.
- 185. Z. Kafafi andR. Gordon of the Institute of Archaeology and Anthropology at Yarmouk University visited the site in 1983 as a result of a note published by E. Gillet and C. Gillet (1983) in which they mentioned having collected Neolithic and EB pot sherds and flint tools. Several visits followed to gather surface sherds and flint tools, which were dated to the Late Neolithic (Yarmukian), EB I, Roman, and Byzantine periods. As a result of these preliminary investigations, the Institute of Archaeology and Anthropology of Yarmouk University sponsored two seasons of excavations in 1984 and 1985 (Kafafi 1985a; 1985b; 1986a; 1986b), and conducted a survey in the area around the site in 1985 (Gordon and Knauf 1986). B. The Results of the Excavations Two main occupational phases were identified—the earliest dates to the Late Neolithic 1, the second phase is assigned to the EB I. These two phases are separated by a mixed fill, consisting mostly of small- sized stones. Both phases yielded architectural remains. Those of the Late Neolithic consisted of rounded and rectangular houses in addition to storage pits (Kafafi 1985b). The EB I buildings were rectangular with benches. All were built of medium-sized boulders and the Neolithic floors were made of either mud or pebbles, while those of the EB were of plaster. The Yarmukian pottery assemblage consisted of both fine and coarse wares, red painted slip, and decorations consisting of incised herringbone chevrons, and red paint with parallel incisions. The forms represented were cups, simple bowls, deep bowls, and simple hole-mouth and globular jars. The flint tools consisted primarily of arrow-heads and sickle blades. In addition, points, knives, scrapers, burins, and spearheads were represented along with grinding and ground stones. The excavations also produced some bone tools, shells, and human and animal figurines. The preliminary analysis of the botanical remains indicates that the following plants were predominant in the subsistence strategy: lentils, field pea, row barley, wheat, pistachio, and almond. Although the samples for radiocarbon dating have not yet been analyzed, based on parallel, and stratigraphic, studies, the early phase of Abu Thawwab is consistent with the 6th millennium B.C. (Late Neolithic, ―Yarmukian‖) and the late phase is consistent with the EB I. Bibliography Coughenour, R. A. 1976. Preliminary Report on the Exploration and Excavation of Mugharet el-Wardeh and Abu Thawab. ADAJ 21: 71–78. Gillet, E., and Gillet, C. 1983. Jebel Abu Thawab, Jordan. Levant 15: 187–91. Glueck, N. 1939. Explorations in Eastern Palestine, III. AASOR 18–19. Gordon, R. L., and Knauf, E. A. 1986. Rumman-Survey. AfO 33: 282–83. Kafafi, Z. A. 1985a. First Season of Excavations at Jebel Abu Thawwab (er-Rumman), 1984: Preliminary Report. ADAJ 30: 57–68. ———. 1985b. Late Neolithic Architecture from Jebel Abu Thawwab, Jordan. Paléorient 11/1: 125–27. ———. 1986a. Second Season of Excavations at jebel Abu Thawwab (er-Rumman), 1985: Preliminary Report. ADAJ 30: 57– 68. ———. 1986b. Gabal Abu Tawwab. AfO 33: 156–68. ZEIDAN A. KAFAFI ABUBUS (PERSON) [Gk Aboubos (Ἀβοτβορ)]. The father of Ptolemy, son-in-law and murderer of the high priest Simon Maccabeus and governor over the plain of Jericho (1 Macc 16:11–12, 15). No other information concerning Abubus is available since his name occurs only in this narrative concerning the murder of Simon Maccabeus. MARK J. FRETZ ABYSS, THE [Gk abyssos (ἀβτςςορ)]. ―Bottomless,‖ ―unfathomed,‖ or ―unfathomable deep‖; with the feminine article, it signifies ―the deep‖ or ―the underworld.‖ The term occurs at least 34 times in the LXX, where in 30 instances it renders Heb. tĕhôm (or its plural); once for mĕṣûlâ, depths (Job 41:23—LXX 41:22—Eng 41:31); once for ṣûlâ, ―depths‖ (Isa 44:27); and twice where the text is uncertain (Job 36:16; 41:24a—LXX 41:23a—Eng 41:32a). In the OT, ―the abyss‖ is not widely used in the English versions, although it is found in some of the more recent translations, rendering tĕhôm (NAB, 11 times; NEB, 7 times; NJB, 6 times; and AB, once).
- 186. NAB uses theword 3 times for ˒ăbaddôn, ―destruction‖ (Job 31:12; Prov 15:11, 27:20). JPS uses it once for ma˓ămaqq m, ―depths‖ (Isa 51:10, where it is parallel with tĕhôm). The more usual English renderings of the words behind the LXX abyssos in the OT are ―the deep,‖ ―the depths,‖ and ―deep.‖ These terms, along with ―the abyss,‖ are used in the following senses which reflect meanings of Heb tĕhôm and its synonyms: (1) the primordial ocean (e.g., Gen 1:2); (2) the (deep) sea (e.g., Jonah 2:6—Eng2:5; Job 28:14, 38:16, 41:23—LXX 41:22—Eng 41:31); (3) the Red Sea (e.g., Ps 106:9—LXX 105:9; Isa 51:10, 63:13—with mythological overtones); (4) subterranean waters (e.g., Gen 7:11, 8:2; Prov 3:20; Ps 78:15—LXX 77:15); and (5) the depths of the earth, i.e., Sheol (Ps 71:20—LXX 70:20). In intertestamental literature, ―the abyss‖ carries a number of meanings: (1) the great deep under the earth, namely, that part of the universe set in opposition to the height of the heavens (Sir 1:3, 16:18, 24:5, 29, 42:18); (2) a poetic reference to the Red Sea where a personified wisdom delivered Israel (Wis 10:19); (3) the depths of the earth (Jub. 5:10); and (4) the abyss of fire, i.e., the place of torment for sinners and fallen angels (1 En. 10:13; 18:11). In the NT, there are 9 occurrences of Gk abyssos, which, in the older English versions, are usually rendered by ―the deep‖ (Luke 8:31, Rom 10:7) and ―bottomless‖ or ―the bottomless pit‖ (seven times in Revelation). Other English versions use ―the abyss‖ or ―the Abyss‖ with more or less frequency (RSV, twice; NASB, 7 times; JB, GNB, NIV, NJB, 8 times; NEB all 9 times). In 2 Pet. 2:4, NJB renders Gk zophos, ―dark, gloomy (place),‖ as ―the dark abyss‖ (i.e., hell). There are two meanings for ―the abyss‖ in the NT. First, it refers to (1) the place to which the forces of evil are consigned (e.g., the demons in Luke 8:31), and from which they come by way of a shaft (the demonic ―locusts‖ of Rev 9:1–11; cf. ABADDON; Apollyon). From the abyss comes the beast (Rev 11:7), and into it is cast the dragon, i.e. Satan (Rev 20:1, 3). Second, in one passage ―the abyss‖ is a synonym for Hades (Rom 10:7). See also DEAD, ABODE OF THE. HERBERT G. GRETHER ACACIA. See FLORA. ACCAD (PLACE) [Heb ˒akkad (ד ַכ ַא)]. One of the cities of Nimrod listed in the Table of Nations of the Yahwist (Gen 10:10). It is listed along with Babel and Erech (and possibly Calneh) in the land of Shinar. These cities are called the ―rē˒š t of his kingdom.‖ This Hebrew word can mean either ―beginning‖ (cf. Isa 46:10) or ―chief,‖ ―mainstay‖ (cf. Amos 6:1 and Jer 49:35). If the connotation ―beginning‖ is correct, then it means that the cities formed the original nucleus of Nimrod‘s empire. But if the meaning is ―main-stay,‖ then Accad and the other cities are described as the most important ones of his kingdom (on the latter, see Speiser Genesis AB). Either interpretation is possible within the context. Accad was known by the Sumerian name ―Agade‖ (A-GA-DÈ ki ). This city was founded in the 24th century B.C.E. by Sargon I of Agade, and was the capital of his dynasty until it was destroyed during the fall of that dynasty in the 22d century B.C.E. It was never rebuilt. A Sumerian composition from the late 3d millennium B.C.E., known as The Curse of Agade, relates a legendary version of the demise of the city (for a translation and commentary, see Cooper 1983). Agade is mentioned occasionally in subsequent Mesopotamian literature, but its location has not yet been determined with any certainty. The name ―Agade‖ continued to survive in the title ―the land of Sumer and Akkad,‖ referring to Babylonia, and in Akkadian (akkadû), the word for the Semitic language spoken by the people of Sargon. It is clear that Gen 10:10 refers to the city Agade, not the region of Babylonia, since it is listed along with other cities in Mesopotamia. It is interesting to note that the Yahwist must have had a source mentioning a city that had ceased to exist before the end of the 3d millennium B.C.E. The reading of the LXX is Archad. There is no obvious reason for the change. It is possible that the reš was accidentally added in a Hebrew manuscript in reminiscence of the reš in the preceding word ―Erech.‖ In any case, this form of the name is clearly secondary and incorrect. Bibliography Cooper, J. S. 1983. The Curse of Agade. Baltimore.
- 187. JAMES R. DAVILA ACCENTS,MASORETIC. See MASORETIC ACCENTS. ACCO (PLACE) [Heb ˓akkô (כו ַף)]. Var. PTOLEMAIS. One of the most prominent coastal cities in Canaan, mentioned only once in the OT in connection with the tribe of Asher‘s inability to drive out its inhabitants (Judg 1:31). On the basis of various Gk mss, it has been suggested that in Josh 19:30 Ummah (MT ˓mh) should be read Acco (˓kw). The city was renamed Ptolemais during the Hellenistic-Roman periods, and it was there that the apostle Paul stayed for one day while en route from Tyre to Caesarea at the end of his third missionary journey (Acts 21:7). Acco‘s importance may be attributed to its location at the juncture between the coastal road and the inland road leading through Galilee and Transjordan to Syria. OT Acco is identified with el-Fukhkhar (M.R. 158258) at modern Acre/Akko NE of the Naaman River and 700 m inland. The original size of the tell was ca. 200 dunams; however, its S side, apparently affected by its proximity to the river and by late destructions, has been almost totally destroyed. Here there are still remains of the swamps created near the outlet of the river. From the Persian period on, the settlement of Acco gradually moved off the tell and to the NW, along the Mediterranean. A. History of the City Acco is first mentioned in the Egyptian Middle Kingdom Execration Texts, where a Canaanite ruler of Acco named Tr‘mw appears. Later, Acco is frequently mentioned in the Egyptian sources, which indicates that the population of the city was mainly Canaanite while the rulers were of Hurrian and Indoeuropean origins. These sources include the Karnak list of Thutmose III (ANET, 242), Amarna letters (13 times), and in a relief from the Karnak temple from the period of Rameses II, all of which testify to the city‘s importance. In the Ugaritic and Akkadian texts from Ugarit, Acco is among the few Canaanite cities mentioned. From the same period is a letter recently found in Aphek with the name of a high-ranked official, Adlaha of Acco. In the 8th and the 7th centuries B.C., Acco appears to have been an important Phoenician city. According to Assyrian sources, the city (Akku) rebelled against Assyrian rule and was captured first by Sennacherib and finally by Ashurbanipal, who destroyed it and exiled its people. From the time of Cambyses on, Acco (Gk akē) was an important military and administrative center of the Persian empire. In 332 B.C., Acco surrendered peacefully to Alexander the Great and remained autonomous. Throughout the wars of the Diadochi, it changed hands, but eventually, the city remained under Ptolemy II Philadelphus, who there established a polis. Acco-Ptolemais (as it was known) became a prominent trade center at that time, as indicated by the correspondence of Zenon. Following the Syrian wars, the city became a permanent part of the Seleucid empire and was renamed Antiochia-at-Ptolemais by Antiochus IV Epiphanes. Alexander Balas made Acco his second capital and royal fortress. During the Maccabean revolt, Acco was hostile to the Jewish cause; in fact, the city defeated Simon in 163 B.C., and it was there also that Jonathan was captured by Tryphon in 142 B.C. In 104 B.C., Alexander Jannaeus seized the city from him (later he had to surrender it to his mother, Cleopatra III). Acco was then captured by Tigranes of Armenia in 83 B.C. The Roman phase in the history of Acco began with the arrival of Pompey and annexation of Judea to Rome in 63 B.C. Under Roman rule, Acco-Ptolemais became autonomous under the supervision of the Roman proconsul in Syria. B. Excavations on the Tell Prior to the systematic excavations in the 1970s, archaeological research of the city concentrated in uncovering tombs and in emergency digs occasioned by rubble-clearing work of new building projects in modern Acre. The tell itself, which had for hundreds of years been exposed to robbery and destruction and then to steady agricultural cultivation, had been subjected to several archaeological surveys, including that of Saarisalo (1929).
- 188. The systematic excavationsof Tell el-Fukhkhar began in 1973 and thus far 10 seasons of excavations have been conducted in 8 areas on the tell. Also, 2 seasons were conducted in the lower (modern) city (Areas E and D), and short trial digs were also conducted there in Areas L, M, and N. Consequently, it is possible to obtain some sense of the history of Acco‘s settlement. 1. Late Chalcolithic—EB IA. Remains of the first stages of settlement were found in Area S on the S slope of the tell, opposite the fertile valley which extends along the N bank of the river and which may have served as an early anchorage. Foundations of stone-built walls, as well as several granary pits, were uncovered on the virgin soil. Sections of a few superimposed floors were cleared, and on the evidence of the pottery, the first settlement may date to the transitional period between the Late Chalcolithic and EB I. It appears to have ended abruptly after 2–3 generations; after its abandonment, there was most probably a gap in the settlement of Acco until the fortified MB I city was erected. 2. MB I. The earliest fortifications on the site were uncovered chiefly on the tell‘s N slope (Areas AB and B), and on the NW slope (Area F). It is still uncertain whether this fortification system encompassed the entire city or mainly its acropolis. Erected on the bedrock of the highest point of the hill, this fortification consisted in its base of a layer of hardened clay at least 2 m thick. Later a cyclopean wall of boulders ca. 3.5 m thick was erected on this rampart and a new layer of sloping rampart was attached to it. Over this, a brick wall with two bulging towers preserved up to 4 m high was constructed as a part of the fortification system. Attached to the N face of this enormous wall and traced for ca. 25 m was a stairway, consisting of 19 steps, which started from the top of the rampart. It seems that at least these first two stages of the fortification system belong to the MB I period. In the late stage, this rampart, including the stairway, was covered from the outside, and to its N the citadel (―Building A‖) was erected in the late MB I or early MB II period. The lowest level reached within the city to the S of the rampart (Area AB) and consisted of remains of stone walls, which supported and strengthened the inner slope of the rampart. On this slope, two burials in jars (one of a child and the other of an infant) accompanied by artifacts help to date it to the MB I period. In Area F on the NW corner of the tell, a city gate (―Sea Gate‖) built into the rampart as part of the fortification system provided the best evidence for dating the earliest foundations of the city. The gate, preserved up to 3 m high, was approached by four steps and a rather narrow passage. It was composed of two interconnected units: a stone-built rectangular outer room and a square inner room built of bricks, with three pairs of gateway pilasters. The inner room, most probably a guardroom, had a second story, apparently leading to the towers on either side of the gate. The gate shows at least two phases of development within the MB I period, before it was filled in and went out of use. The quarter of the city ajoining the gate was partly excavated, and its architecture and the finds on all the floors, both in the gate itself and the gate quarter of the city, indicate its existence in at least three stages of the MB I period (ca. 2000–1800 B.C.). 3. MB II–III. The later stages of the fortification are characterized mainly by the citadel (Building A), a large brick building erected to the N of the rampart (Area AB). It probably served as a fortress from the end of the MB I until the end of the MB II period. In this two-story building was found an important stone-lined grave of a wealthy woman of high status. Skeletons of a woman and two children and a large number of burial gifts, including pottery vessels, jewelry, and scarabs, were discovered in the grave. On the inner face of the wall (constructed in the second stage of the fortification to support the rampart) were found scattered burials. Burials, either dug or built, continued in the MB III period, as for example, the burial found in a large square vaulted stone-built tomb in Area H. Beside local pottery, the artifacts also included fine pottery imported from N Syria or Anatolia, as well as scarabs, weapons, and jewelry. On the inner slope of the rampart, which was partly filled by now, a few structures, connecting walls, stone-built drainage installation, and granary pits were found. In the debris, many animal bones and a whole skeleton of a large donkey were found. This stratum was also found in the lowest level of Area C, where a handle of a large pithos bearing the impression of a Hyksos scarab was discovered.
- 189. Near the Wend of the rampart (Area P), a section of a stone-built postern was excavated. It was about 2 m high outside and inside ca. 1.6 m. The floors consisted of flat stone slabs. It might have been used for both collecting water and communication from the city during seige or attack. 4. LB I–II. The citadel in Area AB continued during most of this period, though it was partly damaged possibly during Thutmose III‘s conquest. Into the additional layer of the rampart, LBI graves were installed. One of these was a very well-built stone grave; beside the skeleton were some rare types of bichrome ware and a large krater of the ―chocolate-on-white‖ type. Some buildings were uncovered in Area A, among which was a public building made of mud bricks. The building was erected, according to the finds, at the end of the 15th or beginning of 14th century B.C. when Acco and its rulers are frequently mentioned in the El-Amarna tablets. A few burials with finds of the early LB period were found outside this building. Also uncovered was a well-preserved rectangular stone tomb with a low vault, a rare example in Canaan for this period. It was built into the NW slope of the rampart (Area H). Beside the pottery, the finds included scarabs, some of which were set in gold rings. In Area S, an outstanding find was an ivory cosmetic box in the form of a duck. Some damage inflicted on several buildings may be related to Seti I‘s campaign in the area. Toward the end of this period, probably after Acco‘s destruction by Rameses II, the citadel fell into disuse and the place was partly converted into a workshop area. By then, there were almost no regular buildings, and instead, many silos and granaries were found in Area AB. Beside the local pottery, Cypriot and Mycenean sherds from the end of the LB II period were still found on the floors and in stone-lined pits and silos, testifying to a maritime trade relations between Acco, Cyprus, and the Aegean. 5. The LB–Early Iron Transition. The citadel disappeared at the end of the Bronze Age and the whole area was converted into an industrial quarter, associated with the making of pottery, the reworking of metals, and probably also the extraction of purple dye from murex shells. Layers of ash and workshop waste accumulated one on top of the other in the open spaces between craftsmen‘s installations and working floors. Among the finds in Area AB were crucibles, pieces of a clay tuyere, a stone jewelry mold, as well as remains of a furnace that was probably used for smelting copper and bronze for recasting. A large pottery oven with remains of a locally produced ware of Mycenean IIIc1 type was found. Such a pottery type was also found in a parallel stratum in Area F. Some whole local pottery vessels found in a pit, on top of the rampart (Area H) also belong to the transitional LB–Early Iron period. Typical to the local Canaanite culture are two small finds in Area K: one is a mold of a Canaanite goddess, probably an Asherah, and the other is a bronze male figurine with one hand raised, which probably represents the Canaanite god Reshef. There are remains of poorly constructed houses mainly at the SW areas of the tell, as well as many granary pits. From Area H came a stone, mortar-shaped portable altar, bearing incised drawings of boats and boatmen; it was probably brought by newcomers to Acco. The presence of a large number of crushed murex shells (used also for the foundations of several floors) and a large piece of a jar covered with purple dye indicate the activity of the purple dye extracting. A scarab of Tausert found in Area AB, just below the workshop‘s floors, may help to date this stratum to the end of the 13th and beginning of the 12th century B.C. This new material culture on the remains of the LB Canaanite city testify to a settlement of a non- Canaanite ethnic group, probably one of the ―Sea Peoples‖ known to have invaded the country around that period. The evidence of the new material culture and specifically the pottery mentioned above provides grounds for assigning the finds to one of the ―Sea Peoples,‖ probably the Sherden, who are known mainly from Egyptian sources as having settled on the N coast of Canaan. 6. Iron Age I–II. The scarce architecture from the 11th and 10th centuries B.C. seems to indicate the decline of Acco, at the same time that to the N, Tyre was becoming a prominent city port in the region. The pottery includes vessels of the Phoenician ―Achzib‖ type, as well as Cypriot ―black-on-red‖ and ―white painted‖ pottery, which seem to belong to the early stage of the Iron Age. A circular crucible found above the industrial area ascribed to the Sherden seems to indicate that the production of pottery continued in this place.
- 190. From the 9thcentury on, the city began to develop again, as inferred from the renewal of building activity, mainly for living quarters. The ―bowl‖ of the city was by then filled in completely. The wall built in Area A to fill in and straighten the rampart formed a basis on which the city was leveled. In addition to the regular constructions on stone and brick, ashlar-built structures, probably public, appeared for the first time. A solid brick wall preserved to a height of 7 courses was found in one of the buildings which apparently continued to function in the early Assyrian period and was finally destroyed during the conquest of Sennacherib. Among the interesting finds was a hoard of little cubes of silver. In a later stratum a large building with a series of rooms still preserved to a height of 4 courses was destroyed by fire, indicating the destruction of the city probably during the period of Assurbanipal. The layers of ash contained fragments of various metals, testifying to the existence of a metal industry during this period. A stone construction, which might have been a part of a casemate wall, was traced in Area H. In Areas A and K, living quarters with a few industrial installations were uncovered. In Area A, there was evidence of a double destruction; the first may be assigned to the capture of the city by Sennacherib and the second should be related to Assurbanipal‘s conquest. In Area K, remains were found of what might be a fortification, but this is still unclear. In addition to local pottery, Phoenician and Cypriot types of wares were traced, as well as figurines dating from the 8th to the 6th centuries B.C. A tiny stone (perhaps used as an amulet) was found with a Phoenician inscription which reads ˒š˒ (Asha); also found was a stamped handle with an engraved horse and the inscription ršp. 7. The Persian Period. With the Persian conquest of Acco in the 6th century B.C., the city again became an important administrative, military, and economic center. In fact, the two well-defined Persian strata (5 and 4), starting with the last quarter of the 6th century (when Cambyses‘ expedition to Egypt took place) and ending with the city‘s conquest by Alexander the Great, provide evidence for an enormous expansion toward the bay. With the construction of a harbor, it became the major anchorage for military and mercantile traffic to and from Egypt. The results of the excavations show that although the city expanded beyond the tell itself, most of the population probably still lived on the tell during the period. In Area K, where, as yet, only one stratum has been assigned to the Persian period, residential buildings with courts and ovens were excavated. The Persian level there is also represented by a series of deep pits, where a large amount of iron slag was found, testifying to the industrial character of this part of the city. A large cistern with a well-preserved plastered interior, which was probably built during this period, was linked with this industry. In Area A, remains of a three-room structure, built partly in the Phoenician style of stretchers and headers, was uncovered. It had probably been used for administrative and storage purposes. In a pit in its floor were found two Phoenician ostraca. One of them contained an order from the governor of Acco to the guild of metal craftsmen, to give a large number of metal vessels to the person ―in charge of the temples.‖ This provides evidence for the existence of Phoenician temples at Acco. Nearby, a well-constructed stone wall and some cultic artifacts were found, and these may have belonged to this temple. The finds, which include several zoomorphic and anthropomorphic male and female figurines, testify to the Phoenician character to this quarter. A large quantity of imported Greek ―black-on-red‖ figure pottery also turned up in the Persian strata, mainly on the W part of the tell. In Area F, among buildings constructed in the Phoenician style of headers and stretchers, a stone-lined pit, with a basalt base (bothros) was found, containing a large quantity of local, Cypriot, and Greek pottery. Among these was a rare Attic red-figured bell krater, portraying Heracles accompanied by satyrs and maenades, from the early 4th century B.C. The architecture and the finds indicate a prosperous city quarter, perhaps settled by Greek merchants. 8. The Hellenistic Period. The Hellenistic city on the tell was very well planned, and though the two strata from this period were subjected to robbery, destruction, and finally agricultural cultivation (at least from the Middle Ages on), one can still recognize the urban planning in most of the excavated areas of the tell. The town planning continued on the tell even after the main urban center of Acco had moved down to the maritime plain, to Ptolemais (see C below). A few structures, built in the Phoenician style of headers and stretchers, belong to the earliest stage of the era. The remains in Area K show well-planned buildings
- 191. with open courtyards,where the artifacts, especially the pottery, were mainly Hellenistic. The pottery, including amphorae with stamped handles, mainly of the 2d century B.C., provide evidence for well- developed trade relations, mainly with the islands of the Mediterranean and the Aegean. Metal and stone ware, jewelry, as well as figurines of different types (e.g., of a woman with her hands over her head), were found. Above the Hellenistic strata were several badly preserved remains of a settlement from the Roman and Byzantine periods. There was little evidence from the Crusader period (mainly from the S part of the tell), even though the Crusaders occupied the tell. A stone structure uncovered in Area B1, guarding the route to the Galilee, may be dated to the time of Saladin. In the Ottoman period the earlier building remains had already been covered with soil and blown sand, and the tell was used as a pasture. C. Excavations in the ―New City‖ Several of the rescue excavations undertaken in the area between the tell and the Crusader Ottoman city of Acre confirmed the assumption that the new city of Acco developed to the W of the tell as early as the Persian period. In the lowest stratum (9), reached in Area D (ca. 600 m W of the tell), local and Greek ware was found from the 5th century B.C. To the next stratum (8) belonged a wall constructed of ashlar stones and rubble fill from the late 5th and early 4th centuries. The next two strata (7 and 6) provide evidence for a flourishing Hellenistic city with a specific architecture, an important tombstone of a Greek from Crete, and coins which provide a date for the strata. The following stratum (5) belongs to the Roman period. In the next stratum (4) remains of a well-paved street and a drainage system serve as evidence of the prosperity of this part of the city during the Byzantine period. The discovery of remains of a Crusader building (in stratum 2) raises the question whether the walls of the Crusader city should not have existed more to the E than is generally accepted. A remarkable find from this stratum is a very rare chalice bearing a fragmentary Latin inscription and a cross which might indicate a Crusader church on the site. The last occupation of this part of the city is represented by stone installations from the Ottoman period (stratum 1). Other rescue operations were conducted to the SW of Area D, where remains of nine settlement strata were excavated (Area E). The lowest stratum yielded local and Greek pottery and some remains from the late 5th and early 4th centuries B.C. In the next stratum was found a segment of the foundations of a large round tower (ca. 20 m in diameter) built of ashlar stones. Attached to the tower were remains of walls which belonged to a fortification system of the early Hellenistic period. In one area, a large number of lead arrows and slingstones suggest that some of the structures served as an armory. The destroyed walls testify to the many battles for Acco during the ―Syrian Wars‖ in the Hellenistic period. Along one of the walls, unused pots with lids dating to the 3d century B.C. were found still standing on a floor. This enigmatic find and a Tanit sign on a jar may point to a local cult. In the next stratum, some changes in the structures could be observed until the fortification fell into disuse, apparently during the time of Vespasian. In the later Roman and Byzantine periods, a podiumlike structure was erected on the site. During the Arab period, a large installation for lime production existed in the area. The last among the significant excavations in the new city took place N of the areas described above (Area L). Part of a building was discovered, most likely a temenos, erected in a Hellenistic style. This building, which existed in only one stratum, yielded many pottery figurines and lamps from the 3d century B.C., and certainly was used for cultic purposes. Bibliography Ben-Arieh, S., and Edelstein, G. 1977. Akko: Tombs Near the Persian Garden. ˓Atiqot, English Series 12. Jerusalem. Dothan, M. 1974. A Sign of Tanit from Tel ˓Akko. IEJ 24: 44–49. ———. 1976. Akko: Interim Excavation Report, First Season 1973/74. BASOR 224: 1–48. ———. 1985. A Phoenician Inscription from ˓Akko. IEJ 35: 82–94. Dothan, M., and Raban, A. 1980. The Sea Gate of Ancient Akko. BA 43/1: 35–39. Galling, K. 1938. Die Syrisch-Palastinische Kuste nach der Beschreibung bei Pseudo-Skylax. ZDPV. 61: 66–96. Goldman, Z. 1975. Accho. EAEHL 1: 14–23. Kadman, L. 1961. The Coins of Akko-Ptolemais. Tel Aviv. Rainey, A. F. 1971. Akko. EncBib 6: cols. 224–28.
- 192. Saarisalo, A. 1929.Topographical Researches in Galilee. JPOS 9: 27–40. MOSHE DOTHAN ACHAIA (PLACE) [Gk Achaia (Ἀφαια)]. Var. ACHAEA. A Greek region which twice gave its name to all of Greece before its Achaean League (280–146 B.C.) fell to the Romans (Polyb. 2.41; Thuc. 1.111, 115). All relevant NT references involve Corinth, Achaia‘s capital (Acts 18:12, 27; I Cor 16:15; 2 Cor 1:1). The Achaean people came from the east and pushed out the region‘s original inhabitants, the Ionians. The latter are credited with founding the twelve coastal cities which became the fulcrum of the Achaean League. Following the Dorian invasions (ca. 1250 B.C.) Achaia, thus named by Homer after Achilles‘ men and Agamemnon‘s followers, realized an alliance of powerful cities between Elis and Sicyon. It was a commander-in-chief of the Achaean League, Aratus of Sicyon, who spearheaded their constitution (251 B.C.). Achaia managed several successful colonies, e.g., Sybaris and Croton, and is perhaps part of Philistine ancestory (AHL, 214). Although Achaia aligned with Rome in 198 B.C., it lost its autonomy in 146 B.C., when, after years of disputes, the Romans razed Corinth. Julius Caesar turned Rome‘s attention again to Achaia in 46 B.C. and rebuilt its former isthmian city, which became the Roman capital of Achaia in 27 B.C. (Apul Met. 10.18). Achaia now included all of the southern half of the Greek peninsula (Paus. 8). In this same year the Romans made the northern part of (former) Achaia into Macedonia, with a southern border stretching from the Eubian gulf west-northwest to around Actium. This division prefaces the reference ―Macedonia and Achaia‖ which generally implied all of Greece (Acts 19:21; Rom 15:26; I Thess 1:8). The Romans often just used ―Achaia‖ to define the parameters of Greece, excluding Thessaly. The early Christians recognized Macedonia and Achaia as one of the thirteen major Roman provinces (MCBW, 218). By A.D. 65 the provinces of Thessaly and Epirus were clearly defined and constituted Achaia‘s northern border; Actium, and the coastal territory to its immediate south, became part of Epirus. Paul‘s eighteen-month stay in Corinth is dated by an Achaean inscription at Delphi which chronicles the tenure of proconsul Gallio (SIG 3.108). By the time of Nero‘s accession, Christianity had a permanent hold in Achaia, already boasting at least twenty churches. JERRY A. PATTENGALE ACHAICUS (PERSON) [Gk Achaikos (Ἀφαικορ)]. A Corinthian Christian who, along with Stephanas and Fortunatus, traveled from Corinth to be with Paul in Ephesus (1 Cor 16:17). The name ―Achaicus,‖ which means ―one who is from Achaia,‖ suggests that he was a slave or former slave from that region since slaves were often named after the province from which they came. Paul rejoiced at the arrival of these three messengers because, as Paul expressed it, they made up for the absence of the other Corinthians which Paul keenly felt (16:17). He remarks that their presence refreshed his spirit (16:18), apparently because they relieved some of his worries about the Corinthian community. In turn, Paul observed that their coming would also lift the Corinthians‘ spirits, probably because they would know their envoys had brought him much comfort. Finally, Paul urges the Corinthians to ―recognize these people‖ (16:18). That Paul concludes with this appeal suggests that they were among ―Paul‘s people‖ in the community (cf. 1:12). It is possible that the three men had brought a letter to Paul, although one should not deduce that they were therefore among those Corinthians who delivered the communication referred to in 7:1, nor among ―Chloe‘s people‖ (1:11), since those groups brought disturbing reports to Paul. After their visit with Paul, Achaicus and the others probably carried 1 Corinthians back with them to Corinth (see Fee 1 Corinthians NICNT, 46–66). The reference to the household of Stephanas immediately preceding the reference to Achaicus and Fortunatus in 16:17 could imply that the latter two were members of that household, either slaves or attached freedmen, and thus that they were numbered among Paul‘s first converts in Achaia and were themselves ministers to the community in Corinth (16:15). (Indeed a few mss in the Western tradition read ―and Fortunatus and Achaicus‖ in 16:15, but their inclusion here is most likely an assimilation to v 17.)
- 193. JOHN GILLMAN ACHAN (PERSON)[Heb ˓akan (ן ַכ ַף)]. Var. ACHAR. Achan, the son of Carmi, son of Zabdi, son of Zerah, of the tribe of Judah, appears in the MT of Joshua 7 (the full form of his name is found in vv 1 and 18; shortened form in vv 19, 20, 24). In the Old Greek of Joshua and in the MT and Old Greek of 1 Chron 2:7, the name appears as Achar (in the preceding verse his grandfather‘s name is recorded as Zimri). This variation may be explained by graphic confusion between resh (r) and nun (n) at the end of the name in Hebrew. Or the two forms may represent a change from original ―Achan‖ to ―Achar‖ under the influence of the verbal root ˓kr, meaning to ―trouble,‖ which appears in Joshua 7:25 (so also in 6:18). In defiance of a command from Joshua (6:17–19), Achan took of the booty from Jericho (specifically: ―a beautiful mantle from Shinar, two hundred shekels of silver, and a bar of gold weighing fifty shekels‖) and hid the loot in his tent. He did not come forth on his own to confess. Rather, Joshua cast lots, beginning by tribes and working his way down to Achan himself. Confronted by this divine sleuthing, Achan finally confessed. His admission of guilt did not, however, save him from a drawn-out punishment of burning and stoning. Although the specific sin was Achan‘s, blame was shared widely. First by all Israel (see v 1), which suffered a defeat at Ai directly after Achan‘s theft. In some sense, Israel was to blame, if only indirectly. Achan‘s family was implicated more directly and suffered the same punishment as their leader. Many scholars view Joshua 7:1–8:24 as a composite of two originally separate traditions—one dealing with Achan and the other with the battles for Ai. Some posit a primarily etiological basis for the Achan tale. They point to the statement, found in Joshua 7:26, that a mound of stones heaped upon Achan remained ―to this day‖ in the Valley of Achor (a site usually identified by contemporary scholars with the modern el-Buqe˓ah, a large plain SW of Jericho). Outside of Joshua 7, the Valley of Achor is found in Josh 15:7, Hos 2:15 (―I will make the Valley of Achor a door of hope‖), and Isa 65:10 (―the Valley of Achor shall become a place for herds to lie down‖). In the judgment of others, the story of Achan originated as intertribal polemic, with the tribe of Judah coming up on the losing side. Read in its present form, the story yields significant theological insight: all Israel must be totally obedient to Yahweh and his regulations for Divine Warfare if Israel is to be victorious. The sin of even a few is imputed to the entire community. Although Achan/Achar is not mentioned in the Bible outside of the passages listed above, allusions to him have been detected at two points in the New Testament (see further Derrett 1986): in the story of Ananias and Sapphira (Acts 5:1–10) and in the Parable of the Pounds (Luke 19:11–27) or Talents (Matthew 24:14–30). Later Jewish traditions emphasize Achan‘s confession and the further trouble he averted thereby (so Sanh. 43b; also ˒Abot R. Nat. and Num. Rab.). Although his sin cost him his life in this world, his confession gained him a place in the world to come. See also EncJud 2:211; Boling and Wright Joshua AB; and Butler Joshua WBC. Bibliography Derrett, J. D. M. 1986. A Horrid Passage in Luke Explained (Lk 19:27). ExpTim 97: 136–38. Drucker, R. 1982. Yehoshua. The Book of Joshua. ArtScroll Tanach Series. Brooklyn, NY. LEONARD J. GREENSPOON ACHBOR (PERSON) [Heb ˓akbôr (בוש ְכ ַף)]. 1. Father of Baal-hanan, a king of the Edomites prior to Israel‘s monarchy (Gen 36:38–39; 1 Chr 1:49). Achbor‘s name occurs in parallel lists of Edomite kings, the dates and duration of whose reigns are uncertain (Gen 36:31–39 = 1 Chr 1:43–51). 2. The son of Micaiah, father of ELNATHAN, and a courtier of King Josiah (ca. 640–609 B.C.E.; 2 Kgs 22:12, 14; Jer 26:22; 36:12). After the book of the law was found and read to Josiah, Achbor was sent as part of a royal delegation to inquire of Huldah the prophetess concerning the words of this book (2 Kgs 22:11–20; see 2 Chr 34:19–28, where ―Achbor son of Micaiah‖ is replaced by ―Abdon the son of Micah‖ [v 20]). Elnathan the son of Achbor played an important role in the administration of King Jehoiakim (ca. 609–598 B.C.E.).
- 194. MARK J. FRETZ ACHIM(PERSON) [Gk Achim (Ἀφιμ)]. The son of Zadok and father of Eliud in Matthew‘s genealogy of Joseph, the husband of Mary (Matt 1:14). Although Achim is absent in Luke‘s parallel genealogy (3:23–38), his mention in Matt 1:14 may associate him with the lineage of the high priest Zadok (1 Chr 5:34–35—Eng6:8–9; Gundry 1982: 18). Also, the name ―Achim‖ may be a shortened form of the name of Zadok‘s son Ahimaaz (1 Chr 5:34–35—Eng6:8–9; MT ˒ăḥ mā˓aṣ = LXX acheimaas; for Gk acheim, cf. LXX 1 Chr 11:35; 24:16—Eng24:17). Bibliography Gundry, R. H. 1982. Matthew: A Commentary on His Literary and Theological Art. Grand Rapids. MARK J. FRETZ ACHIOR (PERSON) [Gk Achiōr (Ἀφιωπ)]. Achior the Ammonite appears only in Judith, in which he plays a prominent role as a gentile who embraces Judaism. He was among the leaders of Israel‘s neighbors whom Holofernes, general of Nebuchadnezzar, had summoned to inform him about the Israelite nation, who alone among the Western peoples dared to resist his army. In Jdt 5:5–21 Achior surveys Israel‘s biblical history from Chaldean origins to the post-exilic period. His rather deuteronomic claim that God would permit Holofernes to defeat them only if they had sinned nearly cost Achior his life (5:22). The general decided to postpone his execution and remarks ironically that the Ammonite would not see his face ―until I take revenge on this race that came out of Egypt‖ (6:5). Achior was delivered to the Israelites of Bethulia, to whom he reported the conversation with Holofernes (6:10–21). Later Judith herself confirmed that what Achior had told the general was correct (11:9–10). Moreover, after Judith had beheaded Holofernes, Achior once more saw his face and was able to verify that the head she had brought to Bethulia was indeed the general‘s (14:5–10; Vg places these vv before 14:1). Achior then firmly believed in God and was circumcised, thus converting despite the command of Deut 23:3. The name ―Achior,‖ which does not occur in the Hebrew Bible, has been explained in various ways (Steinmann 1953: 55–62; Moore Judith AB, 158, 162–63). One possibility is that it reproduces the Semitic name ˒ḥy˒wr (―my brother is light‖), which could be taken as a reference to the true insight which he brings in the book (Enslin 1972: 86). A second option, defended by H. Cazelles (1951: 125–37, 324– 27), is to view it as a mistake for ˒ḥyqr, the name of another gentile—the sage in the book of Ahiqar (in Tob 11:20 the Vg reads Achior where the LXX [v 19] has Achikar). Apart from the shared consonants at the beginning of the two names, there is little reason to think they have been confused. A third hypothesis is that the name is a corrupt form of ˒ḥyhwd (―[my] brother is Judah‖). In support of this option one should note that in Num 34:27 the name ˒ḥyhwd appears in the LXX as achiōr (Cowley APOT 1: 252); and in the Syriac version of Judith Achior is spelled ˒ḥyhwd (Steinmann 1953: 55). If this appealing suggestion is correct, then Achior‘s name, like that of Judith (―a Jewess‖), would symbolize the role that he, a convert from a nation that was related to Israel (Gen 19:30–38), plays in the book. Bibliography Cazelles, H. 1951. Le personnage d‘Achior dans le livre de Judith. RSR 39: 125–37, 324–27. Enslin, M. S. 1972. The Book of Judith. Jewish Apocryphal Literature 7. Leiden. Steinmann, J. 1953. Lecture de Judith. Paris. JAMES C. VANDERKAM ACHISH (PERSON) [Heb ˒āk š (יש ִכ ָא)]. Philistine ruler of Gath, from whom David sought asylum when he fled from Saul. In 1 Sam 27:2 his father‘s name is given as Maoch (mā˓ôk), which closely resembles Maacah (ma˓ăkâ), father of King Achish of Gath according to 1 Kgs 2:39. There were probably two kings by this name: Achish I, son of Maoch, who was succeeded by Maacah, father of Achish II. In the title of Psalm 34, he is called Abimelech, a Semitic title perhaps adopted by Philistine rulers, rather than a personal name (cf. Gen 20:1–2; 21:34). The name is not Semitic in form and has been related to Agchioses, a king in the neighborhood of Troy at the time of the Trojan War (Hom. Il. 2: 819). The name probably corresponds to that of Ikausu (ANET, 291), a Philistine king of Ekron in the days of Esarhaddon (681–669 B.C.) and Ashurbanipal (668–629
- 195. B.C.). Two namesin a list of Keftui names from Egypt have been identified with Achish, particularly since the Philistines were reputed to have come from Caphtor (Keftui) in Amos 9:7 (Strange 1980). Corney (IDB 1: 27) has explained the name from Hurrian akk sha (rur), ―the king gives.‖ From a literary perspective, the figure of Achish is related to that of Goliath, another Philistine champion from Gath (1 Sam 17), in the narrative of David‘s rise to power (cf. Miscall 1986: 173–77). The story of David and Goliath concludes with the curious statement that ―David took the head of the Philistine and brought it to Jerusalem‖ (1 Sam 17:54), foreshadowing David‘s rise to power in that city. When David slew Goliath, the women sang, ―Saul has slain his thousands, and David his ten thousands‖ (1 Sam 18:7), a refrain which appears again on the lips of both the servants of Achish (1 Sam 21:11—Eng 21:10) and the Philistine commanders addressing Achish (1 Sam 29:5), forming a kind of frame around the story of David and Achish and connecting it to the earlier story of Goliath. In his first encounter with Achish, David carried Goliath‘s sword with him, which he had received from the priest Ahimelech (1 Sam 21:9—Eng 21:8). Perhaps this explains his fear and feigned madness before Achish, king of Goliath‘s hometown (1 Sam 21:13–14—Eng 21:12–13). David‘s conduct on this occasion has been compared to that of other great men who feigned madness in difficult circumstances, such as Ulysses (Cic. Off. 3, 26), L. Junius Brutus (Dion Hal. 4, 68), the astronomer Meton (Ael. VH 13, 12), and the Arabian king Bacha (Schultens, Anth. Vet. Hamasa, p. 535). Subsequently, Achish accepted David and his men as mercenaries and gave David the city of Ziklag in exchange for his raids on southern tribes hostile to the Philistines (1 Sam 27:1–12). Because of the suspicion of some of his commanders, however, Achish excused David from participation in the fateful battle of Mount Gilboa in which Saul and his sons died. There is an interesting play on the word ―head‖ in the concluding episodes of the story of David and Achish. The Philistine commanders suggested that David would be reconciled to his lord (Saul) ―with the heads of the (Philistine) men here‖ (1 Sam 29:4). Earlier, Achish had appointed David to be ―the keeper of my head forever‖ (i.e., his permanent body guard; 1 Sam 28:2). After the battle of Mount Gilboa, the Philistines ―cut off (Saul‘s) head … and fastened his body to the wall of Beth-shan‖ (1 Sam 31:9–10). In the tradition of Jephthah of old, David became both ―head and leader over them‖ (Jdg 11:11), as foreshadowed in the words of Achish and his Philistine cohorts. Bibliography Bertholet, A. 1896. Die Stellung der Israelitu und der Juden zu den Freunden. Dothan, T. 1982. The Philistines and Their Material Culture. New Haven. Mazar, B. 1964. The Philistines and the Rise of Israel and Tyre, Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities Proceedings, 1: 1–22. Miscall, P. D. 1986. 1 Samuel: A Literary Reading. Bloomington, IN. Strange, J. 1980. Caphtor/keftui: A New Investigation. Leiden. DUANE L. CHRISTENSEN ACHOR (PLACE) [Heb ˓ākōr (ֹשכ ָף)]. A valley (˓ēmeq) on Judah‘s northern border (Josh 15:7) identified with modern day El Buqê˓ah. According to biblical tradition, Achan and his family were stoned and buried at the Valley of Achor after he violated the ban following the battle of Jericho. Achan‘s crime (Joshua 7) was the first Israelite act of disobedience after Israel crossed the Jordan; his death was the first divinely commanded punishment in the new land. Josh 7:25–27 (probably secondary) offers an etiological explanation of Achor‘s name. Joshua declares that Achan has troubled (Heb ˓kr) Israel and that God will trouble (˓kr) him; the site of his execution is therefore called ―trouble‖ (˓ākôr). The word play is further developed by LXXB , Syriac, and 1 Chron 2:7, where Achan‘s name is rendered ―Achar.‖ The Valley of Achor is included among the sites marking Judah‘s northern border (Josh 15:7), a list which moves uphill from the Jordan to Jerusalem. The reference to the Valley of Achor is omitted from the description of Benjamin‘s southern boundary (Josh 18:15–19), which otherwise parallels the list delineating Judah‘s northern border. The negative character of both Achor‘s name and the Achan tradition allows Achor to function as a figure of eschatological change. According to Hos 2:17—Eng2:15, the Valley of Trouble will be made a
- 196. door of hope.Hosea‘s mention of Achor as a ―doorway‖ may be a reference to an old road which F. M. Cross (CMHE, 110) has identified as an ancient route from the Ḥajle Ford through El Buqê˓ah to Jerusalem. Isa 65:10 promises that the Valley of Sharon to the east and the Valley of Achor to the west will be given as rich pasture land to those who seek God. Noth (1955: 42–55) has identified the Valley (˓ēmeq) of Achor with present day El Buqê˓ah (―little valley‖), a small plain (approximately five miles long and up to two miles wide) in the northern Judean wilderness, between Hyrcania and Qumran. El Buqê˓ah is bounded on the north by the Wâd Dabr system, and on the south by Wâd en-Nár (the Kidron Valley). According to Noth, El Buqê˓ah is the only site in the area around Jericho which could properly be called an ˓ēmeq (that is, an arable, defensible depression, bordered by hills or mountains). Noth‘s identification has achieved near consensus among biblical scholars. Wolff (1954: 76–81) has presented the strongest alternative proposal. He locates the Valley of Achor in Wâd en-Nuwē˓ime, a valley one-half mile wide by one mile long situated north of Jericho, a location which fits both the Benjaminite context of Joshua 7 and the northern prophet Hosea‘s reference to Achor. However, Wâd en- Nuwē˓ime is too far into Benjaminite territory (perhaps near the Ephramite border) to be cited as a marker for the Judean-Benjaminite boundary. That the Valley of Achor is included in the Judean but not the Benjaminite description of their joint border suggests that it belonged to Judah. Joshua 7 (long recognized as independent from the account of the conquest of Ai in Joshua 8) would then be a Judean story which had been carried to Gilgal and incorporated into its Benjaminite legends. F. M. Cross and J. T. Milik‘s exploration of El Buqê˓ah (1956: 5–17) uncovered three Iron Age II settlements (Khirbet Abu Ṭabaq [M.R. 188127], Khirbet es Samrah [M.R. 187125], and Khirbet el Maqari [M.R. 186123]) which they have identified with the desert cities Middin, Secacah, and Nibshan (Josh 15:61–62). The proposal has been well received; however, in the absence of evidence directly linking the desert cities to the Valley of Achor, or the Iron Age ruins to the desert cities, the identification must be considered tentative. Bibliography Cross, F. M., and Milik, J. T. 1956. Explorations in the Judaean Buqê˓ah. BASOR 142: 5–17. Noth, M. 1955. Das Deutsche Evangelische Institut für Altertumswissenschaft des Heiligen Landes Lehrkursus 1954. ZDPV 75. Stager, L. E. 1974. El-Bouqê˓ah. RB 81: 94–96. ———. 1976. Farming in the Judean Desert. BASOR 221: 145–58. Wolff, H. W. 1954. Die Ebene Achor. ZDPV 70: 76–81. CAROLYN J. PRESSLER ACHSAH (PERSON) [Heb ˓aksâ (ה ָס ְכ ַף)]. The daughter of Caleb (1 Chr 2:49) and the wife of the Israelite judge Othniel (Josh 15:16–17 = Judg 1:12–13). For sacking the city Kiriath-sepher (Debir, see Josh 15:15 = Judg 1:11), Othniel received Achsah as a prize from Caleb. Subsequently, in addition to receiving territory in the Negeb, Achsah charmed Caleb into giving her the arable land known as the Upper and Lower Springs (Josh 15:13–19 = Judg 1:11–15; see Mosca 1984). Although the derivation of her name is uncertain, relating Achsah to those charming, seductive anklets that attracted attention in Isa 3:16–18 (Heb hā˓akās m) would certainly deepen our appreciation of the wordplays in these verses. While in this story Achsah is Caleb‘s daughter and Othniel is ―the son of Kenaz, the brother of Caleb‖ (Josh 15:17; cf. Judg 1:13; 3:9–11; 1 Chr 4:13), the genealogical relationship between Achsah and her spouse is not self-evident (see Webb 1987: 233, n. 25). Since the name ―Caleb‖ occurs as the son of both Jephunneh (see e.g., Numbers 13–14; Joshua 14–15; Judges 1; 1 Chr 4:15) and Hezron (1 Chronicles 2), but never occurs as the son of Kenaz (cf. 1 Chr. 4:15 where Caleb is the grandfather of Kenaz), therefore, contrary to the implication of Josh 15:17 = Judg 1:13, Achsah is not literally Othniel‘s niece. The relationship must be understood, rather, within the framework of how genealogies function in the Bible. According to Wilson (1977: 183), genealogies can be used to delineate social and political ties between two groups and, in particular, to incorporate marginally affiliated clans in a central tribe. Since the genealogies of Caleb and Othniel are related in this way to the tribe of Judah (Yeivin 1971: 13–14), it can
- 197. be inferred thatJoshua uses the term ―brother‖ to express that Caleb and Othniel belonged to a common group, which was assimilated into the tribe of Judah (Meyer 1906: 348–49; Johnson 1969: 6). Thus, the marriage of Achsah to Othniel would have functioned to strengthen the ties between the clans of Othniel and Caleb. Bibliography Johnson, M. D. 1969. The Purpose of Biblical Genealogies with Specific Reference to the Setting of the Genealogies of Jesus. SNTSMS 8. Cambridge, MA. Meyer, E. 1906. Die Israeliten und ihre Nachbarstämme. Halle. Mosca, P. 1984. Who Seduced Whom? A Note on Josh 15:18 // Judges 1:14. CBQ 46: 18–22. Webb, B. G. 1987. The Book of Judges: An Integrated Reading. JSOTSup 46. Sheffield. Wilson, R. R. 1977. Genealogy and History in the Biblical World. YNER 7. New Haven. Yeivin, S. 1971. The Israelite Conquest of Canaan. Uitgaven van het Nederlands Historisch-Archaeologisch Instituut te Istanbul 27. Istanbul. MARK J. FRETZ ACHSHAPH (PLACE) [Heb ˒akšāp (פ ָש ְכ ַא)]. An ancient Canaanite city-state. Its antiquity and importance are known from a few early records. The Egyptian Execration Texts (ca. 20th–18th century B.C.), lists Achshaph among 64 other place names. These were well-known city-states ruled by a king, so the fact that Achshaph was included in the list is indicative of its prominence. The Karnak List of Towns conquered by Thutmose III (15th century B.C.) refers to Achshaph as a city in the Plain of Jezreel and Acco, in the district of Gaza. The Tell el-Amarna Letters (ca. 14th century B.C.) state that the kings of Acco and Achshaph (spelled ˒akšapa) provided military assistance to the King of Jerusalem and Shuwardata (Gath). The Papyrus Anastasi 1 (13th century B.C.) indicates that a road from Megiddo reached the Plain of Acco close to Achshaph, although it spelled Achshaph with an ˓ayin instead of an ˒alep. Achshaph is mentioned in the Bible solely in the book of Joshua. It is one of the city-states that joined the coalition of the northern kings (Josh 11:1) to fight Joshua and the Israelites. Obviously, on being defeated, it became a part of Asher‘s territory (Josh 19:25). The reference to Achshaph in the book of Joshua is significant for two reasons. First, the tradition behind the book preserved a memory that Achshaph was a royal city in the N plain during the ancient times. Second, by mentioning a renowned ancient city the Deuteronomistic theologian illustrated that when the Israelites were obedient to the Lord, the cities of the northern coalition, the powerful Achshaph included, were defeated and their land given to Israel. The location of Achshaph remains uncertain. Some identify it with Tel Keisan, which is located 6 miles SE of Acco. Remains from the Bronze Age and early Iron Age were found there. See KEISAN, TELL. Another likely site is Khirbet el-Harbaj (M.R. 158240), which is situated at the S end of the plain of Acco. PAUL BENJAMIN ACHZIB (PLACE) [Heb ˒akz b (יבִז ְכ ַא)]. Var. CHEZIB. 1. A town allocated to the tribe of Judah (Josh 15:44). From the context of its placement among the other cities, it appears to have been in the Shephelah, probably at its juncture with the Judean hills. In Mic 1:14, it is mentioned among several towns on which the prophet presents various puns, playing upon the similarity of the sounds of the name of the town Achzib (Heb ˒akz b) with ―deceit‖ (Heb ˒akzāb). The town may be connected with the birth of Judah‘s son, Shelah, who was born to him by a Canaanite woman—the name of the city, CHEZIB (PLACE) (Heb kēz b), is an apparent variation of Achzib. While certain identification is not possible, Eusebius (Onomast. 172) identified the site with Chasbi, which is modern Tell el-Beida (M.R. 145116) near Adullam. 2. A tell on the Mediterranean coast (M.R. 159272) N of Acco. According to Josh 19:29, it was part of the territory of Asher, but they proved unsuccessful in expelling the Canaanites from the site (Judg 1:31). Excavations directed by M. W. Prausnitz in 1963–64 revealed that at the end of the MB I, a trench had been dug in the kurkar E of the tell which had transformed the Achzib peninsula into a Mediterranean port
- 198. and island city.The circumference was defended by earth walls, a glacis, and a fosse. Apparently sacked in the beginning of the LB (mid-16th century B.C.E.), Achzib was rebuilt, but was again laid waste at the end of the LB. From the Iron Age IB (11th century B.C.E.), the town expanded to its largest size during the 8th century (Iron Age II), when it was conquered by Sennacherib in 701 B.C.E. The rebuilt city, which is called Accipu in the Assyrian texts, flourished throughout the succeeding Persian period. The evidence from the storehouse excavations shows that it prospered until the beginning of the Roman period. Three squares excavated in the middle of the site attest to occupation by Byzantines, Crusaders, and Arabs. Numerous excavations have been conducted in the various cemeteries (Central, Eastern, Southern, and Northern) beginning in 1941 and spanning over forty years. The first excavations were directed by I. Ben- Dor and the remaining operations since 1944 have been directed by M. Prausnitz. While all the cemeteries have produced Iron Age materials, only the Southern and Central cemeteries have produced burials from the MB I–II. a. The Central Cemetery. Early Iron Age IB cist graves of the 12th–11th centuries B.C.E. have been excavated which contained one or two skeletons each. Characteristic grave goods were cylinder seals, bronze bowls, a bronze double axe, long-hafted lance heads, an ivory bowl with lion couchant, as well as numerous burnished bichrome pilgrim flasks and white-painted Cypriot bottles, all of which indicate a continuation of the LB Canaanite customs into the beginning of the Iron Age. b. The Eastern Cemetery. At the end of the Iron Age IB, underground burial chambers with shafts were hewn into the rock. Inside each of the burial chambers were found the skeletons of 300 to 400 individuals. These were family tombs identical with contemporary Israelite funereal practices and architecture. The family vaults were apparently in continuous use for 250–300 years. The pottery inside the tombs consisted of a great number of red-burnished, and red-polished jugs with trefoil rims, as well as red-polished jugs with mushroom rims—all typical ―Achzib‖ wares. Statistically the amount of early bichrome wares was minimal and pilgrim flasks were few and late. There was a range of proto Black-on- Red to Black-on-Red II/III wares dating from the end of the 11th to the 8th/7th centuries B.C.E. More than three fourths of all the pottery finds were jugs. c. The Southern Cemetery. A different range of contemporary ceramics of the Iron Age II was predominate in this cemetery. Bichrome, Black-on-White, and Black-on-Pink pilgrim flasks represented the overwhelming majority of pottery in the early phase of the burials. Some chambers were built, some hewn into the rock. A shaft or dromos led to the entrance. Paradoxically the ceilings of the rock-cut chambers had been quarried to be covered again by a built upper structure—a bamah with altar, maṣṣebah, and a special ceramic repertoire of votives. These family vaults contained 250–300 bodies buried over a period of about 300 years. The early, middle, and final phases of these chambers are dated by the ceramics, scarabs, and cylinder and stamp seals. The middle phase continued to use red-slipped flat pilgrim flasks reflecting the LB traditions. At this time (mid-9th century), however, white painted Cypriot wares disappear and were replaced by red- polished Achzib jugs with trefoil rims. There also appeared red-polished bowls and jugs with mushroom rims. This phase continued until the first third of the 7th century B.C.E. The final phase was highlighted by large storage jars used as ossuaries and receptacles for funeral gifts, which accompanied the deceased inside the family vault. To judge by seals and scarabs, the final phase ended in the beginning of the 6th century. The Southern cemetery was also a burial ground for shaft burials of the 6th century. The absence of Attic wares strongly suggests that by midcentury, this sacred ground with its Canaanite and Sidonian traditions was no longer in use. d. The Northern Cemetery. The areas excavated contained cremation urns and burials mainly of the Iron Age, Persian, and Hellenistic periods. Iron Age cremation urns had also been deposited in the sands of the peripheral regions of the Southern cemetery. Early cremation urns were large Sub-Mycenean kraters, White-Painted II–III geometric kraters, or Black-on-Red I–II wares belonging to the 10th–8th centuries B.C.E. Later cremation burials were made inside storage jars. Also significant was the custom of erecting a maṣṣebah immediately above the cremation urns or jars.
- 199. Cremation urns werealso found clustered around the foundations of a large pavement covered by lime and chalk plaster which had been frequently resurfaced. There was an area surrounded by a wall in which was an altar—this is believed to have been a bamah. The absence of scarabs or other funerary gifts with the urns near the bamah leaves only typological and stratigraphic criteria for determining its date, apparently 8th century B.C.E. The types of kraters and storage jars used in this cemetery and the stelae have close parallels with those found in the lower levels of the Precinct of Tanit at Carthage. The preference for kraters as cremation urns in association with the contemporary Achzib red-slipped jugs clearly points to the continuation of Syro-Hittite traditions at Achzib. Each of the cemeteries represents a separate cultural tradition—Late Canaanite-Sidonian, Israelite, and Syro-Hittite. Only after the 6th century B.C.E. did they become known as Phoenician. Bibliography Oren, E. D. 1975. The Pottery from the Achzib Defence System, Area D: 1963 and 1964 Seasons. IEJ 25: 211–25. Prausnitz, M. W. 1963. Notes and News. Achzib. IEJ 13: 337–38. ———. 1965. Notes and News. Tel Achzib. IEJ 15: 256–58. ———. 1975. The Planning of the Middle Bronze Age Town at Achzib and its Defences. IEJ 25: 202–10. M. W. PRAUSNITZ ACRABA (PLACE) [Gk Egrebēl (Ἐγπεβηλ)]. A town situated southeast of Dothan in the eastern hills of Samaria (Jdt 7:18). The Assyrian general Holofernes had the Edomites and Ammonites stationed in this area while his troops cut off the water supply to the Israelite town of Bethulia. However, the location of Acraba is uncertain, and given the genre of the book of Judith, the historicity of this campaign and the ―Assyrian‖ general is doubtful. Most scholars (see Moore Judith AB, 173) identify Acraba with Acrabeta (modern ˓Aqraba), located 40 km north-northeast of Jerusalem. Acraba may also be associated with the site AKRABATTENE (1 Macc 5:3), where Judas Maccabaeus defeated the Idumeans who were killing Jews in 164 B.C.E. (Goldstein 1 Maccabees 294). MARK J. FRETZ ACRE (PLACE). See ACCO (PLACE). ACROSTIC. A device employed in poetry whereby the initial letters or signs of each line, read downward, constitute a name, a sentence, or an alphabetic pattern. The earliest examples of name/sentence acrostics are Babylonian. Two can be dated to the reigns of Ashurbanipal and Nebuchadnezzar II respectively, since they mention those kings by name. The best- known Babylonian acrostic, the so-called Babylonian Theodicy, has been provisionally dated ca. 1000 B.C.E. (Lambert 1960: 67). The acrostic may spell out a name (e.g., ―God Nabu‖) or a sentence (e.g., in the Theodicy, ―I, Sag-gil-kinam-ubib, the incantation priest, am adorant of the god and the king‖). Six of the seven extant Babylonian acrostic poems (surveyed in Soll 1988: 305–11) are stanzaic. In all but one of the stanzaic acrostics, each line within the strophe begins with the same sign that began the strophe. This repeating stanzaic pattern is the typical pattern for the Babylonian acrostics. In the Babylonian writing system, one sign could represent more than one sound. Most of the acrostics make use of this polyphony of sign values. Thus, the most important consideration was a conceptual or visual one: the use of the same sign. Two of the prayers incorporate not only an acrostic, but also a telestic: the terminal letters of each line, read downward, also form a phrase. Name/sentence acrostics also occur in Greek literature. The Christian acrostic in the Sibylline Oracles 8.217–50 reads iēsous chreistos theou huios sōtēr stauros, which in turn utilizes the well-known Christian acrostic ichthys. The Hebrew Bible contains a number of alphabetic acrostics. The earliest biblical acrostics are probably the damaged acrostic in Psalms 9–10 and the partial acrostic (through kap) in Nahum 1; both are usually dated to the period of the Judaean monarchy. Many of the remaining biblical acrostics are probably either exilic or postexilic. Psalm 37 and Lamentations 1, 2, and 4 are stanzaic acrostics (see LAMENTATIONS); repeating stanzaic acrostics may be found in Lamentations 3 (3-line strophes) and Psalm 119 (8-line strophes). In Psalms 111 and 112, each individual colon (half of a normal line) begins with a consecutive alphabetic character. Psalms 25 and 34 both omit a waw line and add a pe line after
- 200. taw. This peline thus becomes the last letter of the acrostic and combines with ˒alep and lamed (the first and middle letters of the acrostic) to form the consonants of the first letter of the alphabet, ˒lp (Skehan 1971: 74). The remaining biblical acrostics are Psalm 145 and Proverbs 31: 10–31. There are also three psalms from Qumran (see Sanders 1965) which are alphabetic acrostics: the Hebrew text of Sirach 51: 13–30 (11QPsa Sirach, which also adds a pe line), the so-called Apostrophe to Zion (11QPsa Zion) and the partial acrostic (through pe) 11QPsa 155 (also known [Syriac] Psalm III). For a more detailed discussion of alphabetic acrostics in the biblical period, see Marcus (1947), Holm-Nielsen (1960), and Soll (1990, chap. 1). While acrostic poetry depends on knowledge of the art of writing and is therefore ―scribal‖ in the sense that all ancient written literature is scribal, the acrostic should not be seen as exclusively, or even primarily, wisdom literature. Included among the biblical alphabetic acrostics are hymns (e.g., Psalm 145), prayers (e.g., Psalm 25), and wisdom poems (e.g., Prov 31:10–31). This same distribution of genres is found in Babylonian name/sentence acrostics as well. While the biblical alphabetic acrostic is often considered to be a mnemonic device (e.g., Paul IDBSup, 600–1), this position is difficult to maintain in the light of parallel Babylonian acrostics, which no one supposes were written with a mnemonic end in view (for further discussion, see Soll 1988: 320–22). The use of the acrostic form is best understood by analogy with metrical or rhyme schemes as an aesthetic constraint. It provided ancient poets with stimulus, direction, and limit as they drew on their stock of divine epithets, lament motives, petitions, and other conventional features of religious poetry which could otherwise be piled on indefinitely. In the case of a name/sentence acrostic, the acrostic identifies the poem‘s author, the purpose of the composition, the one to whom it is addressed, or some combination of these. Although the poet began with the acrostic text as a matrix for the work, habit causes the reader to begin reading horizontally rather than vertically. Thus the impression of the finished product is the reverse of the process of composition: the poem gives the appearance of generating the acrostic, as if revealing a secret about itself. All Babylonian name/sentence acrostics had some way of alerting the reader to the presence of the acrostic pattern. The alphabetic framework is, by contrast, abstract; it does not say anything. Rather, it says everything, for the 22 letters of the alphabet can be used to make any combination of words. The alphabet is a ready metaphor for totality and completeness (Gottwald 1954: 23–32) and thus serves as an excellent frame for praising the qualities of God (Psalms 111 and Psalms 145), the just man (Psalm 112), or the capable woman (Prov 30:10–31). Even in poems not concerned with the enumeration of qualities, use of the alphabet evokes a sense of completeness without having to be comprehensive. The fact that the Semitic alphabet gave a much greater impression of organization than any of its adaptations to other languages and scripts (Driver 1976: 179–85) may also have led to its use as an ordering device for poetry. The alphabetic framework was a fixed sequence that did not have to be justified, but was simply there, ready to be built on. The only variation in this order is the inversion of the ˓ayin-pe sequence: pe precedes ˓ayin in Lamentations 2, 3, and 4; Psalm 10; and the LXX of Proverbs 31:10–31. The pe-˓ayin inversion occurs in some epigraphic abecedaries as well (Cross 1980: 9–13), so variation on this point in the acrostics was not a question of poetic license, but of adherence to different ordering conventions. The alphabetic sequence may have been understood as being complete numerically as well as linguistically, which would account for the 22-line poems in the Bible. This number of lines is clearly a deliberate choice in Lamentations 5, since the rest of the book consists of alphabetic acrostics. Psalms 33, Psalms 38, and Psalms 103 are also 22-line poems. Bibliography Cross, F. M. 1980. Newly Found Inscriptions in Old Canaanite and Early Phoenician Scripts. BASOR 238: 1–20. Driver, G. R. 1976. Semitic Writing. London. Freedman, D. N. 1972. Acrostics and Metrics in Hebrew Poetry. HTR 65: 367–92. Gottwald, N. K. 1954. Studies in the Book of Lamentations. SBT 14. Chicago. Holm-Nielsen, S. 1960. The Importance of Late Jewish Psalmody for the Understanding of the Old Testament Psalmodic Tradition. ST 14: 1–53.
- 201. Lambert, W. G.1960. Babylonian Wisdom Literature. Oxford. Marcus, R. 1947. Alphabetic Acrostics in the Hellenistic and Roman Periods. JNES 6: 109–15. Sanders, J. A. 1965. The Psalms Scroll of Qumran Cave 11. DJD 4. Oxford. Skehan, P. W. 1971. Studies in Israelite Poetry and Wisdom. CBQMS 1. Washington. Soll, W. 1988. Babylonian and Biblical Acrostics. Bib 68: 305–23. ———. 1990. Psalm 119: Matrix, Form and Setting. CBQMS 24. Washington, DC. WILL SOLL ACTS OF ANDREW. See ANDREW, ACTS OF. ACTS OF ANDREW AND MATTATHIAS. See ANDREW AND MATTATHIAS, ACTS OF. ACTS OF JOHN (BY PROCHORUS). See JOHN, ACTS OF (BY PROCHORUS). ACTS OF PAUL. See PAUL, ACTS OF. ACTS OF PETER. See PETER, ACTS OF. ACTS OF PETER AND PAUL. See PETER AND PAUL, ACTS OF. ACTS OF PETER AND THE TWELVE. See PETER AND THE TWELVE, ACTS OF. ACTS OF PHILIP. See PHILIP, ACTS OF. ACTS OF PILATE. See PILATE, ACTS OF. ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. See LUKE-ACTS, BOOK OF. ACTS OF THEKLA. See THEKLA, ACTS OF. ACTS OF THOMAS. See THOMAS, ACTS OF. ACTS, BOOK OF. See LUKE-ACTS, BOOK OF. ADADAH (PLACE) [Heb ˓ad˓ādâ (ה ָד ָף ְד ַף)]. A city situated in the Negeb region of Judah toward Edom (Josh 15:22). In the Bible this name occurs only as part of a list of Judah‘s territorial inheritance (Josh 15:20–63). According to most scholars (e.g., Boling and Wright Joshua AB, 379), the MT wĕ˓ad˓ādâ, ―and Adadah,‖ should be emended to read Heb w˓r˓rh, ―and Ararah‖ (cf. LXX variants arouēl, arouēr, as well as adada). Some scholars, therefore, identify Adadah with ˓Ar˓arah (modern Khirbet Aroer; see Alt 1934: 19; Keel and Küchler 1982: 337), a site located some 20 km southeast of Beer-sheba, to which David redistributed some of the spoils of the Amalekites (1 Sam 30:28; see McCarter 1 Samuel AB, 436). Alternatively, Kallai (KHG 351) suggests that if no evidence of an Iron Age settlement is yielded from ˓Ar˓arah, then Tell ˒Esdar, located 2 km farther north-northeast should be considered. Aharoni (LBHG, 117) suggests that the name was originally Heb *Aroer-˓Ar˓arah, ―˓Ar˓arah the ruin‖ (Heb ˓ărô˓ēr indicates ―a ruin‖ as does Arabic khirbet). Epigraphically, therefore, the name ―Adadah‖ may have resulted from a transmutation in the name ―˓Ar˓arah ‖of the Heb letter resh to daleth, since these letters are difficult to distinguish in script. Bibliography Alt, A. 1934. Das Institut im Jahre 1933. PJ 30: 5–31. Keel, O., and Küchler, M. 1982. Orte und Landschaften der Bibel, Ein Handbuch und Studienreiseführer zum Heiligen Land. Vol. 2. Göttingen and Zürich. MARK J. FRETZ ADAH (PERSON) [Heb ˓ādâ (ה ָד ָף)]. The name ―Adah‖ seems to have been common in the ancient Semitic world (compare Minaean ˓dt [?]; Thamudic ˓dh/˓dy; Safaitic ˓d˒/˓dy; Aramaic ˓dyh; Neo-Punic ˓dyt [?]; Syrian ˓addā/˓iddô; Samaritan ˓āda; Nabataean ˓dyw; and Arabic ˓addijj). It appears to be the shortened form of a personal name containing the element *˓dw/y, ―to decorate, embellish‖ (Weippert 1971: 250; Stamm 1980: 130) (e.g., Heb ˓ad ˒ēl, ˓adāyāh ( , ˒el˓ādâ, ˓ād n (ā˒ [?], and ˓iddô (˓ [?]; Sabaean/Safaitic/Ammonite [?] ˓d˒l; Libyanite ˓dwn [?]; Minaean/Safaitic ˓dyn [?]; and Gr Kosadou [gen. from qs˓d?]). Two women in the Hebrew Bible bear this name.
- 202. 1. The firstof Lamech‘s two wives, according to the genealogy in Gen 4:17–19. To her two sons, Jabal and Jubal, are attributed the life-style of the tentdweller and the herdsman, as well as the cultural achievement of musical performance. 2. The daughter of Elon the Hittite, and one of Esau‘s Canaanite wives (Gen 36:2). She was considered to be one of the Edomite tribal ancestresses alongside of Oholibamah and Basemath. Eliphaz, her only son and Esau‘s eldest, was born in Canaan (Gen 35:4, 10) and became the father of Teman, Omar, Zepho, Gatam, Kenaz, Amalek (and Korah?) (Gen 36:11–12), who are listed a few verses later as the ―tribal chiefs‖ (˒all p m) of Edom (vv 15–16). The three contradictory texts Gen 36:2–3, 26:34, and 28:9 are based on different traditions of P, hence the lack of harmony (Speiser Genesis AB, 279; Westermann Genesis 1–11 BK, 684). Bibliography Moritz, B. 1926. Edomitische Genealogien I. ZAW 44: 81–93. Stamm, J. J. 1980. Beiträge zur hebräischen und altorientalischen Namenkunde. OBO 30. Göttingen. Weippert, M. 1971. Edom. Studien und Materialien zur Geschichte der Edomiter auf Grund schriftlicher und archäologischer Quellen. Diss. Tübingen. ULRICH HÜBNER ADAIAH (PERSON) [Heb ˓ădāyâ (הָי ָד ֲף); ˓ădāyāh (הּוָי ָד ֲף)]. 1. A Levite of the clan of Gershom, son of Ethan, father of Zerah, and grandfather of Ethni (1 Chr 6:26–27—Eng6:41–42). His name occurs in the middle of a genealogical list whose purpose was to substantiate the Levitical pedigree of Asaph, one of the temple singers appointed by King David (1 Chr 6:16–17, 33—Eng6:31–32, 48). With some justification this Adaiah [˓ădāyâ] has been equated with Iddo [˓iddô] in 1 Chr 6:6—Eng6:21 (Schumacher IDB 1:42) but this identification is not absolutely certain. Although there are four names (Gershom, Jahath, Zimmah, Zerah) common to the two Gershomite Levitical lists involved (1 Chr 6:5–6—Eng6:20– 21; 1 Chr 6:24–28—Eng6:39–43), the pertinent inner patterns Zimmah-Joah-Iddo-Jeatherai and then Zimmah-Ethan-Adaiah-Zerah-Ethni illustrate equally the configuration of differences. It is also worth noting that Chronicles traces Asaph‘s lineage through Adaiah to Levi‘s son ―Gershom,‖ not the more traditional ―Gershon.‖ 2. A Benjaminite, one of the sons of Shimei (1 Chr 8:21). His name is found in a list of Benjamin‘s descendants who are distinguished as heads of families living in Jerusalem (1 Chr 8:28). This Shimei [Heb šim˓ ] is probably a textual corruption of the name SHEMA [Heb šema˓] mentioned ealier in 1 Chr 8:13. The complex 1 Chronicles 2–8 contains three epicenters: the lists of the tribe of Judah at the beginning, those of Levi in the middle, and those pertaining to the tribe of Benjamin at the end. This threefold arrangement reflected something of the territorial, social, and political realities of the postexilic period (see Weinberg 1981: 111–12). 3. The father of Maaseiah, who is seemingly listed as one of the ―commanders of hundreds‖ [śārê hammē˒ôt] that conspired with Jehoiada the priest to overthrow Queen Athaliah and install young Joash upon the Judean throne (2 Chr 23:1). According to 2 Kgs 11:4 these individuals were ―the captains of the Carites and of the guards.‖ By contrast, the Chronicler, true to his own ideology, apparently reports the plot as carried out exclusively by priestly and Levitical guards in order to avoid any hint of the desecration of the temple area by ―foreign mercenaries‖ (Myers 2 Chronicles AB, 131; Williamson Chronicles NCB, 315). On the connection of Levites with martial activities, see Spencer 1984: 270–71. Dillard, moreover, makes the intriguing observation that, whereas the first three occurrences of names (Azariah, Ishmael, Azariah) in 2 Chr 23:1 are introduced with the preposition le, the last two names (Maaseiah ben Adaiah, Elishaphat) are proceeded by the object marker ˒et before ―the commanders of hundreds.‖ While representative possibly of no more than a stylistic variation, this change in pattern may just as well indicate that for the Chronicler Maaseiah ben Adaiah was not intended to be included among the ―commanders of hundreds.‖ However, that the writer regarded the commanders as Levites seems to be implied in the activities envisioned in 1 Chr 23:6–7, 9 (see Dillard 2 Chronicles WBC, 177 n.1c, 180–81).
- 203. 4. The maternalgrandfather of King Josiah (2 Kgs 22:1). It is characteristic of the Deuteronomistic history to introduce Judean kings through a fixed scribal formula. Included in this formula is the name of each king‘s mother. Jedidah, Josiah‘s mother, is cited as the daughter of Adaiah of Bozkath. BOZKATH (Josh 15:39) appears to be a SW Judean village in the vicinity of Lachish (Tell ed-Duweir) and Eglon (Tell el-Ḥesi). 5. A Judahite, the son of Joiarib, and father of Hazaiah (Neh 11:5). He is mentioned as an ancestor of Maaseiah, one of the Judean family heads resident in Jerusalem after the return from exile. The parallel text in 1 Chr 9:5 (RSV) makes no reference to Adaiah ben Joiarib but speaks rather of ―the Shilonites: Asaiah [= Maaseiah?] the first-born, and his sons.‖ However, the presence of Judah‘s two sons Perez (Neh 11:4; 1 Chr 9:4) and Zerah (1 Chr 9:6) in these two otherwise synoptic lists suggests that the MT behind the RSV‘s ―the Shilonite/the Shilonites‖ [haššilōn /hašš lôn ] in Neh 9:5 and 1 Chr 9:5 might well be revocalized to read ―the Shelanite/the Shelanites‖ [haššēlān /haššēlān ] (see NEB), thus making this Adaiah actually a descendant of Judah through his third son Shelah (Gen 38:5; Num 26:20). 6. The son of Jeroham (1 Chr 9:12 = Neh 11:12) and one of the priests listed who returned from exile to live and work in Jerusalem. Adaiah and his brethren, heads of fathers‘ houses, are reported to have numbered 242 persons. A comparison of the two parallel verses cited reveals that Nehemiah 11 carries his ancestry back to the seventh generation, adding three additional names (Pelaliah, Amzi, Zechariah) to Adaiah‘s ancestry as given in 1 Chr 9:12. 7. A son of BANI (Ezra 10:29 = 1 Esdr 9:30) and 8. a son of BINNUI (Ezra 10:39), two individuals who had married foreign women and who were induced to put them away along with their children, in the time of Ezra (Ezra 10:44 = 1 Esdr 9:36). The double occurrence of the name ―Bani‖ in both Ezra 10:29 and 10:34 and the similar name ―Binnui‖ in Ezra 10:39 have given rise to a number of textual emendations. Not all is settled even with respect to the name ―Adaiah‖: thus 1 Esdr 9:30 reads iedaios for Adaiah in Ezra 10:29; accordingly, the text-critical apparatus of BHS suggests that the name ―Adaiah‖ here be amended to read either ye˓adya or yeda˓ya. For the second Adaiah named in Ezra 10:39, there is no corresponding name parallel whatsoever in 1 Esdr 9:34. There, in fact, Binnui has become a one of Bani‘s sons! Bibliography Kellerman, U. 1966. Die Listen in Nehemiah 11 eine Dokumentation aus den letzten Jahren des Reiches Judas? ZDPV 82: 209–27. Spencer, J. R. 1984. The Tasks of the Levites. ZAW 96: 267–71. Weinberg, J. P. 1981. Das Wesen und die funktionelle Bestimmung der Listen in 1 Chr 1–9. ZAW 93: 91–114. ROGER W. UITTI ADALIA (PERSON) [Heb ˒ădalyā (ֲָי ְל ַד ֲא)˒]. One of the ten sons of Haman (Esth 9:8). The names of Haman‘s sons appear within Esth 9:1–19, a passage long thought to be the denouement of the Esther story, although recent research has shown it to be independent of both the main story (Esth 1–8) and the two appendices; one on the origin of Purim (Esth 9:20–32), the other the praise of Mordecai (Esth 10:1–3) (Clines 1984: 39–49, 158–62). This passage resolves the question of what happened after king Ahasuerus granted the Jews permission to defend themselves against the attacks of hostile neighbors incited by Haman (Esth 8:11–12). In this narrative context the killing of Haman‘s male progeny is the reversal of his attempt to annihilate the Jews (Esth 3:9–15) (Berg 1979: 105ff.). The authenticity of the names of Haman‘s sons is a matter of dispute. There are variant lists of the names in the LXX, the A-Text (= LXX L?) and other ancient versions (see the lists in Moore Esther AB, xlii–xliii; Haupt 1907–8: 175). It has been suggested from this that the spelling of certain names in MT may be corrupt, the Greek versions perhaps preserving a more accurate spelling (Moore Esther AB, xliv). Against this, the attestation in Iranian onomastica of a few of the names in MT Esther and the likelihood that many of them can be given sensible Iranian etymologies has renewed confidence in the superiority of the MT orthography (Millard 1977; Zadok 1986). While this also counters the claim that the names are the product of the writer‘s imagination, the use of probable real names proves nothing about the veracity
- 204. of the story.Many of the names of Haman‘s sons are, however, otherwise unattested, perhaps reflecting our limited knowledge of Iranian onomastica. The current state of knowledge of Iranian dialects leaves the analysis of many of the names uncertain and the etymologies given are often conjectural. For the analysis of many of the names there is often no advancement on the classic studies of Oppert (1894: 35– 41), Justi (1895), Scheftelowitz (1901), and Bartholomae (1904). Their work on Iranian names in Esther is summarized by Paton (1908: 66–71). The most recent comprehensive survey of Iranian names is Hinz (1975), supplemented by Zadok (1986) on names in Esther. ˒ădalyā˒ (LXX barsa) has a number of proposed Old Iranian etymologies for which see Paton (Esther ICC, 70f.) and Gehman (1924: 327), but none are convincing. ˒ădalyā˒ may be related to the name ˒dlyn attested in a 6th century B.C.E. Aramaic text from Egypt (Bauer and Meissner 1936 line 16; TAD, 11–13), although this name also proves to be difficult to analyze (Grelot 1972: 500f.; Kornfeld 1978: 113 for Hurrian derivation). For an explanation of the LXX spelling, see Haupt (1907–8: 176). Bibliography Bartholomae, C. 1904. Altiranisches Wörterbuch. Strassburg. Bauer, H., and Freedman, D. N. 1936. Ein aramäische Pachtvertrag aus dem 7. Jahre Darius‘ I. Pp. 414–24 in Sitzungsberichte der Press. Akad. der Wiss., Philol.-hist. Kl. Berlin: Akademie der Wissenschaften. Berg, S. B. 1979. The Book of Esther: Motifs, Themes and Structure. SBLDS 44. Missoula, MT. Clines, D. J. A. 1984. The Esther Scroll. JSOTSup 30. Sheffield. Grelot, P. 1972. Documents araméens d‘Egypt. LAPO Paris. Haupt, P. 1907–8. Critical Notes on Esther. AJSL 24: 97–186. Repr., pp. 1–90 of Studies in the Book of Esther, ed C. A. Moore. New York, 1982. Hinz, W. 1975. Altiranisches Sprachgut der Nebenüberlieferungen. Wiesbaden. Kornfeld, W. 1978. Onomastica Aramaica aus Ägypten. Vienna. Justi, F. 1895. Iranisches Namenbuch. Marburg. Repr. Hildescheim, 1963. Millard, A. R. 1977. The Persian Names in the Book of Esther and the Reliability of the Hebrew Text. JBL 96: 481–88. Oppert, J. 1894. Problèmes Bibliques. Review des études juives 28: 32–59. Scheftelowitz, I. 1901. Arisches in Alten Testament. Vol. 1. Berlin. Zadok, R. 1986. Notes on Esther. ZAW 98: 105–10. PETER BEDFORD ADAM (PERSON) [Heb ˒ādām (ם ָד ָא)]. The Hebrew noun ˒ādām generally denotes ―human being,‖ ―humankind.‖ The term is also used of the male individual in the Gen 2:4b–3:24 creation narrative. A. Etymology and Use in the OT. The etymology of the word is uncertain. ˒ādām has often been associated with the root ˒dm ―red.‖ Evidence cited in support of this association is widespread. In Akkadian, adamu means ―blood, red garment,‖ and adamatu ―black blood.‖ In Aramaic, ˒ădām and other cognate terms refer to ―blood,‖ while in biblical Hebrew ˒ādōm means ―red‖ (adj.), and the verb ˒ādōm ―to be red.‖ The Ugaritic verb ˒adm appears in several places in connection with bodily cleansing and anointing, and is usually translated ―to rouge or redden.‖ It has been suggested that the use of ˒ādām for ―human‖ arises because of the reddish color of human skin. The play on words in Gen 2:7 and 3:19 between ˒ādām and ˒ădāmâ ―ground, earth,‖ has not been overlooked in the search for an etymology of the former. The name ˒ādām is given to the human creature believed to have come from the ˒ădāmâ. Of course, word plays in themselves do not necessarily indicate the etymology of a word. They could simply be used by writers or editors for literary effect. However, in this case the suggested etymological connection ought not to be ruled out. The Akkadian adamātu, ―dark red earth‖ (used as a dye), suggests that the Hebrew ˒ădāmâ could also be derived from the root ˒dm, ―to be red.‖ ˒ādām and ˒ădāmâ could have been derived from the same root separately or the latter could have given rise to the former because of the similarity of skin tone to the color of the soil itself. While we cannot draw any firm conclusions about the origins of biblical ˒ādām, we should note that the word has cognates in other Northwest Semitic languages. ˒dm appears in both Ugaritic and Phoenician as ―human being.‖ In the former, the high god El is called ˒ab ˒adm, ―the father of humankind.‖ The development of ˒dm for ―humankind‖ would seem to have been confined to the Northwest Semitic
- 205. domain since theAkkadian word for ―human being‖ is aw lum/am (ē lu. Thus, any etymological connection between ˒ādām and either ˒dm ―to be red,‖ or the root for ―ground, earth,‖ would appear to be a localized Northwest Semitic phenomenon. The cognates for the latter two words range across the whole Semitic family. B. ˒ādām in Genesis 1–11. ˒ādām is used widely throughout the OT for ―human-kind‖ or ―human being.‖ It also occurs as the proper name of the first of the forefathers of the human family in 1 Chr 1:1. This may also be the case in Job 31:33, Hos 6:7, and Deut 4:32. In Genesis 1–5 the situation is more complex. The use of ˒ādām in J is concentrated in the primeval history of Genesis 2–11. In Gen 2:4b–4:25, the term refers to a specific male being. Elsewhere in the primeval narrative, it refers to humankind in general, even in Gen 8:21, which recalls the curse of Gen 3:17–19. In the context of Genesis 2–11, the individuality of the figure ˒ādām in Gen 2:4b–3:24 must be seen as representative. No doubt the sources of the stories dictated in part the shape of the J narrative. ˒ādām usually appears with the definite article hā˒ādām (exceptions being 2:5, 2:20, and 3:17, the last two of which many scholars have amended). While the individuality of the ˒ādām figure in Gen 2:4b–3:24 is evident throughout the story, the restriction of ˒ādām to a male individual begins clearly only from 2:18. Thus the beginning of the story addresses the issue of human beings in general in the presence of Yahweh. The disobedience that follows is not to be blamed primarily on the woman in the garden, but is the responsibility of the whole human community, as the curses (3:14–19) reveal. In 4:1, 25, ˒ādām is clearly used as the proper name of the father of Cain, Abel, and Seth. After these verses, J again employs the term in its broader context. We should note that the Septuagint and Vulgate begin to translate hā˒ādām as a proper name in Genesis 2:19. In Gen 1:26–28, P uses ˒ādām collectively as male (zākār) and female (nĕqēbâ). A single couple is not indicated here. ˒ādām in its composite whole as male and female is the image of God. In Gen 5:3–5, however, P clearly understands ˒ādām as an individual, i.e., the father of Seth and other children. The writer even records Adam‘s age at death as 930 years. This transition in the P material cannot be properly understood apart from the intervening J narrative. Recent studies in the canonical shape of Genesis 1–11 (Childs IOTS, 148–50) have drawn attention to the interdependence of the J and P material and the theological import of their connection. Although Childs suggests that the J creation account plays a subsidiary role to that of P, he does point to the interconnection between creation (Genesis 1) and the history of humankind (Genesis 2). One should also note that, as the two chapters stand, they present a balanced picture of humanity. The creature made in the image of God, indeed invited into God‘s presence, is also the creature primarily responsible for the subsequent alienation and enmity within creation. The two sides of humanity presented in Ps 8:4–7 are seen in reverse order in Genesis 1–3. The closeness and yet enmity between humans and creation is highlighted by the play on words between ˒ādām either as ―human being‖ or the first male individual, and ˒ădāmâ ―ground, earth.‖ It is from ˒ădāmâ that ˒ādām is fashioned (Gen 2:7). The latter‘s task is to till the ground (2:6). When ˒ādām disobeys Yahweh, the ˒ădāmâ is cursed (3:17–19). This in turn causes hardship for ˒ādām. The end of ˒ādām is again to return to the ˒ădāmâ (parallel to ˓āpār ―dust‖). This wordplay continues through the flood story and is highlighted in 4:11–12 and 5:29. The link between ˒ādām and ˒ădāmâ in terms of sin and curse is only alleviated in 8:21–22. The dependence of fertility on human behavior, which remains wicked (8:21; 9:18–27; 11:1–9), is broken. While the wordplay between ˒ādām and ˒ădāmâ is unique to the biblical material, the notion that humans are in part formed from earth or clay was widespread in the ancient Near East. We find it in the Sumerian account of the creation of humans where Enki, in order to fashion servants for the gods, calls on Mammu to ―mix the heart of the clay that is over the abyss‖ (see Kramer 1961: 72–73). Likewise in the story of Atrahasis, Ea assists Mami, ―the mistress of all the gods,‖ in fashioning humans by pinching off pieces of clay (Tablet I. 189–260; see Lambert and Millard 1969: 56–61; cf. ANET, 99–100). C. ˒ādām in Intertestamental Literature. Little attention has been given to the ˒ādām figure of Genesis 1–5 elsewhere in the OT. There are, however, possible allusions to ˒ādām and the creation narrative in apocryphal literature (Sir 17:1; 49:16;
- 206. Tob 8:6; Wis2:23; 9:2; 10:1). Renewed interest in and speculation concerning ˒ādām is found in pseudepigraphal, rabbinic, and gnostic texts. The Greek text Apocalypse of Moses is the most familiar of these. It tells of the life of Adam and Eve outside paradise, the death of Abel, the birth of Seth, Adam‘s illness, and the journey of Eve and Seth to paradise in search of the oil of the Tree of Life which would cure Adam. Adam dies and his soul is taken into the presence of God by the Cherubim. Through the prayers of the angels, Adam is pardoned and taken back into the third heaven. While a good portion of this material overlaps with its Latin counterpart, The Life of Adam and Eve, the exact nature of the relationship between these two texts is difficult to determine (see OTP, 249–95 for a translation and discussion of both texts). See ADAM AND EVE, LIFE OF. Emphasis in the Apocalypse of Moses focuses on two matters: (1) the nature of sin and the present human condition and (2) the hope of resurrection. The sin of Adam and Eve is their deliberate disobedience of God‘s command (Apoc. Mos. 8:2; 10:2; 23:4, etc.). Eve is the one who initially succumbs to temptation and then dupes Adam into following her example (7:2–3; 9:2; 14:2; 21:1–6). Both lose the visible righteousness and glory of God which they had in the beginning (11:2; 20:1–2; 21:2). This sin brings hardship upon humanity. However, the image of God in which they were created is retained in their son Seth (10:13; 12:1), who is born according to the appointment of God (38:4). While Adam‘s death is a result of sin, it eventually provides an avenue to hope in resurrection. In his mercy God promises to pardon Adam and to raise him up to enjoy the benefits of paradise once again (28:4; 37:1–6; 41:3). This comes to fruition after his death. His former glory is restored (39:1–3) and the power of Satan is overcome, turning grief to joy. Just as others participate in the consequences of Adam‘s sin, so there is hope that the ―holy people,‖ those who adhere to the covenant, will share in his resurrection (13:3–5; 41:3). Speculation in various noncanonical works also focuses on the figure of Adam. Philo stresses Adam‘s perfection (Op 47:136–141), while various other works describe his honor and beauty above other living beings (e.g., Sir 49:16; Pesiq. Rab Kah 101). This beauty was lost with Adam‘s sin (Gen. Rab. 11:2; 12:6). A motif of rabbinic thought is the enormous size of Adam, whose body stretches across the cosmos (e.g., Gen. Rab. 8:1; 21:3; 24:2; Pirqe R. El. 11; ˒Abot R. Nat. B8, etc.). Other passages note Adam‘s great wisdom (Gen. Rab. 24:2; Pesiq. R. 115a). D. Adam in the New Testament. The most significant references to Adam in the NT are found in Rom 5:12–21 and 1 Cor 15:21–22, 45– 49. Here Paul develops his Adam-Christ typology (on the debated origin of this typology, see discussion in Cranfield Romans ICC, 269–95; Kasemann Romans HNT, 139–58; and Beker 1980). In Rom 5:12–21 Paul emphasizes the analogy between Adam, the one through whom sin and condemnation to death come into the world, and Christ, the one through whom life is offered to all. While this analogy presents Adam and Christ as those who shape the destiny of the world, the contrast is not to be ignored. The reign of grace and righteousness which comes through the second Adam confronts the reign of sin and death introduced through the first Adam and overcomes it. In 1 Cor 15:21–22, the emphasis of the typology focuses on Christ as the one through whom resurrection to life comes. This theme is carried through in vv 45–49. In resurrection, one has a spiritual body, like that of the heavenly Christ, in contrast to the physical body which all humanity has in common with the earthly Adam. Paul draws on Gen 2:7 (LXX) as support. Here Paul could well be using the type of exegesis Philo exhibits in his discussion of Genesis 1:27 and 2:7, wherein he contrasts the heavenly, archetypal person with the historic Adam, made from dust (Legum Allegoriae, i.31). However, Paul understands these figures not as types but as eschatological and historical figures respectively (1 Cor 15:47). Elsewhere in the NT, reference is made to Adam as the first generation of humanity (Jude 14 and Luke 3:38). In the latter text, he is foremost in the genealogy that leads to Jesus. In 1 Tim 2:13–14, the Eden story is used to justify the denial of teaching roles and positions of authority to women at that time. The writer stresses the prior creation of Adam, as well as the fact that Eve was the one deceived by the serpent. Adam is seen as completely innocent, while the woman in the story is labeled the transgressor.
- 207. Such a lineof argument is in keeping with early Jewish exegetical interpretations of Genesis 3 (e.g. Apoc. Mos. 15–21; Pirqe R. El. 1, 13). Bibliography Beker, J. C. 1980. Paul the Apostle: The Triumph of God in Life and Thought. Philadelphia. Kramer, S. N. 1961. Sumerian Mythology. Rev. ed. New York. Lambert, W. G., and Millard, A. R. 1969. Atrahasis: The Babylonian Story of the Flood. Oxford. Niditch, S. 1983. The Cosmic Adam: Man as Mediator in Rabbinic Literature. JJS 34: 137–46. Sharp, J. L. 1973. Second Adam in the Apocalypse of Moses. CBQ 35: 35–46. Wallace, H. N. 1985. The Eden Narrative. HSM 32. Atlanta. Westermann, C. 1984. Genesis 1–11. Trans. J. Scullion. London. HOWARD N. WALLACE ADAM (PLACE) [Heb ˒ādām (ם ָד ָא)]. A city located in the Transjordan N of the place where the Israelites crossed the Jordan into Palestine (Josh 3:14–17). According to the biblical account of the crossing, the waters of the Jordan ―rose up in a heap‖ at Adam (Josh 3:16). A strategic city, Adam was situated near the fords of the Jordan (Judg 7:24), S of the mouth of the Jabbok River and N of the mouth of wadi Far˓ah. At Adam, significant travel routes intersected (2 Sam 18:23; Hos 6:9), which made it easily accessible to Pharaoh Shishak individual (ca. 945–924 B.C.E.) of Egypt, who captured Adam while on a military campaign through Palestine (1 Kgs 14:25–28; 2 Chr 12:1–12; see Kitchen 1973: 438; Mazar 1986: 146). Most scholars have traditionally located this site at Tell ed-Dāmiyeh (modern Damiya; see Glueck 1951: 331; Boling and Wright Joshua AB, 169), where landslides have been known to dam up the Jordan (Aharoni LBHG, 34; Keel and Küchler 1982: 491; Noth Josua HAT, 37). The translation of the MT of Josh 3:16 reads, ―one heap arose a great distance from Adam, the city which is beside Zarethan,‖ and the written text (Heb bē˒ādām) differs from what is to be read (Heb mē˒ādām). The LXX rendering differs quite radically from the MT: ―forming a single heap over a very wide area, as far as the frontier of Kiryath-Jearim‖ (see Boling and Wright Joshua AB, 156). Whereas the MT identifies the location of the obstruction of the water in relation to Adam, the LXX expresses the expanse of the flooding in relation to Kiriath-Jearim. Thus, a single story about the extent of flooding is formulated from two different points of reference. The city of Adam may also refer to a sacred location in biblical poetry (see Mazar 1985: 17–18). Several verses of poetry which contain the Heb word ˒ādām, traditionally translated ―man,‖ could be clarified by translating it ― (the city) Adam.‖ Consequently, Ps 68:19–Eng 68:18 and Ps 78:60 could benefit from this proposal (Goitein 1947), as could Hos 6:7 (even though LXX hōs anthrōpos, ―as man,‖ supports the traditional rendering of ―man‖; see Andersen and Freedman Hosea AB, 439). Bibliography Glueck, N. 1951. Explorations in Eastern Palestine, IV. Pt. I: Text. AASOR 25–28. New Haven. Goitein, S. D. 1947. The City of Adam in the Book of Psalms? JPES 13: 86–88. Keel, O., and Küchler, M. 1982. Orte und Landschaften der Bibel, Ein Handbuch und Studienreiseführer zum Heiligen Land. Vol. 2. Göttingen and Zurich. Kitchen, K. A. 1973. The Third Intermediate Period in Egypt (1100–650 BC). Warminster, England. Mazar, B. 1985. Biblical Archaeology Today: The Historical Aspect. Pp. 16–20 in BibAT. Jerusalem. ———. 1986. The Early Biblical Period, Historical Studies, ed. S. Aḥituv and B. A. Levine. Jerusalem. MARK J. FRETZ ADAM AND EVE, LIFE OF. Among several related narrative elaborations of the biblical account of Adam and Eve, the most important are the Greek Apocalypse of Moses and the Latin Vita Adae et Evae. An Armenian recension was translated loosely from the Apocalypse of Moses, or possibly from the Syriac (Conybeare 1895: 216–35), at least by 1000 C.E., although more probably during the 5th or 6th centuries. A Slavonic recension, translated from the Greek between 950 and 1400 C.E., combines the Apocalypse of Moses and Vita 1–11. Other documents, while part of the Adam cycle of literature, have no direct literary relationship with the Apocalypse of Moses and Vita Adae et Evae: the Cave of Treasures, the Combat of Adam and Eve (Ethiopic), the Testament of Adam, and the Apocalypse of Adam from Nag Hammadi.
- 208. The Apocalypse ofMoses and Vita Adae et Evae, though sharing much material, also contain unique traditions: Ap. Mos. Vita 1. Adam and Eve search for food and repent by standing in the Jordan and Tigris rivers. —— 1–8 2. Satan, disguised as an angel, convinces Eve to curtail her penitence. —— 9–11 3. Satan explains his fall and consequent enmity toward Adam. —— 12–17 4. Eve escapes death and bears Cain by means of Adam‘s intercession. —— 18–22 5. Eve bears (Cain [Ap. Mos. 1:3]), Abel, Seth, et al. 1:1–5:1 23–24 6. Adam reveals to Seth his rapture to paradise to see God. —— 25–29 7. Adam, on his deathbed, sends Eve and Seth on an unsuccessful quest for the oil of mercy. 5:2–14:3 30–44 8. Eve exhorts her children to obey by recounting the temptation by Satan and expulsion from paradise. 15–30 —— 9. Adam dies. 31–32 45 10. Adam is pardoned. 33–37 46 11. Adam is buried. 38:1– 42:2 47–48 12. Eve commands her children to preserve her and Adam‘s life on tablets of stone and clay. —— 49:1– 50:2 13. Eve dies and is buried. 42:3– 43:4 50:3– 51:3 The redactors of the Apocalypse of Moses and Vita Adae et Evae shape their mutual (e.g., Apoc. Mos. 5:2–14:3 and Vita 30–44) and unique (e.g., Apoc. Mos. 15–30) traditions in different ways, as a comparison of three major characteristics of both stories will demonstrate. First, Satan is prominent in Apoc. Mos. 15–30, where he is responsible for the deception of the serpent, Eve, and Adam, yet his role is even more prominent in Vita Adae et Evae. Satan deceives Eve a second time (chaps. 9–11), then explains thoroughly why he maliciously pursues Adam (chaps. 12–17). According to Vita 37–39, a ―serpent‖ whom Seth recognizes as Satan, the ―cursed enemy of truth, (and) chaotic destroyer,‖ attacks him; in the parallel passage of Apoc. Mos. 10–12, only a rebellious ―wild beast‖ attacks Seth. Second, Eve is culpable for the first transgression in both accounts, but the redactor of Vita Adae et Evae, particularly in the unique material (chaps. 1–22), consciously denigrates Eve and exonerates Adam. Eve‘s unrealistic solution to hunger following explusion is to have Adam murder her, since she sinned, so that God may return him to paradise (chaps. 1–6); in contrast, Adam suggests sensibly that they repent. While the Jordan stops its flow and the entire animal world gathers around Adam when he repents, Eve succumbs again to Satan‘s deceit (chaps. 7–11). Subsequently, when she departs to die, Eve experiences birthpangs but receives no mercy, despite her desperate prayers, until Adam intercedes (chaps. 18–22). Third, God‘s mercy, a significant theme in both stories, is interpreted differently. One message of Vita Adae et Evae is that penitence, properly performed, evokes God‘s mercy. The editor presents details of Adam‘s penitence in the Jordan (chaps. 6–8) and adds similar details to Seth‘s prayer at paradise (chap. 40; cf. Apoc. Mos. 13:1) to provide the readers with models of penitence. Because Adam repented properly, he was pardoned during his lifetime (chap. 46). In contrast, the main theme of the Apocalypse of Moses is that mercy is accessible only following death. Adam faces death, uncertain that God will be merciful (chaps. 31–32). He dies and, after a lengthy and suspenseful account of angelic intercession, is pardoned (chaps. 33–37). Finally, he receives the promise of resurrection twice (39:1–3; 41:2–3).
- 209. The preceding examplesdemonstrate that the Apocalypse of Moses and Vita Adae et Evae are similar, but significantly different from each other. The relationship between them is difficult to determine. Meyer (1895: 205–8) regarded the Vita as the older document. Fuchs (1900: 508–9) and Wells (APOT 2: 128–9) regarded the Apocalypse of Moses as earlier. It is equally possible that the two narratives were composed independently on the basis of traditions which they had in common (e.g., Apoc. Mos. 31–32 and Vita 45). Many of the traditions underlying these texts were probably composed in Hebrew. However, the author of the Apocalypse of Moses was familiar with the LXX, and Vita Adae et Evae contains some Greek expressions (e.g., plasma, ―creature,‖ in 46:3), indicating that at least some of the original traditions may have been composed in Greek. There is little consensus, then, concerning the relationship of the Greek and Latin texts and the language of the traditions which preceded them other than that a diverse oral and literary history underlies these documents (Johnson OTP 2: 251). Both sets of traditions are clearly Jewish, exhibiting parallels with many Jewish documents (notes in Johnson OTP 2: 258–95). Although Apoc. Mos. and Vita contain no historical allusions, several of these parallels indicate that the traditions embodied in both fit well into the 1st and early 2d centuries C.E. Josephus‘ Ant 1.2.3 contains a reference to tablets of stone and clay which is similar to Vita 49:1–50:2. The apostle Paul refers to Satan‘s being disguised as an angel of light (2 Cor 11:14 and Vita 9, Ap. Mos. 17) and to the location of paradise in the third heaven (2 Cor 12:2–3 and Ap. Mos. 37:5). The most important parallels which suggest a late 1st or early 2d century provenance are those between the Apocalypse of Moses and 4 Ezra and 2 Baruch: (1) the combination of allusions to Gen 1:26–27 and 2:7, the image of God and the work of God‘s hands, to appeal for divine mercy (Apoc. Mos. 33–37 and 4 Ezra 8:44–45); (2) the loss of supramundane paradise (Ap. Mos. 27–29 and 2 Bar. 4:3–7); and (3) emphasis upon the effects of the initial transgression on future generations, yet insistence upon individual responsibility as the prerequisite to eschatological glory (Apoc. Mos. 14, 28, 30 and 4 Ezra 3:20–27; 4:26–32; 7:11–14; 7:116–31; 2 Bar. 17:1–18:2; 23:4–5; 48:42–47; 54:13–19). These parallels suggest that the traditions contained in these documents may belong to the 1st century C.E. The terminus ad quem for their composition is ca. 400 C.E., since several texts written shortly after that date, including the Armenian version, appear to depend upon them. No manuscripts date earlier than the 11th century for the Apocalypse of Moses and the 9th century for Vita Adae et Evae. See Johnson OTP 2: 249–95, and Wells APOT 2: 123–54 for text. Bibliography Bertrand, D. A. 1987. La Vie grecque d‘Adam et ‘Eve. Recherches Intertestamentaires 1. Paris. Conybeare, F. C. 1895. On the Apocalypse of Moses. JQR 7: 216–35. Fuchs, C. 1900. Das Leben Adams und Evas. Pp. 506–28 in Die Apokryphen und Pseudepigraphen des Alten Testaments, vol. 2, ed. E. Kautzsch. Tübingen. Jagíc, V. 1893. Slavische Beiträge zu den biblischen Apokryphen. Denkschriften der philosophisch-historische Klasse der kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften 42: 1–104. Kabisch, R. 1905. Die Entstehungszeit der Apokalypse Mose. ZNW 6: 109–34. Levison, J. R. 1988. Portraits of Adam in Early Judaism: From Sirach to 2 Baruch. JSPSUP 1. Sheffield. ———. 1989. The Exoneration of Eve in the Apocalypse of Moses 15–30. JSJ 20: 135–50. Meyer, W. 1878. Vita Adae et Evae. Abhandlungen der philosophisch-philologischen Klasse der königlich bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften 14/3: 187–250. Nagel, M. 1972. La Vie grecque d‘Adam et d‘Eve. Diss. Strasbourg. Nickelsburg, G. W. E. 1981. Some Related Traditions in the Apocalypse of Adam, the Books of Adam and Eve, and 1 Enoch. Pp. 515–39 in The Rediscovery of Gnosticism, vol. 2, ed. B. Layton. Studies in the History of Religions 41. Leiden. Tischendorf, C. von. 1866. Apocalypses Apocryphae. Leipzig. Repr. Hildesheim, 1966. JOHN R. LEVISON ADAM, APOCALYPSE OF (NHC V,5). A Jewish-gnostic document found in the Nag Hammadi Library, a collection of papyrus manuscripts discovered in Upper Egypt in 1946. The Apocalypse of Adam (Apoc. Adam) purports to be a revelatory discourse that Adam delivered to his son Seth which was preserved for Seth‘s posterity. It is not to be identified with any previously known Adam text. Epiphanius (Pan. 26.8.1) mentions that the ―gnostics‖ used ―apocalypses of Adam,‖ but little is known of them. A. Setting.
- 210. Apoc. Adam isthe fifth and final tractate in NHC V. Apoc. Adam is immediately preceded in NHC V by three other tractates bearing the title ―apocalypse‖: an apocalypse of Paul and two apocalypses of James. The first tractate in NHC V is not an apocalypse but a highly fragmentary copy of Eugnostos, of which another copy is preserved in Codex III. The inclusion of four apocalypses in one book is unusual in the Nag Hammadi Library and does seem to be the result of a deliberate scribal collection. B. Text. The manuscript is preserved in the Coptic Museum in Old Cairo (codex inventory number 10548). The tops and bottoms of its 21 inscribed papyrus pages are all lacking text in varying degrees. Pages 69–70 are completely lacking all vestiges of first and last lines, while pages 67 (the verso, p. 68, is uninscribed), 71– 72, and 77 are each lacking one to four lines at the bottom of the page. As to its date and provenance, one cannot be certain. It was written in Greek sometime after the appearance of the Septuagint (250–200 B.C.E.), and then translated into Coptic (Sahidic dialect) sometime before the middle of the 4th century C.E., when the books of the Nag Hammadi Library were manufactured. It has been dated in its present form as early as the end of the 1st century C.E. Since its present form is thought to be the result of editorial redaction, the various component parts could perhaps be even earlier. C. Character and Contents. The narrative is cast as a revelatory discourse delivered by Adam to his son Seth ―in the 700th year‖; that is, just prior to Adam‘s death (cf. Gen 5:3–5 LXX). This feature suggests that the text is to be understood as the ―last testament‖ of Adam, and to be associated with other testamentary literature in antiquity, such as the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs. The selection of Seth as the son to receive the revelation, and the identification of Seth‘s namesake as ―that man who is the seed of the great generation‖ (NHC 65,6–9; cf. Gen 5:3), also associates the text with other Sethian literature in antiquity. It has been described as an original writing of the gnostic sect of the Sethians (Turner 1986). Unlike other gnostic writings, Adam describes his original androgynous ―creation‖ in highly positive language (NHC 64,6–12). His ―fall‖ is portrayed as a lapse into ignorance that is brought about by separation into male and female entities (NHC 64,20–28; cf. Gen 2:21–23), rather than by an act of disobedience to God‘s command not to eat of the tree ―of the knowledge of good and evil,‖ as it is reported in the Jewish biblical tradition (Gen 2:15–17; 3:1–19). Three unnamed heavenly figures then appear to Adam and their revelation to him becomes the subject of Adam‘s last testament to Seth (NHC 67,14–21). Adam describes to Seth the origin of a special race of men, and their struggle against God, The Almighty (Gk pantocrator), or Sakla, who is portrayed as the creator god of the Jewish biblical tradition. Three attempts are made by the Almighty to destroy this race of men who possess the knowledge of the ―eternal God‖ (NHC 68,10–16), which Adam also possessed in his primordial state (NHC 64,6–14). Two of these attempts to destroy this special race of ―Sethians‖ (cf. NHC 65,6–9), that of flood (NHC 69,1–16—the Noah story) and fire (NHC 75,9–16—the Sodom/Gomorrah story) are well known in Jewish biblical tradition, but are here given new interpretations. For example, the biblical flood narrative is explained as the attempt of a wicked creator to destroy the pure race of men who possess special knowledge of the eternal God, rather than as the judgment of a righteous God upon the wickedness of humankind (cf. Gen. 6:1–7). A third threat is lost in lacunas (NHC 71,8–72,1), but may be assumed because of a clear account of a third deliverance (NHC 72,1–15). At the conclusion of these three attempts of the Almighty to destroy the great race, Adam describes the descent of a heavenly figure, the Illuminator of Knowledge. The sudden appearance of this heavenly figure shakes the cosmos of the Almighty, disturbing his heavenly court, i.e., his powers and angels. The Illuminator comes to ―redeem‖ the souls of the seed of Noah ―from the day of death‖ and to leave for himself ―fruit-bearing trees‖ (NHC 76,8–17). He performs ―signs and wonders‖ (NHC 77,1–3). And as the man on whom ―the holy spirit has come,‖ he ―suffers in his flesh,‖ (NHC 77,16–18), yet the god of the powers and his hosts do not see the Illuminator or his glory (NHC 77,7–15).
- 211. Perplexed by theseevents, the ―angels and all the generations of the powers‖ in confusion ask about the source of the disturbance (NHC 77,18–27). The narrative continues with thirteen erroneous explanations for the Illuminator‘s origin made by ―kingdoms,‖ followed by the correct explanation of the ―kingless generation‖ (NHC 82,19–83,7). The narrative then reports an apocalyptic scene, reminiscent of Matthew 25, in which those who oppose the Illuminator fall under the condemnation of death, while those who receive his knowledge ―live forever‖ (NHC 83,8–29). The document concludes with a description of competing baptismal traditions, and a statement that the ―words of revelation‖ are not to be inscribed in a book but rather ―on a high mountain, upon a rock of truth‖ (NHC 85,1–18). The struggle between the Almighty and the special race of men who possess knowledge of the ―eternal God‖ is cast in the form of a gnostic midrash on the biblical story in which elements of the story (NHC 67,22–69,10; 70,3–71,4; 72,15–17; 73,25–27) are followed by a gnostic interpretation (NHC 69,18–70,2; 71,8–72,15; 72,18–73,24; 73,27–76,7) that sets out a Sethian explanation for the events in the story. The author never quotes the biblical passages directly, however, but draws on material that has already been influenced by Jewish exegetical traditions. The thirteen erroneous kingdom explanations (NHC 77,27–82,19) for the Illuminator‘s origin are cast in highly structured prose with a recurring refrain. For example: The twelfth kingdom says about him: ―He came from two illuminators. He was nourished there. He received glory and power. And in this way he came to the water.‖ The third kingdom says about him: ―He came from a virgin womb. He was cast out of his city —he and his mother—and was taken to a desolate place. He was nourished there and received glory and power. And in this way he came to the water.‖ Each of the thirteen kingdoms offers an explanation for the Illuminator‘s origin followed by statements of nourishing (except numbers 5, 7, 10, and 13), receiving power and glory (except number 11), and the concluding refrain: ―And in this way he came to the water.‖ It is generally agreed that the explanations of the Illuminator‘s origin constitute traditional material that was later incorporated into the present document (Hedrick 1980: 130–54). It has also been argued (Hedrick 1980) that the document breaks down into two sections that appear to be two separate sources harmonized by an ancient editor with appropriate redactional comments at the point of the literary seams. One source (NHC 64,1–65,23; 66,12–67,12; 67,22–76,7; 83,7–84,3; 85,19–22) stands near the border separating Jewish apocalypticism and gnosticism. The general character of its gnosticism and its extensive use of Jewish traditions suggest that this source reflects a type of emerging Jewish gnosticism. The second source (NHC 65,24–66,12; 67,12–67,21; 76,8–83,7) contains few overt references to Jewish traditions, but reflects a developed gnostic mythology. The two sources were brought together in a group that argued for a spiritualized understanding of baptism and an ascetic life-style. The polemic against baptism (NHC 84,4–85,18; 85,22–31) at the end of the tractate is not directed against Christian baptism but reflects competing views of baptism within rival gnostic communities. The theory that the text breaks down neatly into two sources has been criticized, but it seems clear that the text as it now appears has been subjected to redaction (Pearson 1986). D. Significance. The text documents the existence of a type of heterodox Jewish gnosticism. It is ―Jewish‖ in its knowledge and use of Jewish traditions, but in its intention the document is radically anti-Jewish since it constitutes a thoroughgoing Sethian-gnostic transversion of usual Jewish traditions. There are some
- 212. general parallels tothe Christian tradition, but the document has no features that are necessarily Christian and it makes no use of New Testament texts. The redeemer-illuminator mythology in the document does not appear to have been derived from Christian groups or texts. Rather, the author draws instead (MacRae 1965) upon pre-Christian Jewish traditions of the persecution and subsequent exaltation of the righteous man as reflected, for example, in Wisdom 1–6 and Isaiah 52–53. Apoc. Adam reflects a type of non- Christian Jewish gnosticism prossessing a fully developed redeemer myth that did not pass through the Christian kerygma, but rather appears to be an independent parallel development. Bibliography Beltz, W. 1970. Die Adam-Apokalypse aus Codex V von Nag Hammadi. Dr. Theol. diss. Berlin. Böhlig, A. 1968. Jüdisches und iranisches in der Adamapokalypse des Codex V von Nag Hammadi. Pp. 149–61 in Mysterion und Wahrheit. AGJU 6; Leiden. Böhlig, A., and Labib, P., eds. 1963. Koptisch-gnostische Apokalypsen aus Codex V von Nag Hammadi im koptischen Museum zu Alt-Kairo. Halle-Wittenberg. Hedrick, C. W. 1980. The Apocalypse of Adam: A Literary and Source Analysis. SBLDS 46. Chico, CA. Hedrick, C. W., and Hodgson, R., Jr., eds. 1986. Nag Hammadi, Gnosticism, and Early Christianity. Peabody, MA. Kasser, R. 1967. Bibliothèque gnostique V: Apocalypse d‘Adam. RTP: 316–33. Krause, M. 1972–74. The Apocalypse of Adam. Vol. 2, pp. 13–23 in Gnosis: A Selection of Gnostic Texts, ed. W. Foerster; trans. and ed. R. McL. Wilson. 2 vols. Oxford. MacRae, G. 1965. The Coptic Gnostic Apocalypse of Adam. HeyJ 6: 27–35. ———. 1979. The Apocalypse of Adam. Pp. 151–95 in Nag Hammadi Codices V, 2–5 and VI with Papyrus Berolinensis 8502, 1 and 4, ed. D. M. Parrott. Leiden. ———. 1983. Apocalypse of Adam. OTP 1: 707–19. Morard, F. 1985. L‘Apocalypse d‘Adam (NH V,5 : Texte établi et présenté. BCNH, Section Textes 15. Quebec. Pearson, B. 1986. The Problem of ―Jewish Gnostic‖ Literature. Pp. 15–35 in Hedrick and Hodgson 1986. Perkins, P. 1977. Apocalypse of Adam: The Genre and Function of a Gnostic Apocalypse. CBQ 39: 382–95. ———. 1972. Apocalyptic Schematization in the Apocalypse of Adam and the Gospel of the Egyptians. SBLSP 2: 591–95. Robinson, J. M., ed. 1975. The Facsimile Edition of the Nag Hammadi Codices: Codex V. Leiden. Rudolph, L. 1969. Gnosis und Gnostizismus, ein Forschungsbericht. TRu 34: 160–69. Schottroff, L. 1969. Animae naturaliter salvandae: Zum Problem der himmlischen Herkunft des Gnostikers. Pp. 65–97 in Christentum und Gnosis, ed. W. Eltester. BZNW 37. Berlin. Stroumsa, G. 1984. Another Seed: Studies in Gnostic Mythology. NHS 24. Leiden. Troger, K.-W., ed. 1972. Gnosis und Neues Testament. Berlin. Turner, J. 1986. Sethian Gnosticism: A Literary History. Pp. 55–86 in Hedrick and Hodgson 1986. CHARLES W. HEDRICK ADAM, THE TESTAMENT OF. Because of erroneous identification by 19th-century scholars, the Testament of Adam has only recently been classified as one of the pseudepigrapha of the OT. A composite document, the Testament is made up of three originally independent sections referred to as the Horarium, which is a catalog of the hours of the day and night, the Prophecy in which Adam foretells the future of the world, and the Hierarchy, which explains the names and functions of the different ranks of angels. In the Horarium (chaps. 1 and 2), father Adam is represented as revealing to his son Seth what parts of the created order, both natural and supernatural, render their praises to God at each hour of the day or night: demons at the first hour of the night, doves at the second, fish and fire at the third, etc. In the second section, the Prophecy (chap. 3), Seth relates to the reader in Adam‘s own words what his father had prophesied just before his death concerning the future of the world. This is primarily an ex eventu prophecy of the coming of Jesus Christ and of the events of his life, death, and resurrection (as recorded in the NT), but the Prophecy also describes the Flood and the end of the world and answers questions about the Fall and related events. For example, we are informed that the forbidden fruit was really the fig, and that Cain actually killed Abel out of passion for Lebuda, one of their sisters. Seth also describes Adam‘s funeral in some detail. The most striking doctrinal feature of the Testament, the promised deification of Adam, is found in this section. Here Adam explains that it had been his wish and God‘s intention to make Adam a god, but that because of the Fall, the promised apotheosis had to be postponed until after the saving mission of Jesus Christ, at which time its occurrence was certain. The third section of the Testament, the Hierarchy (chap. 4), lists the nine different kinds of angels and explains the role and function of each in the administration of the cosmos. For example, according to the
- 213. Hierarchy the archonscontrol the weather; the authorities take care of the sun, moon, and stars; and the powers keep the demons from destroying the whole of creation. The nine classes of angels are in ascending order: angels, archangels, archons, authorities, powers, dominions, thrones, seraphim, and cherubim. Although versions of the Horarium and Prophecy sections of the Testament have been found in Greek, Arabic, Ethiopic, Old Georgian, and Armenian, Syriac has been demonstrated to be the original language of the document in all three of its sections. Evidence for this are the puns and wordplays in the text that work only in Syriac. Also, the manuscript evidence for the Syriac text is considerably older than that for any other version, the earliest being British Museum MS Add 14,624, which dates from the 9th century. Corruptions in the Greek version have proved to result from mistaking one Syriac word for another, therefore demonstrating that the Greek is dependent upon the Syriac. The Arabic, Old Georgian, and Armenian versions did not appear until after a Syriac version was well established and well attested, and must therefore be secondary to it. The Ethiopic version is dependent upon the Arabic. It is likely that the first section of the Testament, the Horarium, is taken from Jewish traditions which circulated before the 3d century C.E., since it completely lacks the Christian elements which are so prominent in the Prophecy and Hierarchy and since it displays several affinities with the Wisdom literature of the OT. This Jewish material appears to have been joined together with the Prophecy by a Christian redactor in the 2d or 3d century to form the present Testament of Adam. The Prophecy itself, though heavily Christianized, preserves some Jewish traditions about Adam and Eve found in other Jewish literature but not in the OT, among them the idea that Adam left to his posterity an esoteric understanding of creation and a knowledge of the future history of the world. But in the present document, the substance of Adam‘s legacy has been turned by the redactor into a Christian proof text. Subsequently, perhaps between the 3d and 5th century, the Hierarchy was added to the Prophecy and Horarium, because its angelology complemented theirs, though the addition never really caught on, being found in only one Syriac MS. Bibliography Robinson, S. E. 1982. The Testament of Adam: An Examination of Syriac and Greek Traditions. Chico, CA. ———. 1983. The Testament of Adam. Pp. 989–95 in OTP 1. STEPHEN E. ROBINSON ADAMAH (PLACE) [Heb ˒ădāmâ (ה ָמ ָד ֲא)]. A fortified city within Naphtali‘s territorial boundaries, the exact location of which is unknown (Josh 19:36; LXX variants also reflect the uncertainty). Adamah is not to be identified with Adam in the Transjordon (Josh 3:16), nor with Adami-neqeb (Josh 19:33; see Boling and Wright Joshua AB, 459). Aharoni (LBHG, 429) suggests a location 7 km W of the Sea of Galilee associated with Shemesh-adam (modern Qarn-ḥaṭ-ṭin). Rogerson (RNAB, 129) associates this same site with Madon (Josh 11:1; 12:19), and suggests that an unidentified location 7 km N of Capernaum may also be the location of biblical Adamah. MARK J. FRETZ ADAMI-NEKEB (PLACE) [Heb ˒adām neqeb (ב ֶרֶיֲנ ִמ ָד ַא)]. After the conquest described in Joshua 6–12, the Transjordan tribes of Reuben, Gad, and half of Manasseh returned to the E bank of the Jordan River. The W bank proper was then divided among the remaining tribes. Several major tribal units were settled and Joshua cast lots (18:10) for the remaining seven. The sixth portion went to the tribe of Naphtali (Josh 19:32–39). The S border of Naphtali (and part of the N border of Issachar) ran from Heleph to the Jordan River where it comes out of the Sea of Galilee. Simons (GTTOT 194) says this is not a border but just a list of cities. Aharoni (LBHG 259) suggests the border ran just S of the line of Wadi Fajjas/Fegas. Kallai (HGB 235) considers it a border. RSV refers to the boundary while the Jerusalem Bible refers to the territory of Naphtali. One of the border sites, v 33, is Adami-nekeb. Wright (WHAB 42) shows Adami-nekeb within the SW corner of Naphtali‘s territory, near its W boundary with Zebulun (which is Zebulun‘s E boundary). Verses 35–38 list Naphtali‘s fortified cities but
- 214. these are notthe boundary cities, except that v 36 includes Adamah. It is not impossible this is Adami- nekeb. However, Adamah is in sequence with Chinereth and Hazor, which suggests it is in the N (Na˓aman 1986: 134). Adami-nekeb is described as a city or town between the Sea of Galilee and Mt. Tabor. Adam means ―man‖ (BDB, 10) or ―ground,‖ and Nekeb means ―pierce‖ (BDB, 666), and hence a ―pass‖ that pierces the mountain. It has also been translated ―red pass,‖ since ˒dm means ―red,‖ perhaps a reference to the terra rossa, the ―red soil‖ common to the land. Yet a third translation is ―fortified hollow.‖ The KJV translates it as two names, following the LXX which has two names, with various spelling. The Jerusalem Bible translates one name but spells it Adami-negeb. The Vulgate has ―Adami which is Neceb.‖ Aharoni (LBHG, 126–27) quotes the Jerusalem Talmud (Meg. 1, 77a) where Rabbi Yosi refers to Adami—Damin, the Nekeb—Saydatha. ―Damin‖ is an Aramaic intermediate form between biblical Adami and Arabic Damiyeh. The Palestine Exploration Survey maps locate Adamah at Khirbet Damiyeh, 7 m NW of the exit of the Jordan from the Sea of Galilee and Adami at Khirbet Adamah, 5–6 m S of the exit. However, Boling (Joshua AB, 458; GTTOT 196) et al. place Adami at Damiyeh. Gehman (NWDS 16) suggests that Adami of the narrow pass is called this to distinguish it from Adam of the ford, Josh 3:16. Khirbet Damiyeh is a Bronze Age and Iron Age site 5 m SW of Tiberias, on the W side of Sea of Galilee. It is above the Wadi Mu‘allaqah, which flows into the Wadi Fegas (HGB, 235). The site called Darb el-Hawarnah was probably a fortress controlling the pass on the caravan route from Damascus by way of Hauran or Bashan, around the S end of Galilee to the plain of Acco. It was a major alternate route to the Via Maris (LBHG, 61). The conquest lists of Thutmose III (1504–1450 B.C.) include a site, no. 57 at Karnak, called nkbu which may be Nekeb or Negeb (GTTOT 196; GP 398; ANET 242). However, Aharoni (LBHG 161, 183) identifies no. 57 as Tell Abu Hureireh, possibly biblical Gerar, while identifying no. 36, Adumim with Adami-nekeb, Kh. et-Tell, above Kh. ed-Damiyeh (he seems to identify the two tells, LBHG 429). While noting several authors who share this identification, S. Ahituve, identifies Thutmose‘s no. 36 with Tel Qarnei Hittin, the Horns of Hattin (quoted by Na˒aman 1986: 128 n.23). Aharoni identifies Adamim in Papyrus Anastasi I, an Egyptian letter of the scribe Hori, as Adami-nekeb (ANET 477). Kallai (HGB 235, n.287) explains the et-Tell and Damiyeh distinction by noting there are three ruins on Damiyeh. Kh. et- Tell is the highest of these at the top of the slope. Simons (GTTOT 196; NWDB 659) suggests that if Nekeb is a separate place, it may be Kh. el-Bassum (Bronze Age), SE of Kh. ed-Damiyeh, E of Kefr Sabt. Some identify Nekeb by its Talmudic name with a ruin called Seiyadeh, but Kh. Sayadeh is a late ruin (Roman) with no ancient tell nearby. Aharoni thought it probable that ―the Nekeb‖ is not an ancient name but an appellative to Adami. Kallai (HGB 235, n.287) acknowledges Roland de Vaux‘s discovery of a settlement south of the Wadi Mu˒allaqah, opposite Damiyeh, with remains of the same Bronze and Iron Ages as Damiyeh. De Vaux assumed the double settlements reflect the double name but this has not been accepted by others. Van Beek (IDB 1: 45) cautions Adami-nekeb is not ˒Udm of the Keret Epic from Ugarit (GP 238), nor Amarna Letter no. 256, Udumu, a city in the land of Garu which was hostile to the Pharoah (ANET 486). These may be identified with Edom (Albright 1943: 14). It is of interest that all these names may be interpreted as ―red‖ stone, object, thing, etc. The plural ―Adummim‖ means ―red stones,‖ as in the red-streaked limestone cited earlier. Bibliography Albright, W. F. 1943. Two Little Understood Amarna Letters from the Middle Jordan Valley. BASOR 89: 7–17. Beecher, W. J. 1976. Adami-nekeb. ISBE I: 54. Kalland, E. S. 1975. Adami-nekeb. Vol. 1, pp. 58 in The Zondervan Pictorial Encyclopedia of the Bible, 5 vols., ed. M. C. Tenney and S. Barabas. Grand Rapids. Na˒aman, N. 1986. Borders and Districts in Biblical Historiography. Jerusalem. HENRY O. THOMPSON
- 215. ADAR [Heb ˒ădār(ש ָד ֲא)]. The twelfth month of the Hebrew calendar, roughly corresponding to February and March. See CALENDARS (HEBREW). ADASA (PLACE) [Gk Adasa (Ἀδαςα)]. The town where Judas Maccabeus and his military band camped and subsequently defeated the Syrian general Nicanor and his troops (1 Macc 7:40–45). Josephus‘ account of this story locates Adasa 30 stades (ca. 4 km) from Beth-horon (Ant 12.10.5; see also his reference to the town Acedasa, in the province of Gophna, JW 1.1.6). Some scholars identify Adasa with modern Khirbet ˓Adaseh, a militarily strategic site located midway between Jerusalem and Beth- horon, ca. 8 km (60 stades) SE of Beth-horon, rather than the 30 stades recorded by Josephus (Abel GP, 238; Goldstein 1 Maccabees AB, 341). Adasa has also been identified with the ˒Adasa northeast of Beth- horon in the province of Gophna, which was known to Eusebius (HJP² 1: 170). MARK J. FRETZ ADBEEL (PERSON) [Heb ˒adbĕ˒ēl (ל ֵא ְב ְד ַא)]. The third of Ishmael‘s twelve sons (Gen 25:13 = 1 Chr 1:29). The LXX, however, transposing the letters beta and delta, spells the name nabdeēl (Gen 25:13) or nabdaiēl (1 Chr 1:29) in these parallel lists, and adds ragouēl kai nabdeēl ―Ragouel (or Reuel) and Nabdeel‖ to the list of Dedan‘s sons in Gen 25:3. But the Lucianic version of 1 Chr 1:29 reads Gk abdiēl, and Josephus spells the name abdeēlos in his list of Ishmael‘s descendants (Ant 1.12.4). This rather consistent metathesis of the letters beta and delta in the Gk texts suggests that the difference in spelling is not simply a scribal error. Based on the LXX use of an initial N, Albright (1956: 13–14) suggests that Nadab is a hypocoristic doublet of Heb ˒adbĕ˒ēl, and identifies Nadab with the Arabic name Idiba˒il. Other scholars identify Adbeel with the Arabian tribal and personal name Idiba˒ilu, which appears in the inscriptions of Tiglath-Pileser III (ANET, 283; Eph˓al 1982: 215–16; Montgomery 1934: 45; Musil 1926: 291). Tiglath-Pileser III (744–727 B.C.E.) first subjugated this northwest Arabian tribe, then appointed Idibi˒lu to the wardenship of the Egyptian border. Bibliography Albright, W. F. 1956. The Biblical Tribe of Massa‘ and Some Congeners. Vol. 1, pp. 1–14 in Studi Orientalistici in Onore di Giorgio Levi della vida. Rome. Eph˓al, I. 1982. The Ancient Arabs. Jerusalem and Leiden. Montgomery, J. A. 1934. Arabia and the Bible. Philadelphia. Musil, A. 1926. The Northern Ḥeǧâz. American Geographical Society Oriental Explorations and Studies 1. New York. MARK J. FRETZ ADDAN (PERSON) [Gk Charaathalan (Χαπααθαλαν), Charaathalar (Χαπααθαλαπ)]. A leader of the exiles, who returned to Palestine from Tel-melah and Telharsha in Babylon (1 Esdr 5:36). The RSV form ―Addan‖ is derived from the difficult LXX phrase, rendered by codex Vaticanus hēgoumenos autōn charaathalan kai allar , ―their leaders (were) Charaathalan and Allar‖ (codex Alexandrinus spells the names charaathalar and alar). Bewer (1922: 30) argues that Gk charaathalan should be two words (charaath and alan), and that Gk alan resulted from a confusion in the transmission of Gk adan, since the triangular form of uppercase Gk lambda closely resembles the ―tee pee‖ form of uppercase Gk delta. He bases this suggestion on the place name ―Addan,‖ attested in Ezra 2:59 and Neh 7:61. See ADDAN (PLACE). The occurrence of Addan as a personal name is unique to the list of returnees in 1 Esdras 5. Bibliography Bewer, J. A. 1922. Der Text des Buches Ezra. Göttingen. MARK J. FRETZ ADDAN (PLACE) [Heb ˒addān (ן ָֹּד ַא)]. Var. ADDON. A place in Babylon from which a group of Jews of undocumented ancestry returned to Palestine (Ezra 2:59 [LXX ēdan] = Neh 7:61 [Heb ˒addôn; LXX ērōn]). The location of this site is unknown. MARK J. FRETZ
- 216. ADDAR (PERSON) [Heb˒addār (ש ָֹּד ַא)]. The first son of Bela and grandson of Benjamin (1 Chr 8:3). The name ―Addar‖ appears only in this portion of an extended genealogy (1 Chronicles 7–8) listing Benjamin‘s descendants. Parallel genealogies list ―Ard‖ as either a son of Bela (Num 26:40), or a son of Benjamin (Gen 46:21); however, the list of Benjamin‘s descendants in 1 Chronicles 7 has neither name. See ARD. Albright (1939: 179–80), noting the similarity of the Hebrew letters dalet, kap, and reš (cf. Josh 16:2, 5; 18:13), argues that the names ―Addar‖ and ―Ard‖ are actually corrupted forms of the (unattested) Hebrew clan name *erek ―Erech‖ (cf. the gentilic ˒ark ―Archite‖). See ARCHITE. Bibliography Albright, W. F. 1939. Review of GP. Vol. 2. JBL 58: 177–87. MARK J. FRETZ ADDAR (PLACE) [Heb ˒addār (ש ָֹּד ַא)]. A border town in the southern Negeb region of Judah, near Hezron and Karka (Josh 15:3). The name ―Addar‖ occurs as part of a lengthy list of Israelite tribal boundary sites (Joshua 15–17). The precise location of Addar is unknown. The name may be synonymous with Hazar-addar (cf. Num 34:4; see Noth 1935: 188), or possibly a parenthetical comment regarding the location of the border of Judah, e.g., ―It went around Hezron (more specifically, it went up to Addar)‖ (see Boling and Wright Joshua AB, 365). Bibliography Noth, M. 1935. Studien zu den historisch-geographischen Dokumenten des Josuabuches. ZDPV 58: 185–255 = ABLA 1: 229– 80. MARK J. FRETZ ADDAX. See ZOOLOGY. ADDI (PERSON) [Gk Addi (Ἀδδι)]. 1. The patronym of a clan of Israelite laypersons who returned from Babylonian exile (1 Esdr 9:31). Members of the clan of Addi were listed (after the sons of Bani) with those who married foreign women from ―the people of the land,‖ and who, under Ezra, were subsequently forced by covenant to separate themselves from these foreign wives and their children (cf. Neh 13:23–31). The name ―Addi‖ does not appear in Ezra‘s parallel list (Ezra 10:18–44), although there the name ―ADNA‖ does appear right after the listing of the sons of Bani (Ezra 10:30). 2. The son of Cosam and father of Melchi in Luke‘s geneaology of Joseph, the husband of Mary (Luke 3:28). The name ―Addi‖ is absent in Matthew‘s parallel genealogy (Matt 1:1–17). Kuhn (1923: 214) finds an analogue in the MT name pĕdāyâ (2 Kgs 23:36), which the LXX renders edeil. The LXX apparently presupposes Heb ˓dyl, ―ADIEL‖ (1 Chr 4:36; 9:12; 27:25), a variant of which combines Heb ˓dy [Gk addi] and an alternate theophoric ending (Heb yh) resulting in ―ADAIAH.‖ Given the unpredictable occurrence of Gk addi as a variant in manuscripts of four unrelated passages (Num 26:25—Eng26:16, RSV ―Iddo‖; 1 Chr 6:21, RSV ―Eri‖; 2 Chr 28:12, RSV ―Hadlai‖; 1 Esdr 9:31, RSV ―Addi‖), and the tenuous nature of identifying a specific individual simply on the basis of a particular form of a name, the Addi in Luke 3:28 must remain anonymous. Bibliography Kuhn, G. 1923. Die Geschlechtsregister Jesu bei Lukas und Matthäus, nach ihrer Herkunft untersucht. ZNW 22: 206–28. MARK J. FRETZ ADDITIONS TO DANIEL. See DANIEL, ADDITIONS TO. ADDITIONS TO ESTHER. See ESTHER, ADDITIONS TO. ADDITIONS TO JEREMIAH. See JEREMIAH, ADDITIONS TO. ADDON (PLACE) [Heb ˒āddôn (ֹּדון ָא)]. See ADDAN (PLACE). ADDUS (PERSON) [Gk Addous (Ἀδδοτρ)]. The name of one of the 17 families descended from Solomon‘s servants that returned to Jerusalem from Babylon (1 Esdr 5:34). The name ―Addus‖ occurs only in that portion of the list providing names not attested in parallel lists (Myers 1 & 2 Esdras AB, 68).
- 217. Those parallels insteadlist 10 families (Ezra 2:55–58 = Neh 7:57–60; LXX Neh 7:60 cites 11 families). Also, the summary in 1 Esdr 5:35 (and its LXX parallels in Ezra 2 and Nehemiah 7) numbers only 372 total ―temple ministrants‖ and servants, while the MT parallels number 392 (Ezra 2:58; Neh 7:60). MARK J. FRETZ ADER, KHIRBET (M.R. 222068). A site in ancient Moab on the Transjordanian Plateau. It is located on the ―King‘s Highway‖—one of the major caravan routes in antiquity—some 7 km NE of the modern city of Kerak, Jordan. The ancient site comprises a large tell of about 10 acres and, separated by a small wadi, a much smaller mound. The modern village of Ader now occupies the site. A. History of Exploration. The site‘s best-known feature is its four menhirs (large upright monoliths), noted as early as 1806 by J. Seetzen and later by J. L. Burckhardt and A. Musil. W. F. Albright (1924; 1934) and N. Glueck (1933) investigated the architectural remains at the site and, by a study of the pottery, concluded that its main periods of occupation were the late EB, the Iron Age, and the Late Roman Period. In 1933, W. F. Albright and R. G. Head directed a two-week expedition, accounts of which were only published in preliminary fashion (Albright 1934; 1944). R. L. Cleveland (1960) later published the results of the original expedition. B. The Early Iron Age Remains. Khirbet Ader is most frequently referred to as one of a half-dozen or so excavated settlement sites found in the EB IV period, ca. 2400–2000 B.C. Given the growing evidence for a significant level of sedentism (small towns and villages) in Transjordan, it is now clear that this period was not the ―nomadic interlude‖ as envisioned by K. Kenyon (Richard 1980). Both the 10-acre ―city,‖ as Albright describes it, and the small tell to the N were occupied in the EB IV; apparently only a portion of the main site was occupied during the Iron Age and Roman Period. Almost 3 m of EB IV occupational debris attest to a permanently occupied agricultural settlement. Good arable land surrounds the site and nearby streams provide a permanent source of water. On the small tell, a trench measuring 10 m × 4 m revealed three occupational levels (A–C) with pottery that Albright compared with Tell Beit Mirsim strata I–J. Although the pottery appears mixed, clear stratification was present, consisting of the corner of a rectangular house in the latest level (A), a mudbrick wall, and much mudbrick debris and ash in level B, and an enigmatic level C that contained early pottery, particularly wavy ledge handles. A study of the pottery plates (Cleveland 1960) shows that the three phases exemplify the degenerate red-slipped and burnished pottery with rilled exterior that is characteristic of the end of the EB. On the basis of comparisons with other EB IV sites (Iktanu, Khirbet Iskander, ˓Aro˓er, Bâb edh- Dhrâ˓), one can date Ader to the early part of the EB IV period (i.e., EB IVA–B). Ader‘s two clear architectural phases compare well with these sites, where two to four phases have been identified. A typical EB IV shaft tomb was also excavated on the small mound. Originally four menhirs were noted at the site, one of which rested upon a step in the portico of a temple. Near the temple lay a massive stone slab with two round depressions, obviously an altar for offerings. Unfortunately this building, which was to be excavated fully in 1933, had been almost totally destroyed in the interim since Albright‘s first visit. From Albright‘s description and a published, though hypothetical, plan (Cleveland 1960: fig. 8), the temple appeared to be of tripartite design with the center room slightly offset. If Albright‘s observations are correct, this temple would be the earliest example of a type known during the MB and LB from Syria-Palestine at such sites as Shechem, Ebla, Alalakh, and Hazor. Although Albright originally referred to the structure as the ―Moabite Temple,‖ he later placed it in the Canaanite Period. Given the apparent sole discovery of EB IV sherds and occupation on the small tell, as well as the associated menhir, it is highly likely that the building belongs in the EB IV period. Large menhirs (some 4 meters high) like those at Ader are also known from other EB sites (e.g., Bâb edh-Dhrâ˓, Khirbet Iskander, and Lejjun). In light of a recently excavated EB IV sanctuary at Bâb edh-Dhrâ˓ and the monumental EB IV architecture (fortifications and gateway) at Khirbet Iskander, it would not be
- 218. impossible that sucha temple could date to the EB IV. On the basis of excavations in Jordan over the past 15 years, it is becoming increasingly clear that the EB IV was a period of urban regression, and not a nomadic interlude. Moreover, the strong continuities now apparent between the EB III and the EB IV suggest that the collapse of the city-state system at the end of EB III and the subsequent adaptation to nonurban subsistence strategies (small towns, villages, and pastoralism) were a result of gradual internal processes, not nomadic invasions as earlier scholarship presupposed (Richard 1986). C. Iron Age and Roman Remains. On the main tell, excavation uncovered occupation of the Iron Age II and the Roman/Byzantine periods, although earlier EB IV occupation was noted. Only fragments of walls and associated Iron Age II pottery represent the Iron Age occupation on the mound. More substantial remains of the Roman/Byzantine period were found. The city wall was constructed in the Late Roman period (2d–3d centuries A.D.). Excavation showed that a tower on the N city wall, well built with a front wall of ashlars, dated to the Late Roman Period, but had been repaired in the Byzantine period. The domestic occupation uncovered within the city wall consisted of several walls comprising a fairly well-preserved room with a great deal of Roman (3d century) pottery. Below the floor of this room there was discovered a cist burial, in which some Nabatean sherds were also found. Interestingly, among the rubble within the room the excavators found a stone with a Hebrew inscription, thought to date from the Byzantine period. Bibliography Albright, W. F. 1924. The Archaeological Results of an Expedition to Moab and the Dead Sea. BASOR 14: 1–12. ———. 1934. Soundings at Ader, a Bronze Age City of Moab. BASOR 53: 13–18. Albright, W. F.; Kelso, J. L.; and Palin, T. J. 1944. Early Bronze Pottery from Bâb ed-Drâ˓ in Moab. BASOR 95: 3–13. Cleveland, R. L. 1960. The Excavation of the Conway High Place (Petra) and Soundings at Khirbet Ader. AASOR 34–35. Cambridge, MA. Glueck, N. 1934. Explorations in Eastern Palestine. AASOR 14: 3, 45–47. Philadelphia. Mallon, A. 1924. Voyage d‘exploration au sud-est de la Mer Morte. Bib 5: 413–455. Richard, S. 1980. Toward a Consensus of Opinion on the End of the Early Bronze Age in Palestine-Transjordan. BASOR 247: 4–37. ———. 1986. The Early Bronze Age: The Rise and Collapse of Urbanism. BA 50: 22–43. SUZANNE RICHARD ADIDA (PLACE) [Gk Adida (Ἀδιδα)]. Mentioned in 1 Macc 12:38 and 13:13 as a Judean town fortified and occupied by Simon, the second brother of Judah the Maccabee. Adida is probably the biblical Harim of Ezra 2:32 (Heb ḥārim; Gk arōth) and which occurs in Neh 7:37 as Hadid (Heb ḥādid; Gk adid). Ezra and Nehemiah list Harim/Hadid along with Lod and Ono in whose vicinity Adida lay. Josephus describes Adida as located on a hill overlooking the plains of Judea (Ant 13.6.5 §203). Abel (1926: 218, 511 and GP 2: 340) considers Josephus‘ description of a hill as an exaggeration but deems Adida to be the modern ˒el-Ḥaditheh located 6 km NE of Lod (M.R. 145152). Bibliography Abel, F.–M. 1926. ―Topographie des campagnes machabéennes,‖ RB 35: 206–22 and 510–33. MICHAEL E. HARDWICK ADIEL (PERSON) [Heb ˓ăd ˒ēl (ל ֵיא ִד ֲף)]. 1. A Simeonite prince who, during Hezekiah‘s reign, was involved in Simeonite expansion to Gedor in search of pasture lands (1 Chr 4:36). His name appears in a list of Simeon‘s descendants (1 Chr 4:24–43) preserved within an extended genealogy of Israel (1 Chronicles 2–8). 2. The father of the priest Maasai, an exile who returned from Babylon to live in Jerusalem (1 Chr 9:12). In a parallel list of priests who lived in Jerusalem under Nehemiah (Neh 11:10–14), the name ―Adiel‖ is replaced with Azarel (LXX variants include esdriēl, ezriēl). A possible connection between the names ―Adiel‖ and ―ADDI‖ must be rejected as being too tenuous. 3. The father of Azmaveth, the administrator in charge of the ―treasuries‖ of King David, presumably in Jerusalem (1 Chr 27:25; see Rudolf Chronikbücher HAT 180). This name occurs in a list of stewards of crown property (1 Chr 27:25–31).
- 219. MARK J. FRETZ ADIN(PERSON) [Heb ˓ād n (ין ִד ָף)]. The father of a clan of returnees who settled in the area of Jerusalem during the reign of the Persian ruler Artaxerexes (Ezra 2:15; 8:6; Neh 7:20; 1 Esdr 5:14 [where LXX renders the name variously as adeiliou and adinou]). While this leader‘s name occurs as a patronym in parallel lists of returnees (Ezra 2 = Nehemiah 7 = 1 Esdras 5), his descendants were variously numbered as 454 (Ezra 2:15 = 1 Esdr 5:14) or 655 (Neh 7:20; Codex Alexandrinus reads 654, as do variant readings of Ezra 2:15 and 1 Esdr 5:14; see Allrick 1954: 22). As a prince under Nehemiah, Adin set his seal to the covenant made with the Lord (Neh 10:17—Eng10:16). Bibliography Allrik, H. L. 1954. The Lists of Zerubbabel (Nehemiah 7 and Ezra 2) and the Hebrew Numeral Notation. BASOR 136: 21–27. MARK J. FRETZ ADINA (PERSON) [Heb ˓ăd nā˒ (אָינ ִד ֲף)]. The son of Shiza and leader of a band of Reubenites associated with King David‘s chief military men (1 Chr 11:42). This group of Reubenite warriors reinforced David‘s armies, perhaps during his wars in the Transjordan (Mazar 1986: 102). The Chronicler‘s expansion (1 Chr 11:41b–47) of the parallel lists of David‘s military elite (1 Chr 11:10–41a = 2 Sam 23:8–39) includes Adina and 15 other men from the Transjordan. There is general agreement that these verses were not part of the original list, and Williamson (1 & 2 Chronicles NCBC, 104) and others (Mazar 1986: 101–2; Rudolf Chronikbücher HAT, 101) have argued convincingly that the Chronicler or a later redactor did not fabricate these names. Bibliography Mazar, B. 1986. The Military Élite of King David. Pp. 83–103 in The Early Biblical Period: Historical Studies, ed. S. Aḥituv, and B. Levine. Jerusalem. MARK J. FRETZ ADITHAIM (PLACE) [Heb ˓ăd tayim (םִי ַית ִד ֲף)]. One of 14 towns grouped together in the Shephelah (foothills) of Judah (Josh 15:36). The name ―Adithaim‖ occurs only here and the location is unknown. Abel (GP 2: 238; see also RAB, 148) suggests modern el-Ḥad theh, a site 4 km NNW of Yâlō, based on a comparison with Egyptian kdtm (no. 25 of the Shishak list); however, others dispute this and prefer to leave the location unspecified (Albright 1939; Noth ABLA 2: 78). Bibliography Albright, W. F. 1939. Review of GP. JBL 58: 177–87. MARK J. FRETZ ADLAI (PERSON) [Heb ˓adlay (י ַל ְד ַף)]. Father of Shaphat, the official in charge of King David‘s herds in the valleys (1 Chr 27:29). Adlai is unknown outside this list of stewards of crown property (1 Chr 27:25–31). MARK J. FRETZ ADMAH (PLACE) [Heb ˒admâ (ה ָמ ְד ַא)]. One of the ―cities of the plain‖ associated by biblical tradition with Sodom and Gomorrah (Gen 14:2, 8). Admah is mentioned (along with Sodom, Gomorrah, and Zeboiim) among the points marking the Canaanite‘s southern border (Gen 10:19). Shinab, King of Admah, was one of the five allies (along with the kings of Sodom, Gomorrah, Zeboiim, and Zoar) who were defeated by Chedorlaomer and his three confederates in the Battle of the Valley of Siddim (Gen 14:2, 8) (see also CHEDORLAOMER). While Admah is not specifically mentioned in the account of the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah (Gen 19:24–28), the tradition that it was also destroyed as judgment for its sin is attested twice. Like Sodom and Gomorrah, Admah and Zeboiim function as proverbial symbols of divine judgment. The fate of all four cities is held out as a warning to Israel not to disobey the
- 220. covenant (Deut 29:22—Eng29:23).Hosea 11:8 also recalls the divine overthrow of Admah and Zeboiim (cf. Wis 10:6). The historicity of Admah‘s association with Sodom and Gomorrah is uncertain. Several scholars cite the greater number of references to Sodom and Gomorrah as evidence that Admah and Zeboiim are secondary additions to a core tradition. Admah and Zeboiim are, however, consistently associated with Sodom and Gomorrah within the written biblical tradition. The site of Admah is uncertain. Simons (1959: 222–29) and others locate the cities of the plain in the SE corner of the Jordan Valley, to the N of the Dead Sea. Albright (1924: 8), tentatively identifying Admah with Adamah (Josh 3:16), also suggests that Admah and Zeboiim were located in the Jordan Valley, although he situates Sodom and Gomorrah under the shallow S bay of the Dead Sea. The Early Bronze Age ruins of Bab edh-Dra˓, Numeira, Feifeh, Khanazir, and Es-Safi, on the SE edge of the Dead Sea, have been hailed as the cities of the plain (van Hattem, 1981: 87–92). However, the archaeological evidence is inconclusive. See also SODOM, ZEBOIIM. Bibliography Albright, W. F. 1924. The Expedition of Xenia Theological Seminary and the American Schools. BASOR 14: 1–12. Harland, J. P. 1942. Sodom and Gomorrah. BA 5: 17–32. Hattem, W. C. van 1981. Once Again: Sodom and Gomorrah. BA 44: 87–92. Simons, J. 1959. The Geographical and Topographical Texts of the Old Testament. Leiden. CAROLYN J. PRESSLER ADMATHA (PERSON) [Heb ˒admātā˒ (א ָת ָמ ְד ַא)]. One of seven wise princes who counseled King Ahasuerus concerning matters of the law and judgment (Esth 1:14; cf. Ezra 7:14). Since the historicity of the book of Esther is uncertain, the identification of the characters cannot be verified. The name ―Admatha‖ is absent in the LXX, which seems to have suffered corruption in this verse since it lists only three names (Gk arkesaios, sarsathaios, and malēsear). MARK J. FRETZ ADMIN (PERSON) [Gk Admin (Ἀδμιν)]. The son of Arni and father of Aminadab (Luke 3:33) in Luke‘s genealogy of Joseph, the husband of Mary (Luke 3:23–38). Matthew‘s parallel genealogy (Matt 1:1–17), replaces Luke‘s name sequence of Hezron—Arni—Admin—Aminadab with the sequence Hezron—Aram—Aminadab. According to the LXX, this Aram is Aminadab‘s father in Ruth 4:19 (MT reads rām; LXX variants include aram and arran), and in 1 Chr 2:9–10 (MT reads rām; LXX lists ram and aram). Luke‘s passage (3:33) contains a number of variant spellings of the name (e.g., admin, aram, and admi), attesting to the problems encountered by the copyists in attempting to establish the identity of Admin (Brown 1979: 60). Bibliography Brown, R. E. 1979. The Birth of the Messiah. Garden City. MARK J. FRETZ ADNA (PERSON) [Heb ˓adnā˒ (אָנ ְד ַף)]. 1. A descendant of Pahathmoab and one of a number of returning exiles who married foreign women (Ezra 10:30). Under Ezra, Adna was subsequently forced by covenant to separate himself from his foreign wife and her children (Ezra 10:1–44 = 1 Esdr 8:88–9:36; see also Neh 13:23–31). LXX variants include aidaine, idane, and edne, and the apparent parallel in 1 Esdr 9:31 lists addi (see ADDI). 2. Head of the priestly family of Harim in the days of the high priest Joiakim (Neh 12:15). Adna may have been a contemporary of Adna no. 1 above, since the name of his father, ―HARIM,‖ also appears in connection with the issue of foreign wives (see especially Ezra 10:21; Neh 3:11); his priestly lineage, however (Neh 12:12–21), sets this Adna apart from the descendent of Pahathmoab. MARK J. FRETZ
- 221. ADNAH (PERSON) [Heb˓adnaḥ (ח ַנ ְד ַף); ˓adnâ (ה ָנ ְד ַף)]. 1. One of seven military leaders from the tribe of Manasseh who defected from King Saul‘s troops to serve David (1 Chr 12:21—Eng12:20) prior to the confrontation with the Philistines in which Saul died (1 Samuel 31). The wary Philistines did not permit David to enter into this battle (1 Samuel 29), and before David could return to Ziklag, Amalekites had raided the town; so Adnah (Heb ˓adnaḥ), and the others were in a position to assist David against these raiders (1 Chr 12:21; see also 1 Samuel 30). 2. One of King Jehoshaphat‘s chief military officials who commanded an army of 300,000 soldiers in Judah (2 Chr 17:14). In the Bible his name (Heb ˓adnâ) occurs in a large list of commanding officers who served Jehoshaphat (2 Chr 17:13b–19). This rare biblical name is inscribed on a stone bowl unearthed at Kuntillet-˓Ajrud. Based on archaeological and epigraphical evidence at ˓Ajrud, and on Adnah‘s biblical connection with Jehoshaphat, Meshel (1978: 54) tentatively raises the possibility that the inscription and the Bible refer to the same person. Bibliography Meshel, Z. 1978. Kuntillet ˓Ajrud, an Israelite Religious Center in Northern Sinai. Expedition 20: 50–54. MARK J. FRETZ ADONAI [Heb ˒ădōnāy (יָֹנד ֲא)]. One of the various names of God in the Hebrew Bible. The term is derived from Heb ˒ādôn (―lord‖), which in the biblical text refers both to the deity and to human rulers. Adonai is a modified form of the plural of ˒ādôn: it bears the first-person suffix ―my‖ and has been vocalized in a slightly different manner than ―my lords,‖ receiving a lengthened final a. Although based on a plural, it is usually translated into English as ―my lord‖ or simply ―Lord.‖ Adonai appears in the MT both as a title in its own right and as a substitute for the personal name of God, Yahweh. In order to preserve the sanctity of the Name, the Masoretes placed the vowel letters of Adonai underneath the consonants of Yahweh. This common substitution technique, called qere/kethib (―read/written‖), clues readers to pronounce the Name as Adonai. In cases in which Adonai already appears, the hybrid form is read ―Elohim.‖ The RSV renders the substitution form as ―LORD‖ (with all letters capitalized) while Adonai itself is translated ―Lord‖ (with only the first letter capitalized). The failure to recognize this substitution technique led later translators of the Hebrew Bible to render the form as it appears. Vocalizing the consonants YHWH with the vowels of Adonai (e, o, a) produced the new form ―Yehowah,‖ or in English ―Jehovah.‖ According to Kaufmann Kohler (JEnc 1: 201), this misreading can be traced to a Christian translator working in 1520 C.E. (See also YAHWEH.) JULIA M. O‘BRIEN ADONI-BEZEK (PERSON) [Heb ˒ădōn bezeq (רֶז ֶיֲבִֹנד ֲא)]. The name of a Canaanite king reportedly defeated by the tribe of Judah in battle near Bezek (Judg 1:4–7). Wright (1946: 105–14) argued that this king was identical with Adoni-Zedek of Jerusalem (who was defeated and killed by Joshua, [Joshua 10]). Since nothing is said of this king‘s ruling over Jerusalem, and both names are distinctive, there is no substantive textual reason indicating that Adoni-Zedek was corrupted to Adoni-Bezek. The difficulty with Adoni-Bezek is that while the name is constructed as if Bezek were a divine name (cf. Adoni-Zedek—―My Lord is ZDQ,‖ or Adonijah—―My Lord is Yahweh‖), Bezek is unattested as a divine name. It is possible that there was a deity, Bezek, whose name was related to the Hebrew word bāzāq, found once with the meaning of ―lightning‖ (Ezek 1:14). Until the discovery of such a deity, however, this suggestion is no more than guesswork. A better possibility is to derive Bezek from the Hebrew word bezeq, meaning ―fragment,‖ or ―sherd.‖ This term is found as the name of a (rocky?) place in Judg 1:4–7 and 1 Sam 11:8. The site in Judg 1:4–7 would seem to lie near Jerusalem; but that in 1 Sam 11:8 may be identified with modern Ibziq, northeast of Shechem on the road to Beth-Shean. Since Bezek was a city, Adoni-Bezek is best read as ―Lord of Bezek‖ (with ˒ădōn - forming the construct of ˒ādôn, as is frequently the case with masculine nouns in the construct state (BLe, 525, §65j). That Adoni-Bezek was the ruler of Bezek is implied in that the men of
- 222. Judah ―came uponAdoni-Bezek at Bezek‖ (Judg 1:4). Having captured this Canaanite king, the Israelites cut off his thumbs and big toes (Judg 1:6). Thereupon Adoni-Bezek said, ―Seventy kings with their thumbs and big toes cut off used to pick the scraps from under my table; as I have done, so has God repaid me.‖ That Adoni-Bezek was then carried back to Jerusalem, where he died, is probably a later gloss dating from the time when the Israelites controlled the city (See also ADONI-ZEDEK; BEZEK). Bibliography Wright, G. E. 1946. The Literary and Historical Problem of Joshua 10 and Judges 1. JNES 5: 105–14. D. G. SCHLEY ADONI-ZEDEK [Heb ˒ădōn -ṣedeq (ר ֶד ֶי־קִֹנד ֲא)]. A Canaanite king of Jerusalem (Josh 10:1–3) whose name means either ―My Lord is righteousness‖ (i.e., Heb ṣedeq = ―righteousness‖), or ―My Lord is Zedek.‖ The latter is more likely, since Adoni-Zedek is constructed as a noun clause with a theophoric element (or divine name). The Yahwistic equivalent of Adoni-Zedek is Adonijah—―My Lord is Yahweh.‖ A Canaanite king of Salem (= Jerusalem; cf. Ps 76:2) bears a name with the same theophoric element: Melchi-Zedek (Gen 14:18; Ps 110:4)—―My King is Zedek.‖ The theophoric element ṣdq also occurs in the syllabic writings from Ugarit in the names Ili-Ṣaduq—―My God is Ṣaduq‖ —and Ḥammi- Ṣaduq—―My Warmth (?) is Ṣaduq.‖ Adnṣdq is also attested, providing a parallel to the biblical name Adoni-Zedek (PTU, 187). Although the term sedeq by itself never occurs in the Hebrew Bible as the name of a deity, the above evidence probably indicates the existence of an old Canaanite god, Ṣedeq (Ug Ṣaduq), who was at one time the patron deity in Jerusalem. Further evidence indicates that this tradition continued into the Davidic monarchy. David‘s choice of a priest of unknown origin, Zadok ((Heb Ṣādôq, Ug Ṣaduq), to serve alongside Abiathar, may have resulted from a desire (or need) to secure the loyalty of the Jebusite cult in Jerusalem. This was done by recognizing its priest-king (Zadok) as high priest in Israel. That the Davidic kings viewed themselves as heirs to the Jebusite royal tradition is suggested by the writer of Ecclesiastes, ostensibly Solomon, who boasts of acquiring wealth ―more than all who had been before me in Jerusalem‖ (Qoh 2:7). Adoni-Zedek is depicted in Joshua 10 as the leader of a coalition of five southern Canaanite cities— Jerusalem, Hebron, Jarmuth, Eglon, and Lachish—formed to punish the Gibeonites after they had made peace with Joshua. These kings came up against Gibeon and encamped by the city. Joshua, having made a forced march from Gilgal at night, surprised the Canaanite army and threw it into a panic. The Israelites smote them as they fled by way of the ascent of Beth-Horon (which runs west-southwest from Gibeon to the Shephelah). According to the biblical account, Yahweh also smote them with hailstones as they fled, and at Joshua‘s request, caused the sun to stand still while the Israelites finished the slaughter (Josh 10:11–13). The five kings escaped and hid themselves in the cave at Makkedah, whence Joshua took them and hanged them on five trees in the vicinity (Josh 10:16–27). It has been argued that this Adoni-Zedek is identical with Adoni-Bezek, the Canaanite king in Judges 1, but this proposition is doubtful. See also ADONI-BEZEK; ZADOK; MELCHIZEDEK (PERSON); GIBEON. Bibliography Baudissin, W. W. von. 1929. Kyrios als Gottesname im Judentum. Vol. 3. Giessen. Johnson, A. 1967. Sacral Kingship in Ancient Israel. Cardiff. Wright, G. E. 1946. The Literary and Historical Problem of Joshua 10 and Judges 1. JNES 5:105–14. D. G. SCHLEY ADONIJAH (PERSON) [Heb ˒ădōn yāh (û) (הּוָיִֹנד ֲא)]. A name given three OT characters which means ―Yah (weh) is (my) Lord.‖ 1. The fourth son of David by his wife Haggith in Hebron, while David was king of Judah (2 Sam 3:4; 1 Chr 3:1–2); and heir apparent to the throne at the time of Solomon‘s accession. Adonijah‘s personal ambition led to his own demise in a story that echoes that of the rebellion and death of his elder brother Absalom.
- 223. The story beginswith a note on the feebleness of David in his old age. Since the elder half-brothers Amnon, Absalom, and presumably Chileab were dead (1 Kgs 2:22), it was assumed by Adonijah, and perhaps by the general populace, that he was next in line for the throne. Though David may have promised Bathsheba, his favorite queen, that her son Solomon would succeed him—a fact that finds some confirmation in the exclusion of Solomon from Adonijah‘s feast—that pledge does not appear to have been seriously considered. The subsequent nomination of Solomon came as a surprise to the followers of Adonijah, who himself later claimed in conversation with Bathsheba: ―You know that the kingdom was mine, and that all Israel fully expected me to reign‖ (1 Kgs 2:15). With the help of David‘s general Joab and the priest Abiathar, Adonijah prepared a sacrificial feast near the spring En-rogel, to which he invited ―all his brothers, the king‘s sons (except for Solomon), and all the royal officials of Judah (except for Nathan, Zadok, and Benaiah),‖ hoping to become king before his aged father died (1 Kgs 1:9). His plans were thwarted by the prophet Nathan, the priest Zadok, and Benaiah, commander of the royal bodyguard, who allied themselves with Bathsheba to forestall his succession. When Bathsheba informed David of the events at En-rogel and the threat to her own life if Adonijah became king (1 Kgs 1:21), Nathan opportunely appeared, confirming her words and making his own appeal on the basis of loyalty to old friends and counselors. Together Nathan and Bathsheba moved the aged David to decisive action; and he ordered that Solomon be conducted on the royal mule in a procession to the spring at Gihon to be anointed and proclaimed king by Zadok. The instructions were immediately carried out and the new king, Solomon, was joyfully acclaimed by the people. When the resounding acclamations of Solomon‘s procession were interpreted by Jonathan, the son of Abiathar, to mean the ruin of Adonijah‘s hopes, his adherents fled and Adonijah himself took sanctuary in the Temple by laying hold of the horns of the altar. Adonijah was subsequently persuaded to leave his asylum only by Solomon‘s promise to spare his life (1 Kgs 1:40–53). After David‘s death, Adonijah asked Bathsheba to intercede with Solomon to give him in marriage the beautiful Abishag, his father‘s concubine and nurse. Solomon interpreted this as a bid for the throne and ordered Adonijah‘s execution at the hands of Benaiah. Close parallels between the stories of Absalom (2 Samuel 15–18) and Adonijah (1 Kings 1–2) have been noted (Fokkelman 1981: 345–410; Long 1984: 33–52; and Gunn 1987: 104–111). Both men are described as handsome and appealing figures, who were not adequately disciplined by their father. Adonijah enlisted the help of ―chariots and horsemen and fifty men to run before him‖ (1 Kgs 1:5), as Absalom had done before him (2 Sam 15:1). Both sought the crown on their own without David‘s support; and both came to a violent end. Adonijah‘s request from Solomon that he be given Abishag as his wife is reminiscent of Absalom, who, after taking Jerusalem and in order to secure his political position, publicly took David‘s concubines as his own (2 Sam 16:20–23). Adonijah‘s desire to marry Abishag may have been motivated by his love for her; but that decision was his final undoing. Whatever his real motives or the political significance of his act may have been, in terms of the story, he was rebelling against the king. The story of Adonijah‘s rebellion and fate in 1 Kings 1–2 may also be interpreted in relation to the law of the king in Deut 17:14–20, which forbade the monarch from relying solely on force of arms, alliances (through marriage), or wealth. Adonijah‘s violation of the prohibitions of the law of the king foreshadows the more flagrant violations of this same law on the part of Solomon. The king is to follow the law of Moses, which is in the hands of the Levites. 2. A Levite who, together with princes and priests, instructed the people in the law during a mission to the cities of Judah in the third year of Jehoshaphat (2 Chr 17:8). 3. A leading layman, one of the ―chiefs of the people,‖ who sealed the covenant of reform in the time of Ezra (Neh 10:17—Eng10:16). Bibliography Fokkelman, J. P. 1981. Narrative Art and Poetry in the Books of Samuel: King David. vol. 1. Assen. Gunn, D. M. 1978. The Story of King David: Genre and Interpretation, JSOTSup 6. Sheffield. Langlamet, F. 1976. Pour ou Contre Salomon? RB 48: 321–79, 481–528.
- 224. Long, B. O.1984. 1 Kings. Grand Rapids. Veijola, R. 1975. Die Ewige Dynastie, David und die Entstehung seiner Dynastie nach der deuteronomistischen Darstellung. Helsinki. Zalewski, S. 1973. The Character of Adonijah. Beth Mikra 19: 229–55 (in Hebrew). ———. 1974. The Struggle between Adonijah and Solomon over the Kingdom. Beth Mikra 20: 490–510 (in Hebrew). DUANE L. CHRISTENSEN ADONIKAM (PERSON) [Heb ˒ădōn qām (ם ָירִֹנד ֲא)]. The father of a clan who, along with other lay families, returned from Babylon to Palestine (Ezra 2:13 = Neh 7:18 = 1 Esdr 5:14; also Ezra 8:13 = 1 Esdr 8:39). The precise number of returnees in Adonikam‘s clan is uncertain, owing to the occurrence of this name in multiple lists where the Hebrew-Aramaic numeral notation may have been miscounted (Allrik 1954). Adonikam may be identical with the ADONIJAH mentioned in a list of lay family heads (Neh 10:17—Eng10:16), since both are listed in conjunction with otherwise similar persons (Myers Ezra- Nehemiah 239: Williamson Ezra, Nehemiah WBC, 329). Bibliography Allrik, H. L. 1954. The Lists of Zerubbabel (Nehemiah 7 and Ezra 2) and the Hebrew Numeral Notation. BASOR 136: 21–27. MARK J. FRETZ ADONIRAM (PERSON) [Heb ˒ădōn ram (ם ַישִֹנד ֲא)]. The son of Abda and an official in Solomon‘s court who was in charge of the forced labor used in many of the major building projects (1 Kgs 4:6; 9:15). This office was first mentioned late in David‘s reign and continued into the rule of Rehoboam (2 Sam 20:24; 1 Kgs 12:18). In the reign of David and Rehoboam, this office was held by Adoram. Some scholars take this to be a shortened form of the name ―Adoniram.‖ If this is the case, then one person held this office from late in David‘s reign until the crisis under Rehoboam—a period of some 40 years. The LXX supports this identification and uses the name ―Adoniram‖ consistently in the passages referring to this official. Other scholars believe that it is possible, but not likely, that one person would have held this office for such a length of time. Two factors suggest the importance of Adoniram‘s office: (1) the position is included in the small number of offices listed at the royal court, and (2) control of a force of 30,000 men certainly would have been given only to a most trusted individual (1 Kgs 5:28—Eng5:14). Forced labor was a part of many societies in the Ancient Near East. Israel‘s distaste for this practice is probably to be seen in the demand for lighter burdens under Rehoboam (1 Kgs 12:4). When Rehoboam refused to change his harsh policies, Adoniram, the overseer of the hated forced labor, was murdered by the angry Israelites (1 Kgs 12:18). PHILLIP E. MCMILLION ADOPTION. The creation of a kinship relationship between two individuals that is recognized as essentially equivalent to one stemming from natural descent. In the ancient Near East, such ties were typically between adoptive parent(s) and a son or daughter, but individuals were adopted into other roles as well. Frequently the parties were relatives before the adoption took place. Adoption differs from fosterage in that the latter is a temporary arrangement which is not legally binding. The foster child receives support but not the status of son or daughter. ——— A. Extrabiblical Sources 1. Cuneiform 2. Egyptian 3. Jewish B. Adoption in the Bible 1. Possible Cases 2. Metaphorical Use 3. Issues
- 225. ——— A. Extrabiblical Sources. Becausebiblical references to adoption are both limited in number and seldom unambiguous, they have been interpreted with the aid of extrabiblical sources, particularly cuneiform texts. 1. Cuneiform. Relevant documents date at least from the beginning of the 2d millennium B.C.E. to the Achaemenid period, the majority coming from Old Babylonian (OB) and Middle Babylonian (MB) times. Since our sources span both a wide geographical range and the better part of two millennia, details of adoption practice from a given time and place were not necessarily universal. Law collections (often called law codes) and adoption contracts are our primary types of documentation. The latter are more abundant and also more reliable, since the function of the collections is debated and their treatment of adoption incomplete. Contracts have their limitations as well; they do not as a rule present the circumstances leading to the adoption, or the age of the parties. Stipulations regarding adoption differed from contract to contract and ―code‖ to ―code‖ so that one cannot expect to discover general laws which governed Mesopotamian (or biblical) practice. Schorr (1913) and Kohler, Koschaker, and Ungnad (1909–23) have collected a number of OB adoption texts; see also texts and bibliography in Ellis 1975. Speiser (1930) and Cassin (1938) present MB Nuzi texts with discussion (see also dissertations cited in Eichler 1989: 116–17 nn. 51, 56). References to adoption in the law collections (see ANET) are Codex Hammurabi (CH) §§170–71, 185–93; Laws of Eshnunna §35; and Middle Assyrian Laws (MAL) §A 28; cf. doubtfully MAL §A 41, Lipit-Ištar §27. Other types of documents occasionally mention adoption. We read of the adoption of a foundling in ―The Legend of Sargon‖ (ANET, p. 119) and, with details of the adoption procedure, in the lexical series ana ittišu (Landsberger 1937: 44–47). In addition, there are records of litigation over custody or inheritance rights of adoptees. The most common Akkadian way to say ―adopt‖ is ana mārūtim leqŭ ―take for son/daughtership.‖ Individuals could also be adopted into other roles, such as that of brother (aḫḫūti, ―brotherhood‖), sister (aḫātūti/atḫūti), or even father (abbūti). In cases known especially from Nuzi, women adopted in order to be given in marriage would receive the ―status of (adopted) daughter‖ (mārtūtu), daughter-in-law (kall[at]ūtu), daughter or daughter-in-law (mārtūtu u kall[at]ūtu), or sister (aḫātūtu); for literature see Eichler 1989; nn. 36, 56, 61. Adoptions were usually effected by an agreement between two parties, the adopter and the parent or guardian of the adoptee, but occasionally adoptees would act on their own behalf. A written contract recording the adoption typically included a statement of the adoptive relationship, clauses regarding its dissolution, a record of the oath of the parties, the names of witnesses, and the date. Some sources hint at an adoption ceremony. Adoption in the cuneiform Kulturkreis took many forms. An individual might be adopted as heir, or into apprenticeship. Slaves were manumitted by adoption (Schorr 1913: nos. 23–35), and illegitimate children legitimated. Females were often adopted with a view to giving them away in marriage. An adoptive sister relationship between co-wives could promote family unity. A man without male offspring might adopt his son-in-law to keep property within the family. Money, land, or services often played a role in the adoption arrangement. At Nuzi, in particular, land sales took the form of an adoption (Cassin 1938: 51–274). The buyer was adopted and given land as an ―inheritance‖ in exchange for a ―gift‖ of equivalent value. These ―sale adoptions‖ have often been seen as circumventing a prohibition against alienating ancestral property (cf. Lev 25:23–28); for this and other interpretations see Maidman 1976: 92–123. 2. Egyptian. Far fewer texts are preserved from Egypt (see Allam 1972). The ―Story of Sinuhe‖ may contain an example of the adoption of a son-in-law in Syro-Palestine (ANET pp. 19–20). The ―Extraordinary Adoption‖ text (ca. 1100 B.C.E.; Thompson 1974: 229 n. 141) refers to the adoption of a wife as the daughter and heir of her childless husband. Following the latter‘s death, the wife freed and adopted three slaves (her husband‘s children by a concubine?). One of them, a woman, married the wife‘s brother, whom the wife then adopted as son and heir. In a text from ca. 656 B.C.E., the Nitocris Adoption
- 226. Stela, Pharaoh Psammetichushad his daughter Nitocris adopted as successor to the celibate Divine Wife of Amon at Thebes. 3. Jewish. An Aramaic papyrus from the Jewish colony at Elephantine (BMAP, no. 8), dated to 416 B.C.E., refers to the manumission and adoption of a slave. Both adopter and adoptee bear Jewish names. Catacomb inscriptions attest to Jewish adoptions in the Roman period (Leon 1960: 232–33). B. Adoption in the Bible. 1. Possible Cases. A list of proposed examples of adoption, arranged according to the identity of the adoptee, follows. In addition, Lev 18:9 may refer to an adopted daughter, but more probably to a case of remarriage. a. Children of Surrogate Mother. Sarai, Rachel, and Leah each gave a female slave to her husband for the purpose of procreation (Gen 16:1–4; 30:1–13). Extrabiblical parallels are not decisive as to whether the primary wife in such a case adopted the surrogate‘s offspring (Thompson 1974: 254–59, 266–67). Two items in the biblical accounts may imply adoption by the wife: her regard of the children as her own (e.g., Gen 16:2; 30:3–13) and the possible allusion by Rachel to an adoption rite (Gen 30:3). The first point is generally conceded, but may be explained by the wife‘s ownership of the slave (Tigay EncJud 2:298). Moreover, the offspring are frequently called children of the slave. But (aside from source-critical considerations) it may be that, as in many societies, ties to the natural mother (or father, in the case of Ephraim and Manasseh) continued to be recognized. Regarding the second point, Rachel desired her slave to ―give birth on my knees‖ (Gen 30:3), interpreted by Stade (1886) as referring ultimately to the practice of a woman giving birth onto her husband‘s knees. The husband‘s act, and by extension placing one‘s child on one‘s knees, was an acknowledgment of the child as a legitimate descendant (cf. Tigay EncJud 2: 299), while receiving or placing someone else‘s child on the knees signified adoption. Alternately, Rachel demonstrated her desire for children by assisting her slave in birth, or hoped to cure her own infertility (Tigay EncJud 2: 299). b. Children of Foreign Wives. A proposal that the end of Ezra 10:44 refers to adoption has received new support from Akkadian and other parallels (Paul 1979–80: 183–85). c. Foundling. After his abandonment, the infant Moses was discovered by Pharaoh‘s daughter ―and he became her son‖ (wayh -lāh lĕbēn, Exod 2:10). This verse and the fact that the adult Moses continued to live as an Egyptian (2:11,19) speak against mere fosterage. Commentators are quick to point out that the account reflects at most an Egyptian custom, but the point loses some of its force if the story is seen not as primarily historical, but as the Hebrew version of the widespread ―birth of the hero‖ myth (cf. ANET, p. 119). The payment of Moses‘ natural mother to nurse him (2:7–10) echoes identical arrangements in Mesopotamian adoption contracts (e.g., Schorr 1913: nos. 8, 83). Two NT passages apparently understand Moses as the adopted son of Pharaoh‘s daughter (Acts 7:21, Heb 11:24). d. (Great-)Grandchildren. The adoption of grandchildren, well known in modern times, is also attested in an Ugaritic document (Mendelsohn 1959). Three biblical cases are relevant. Ephraim and Manasseh are adopted by their grandfather Jacob (Gen 48: 5–6), who tells Joseph: ―Your two sons … are mine … as Reuben and Simeon are.‖ The adoption serves an evident aetiological purpose: to explain the place of Ephraim and Manasseh, rather than their father Joseph, among the 12 tribes of Israel. Jacob‘s blessing in Gen 48:15–16, in which Joseph is omitted from the sequence of generations, also has been interpreted as implying adoption. The notice that Joseph removed his sons from Jacob‘s knees may hint at an adoption rite (Stade 1886: 144–45). The sons of Machir ―were born on Joseph‘s knees‖ (Gen 50:23). Even granting Stade‘s view, this may have been merely an acknowledgment of legitimate descent. On the other hand, a tradition of the adoption of the Machirites could have served two purposes: to explain their relative prominence (e.g., Judg 5:14), or to explain the incorporation of this originally foreign clan (1 Chr 7:14) into Israel. A number of scholars have deduced a direct relationship between Joseph and Machir on independent grounds. A third possible case is that of Naomi and Obed. After Naomi‘s son Mahlon died childless, his widow Ruth had a child, Obed, by Mahlon‘s kinsman. According to the custom of levirate marriage, Obed would be considered as Mahlon‘s son and hence Naomi‘s grandson. At one point (Ruth 4:16–17), Naomi held
- 227. Obed in herbosom (bĕḥêqāh) ―and became his ˒ōmenet‖ (―supporter,‖ a vague term), whereupon the neighbors remarked ―a son has been born to Naomi.‖ The custom of an adoptive mother offering her breast to an adoptee is known among the Arabs and in other cultures, and an adoption account might have served to ―Judaize‖ Obed (King David‘s ancestor), who would otherwise have had a Moabite mother. We do not know, however, that offering a breast to an adoptee was a Hebrew custom or that Naomi did so. The neighbors‘ words need not be taken literally. Adoption, it seems, would have deprived Ruth of someone to carry on Mahlon‘s name, and it is questionable if Naomi could unilaterally effect a change in Obed‘s status. e. Illegitimate Son. Jephthah appears to have been legitimated and hence adopted, if legitimation in Israel was effected as in Mesopotamia (Schorr 1913: no. 12, Thompson 1974: 260; cf. CH §§170–71 [ANET, 173]). Although his mother was a prostitute, Jephthah was entitled to share his father‘s inheritance (Judg 11:1–2). f. Nephew or Male Relative. The custom by which the offspring of a levirate marriage is ascribed to a childless deceased brother or male kinsman has been viewed as a postmortem adoption. g. Orphan. Mordecai (Esth 2:7) supported his cousin Hadassah/Esther (ōmēn ˒et-hădassâ) and, after her parents‘ death, adopted her (lĕqāḥāh … lĕbat; similarly Akk ana mār (t ūtim leq ). It is doubtful that an unmarried woman of Esther‘s age could live with Mordecai except for an adoptive relationship. Although both were Jewish, they were living under Persian rule (as were those in the Jewish text from Elephantine), so it is not certain that a Jewish practice is reflected. h. Slave. Manumission of slaves by adoption is well known in the ancient Near East, and manumitted slaves occasionally are named heir (e.g., Schorr 1913: no. 35; Muhammad‘s adopted son Zaid ibn Ḥāritha). Abram‘s fear that his slave would be his heir (Gen 15:2–3) seems to imply the slave‘s (possibly future) adoption, since normally only a relative could inherit (see e.g., Num 27:8–11). Although in Hurrian law an unrelated ewuru ―heir‖ could inherit by default, there is no hint of this in biblical law. On Genesis 15, see further Thompson 1974: 203–30. Jarha (1 Chr 2:34–35) is a probable example of the manumission and adoption of a slave. According to the common Mesopotamian practice, the slave (and foreigner) Jarha would have been manumitted by adoption before being married to his master Sheshan‘s daughter. Jarha‘s children are listed as Sheshan‘s descendants. i. Son-in-law. Jarha also serves as an example of an adopted son-in-law. Barzillai, who married and took his father-in-law‘s name (Ezra 2:61, Neh 7:63), is probably another. Many features of the Jacob and Laban narrative, and particularly parallels to two Nuzi adoption texts (ANET, pp. 219–20, nos. 2 and 3), have suggested it as another example. Other features, however, distinguish this case from standard Mesopotamian adoption arrangements, and similarities to herding contracts have been noted. See recently Eichler 1989: 114–16. j. Wife. An adoption of a wife as daughter is known from Egypt, but the oft-repeated notion that in Hurrian practice a wife could be adopted as her husband‘s sister and that this explains the ―wife-sister‖ motif in the Bible (Gen 12:13 and parallels) is now widely rejected as based upon the (mis)interpretation of a small number of texts (Eichler 1989: 112–13). 2. Metaphorical Use. The father-son relationship of Yahweh and Israel may have been conceived at times as an adoptive one (Jer 3:19; explicitly in Rom 9:4). The relationship between God and king is illustrated using what are evidently adoption formulae in Ps 2:7, 2 Sam 7:14 (Tigay EncJud 2: 300–1). See Paul 1979–80: 177–80, 184. Adoption (huiothesia) appears as a metaphor five times in NT writings ascribed to Paul (Rom 8:14, 23; 9:4; Gal 4:5; Eph 1:5), where it serves to distinguish the believer‘s sonship from that of Jesus and to illustrate the Christian‘s change of status, both accomplished and prospective. The background of the metaphor has variously been seen as Roman, with its concept of strong paternal authority; Greek, as the term huiothesia implies; or Hebrew, as implied in Paul‘s use of the semitic term abba in describing the adoptive father.
- 228. 3. Issues. Definitionsof adoption have varied, leading to varying evaluations of the extent to which it was practiced in Israel. Attempts to adhere to the strict meaning of Latin adoptio have led some scholars to include as true adoption only those cases where a person under paternal authority (patria potestas) is transferred to the authority of a third (free) individual and appointed heir. Adoption, thus narrowly defined, has been said not to have existed in Israel. But in addition to running counter to the general usage by scholars of the ancient Near East, this definition ignores the concept of adoption reflected in our texts. Adoption into sonship (ana mārūtim), for example, can occur when the adopter is a slave (Speiser 1930; no. 5) or a woman (Schorr 1913: no. 29); when the adoptee is a foundling (Landsberger 1937: 44–46), the adopter‘s illegitimate child (Schorr 1913: no. 12: cf. CH §§170–71) or a free individual (adrogation; Kohler, Koschaker, and Ungnad 1909–23: no. 1425); and in numerous cases where an inheritance is not mentioned. Although adoption was practiced in ancient Israel, it is impossible to say to what extent this was true. Many of the biblical cases occur in the patriarchal narratives or on foreign soil, involve foreigners, or are uncertain. Moreover, adoption is not mentioned in biblical law. The nature of our sources is no doubt partly responsible for the seeming scarcity of biblical adoption. Biblical references are generally not explicit enough to allow confirmation (or denial) of proposed cases. The silence of biblical law collections may simply reflect their selective and incomplete nature; compare the haphazard notice adoption receives in the Mesopotamian collections. Since adoption was, it seems, of little theological interest (except as a metaphor), there was no particular reason to mention it; if we read of a barren woman, it is often only to set the stage for a miraculous birth. The absence of adoption in postbiblical Jewish law, however, suggests that it was not prevalent in Israel, at least in later periods. Various explanations have been suggested (Boecker 1974): the importance of blood lineage to the Hebrews, the practice of polygyny, the custom of levirate marriage, and the belief that fertility or barrenness reflected God‘s will, which adoption would circumvent. No single explanation is completely satisfactory, and all address only the ―demand‖ side of the equation, without explaining, for example, the place of orphaned or unwanted children in Israelite society. For bibliography not listed below see especially Paul 1979–80: 175 n. 1. Bibliography Allam, S. 1972. De l‘adoption en Egypte pharaonique. OrAnt 11: 277–95. Boecker, H. J. 1974. Anmerkungen zur Adoption im Alten Testament. ZAW 86: 86–89. Cassin, E.-M. 1938. L‘Adoption à Nuzi. Paris. Donner, H. 1969. Adoption oder Legitimation? Erwägungen zur Adoption im Alten Testament auf dem Hintergrund der altorientalischen Rechte. OrAnt 8: 87–119. Eichler, B. L. 1989. Nuzi and the Bible: A Retrospective. Pp. 107–19 in DUMU-E2-DUB-BA-A: Studies in Honor of Åke W. Sjöberg, ed. H. Behrens, D. Loding, and M. T. Roth. Philadelphia. Ellis, M. de J. 1975. An Old Babylonian Adoption Contract from Tell Harmal. JCS 27: 130–51. Kohler, J.; Koschaker, P.; and Ungnad, A. 1909–23. Hammurabi‘s Gesetz. Vols. 3–6. Leipzig. Landsberger, B. 1937. Die Serie ana ittišu. MSL 1. Rome. Leon, H. L. 1960. The Jews of Ancient Rome. Philadelphia. Maidman, M. P. 1976. A Socio-economic Analysis of a Nuzi Family Archive. Ph.D. Diss. University of Pennsylvania. Mendelsohn, I. 1959. A Ugaritic Parallel to the Adoption of Ephraim and Manasseh. IEJ 9: 180–83. Paul, S. 1979–80. Adoption Formulae: A Study of Cuneiform and Biblical Legal Clauses. Maarav 2: 173–85. Schoenberg, M. W. 1963. Huiothesia: The Word and the Institution. Scr 15: 115–23. Schorr, M. 1913. Urkunden des altbabylonischen Zivil- und Prozessrechts. VAB 5. Leipzig. Speiser, E. A. 1930. New Kirkuk Documents Relating to Family Laws. AASOR 10: 1–73. Stade, B. 1886. Miscellen. 15. ―Auf Jemandes Knieen gebären.‖ ZAW 6: 143–56. Thompson, T. L. 1974. The Historicity of the Patriarchal Narratives. BZAW 133. New York. FREDERICK W. KNOBLOCH ADORAIM (PLACE) [Heb ˒adôrayim (םִי ַדוש ַא)]. Var. ADORA. A town in the central hill country of Judah, listed among the cities fortified by Rehoboam near the beginning of his reign (2 Chr 11:9). An examination of the list of cities fortified by Rehoboam (2 Chr 11: 5–12) shows that they form a logical and fairly consistent defensive line on the western, southern, and eastern frontiers of Rehoboam‘s
- 229. domains, supplemented byadditional fortresses at key road junctions (LBHG, 290–94). This strongly suggests that the author of Chronicles had access to some sort of official military document delineating the defenses of the Kingdom of Judah. During Hellenistic and Roman times, this fortress-town was known as Adora (GK adōra). According to 1 Macc 13:20–21, Simon Maccabeus stopped the advance of Trypho at Adora. Josephus records (Ant 13.9.1) that Adora was captured by John Hyrcanus following the death of Antiochus 7 in 129 B.C., and that it still remained in Hasmonean hands at the time of Janneaus (Ant 13.15.4). It must have fallen into Roman hands soon thereafter, for it was among the cities rebuilt in 59 B.C. by Gabinius, proconsul of Syria (Ant 14.5.3). In the form ―Aduram,‖ this town appears in the book of Jubilees (38:9–24) as the location of the burial of Esau following his battle with Jacob. The ancient name is clearly reflected in the modern town of Dura, located approximately 7 km W, and slightly S, of Hebron (M.R. 152101). There is little doubt that the ancient town is to be located here, or at least in the immediate vicinity. WADE R. KOTTER ADRAMMELECH (DEITY) [Heb ˒adrammelek (ך ֶל ֶמ ַש ְד ַא)]. In 2 Kgs 17:31 it is reported that the Babylonians who were resettled in Samaria ―burned their children in the fire to Adrammelech and Anammelech, the gods of Sepharvaim.‖ The place name ―Sepharvaim‖ may refer to the Babylonian city of Sippar, but the identity of the Babylonian god Adrammelech is unknown. A. KIRK GRAYSON ADRAMMELECH (PERSON) [Heb ˒adrammelek (ך ֶל ֶמ ַש ְד ַא)]. According to 2 Kgs 19:37 (= Isa 37:38), one of the sons of the Assyrian king Sennacherib who, along with his brother Sharezer, assassinated their father. This Adrammelech may be identical with Arda-Mulishi, who is identified as a son of Sennacherib in Assyrian sources. Bibliography Parpola, S. 1980. The Murderer of Sennacherib. Mesopotamia 8: 171–182. A. KIRK GRAYSON ADRAMYTTIUM (PLACE) [Gk Adramytteion (Ἀδπαμτσσειον)]. An ancient city of Mysia located along the NW coast of the Roman province of Asia (modern Turkey). A ship from this city, probably a small trading vessel, is mentioned in Acts 27:2. The ship was homeward bound when Paul, Luke, Aristarchus, and Julius the Centurion boarded it in order to journey from Caesaria to Rome via the Asian coast. This city, located at the base of Mt. Ida, controlled a substantial port from its position at the head of the Gulf of Adramyttium (Hdt. 8: 42), which is across from the island of Lesbos. Today the harbor is filled with alluvial deposits and the site of the city is known as Karatash, while the original appellation is preserved in the name of the nearby town Edremit. The founding of the city is problematic with three prevalent theories: it is the Pedasus of Homer; it was founded by Adramys, the brother of Croesus, in 3 B.C.; or it was one of many colonies established by merchants from the spice-rich area of S Arabia known as Hadhramaut (Harris 1925). The reading of the name with a rough breathing is indicated in the Vulgate rendering as navem Hadrumetinam. This may lend credence to Harris‘ theory. The commercial importance of the city, indicated by the coins found at the site, peaked when Pergamum was the capital of the region but had faded by the NT period. Adramyttium, one of the chief cities of the province, was chosen to be the host of the provincial governor‘s law court, the assizes (conventus) of the NW district of the Roman province of Asia. It was the original place of the worship of Castor and Pollox and home of the orator Xenocles (the tutor of Cicero) (See Strabo 8: 1.66; Plutarch, Cicero 4). Adramyttium was noted for the production of a special ointment (Pliny N.H. 13: 2.5). Bibliography Harris, J. R. 1925. Adramyttium. The Contemporary Review 128: 194–202. Leaf, W. 1923. Strabo on the Troad. Cambridge.
- 230. JOHN D. WINELAND ADRIA,SEA OF (PLACE) [Greek Adrias (Ἀδπιαρ)]. An arm of the Mediterranean between Italy and the Balkan Peninsula joining the Ionian Sea in the southeast, commonly known as the Adriatic Sea. It is mentioned in the NT in relation to the apostle Paul‘s journey to Rome (Acts 27:27). Today, the name denotes the sea which extends from northwest to southeast, a length of nearly five hundred miles. The Italian shore is low, especially in the northeast basin around the delta of the Po, which is the largest river that flows into it. The east coast is rather rugged and fringed with islands. This allows for many good harbors on the Dalmatian coast as opposed to the relatively few found on the Italian side. The northeast winds, together with the prevalence of sudden squalls, makes navigation in winter difficult and dangerous. The Sea was known in antiquity as Adrias, Adriatike Thalasa, Adriatikon Pelagos in Gk, and Adriaticum Mare, Adrianum Mare, or Mare Superum in Latin. According to Strabo (5.1), the name was derived from the old Etruscan city-colony ATRIA located north of the Po River. Justin (20, 1.9), however, suggests a Greek origin for the name. Originally, the name was applied to the upper (northwestern) part of the sea, but it became gradually extended southeastward some 6000 stadia (approx. 700 miles) as far as the Ionian Sea (Strabo 2,123), and even to the Sicilian Sea, including waters between Crete and Malta (Orosius 1, 2.90). Thus in antiquity it was understood that Malta lay at the western extremity of the Adriatic Sea (Procopius 1, 14), while Crete was surrounded by the same on the west (Strabo 3.17) and the same waters encompassed Sicily on the east (Strabo 3.4, 15). It seems that the name was first used interchangeably with the Ionian Sea, and gradually came to include it. ―The Ionian Sea is part of what is now called the sea of Hadria,‖ wrote Strabo (2, 5.20). According to Livy (5,33), Italy was surrounded by two seas, the Tuscan on the west and the Hadriatic on the east. The name therefore is more restricted today than it was in the past, when it not only included waters between Sicily and Crete, but might have been applied to the whole of the eastern Mediterranean with the exception of the Aegean Sea. Therefore, it would be misleading to limit the reference from the Acts to what is today known as the Adriatic Sea. Because many of the Gk manuscripts call Malta Melite (with several variations in Greek and also Latin manuscripts), some have tried to see in the name an island other than Malta, namely modern Mljet in the Adriatic. Yet the most probable east-northeast direction of the wind called Northeaster (Gk euroklydon or eurakylon, Acts 27:14) would not support this suggestion. Scholars are still more inclined to understand the NT reference to adrias in a more general way, as opposed to the more restricted modern usage of the term. To avoid a possible confusion in the use of different names some have suggested a strict distinction in the use of the terms the ―Adrian Sea‖ and the ―Adriatic Sea.‖ Even though this may be done today, Ptolemy used the two names interchangeably (3. 4:Adria, and 3.17:Adriatic). Acts 27:27 states that the vessel upon which Paul was going to Rome was ―driven up and down‖ for fourteen days by high winds before its shipwreck on Malta. That the sea earned a tempestuous reputation in ancient times can be documented by records of such famous writers as Josephus (Vita 3) and Horace (Odes 1, 33). Bibliography Avi-Yonah, M., and Malamat, A., eds. The World of the Bible. New York. Meinardus, Otto F. A. St. Paul‘s Last Journey. New Rochelle, NY. ZDRAVKO STEFANOVIC ADRIEL (PERSON) [Heb ˓adr ˒ēl (ל ֵיא ִש ְד ַף)]. A Meholathite, the son of Barzillai, and son-in-law of King Saul through marriage to one of the two royal princesses. There is some confusion as to which daughter of Saul he married. According to 1 Sam 18:19, he married the elder daughter MERAB, who had been promised to David, while the MT and LXX Codex Vaticanus of 2 Sam 21:8 report that he married the younger daughter MICHAL (PERSON). In 2 Sam 21:8, other manuscripts (LXXLN and 2 Heb mss) read Merab in agreement with 1 Sam 18:19 (instead of Michal). The Targum, in an attempt to resolve the conflicting readings, combines the names in the phrase myrb drby‘t mykl, lit. ―Merab who is the [young] girl of Michal,‖ which identifies Adriel‘s wife (Merab) while introducing a new element to the
- 231. relationship between Michaland Merab. Most scholars favor Merab as the true spouse, although a minority favor Michal, in spite of the conflicting traditions, believing the MT testimony in 2 Sam 21:8 to be the more difficult reading and the tradition to be an older and more reliable source than 1 Sam 18:19 (i.e., Stoebe 1958: 229; Glück 1965; Lemche 1978: 7–8). The royal marriage produced at least five sons, who were later executed by the Gibeonites for Saul‘s bloodguilt (2 Sam 21:8). As a Meholathite, Adriel was an inhabitant of the town of Abel-Meholah, probably located at Tell Abû Sûs, in the W ghor (see ABEL-MEHOLAH). His marriage to a Saulide princess may have sealed a treaty between his city-state and Saul‘s new Israelite state (Edelman 1990). Such diplomatic marriages were an established convention in the ancient Near East (Malamat 1963:8–10). Abel-Meholah did not become a corporate part of the Israelite state until David or Solomon‘s reign, as indicated by the city‘s inclusion in Solomon‘s fifth district (1 Kgs 4:12). His name means ―El is my help,‖ and seems to be Aramaic. Some manuscripts read ˓zry˒l, which has the same meaning, but substitutes the Hebrew word ˓zr for its Aramaic cognate ˓dr (Nestle 1897; McCarter 2 Samuel 439). Bibliography Edelman, D. 1990. Saulide Israel: A Study in Secondary State Formation in Ancient Canaan. Winona Lake. Glück, J. J. 1965. Merab or Michal? ZAW 77: 72–81. Lemche, N. P. 1978. David‘s Rise. JSOT 10: 2–25. Malamat, A. 1963. Aspects of the Foreign Policies of David and Solomon. JNES 22: 1–17. Nestle, E. 1897. Some Contributions to Hebrew Onomatology. AJSL 13: 169–76. Stoebe, H. J. 1958. David und Michal—Überlegungen zur Jugendesgeschichte Davids. Pp. 224–43 in Von Ugarit nach Qumran, ed. W. F. Albright, W. Baumgartner, J. Lindblom, et al. BZAW 77. Berlin. DIANA V. EDELMAN MARK J. FRETZ ADUEL (PERSON) [Gk adouēl (ἀδοτηλ)]. The son of Gabael and great grandfather of Tobit, a descendant of the tribe of Naphtali (Tob 1:1). The name ―Aduel‖ is a possible variant of ADIEL; the yod in Heb ˓ăd ˒ēl (1 Chr 4:36; 9:12; 27:25), if replaced with waw, would result in the Heb consonants ˓dw˒l, logically transliterated as Gk adouēl. Nonetheless, the name ―Aduel‖ only occurs in this genealogy of Tobit. MARK J. FRETZ ADULLAM (PLACE) [Heb ˓ădullām (ם ָל ֻד ֲף)]. ADULLAMITE. A city in the Shephelah region at approximately the midpoint of a line running from Bethlehem to Gath. It has been identified with modern Tell esh Sheikh Madhkur (Albright 1924:3–4; M.R. 150117). In Gen 38:1, 12, and 20, in the story about Judah and Tamar, a character is identified as Hirah the Adullamite. He is called Judah‘s friend (38:12,20) and is entrusted with the deliverance of a pledge (38:20). Adullam appears twice in Joshua. The king of Adullam is listed in Joshua 12 as one of the local kings whom the Israelites defeated on the west side of the Jordan (Josh 12:15). Adullam was allotted to the tribe of Judah (Josh 15:35). Adullam occupies a prominent place in the story of David‘s rise to kingship. David fled from Saul to a cave near Adullam and there surrounded himself with a band of about 400 men (1 Sam 22:1). That this was a place of security for David‘s warriors is spelled out in 1 Chronicles 11, which refers to the place as ―the rock.‖ The syntax of the parallel passage in Samuel is confusing and probably the result of scribal error. Apparently there has been a substitution of the word for ―harvest‖ or ―harvesttime‖ (Heb qāṣ r; BDB, 894) for ―the rock‖ or ―the secure place‖ (Heb haṣṣūr; BDB, 849), the second of which is the term employed in Chronicles. Some versions of the LXX also have ―the rock‖ instead of ―harvesttime‖ at 1 Sam 23:13. Chronicles lists Adullam as among the cities which Solomon‘s successor REHOBOAM fortified in anticipation of the invasion of Judah by the Pharaoh SHISHAK ca. 918 B.C.E. (2 Chr 11:7). Many commentators and historians accept the placing of this list in the reign of Rehoboam (see BHI, 233;
- 232. Na˒aman 1986:6). Others,partly on the basis of archeological evidence at these sites, feel that the list belongs to the reign of another king, either JOSIAH (Fritz 1981) or HEZEKIAH (Na˒aman 1986). MICAH, a contemporary of Hezekiah‘s, mourns over Adullam among the cities of the Shephalah (Mic 1:15), possibly in advance of Sennacherib‘s invasion (see 2 Kgs 18:13 = 2 Chr 32:1). Adullam appears twice in postexilic contexts. It is named as one of the places where the people of Judah settled after the Exile (Neh 11:30). In the time of the Maccabean revolt, Adullam once again served as a refuge, this time for Judas Maccabeus and his army after they defeated GORGIAS, the governor of Idumea (2 Macc 12:38). Here the place is referred to with a variant Greek spelling, odollam. Bibliography Albright, W. F. 1924. Researches of the School in Western Judaea. BASOR 15: 2–11. Fritz, V. 1981. The ―List of Rehoboam‘s Fortresses‖ in 2 Chr 11:5–12: Document from the Time of Josiah. EI 15: 46–53. Na˒aman, N. 1986. Hezekiah‘s Fortified Cities and the LMLK Stamps. BASOR 261: 5–21. JEFFRIES M. HAMILTON ADULTERY [Heb ni˒up m (ים ִץ ֻאִנ); also zĕn t (נּותְז), zĕn n m (יםִנּונְז), ―whoredom,‖ ―harlotry‖]. Sexual intercourse between a married or betrothed woman and any man other than her husband. The marital status of the woman‘s partner is inconsequential since only the married or betrothed woman is bound to fidelity. The infidelity of a married man is not punishable by law but is criticized (Mal 2:14–5; Prov 5:15–20). Biblical law shows similar leniency for sexual relations before a woman‘s betrothal (Exod 22:15–6; Deut 22:28–29; for possible exceptions [Lev 21:9, Deut 22:13–21], see below). ——— A. Adultery as a Crime and Sin B. Adultery and the Betrothed Maiden C. The Prosecution of Adultery 1. The Death Penalty 2. Divorce 3. Public Stripping of Adulteress 4. Mutilation D. Means of Execution E. Adultery in the ANE F. Adultery in the Biblical Narrative G. Adultery in the Prophetic Books H. Adultery in Wisdom Literature ——— A. Adultery as a Crime and Sin. Adultery was a capital crime according to Lev 20:10 and Deut 22:22. Both parties must die. The reasons for the gravity of this crime are never explicitly stated in the OT, yet the patrilineal nature of Israelite society strongly suggests that mistaken paternity would surely be dreaded. If an act of undetected adultery produced offspring, a likely result would be the bequeathal of the family inheritance to this illegitimate heir. This is emphasized by Ben Sira (23:22–23); for a similar thought, see Qoh 6:1–2. Philo remarks that the deceived husband would be like a ―blind man knowing nothing of the covert intrigues of the past,‖ yet ―forced to cherish the children of his deadliest foe as his own flesh and blood‖ (Dec 24:126–29). Fustel de Coulanges (1956:97) writes ―… by adultery the series of descendants was broken; the family, even though living men knew it not, became extinct and there was no more divine happiness for the ancestors.‖ While these remarks concern ancient Greece in particular, it is probable that the same could be said regarding Israel. Dread of the extinction of the family line is evident in the Priestly Code, among other places, with its punishment of karet (Gen 17:14, Exod 30:33,38, Lev 17:4,9, 20:3,5–6, etc.) and childlessness (Lev 20:20–21). The term karet, according to traditional Jewish exegesis, refers to early death and childlessness or the death of one‘s progeny without issue (see Rashi, Ibn Ezra, and S. D. Luzzato on Gen 17:14). According to the LXX and traditional Jewish law, the issue from an adulterous
- 233. union, like allprohibited unions, is the mamzer or ―bastard‖ of Deut 23:3 (m. Yebam. 4:13; m. Qidd, 3:12), who is excluded from membership in the assembly of the Lord. The economic aspect of the crime, i.e. as a simple violation of the husband‘s property, seems to have played a minor role compared with the social and religious dimensions of the crime. Adultery is the height of treachery (Jer 9:1; Mal 3:5; Ps 50:18) and adulterers are linked with murderers (Job 24:14–15). Adultery is an assault upon the sanctity of the nuclear family, which is divinely ordained (Gen 2:18,24; Prov 18:22). The prohibition of adultery, the 7th commandment of the Decalogue, along with the 5th— ―Honor your father and mother …‖—seek to protect this sacred institution. This may be the reason for the reversal of the 6th and 7th commandments and thus the juxtaposition of the 5th and 7th in the Nash Papyrus, some manuscripts of the LXX, and Philo (Dec 24:121). Both parties to the illicit union are ritually defiled or rendered impure (ṭm˒; Lev 18:20; Num 5:13; Ezek 18:6; 23:13,17; 33:26). The adulterer commits an ―abomination‖ (tô˓ēbâ; Ezek 22:11), while adultery is included in the Pentateuch‘s catalog of sexual crimes which defile the land of Israel, causing it to ―spew out its inhabitants‖ (Lev 18:20,24–25). It is considered a ―great sin‖ (ḥăṭā˒â gĕdōlâ) by the biblical author (Gen 20:9) and a ―sin against God‖ (Gen 20:6; 39:9; Ps 51:6). This characterization of adultery as a ―great sin‖ was not limited to Israel. It is found in texts from Ugarit (Moran 1956: 280–81) and Egypt (Rabinowitz 1956: 73; see ANET, 24, where adultery is labeled a ―great crime‖). In several Akkadian texts, ḫaṭû, cognate to Heb ḥṭ˒, ―to sin,‖ refers specifically to adultery (CAD 6:157); ḫāṭ tum (fem. sing. part. of ḫaṭû) indicates an adulteress (CAD 6:153). That the prohibition of adultery was included in the Decalogue, the only direct and unmediated address of YHWH to Israel (Exod 20:19; Deut 4:10; 5:20–21), indicates its grave nature. In accordance with the later conception of the Decalogue as the epitome of biblical law, Saadiah Gaon, followed by Abraham Ibn Ezra and Abarbanel, understood the 7th commandment as inclusive of all sexual acts prohibited in the Torah. While dealt with in the Decalogue and books of Leviticus (20:10) and Deuteronomy (22:22), adultery is neglected in the 4th major law collection of the Pentateuch, the so-called Covenant Code (Exodus 21–23). B. Adultery and the Betrothed Maiden. The betrothed maiden is one for whom a bride-price (mōhar has been paid, but who still resides in her father‘s house awaiting consummation of the marriage (inferred from Exod 22:15–16; Deut 20:7 and comparative material, cf. Code of Hammurabi 130 [ANET, 171]; and the Laws of Eshnunna 26 [ANET, 162]). She is also subject to the Bible‘s harsh penalty for adultery. Deut 22:23–24 prescribes death for the betrothed woman who is found having sexual relations with a man ―in the city‖ if their discovery is not prompted by her calls for help; her compliance is therefore assumed. Deuteronomy‘s law concerning the slandered newlywed wife (22:13–21) may be another instance of the Bible‘s equation of betrothal and marriage. She is condemned to death for ―whoring in her father‘s house‖ (v 21) but this, according to traditional Jewish exegesis, refers to her defloration subsequent to betrothal but before cohabition with her husband, when she still resided in her father‘s house. If, on the other hand, this law prescribes capital punishment for sexual relations which occurred before the woman‘s betrothal, Deuteronomy‘s harsh stand is unique both for the Bible and ancient Near Eastern law. Other laws prescribe a relatively light penalty for the ravisher of the unbetrothed virgin (Exod 22:15–16; Deut 22:28– 29; also Code of Hammurabi 130 [ANET, 171] and Middle Assyrian Laws 55–56 [ANET, 185]). Finkelstein writes that while adultery was treated with the utmost gravity, the rape of an unmarried woman, by contrast, ―seems to have been treated as a relatively mild offense, and except for the talionic element in Middle Assyrian Law 55 … was considered only an economic injury to the girl‘s father—or master, where the victim was a slave girl‖ (1966: 366–67). According to Lev 19:20, the betrothed (neherepet, literally ―assigned‖) slave girl and her lover are not executed because she ―has not yet been freed,‖ i.e. the regular penalty for adultery does not apply because she is still a slave and not because her ―assignment‖/betrothal is anything less than marriage (Milgrom 1977: 44–45): in the Bible, as in the ancient Near East in general, a slave girl is not a legal person and her
- 234. sexual violation istreated as a transgression of her owner‘s property for which he would seek compensation, not prosecution (Finkelstein 1966: 360). C. The Prosecution of Adultery 1. The Death Penalty. Determining the legal reality in ancient Israel for the prosecution and punishment of the adulteress and her partner is problematic. At the close of the law on adultery, the Deuteronomist commands his audience to ―sweep away evil from Israel‖ (Deut 22:22), which suggests that members of the community have the right and obligation to initiate proceedings against known adulterers in their midst. The collective divine punishment envisioned by the legislators of Deuteronomy and the so-called Holiness Code (Leviticus 17–26) make it imperative that transgressors of the law be prosecuted irrespective of the wishes of the offended party (Lev 18:24–30; 26:14–41; Deut 28:15–68). M. Greenberg contends that the law codes‘ decree of capital punishment was carried out ―in all events. There is no question of permitting the husband to mitigate or cancel the punishment. For adultery is not merely a wrong against the husband, it is a sin against God, an absolute wrong‖ (1960: 12). Others maintain that in practice, however, the penalty for adultery in Israel was more flexible, and further, that the initiation of proceedings against the offenders was the exclusive right of the husband (Loewenstamm 1962: 55–59; Jackson 1973: 33–34; Yaron 1969: 188, n. 77; McKeating 1979: 62–65). According to this view, Israelite judicial practice would have resembled that of Mesopotamia. While Mesopotamian law codes allow for the death penalty, the injured husband retained the right of pardon (Code of Hammurabi 129 [ANET, 171]; Middle Assyrian Law 15 [ANET, 181]; Law of Eshnunna 28 [ANET, 162] on its face doesn‘t allow for mitigation, but see Yaron 1969: 188–90). Greenberg thinks that the biblical law‘s demand for execution was uncompromising because of the Israelite view that adultery was a sin against God; thus man could not opt to forgo it. Yet ancient Mesopotamia seems to have held a similar view of adultery, i.e. as an offense to the deity (see above; Lambert BWL, 119, 131), but its law codes do indeed allow the husband to mitigate the punishment. Perhaps this same dichotomy existed de facto in Israel. Prov 6:32–35 suggests that execution was the maximum penalty imposed and that the fate of the adulterers was at the husband‘s discretion. The enraged husband will ―show no pity on his day of vengeance; he will not have regard for any ransom.‖ The cuckold, according to Proverbs 6, will not accept ransom (kōper) because of his insatiable anger, not because of its prohibition. Num 35:31–32 specifically rules out ransom in the case of homicide but not adultery (in which case it may have been permissable). On the other hand, the compensation mentioned in Proverbs 6 may refer to an illegal payment of money to the husband to avert prosecution; šoḥad, the parallel of kōper in v 35 suggests this (cf. Exod 23:8; Isa 5:23). Further, the international flavor of the book of Proverbs and scholarship‘s imperfect understanding of the ―foreign woman‖ pericopes (Proverbs 2 and 5–7; see below) advises against viewing Israelite jurisprudence in the light of Prov 6:32–35. Job refers to marital infidelity as an ˓āwōn pĕl l m (31:11), which Speiser (1963: 304) translates as ―an assessable transgression‖ in accordance with his view that all examples of the root pll in Hebrew share the underlying concept of ―assess.‖ This suggests that the adulterer could compensate the cuckolded husband, who would determine the amount of damages according to his own discretion. Yet this translation appears inaccurate given its context. Job also calls adultery zimmâ, a word used regularly for ―indecent and disgusting sexual conduct‖ (Pope, Job AB, 203) and a ―fire burning down to Abaddon‖ (31:12). ―Assessable transgression,‖ however, suggests the relative mildness of the offense, which can be compensated by payment rather than corporal or capital punishment. Until our understanding of the root pll in this verse and its counterparts (Job 31:28 and Deut 32:31) is more certain, the preferred translation remains ―criminal iniquity‖ or ―criminal offense,‖ which better conveys the severity of the deed. Several biblical texts suggest that other measures short of execution were utilized to punish the adulteress. 2. Divorce. The Pharisaic school of Shammai suggested that the legal, biblical term for divorce, ˓erwat dābār (Deut 24:1–4), literally ―nakedness of a thing,‖ referred to adultery as a ground for such action (m. Git. 9:10), but this has been convincingly rejected (Neufeld 1944: 178–89; Lieber, EncJud 6: 123–24).
- 235. Both Jer 3:8and Hos 2:4 suggest that the adulteress was divorced, but since the former text refers symbolically to the exile of the N kingdom, divorce (Heb šlḥ, literally ―send off,‖ ―dismiss‖) provides the most appropriate metaphor. Hos 2:4 echoes the ancient Near Eastern formula for divorce, ―You are not my wife‖ (Gordon 1936: 277–80, Yaron 1961: 46–47), although there is some doubt that divorce is intended here because ―there would be no basis for all that follows‖ (Andersen and Freedman Hosea AB, 222). 3. Public Stripping of Adulteress. Stripping is mentioned in Hos 2:5, 12; Jer 13:22–26; Ezek 16:37, 39; and 23:26, 29. In all of these cases, the faithless wife who suffers this penalty is a symbol for apostate Israel (cf. Nah 3:5). Stripping, however, may have served as a prelude to execution rather than as an alternative to it (Ezek 16:37–41; Susanna 32). In m. Soṭa 1:5 the suspected adulteress is partially stripped before drinking the potion of ―bitter waters‖ (Num 5:11–31). 4. Mutilation. Mutilation of the adulteress is mentioned in Ezek 23:25, but this should not be viewed as an Israelite practice since the prophet himself states, ―and they (Oholibah‘s former lovers) shall judge you according to their law‖ (v 24; cf. Middle Assyrian Law 15 [ANET, 181]). It should be noted that the biblical texts alluding to divorce, public stripping, and mutilation contain prophetic metaphors and hence they are not dependable sources for actual Israelite legal practice. In Ezek 16:39 and 23:26, 29, personified Jerusalem is stripped by her lovers, not her husband. In Hos 2:5, Jer 13:26, and Akkadian sources, the offending wife is stripped by her husband or his family to symbolize the withdrawal of her maintenance (Gordon 1936: 277; Greenberg, Ezekiel AB, 287). Apparent in Ezekiel 16 and 23, then, is the intrusion of the tenor of the metaphor, Israel‘s pillaging by foreign armies. Obviously the de facto procedure for the prosecution of adultery is uncertain. In the biblical law of murder, the prosecution and execution of the murderer is left in the hands of the wronged individual, the kinsman of the deceased or ―redeemer of blood‖ (Num 35:19–21, Deut 19:6, 12), yet the Bible‘s legislation seeks to regulate this ancient practice and transfer some responsibility to the public domain with the appointment of the refuge cities and the participation of public officials to distinguish between the intentional and unwitting manslayer (Exod 21:13–14; Num 35:9–29; Deut 19:1–13). After all, if the redeemer shirks his responsibility or kills an unintentional manslayer (the intention of dām nāq , ―blood of the innocent‖ of Deut 19:10), all Israel would be subject to blood-guilt (Num 35:33–34; Deut 19:10). Similarly, the criminalization of adultery in Israel was an expected development. An act which transgressed Israel‘s covenent with YHWH, the basic principles of which are found in the Decalogue, endangered the entire community, and so it was only natural that the prosecution of adulterers be transformed from a right which individuals may forgo to a duty incumbent upon all members of the community. D. Means of Execution. The method of execution for the guilty pair is not stated explicitly in either Lev 20:10 or Deut 22:22. The unchastity of the betrothed virgin of Deut 22:24 is punished by stoning, as is the premature defloration of the newlywed bride in Deut 22:13–21. Ezek 16:40 and 23:47 list stoning and stabbing among the punishments for wayward Jerusalem, yet here the crime is compounded by idolatry and infanticide. The LXX of Susanna, v 62, mentions flinging those who accused the heroine of adultery into a ravine (see Deut 19:16–19); this practice coincides with the rabbinic mode of ―stoning‖–casting the criminal into a rocky ravine rather than casting stones at the criminal (m. Sanh. 6:4). The Talmudic means of execution for adultery was strangulation; this according to the exegetical rule that anytime the death penalty was decreed but the means not specified in the biblical text, strangling was intended (Sipra, Qedoshim 10:8; b. Talm. Sanh. 52b; according to R. Josiah, this was because it was the most merciful). Burning is mentioned in Genesis 38 as the penalty for Tamar, whose status was that of a married woman (because she was promised to her levir Shelah). While fornication for the lay Israelite is not penalized in the law codes (see above on Deut 22:13–21), a priest‘s daughter who ―defiles herself through harlotry‖ is burned to death because of the extraordinary demand of holiness for the priesthood (Lev 21:9).
- 236. Both parties, whenknown, are executed (Lev 20:10; Deut 22: 21, 22). According to A. Phillips (1970: 110), the execution of the adulteress in addition to the adulterer is an innovation of the Deuteronomic reform, but this is based on his uncommon notion that the Decalogue was addressed only to male Israelites and therefore only they were penalized. In the Bible‘s decree of the death sentence in Lev 20:10b, a singular verb, yûmat, is found with the compound subject, ―the adulterer and the adulteress,‖ which suggests to some that the latter is an addition (Noth, Leviticus OTL, 150; Phillips 1970: 111). Yet this grammatical irregularity is common enough in Biblical Hebrew (GKC, 145o), while Fishbane attributes it to the fact that the penalty clause môt yûmat is a frozen technical term (1974: 25, n.2). The equal punishment of both parties is typical of Mesopotamian law (Code of Hammurabi 129 [ANET, 171]; Middle Assyrian Law 13 [ANET, 181]; Hittite Law 197–98 [ANET, 196]). This serves to preclude the possibility that two of the involved parties conspired against the third. The phrase gam šĕnêham, ―one as well as the other,‖ (Deut 22:22), echoes this demand for equal justice. E. Adultery in the ANE. Several features distinguish Israel‘s laws on adultery from those of her neighbors. 1. Hittite Law 197 (ANET, 196) and perhaps Middle Assyrian Law 15 (ANET, 181; see Driver and Miles 1975: 45–50) allow the cuckolded husband to execute the couple with impunity if he finds them in flagranti delicto, i.e., in the very act of adultery. The biblical laws of jurisprudence seem to forbid this (Deut 17:6–7, 19:15, Num 35:30). 2. The paramour‘s knowledge about or ignorance of the woman‘s marital status is taken into account. If he was not aware that she was married, he would be acquitted (Finkelstein 1966: 369–70; Middle Assyrian Laws 13–14 [ANET, 181]). Biblical laws make no such allowance. Gen 20:3 suggests that in YHWH‘s eyes, the guilt of adultery is absolute. 3. The Mesopotamian law codes are more comprehensive, dealing with other matters tangential to adultery. For example, all of the major law codes deal with the cohabitation of a married woman with a second man in the event of desertion by her husband or his prolonged captivity in a foreign land (Laws of Eshnunna 29–30 [ANET, 162]; Code of Hammurabi 134–36 [ANET, 171]; Middle Assyrian Law 36 [ANET, 183]). Only later Jewish law takes up this issue (for sources, see Schereschewsky, EncJud 2: 429– 33). Akkadian laws also deal with the accusation of adultery by a third party (Middle Assyrian Law 17– 18 [ANET, 181]; Code of Hammurabi 132 [ANET, 171]; the Bible deals only with accusation brought by the woman‘s husband [Num 5:11–31; Deut 22:13–21]); and pandering as incidental to adultery (Middle Assyrian Law 22–24 [ANET, 181–82]). F. Adultery in Biblical Narrative. The theme of adultery is found several times in the book of Genesis. Both Abraham and Isaac try to pass off their wives as their sisters, allowing them to be taken (or nearly taken) by foreigners (Genesis 12:10–20; 20; 26:1–11). Both patriarchs assume that the people of Gerar and Egypt took the ―great sin‖ of adultery very seriously and would rather make widows out of Sarah and Rebecca than incur the guilt of adultery (David Kimchi). YHWH‘s punishment for adultery in all three chapters is collective (12:17; 20:7, 17; 26:10). In Genesis 38, Judah sentences his daughter-in-law Tamar to be burned for apparent adultery, i.e., having sexual relations while waiting for her levir to come of age. In Genesis 39 is found another false accusation of adultery, here in the guise of the attempted rape of a married woman, which is treated alongside uncoerced adultery in the law codes (Deut 22:23–27; Law of Eshnunna 26; Code of Hammurabi 130; Hittite Law 197–98). King David committed adultery with Bathsheba, daughter of Eliam and wife of Uriah the Hittite, one of his faithful warriors (2 Samuel 11; 23:39). David‘s guilt is compounded by his successful plot to have Uriah killed in battle. This was necessary to prevent the disclosure of the king‘s role in Bathsheba‘s pregnancy. His fear was prompted certainly by the expected popular censure of his deed (Prov 6:33) but perhaps also by the application of Israel‘s law even to the king himself (Deut 17:19; cf. 1 Kings 21, where the limitation of royal power in Israel is apparent). G. Adultery in the Prophetic Books.
- 237. The prophets frequentlyindicted Israel for marital infidelity (Hos 4:2,13–14; Jer 5:7; 7:9; 13:27; Ezek 22:11; 33:26; Isa 57:3; Mal 3:5). Jeremiah specifically condemned the prophets of his day for this act of treachery (23:14; 29:23). Adultery is used as a metaphor for apostasy in several prophetic books (Hosea 1–3, Jer 2:23–25; 3:1–13, Ezekiel 16; 23). This symbolism is apt because both represent the betrayal of exclusive fidelity. Raw material for the creation of this symbolism is found in the Pentateuch. Israel is commanded to revere only YHWH (Exod 20:3; 22:19; 34:14; etc.) and the formula used to express their covenant relationship is similar to the ―solemn words‖ for marriage in ANE texts (Lev 26:12; Deut 26:17–18; 29:12; see Yaron 1961: 46–47; Muffs 1965). YHWH is ―jealous‖ or ―impassioned‖ (qannā˒) where Israel is concerned (Exod 20:5; 34:14) and idolatry, specifically calf worship, becomes Israel‘s ―great sin‖ (Exod 32:21; 2 Kgs 17:21). Israel‘s worship of other gods is called ―whoring‖ (Exod 34:16; Deut 31:16). It has also been suggested that the promiscuous behavior supposedly typical of the Canaanite fertility cult lies at the background of this motif. Hosea is the first prophet explicitly to analogize apostasy and adultery. Some suggest that this notion first came to him as the result of his wife Gomer‘s infidelity; YHWH‘s command to take a ―wife of harlotry‖ (1:2), then, was written after the prophet‘s domestic adversities and conveys his understanding of these events as determined by God. Others discount the historicity of Hosea 1–2 because of the obscure and allegorical nature of these chapters, while in Hosea 3 the promiscuous woman is probably not the prophet‘s wife. Cohen argues that Hosea‘s perception may be an outgrowth of the Israelite religion itself—a sort of ―midrash‖ based on the commonly held analogy in Israel of marriage and covenant— rather than the result of an experience unique to Hosea (1966: 9–11). Jeremiah 3:1–5, uses the legal form of Deut 24:1–4 to illustrate the injurious effects of Israel‘s ―whoring with many lovers.‖ Verses 6–13 tell the tale of two sisters, ―Rebel Israel‖ and ―Faithless Judah,‖ both of whom are married to YHWH. While the former is divorced for adultery (the exile of the northern kingdom), the latter repents only halfheartedly (a reference to Josiah‘s reform, 2 Kings 22–23), and then proceeds (v 13)—despite YHWH‘s pleas to repent—to ―spread her legs to strangers under every leafy tree‖ (Rashi‘s paraphrase of the difficult wattĕpazzŭr ˒et-dĕrākayik; others render the vague ―you scattered your ways‖). Several of Jeremiah‘s other references to adultery may also be references to idolatry (5:7; 7:9; 13:22). Ezekiel devotes more verses to this motif than either of his two predecessors. Indeed, chap. 16, with 63 verses, is the longest in his book, yet its excessiveness is not limited to quantity. Jerusalem here is a murderous nymphomaniac who makes even Sodom (here her ―sister‖) seem righteous. In chap. 23, Ezekiel in 49 verses reworks in a similarly extreme fashion the motif of Jer 3:6–12, YHWH‘s marriage to two sisters. H. Adultery in Wisdom Literature. The Book of Proverbs, chaps. 2 and 5–7, warns against consorting with the adulteress, labeled also ―a woman of evil‖ (6:24), but most often a ―foreign‖ or ―strange‖ woman (2:16; 5:3,20; 6:24; 7:5). She is dressed like a harlot (7:10), although is not identified as one (6:26 contrasts the harlot to the adulteress). Only in Proverbs 5 is the correspondence between an adulteress and the ―foreign woman‖ uncertain since only her intended victim is presented as married (vv 15–20). She lures foolish men to her home with crafty words (2:16; 5:3; 6:24; 7:14–20). Associating with her leads to ―death‖ (2:18–19; 5:5; 7:26–27), which may be a reference to judicial execution, premature death at the hands of God, or perhaps spiritual demise. She has forgotten the ―covenant of her God‖ (2:17), a reference either to the Decalogue, which prohibits adultery, or perhaps to her marriage vows. Her characterization as ―foreign‖ or ―strange‖ is explained in several ways: (1) as a dissolute woman, she places herself outside the circle of proper relations or outside the norms of the community (Snijders 1954: 88–100); (2) zār here as in other places refers to a third party or one other than the members of a specific group, family, or tribe (Deut 25:5; 1 Kgs 3:18; Prov 5:10, 17); (3) she is indeed a foreigner. Egyptian wisdom warns against consorting with a ―woman from abroad,‖ traveling without her husband and waiting to ensnare the naive youth (ANET, 420). Bostrom argues that she is a non-Israelite devotee of
- 238. a fertility goddessand that her sexual activity has a cultic function (1935: 103–55); or (4) she symbolizes either a Canaanite goddess and her cult, non-Israelite religion in general, or ―the seductions of this world‖ (so Saadiah Gaon); most recently Fishbane (1974: 44) labeled Prov 6:20–35 an ―inner biblical midrash on the Decalogue‖ in which the foreign woman symbolizes ―the seduction of false wisdom‖ in direct contrast to divine wisdom in Proverbs 8 and 9. Prov 30:20 underlines the nonchalance of the adulterous woman who euphemistically ―eats, wipes her mouth,‖ and then says, ―I have done no wrong.‖ According to Job, the adulterer wears a disguise to conceal his identity and, like the murderer and robber, waits for the cover of night to commit his crime (24:13–16). In his oath of piety, Job curses himself with his own wife‘s infidelity if ―his heart was ravished by the wife of his neighbor and he lay in wait at his door‖ (31:9–12). Bibliography Bostrom, G. 1935. Proverbia Studien: die Weisheit und das fremde Weib in Spr. 1–9. LUÅ N.F. I, 30. Lund. Cohen, G. 1966. The Song of Songs and the Jewish Religious Mentality. Pp. 1–21 in The Samuel Friedland Lectures, 1960–66. New York. Driver, G. R., and Miles, J. C. 1975. The Assyrian Laws. Oxford. Finkelstein, J. J. 1966. Sex Offenses in Sumerian Law. JAOS 86: 355–72. Fishbane, M. 1974. Accusations of Adultery: A Study of Law and Scribal Practices in Num 5:11–31. HUCA 45: 25–45. Fustel de Coulanges, Numa Denis. 1956. The Ancient City. Garden City, NY. Gordon, C. 1936. Hosea 2:4–5 in the Light of New Semitic Inscriptions. ZAW 54: 277–80. Greenberg, M. 1960. Some Postulates of Biblical Criminal Law. Pp. 5–28 in Yehezkel Kaufmann Jubilee Volume, ed. M. Haran. Jerusalem. Jackson, B. 1973. Reflections of Biblical Criminal Law. JJS 24: 8–38. Kornfeld, W. 1950. L‘Adultere dans L‘Orient Antique. RB 57: 92–109. Loewenstamm, S. 1962. The Laws of Adultery and Murder in Biblical and Mesopotamian Law. Beth Mikra 13: 55–59 (in Hebrew). ———. 1964. The Laws of Adultery and Murder in the Bible. Beth Mikra 8–9: 77–78 (in Hebrew). McKeating, H. 1979. Sanctions against Adultery. JSOT 11: 57–72. Milgrom, J. 1976. Cult and Conscience. Leiden. ———. 1977. The Betrothed Slave Girl, Lev 19:20–22. ZAW 89: 43–50. Moran, W. L. 1956. The Scandal of the ―Great Sin‖ at Ugarit. JNES 18:280–81. Muffs, Y. 1965. Studies in Biblical Law, IV: The Antiquity of P. Lectures at the Jewish Theological Seminary of America. New York (mimeographed). Neufeld, E. 1944. Ancient Hebrew Marriage Laws. New York and London. Phillips, A. 1970. Ancient Israel‘s Criminal Law. Oxford. ———. 1981. Another Look at Adultery. JSOT 20: 3–25. Rabinowitz, J. J. 1956. The ―Great Sin‖ in Ancient Egyptian Marriage Contracts. JNES 18:73. Snijders, L. A. 1954. The Meaning of zar in the Old Testament. OTS 10: 1–154. Speiser, E. 1963. The Root pll in Hebrew. JBL 82: 301–6. Wenham, G. J. 1972. Betulah: ―A Girl of Marriageable Age.‖ VT 22: 326–48. Yaron, R. 1961. Introduction to the Law of the Aramaic Papyri. Oxford. ———. 1969. The Laws of Eshnunna. Jerusalem. ELAINE ADLER GOODFRIEND ADUMMIM (PLACE) [Heb ˒ădumm m (ים ִמ ֻד ֲא)]. After the conquest described in Joshua 6–12, Joshua divided the land by lot among the tribes of Israel. Joshua 15 describes the lot which fell to the tribe of Judah and gives a description of the boundaries of Judah. The N boundary (v 5) ran from the mouth of the Jordan River, where it empties into the Dead Sea, to Debir from the Valley of Achor and northward, turning toward Gilgal, which is opposite the ascent, ma‘aleh of Adummim—which is on the S side of the valley (v 8). In Josh 18:11, we find a description of the lot falling to the tribe of Benjamin. The S boundary (v 15) goes from Kiriath-jearim to the Dead Sea and the mouth of the Jordan River (v 19). In 18:17 we read that the border goes from Enshemesh (˓ên šemeš) to Geliloth which is opposite the ascent of Adummim (LXX Aithamin). The root means ―red‖ (BDB, 10) and is in the plural form so one might translate it ―double red‖ or ―Big Red.‖ It has also been translated ―red places.‖ Smith (1974:180–81) thinks the name is from the ―curious red streaks‖ which appear from time to time on the stone. These in turn provided meaning for later names
- 239. like the RedKhan (inn), Khan el-Ahmar (M.R. 181133), one of the sites of the Inn of the Good Samaritan (Luke 10:34). The Arabic name for a nearby hill and fortress NE or the Khan is Tal˒at ed-Dumm, the ascent of blood, which probably also refers to the red marl rock formations, rather than the more pietistic derivation of the wounded traveler of the Good Samaritan story, or Jerome‘s reference that the pass was the way of the robbers. The fortress was the Crusaders‘ Chastel or Citerne Rouge built by the Templars to protect the pilgrims going down to the Jordan River to the site of Jesus‘ baptism. The Crusaders also called the place la Tour Maledoin, perhaps following Eus. (Onomast. 260–340), who refers to the place as Maledomni, i.e., ma˒ale-adum-mim, the ascent of Adummim. It was already a fortress in an earlier day. Eus. refers to a castle. Jerome (342–420) lists Adummim as a stronghold midway between Jerusalem (2500 ft. above sea level) and Jericho (770 feet below sea level). It is ca. 6 m SW of Jericho. Josephus (JW 4.8.3 § 474) describes the Jericho-Jerusalem distance as 18 Roman mi. 150 stadioi. He claims the Tenth Legion (Fretensis) came this way for the seige of Jerusalem (5.2.3 §69–70). The road itself is the middle one of three ancient caravan or trade routes from the Jordan Valley to the hill country. It follows the Wadi Qelt up through this pass at Adummim to Jerusalem (the N one goes to Bethel and the S one to Mar Saba). From Adummim, Jericho can be seen in one direction and the Mt. of Olives at Jerusalem in the other. The name ―Adummim‖ appears in the lists of Thutmose III and Sheshonk I and again in Papyrus Anastasi I, the Egyptian letter of Hori (ANET 242, 475–79). The latter asks sarcastic questions of a would-be scribe named Amen-em-Opet. These refer to locations in Canaan such as Shechem, Hazor, Adummim, Beth-shan, the Jordan River, etc. (ANET 477). However, these references may be to a different Adummim. Aharoni (LBHG, 61) identifies this Adummim with Adami-Nekeb while S. Ahituve considers it Tel Qarnei Hittin, the Horns of Hittin (quoted by Na˒aman, 1986: 128 n.23). Bibliography Helmbold, A. K. 1975. Adummim. 1.66. The Zondervan Pictorial Encyclopedia of the Bible, 5 vols., ed. M. C. Tenney and S. Barabas. Grand Rapids. Na˒aman, N. 1986. Borders and Districts in Biblical Geographical Lists. Jerusalem. Smith, G. A. 1974. The Historical Geography of the Holy Land, 25th ed. London. HENRY O. THOMPSON ADVERSARY. See SATAN. ADVOCATE [Gk paraklētos (παπακλησορ)]. Originally paraklētos had a passive sense, ―one who is called alongside [to someone‘s aid],‖ and so was rendered in Latin as ―advocatus.‖ In the NT it is used in an active sense (as is ―advocate‖ in current English): ―one who appears on another‘s behalf,‖ ―mediator,‖ ―intercessor,‖ or ―helper.‖ In 1 John 2:1, Jesus Christ is referred to as our paraklētos who intercedes with (God) the Father on behalf of sinners. Some English versions paraphrase the word: ―one to plead our cause‖ (NEB), ―someone who pleads … on our behalf‖ (GNB), or ―one who speaks in our defense‖ (NIV). In the Gospel of John (14:16, 26; 15:26; 16:7), paraklētos is identified with the Holy Spirit and is variously translated as the ―Comforter‖ (KJV, ASV), ―Counselor‖ (RSV, NIV), ―Advocate‖ (JB, NEB), and ―Helper‖ (GNB, NASB). R. Brown (John 13–21 AB, pp. 637, 649, 685, 703; note also appendix V), recognizing that no single English word covers all the meanings of paraklētos, employs a virtual transliteration, ―Paraclete‖ (see also NAB and NJB). HERBERT G. GRETHER AENEAS (PERSON) [Gk Aineas (Αἰνεαρ)]. A man at Lydda, bed-ridden with paralysis, whom Peter was instrumental in healing (Acts 9:32–35). This person is not otherwise attested, though the name itself is fairly common and is found in Greek classical writers and in Josephus (Ant 14.10.22). HERBERT G. GRETHER AENON (PLACE) [Gk Ainon (Αἰνον)]. John the Baptist baptized at this well-watered site along the Jordan River. According to Eus. (Onomast 40.1), this site is 6 miles S of Roman Scythopolis (Beth- shean), the capital of a Decapolis territory. John 3:23 identifies a nearby Salim (Salumias), a description in agreement with Eus. Aenon, perhaps from Ar ˒ain spring, is appropriate for an area near Tell Sheikh Selim which has several springs. Wadi Far˓ah qualifies Nablus, E of Shechem, as yet another possibility
- 240. for Aenon (Albright1954). Ironically, modern Salim, 3.5 miles E of Nablus, is also a contending site (Albright 1924). But the ancient location of Salim (Gen 14:18; Jer 48:5) was nearer to the aforementioned wadi Far˓ah than the modern site bearing the same name. A Madeba mosaic map (ca. 560 A.D.). from Jordan complicates a positive location of Aenon. The map, on a Madeba church floor, shows two Aenon sites. One of the two sites positions Aenon W of the Jordan and may be synonymous with modern Salim, mentioned above. The mapmaker identifies this vaguely placed site as ―near Salim,‖ and a row of bluish-green cubes. Atheria (ca. 385 A.D.) qualifies Aenon as in a garden with a pool or spring, perhaps represented by the colored cubes. The second map site is N of the Dead Sea, on the E side of the Jordan, yet S of the first map site. The second site, near a hill and a spring, may also be the hill of Elijah, i.e., where he ascended to heaven. Bibliography Albright, W. F. 1954. Recent Discoveries in Palestine and the Gospel of St. John. Pp. 153–55 in The Background of the New Testament and its Eschatology, ed. W. D. Davies and D. Daube. Cambridge. ———. 1924. Some Observations Favoring the Palestinian Origin of The Gospel of John. HTR 17:193–94. JERRY A. PATTENGALE AESORA (PLACE) [Gk Aisōra (Αἰςωπα)]. A site mentioned in the book of Judith, whose exact location is unknown (Jdt 4:4). It forms part of the list of towns N of Jerusalem called upon to defend the city from attack by HOLOFERNES. The Greek name may be a translation of the Hebrew Hazor (Heb ḥāṣôr) or Hebrew Jazer (Heb ya˓zēr; see HAZOR; JAZER). If it is a translation of biblical Hazor, there are five cities in the Hebrew Bible with this name (Josh 11:1; Josh 15:23; Josh 15:25; Neh 11:33; Jer 49:28). Of these five, the two likeliest candidates for identification are the Hazor in Josh 11:1, located 10 miles N of the Sea of Galilee (modern Tell el-Qedah), or the Hazor in Neh 11:33, a town located in Benjaminite territory (modern Kh. Hazzūr). The likelier identification is with biblical Jazer, a fortified city in Gilead (Num 21:32, 32:35), which was disputed among the Israelites, Ammonites, and Moabites. It has been identified by Avi-Yonah and Aharoni (MBA, 179, map 211) with Kh. es-Sar (M.R. 228150), located 7 miles SW of Philadelphia in Transjordan, and thus in the line called for by the book of Judith, between Samaria and Jerusalem. However, given the genre of the book of Judith, it is possible that the name is entirely fictitious. SIDNIE ANN WHITE ˓AFFULA, EL- (M.R. 177223). The remains of ancient ˓Affula are located within the modern town of that name, on the N slopes of the hill of Moreh in the heart of the Jezreel Valley. Little of the mound survives, but its occupation is known to extend from the mid-4th millennium through the Roman period, with Crusader and Ayyubid remains attested as well. The name apparently derives from early Semitic ˓ōpel, or ―citadel.‖ The site may be mentioned in the Egyptian Execration texts of the 19th century B.C., and again in the well-known list of Thutmose III in the 15th century B.C. In the Israelite period, ˓Affula would have been reckoned as one of the ―daughters‖ of Megiddo (Josh 17:11). It may be identified with Arbela of Eusebius‘ Onomasticon (14.20) and with Afel of the medieval period. ˓Affula was excavated by E. L. Sukenik in 1926 and 1931; again in 1937 by Sukenik and N. Avigad; and then in 1950–51 by I. Ben-Dor and M. Dothan. These excavations, however, were little more than scattered soundings and clearance of tombs, and no final reports have appeared. Stratum X belongs to the Late Chalcolithic and EB I (mid-late 4th millennium B.C.). The remains were mostly hearth and pits/silos, with pottery of the gray-burnished ―Esdraelon‖ type marking the latest occupation. Stratum IX, later in EB I, with band-slipped wares, had crude house foundations. After a gap, Stratum VIII represented a reoccupation in EB III; few building remains were found, but the characteristic KHIRBET KERAK WARE appears. Stratum VII belongs to EB IV (ca. 2400–2000 B.C.). Subrectangular dwellings with ovens were found, together with typical large storejars, with ―folded envelope‖ ledge handles.
- 241. Strata VI–V belongto the MB, spanning perhaps the entire period ca. 2000–1500 B.C. A planned settlement revealed streets, courtyards, domestic dwellings, pits/silos, pottery kilns, and several dozen intermural tombs. Late Bronze I was not attested, but Stratum IV belongs to LB II (ca. 1400–1200 B.C.). Little but tombs were found, some containing Mycenaean and Cypriot imported pottery. Stratum IIIB-A was the only Iron Age settlement, belonging to Iron I, and following closely in the ceramic tradition of Stratum IV. Phase IVB contained some Philistine Bichrome ware; phase IIIA was apparently destroyed in the mid-11th century B.C., perhaps during the time of Saul. A few large courtyard houses marked the first phase, as well as granaries, a kiln, and a few tombs. Only a few Iron II remains were noted, including a few sherds of Samaria ware. Stratum II dates to the Roman period (2d–4th centuries A.D.), and Stratum I to the Crusader and Ayyubid period (11th–13th centuries A.D.). Bibliography Dothan, M. 1955. The Excavations at ˓Afula. ˓Atiqot 1: 19–70 (in Hebrew). ———. 1975. ˓Afula. EAEHL 1: 32–36. Sukenik, E. L. 1936. Late Chalcolithic Pottery from ˓Affuleh. PEFQS, 150–54. ———. 1948. Archaeological Investigations at ˓Affula. JPOS 21: 1–79. WILLIAM G. DEVER AGABUS (PERSON) [Gk Hagabos (Ἁγαβορ)]. A Christian prophet from Judea (Acts 11:27–30 and 21:10–14). In 11:27–30 Agabus goes with a group of other prophets from Jerusalem to Antioch and prophesies that there would be a famine ―over all the world.‖ Luke states that the prophecy was fulfilled during the reign of Emperor Claudius (41–54 C.E.). Although no worldwide famine occurred during the reign of Claudius, there are references to isolated famines throughout the Roman Empire during this time (Tac. Ann. 12.43; Seut. Claud. 18.2; Dio Cas. 60.11). According to Josephus (Ant 20.2.5 §49–53; 20.5.2 §100–1), there was a famine in Palestine during the procuratorship of Tiberius Alexander (46–48 C.E.), during which Queen Helena of Adiabene bought grain from Egypt and figs from Cyprus and distributed them in Jerusalem. Agabus‘s prophecy stirred the Christians in Antioch to send a collection by Paul and Barnabas to aid the Judean Christians (cf. Eus. Hist. Eccl. 2.3.4). In 21:10–14 Agabus goes to Caesarea and delivers a prophecy accompanied by a vivid symbolic act in the fashion of the classical prophets (e.g. Isaiah 20; Jer 13:1–11; Ezekiel 4–5). He takes Paul‘s girdle and binds his own hands and feet and prophesies that the Jews would bind Paul and hand him over to the Romans if he proceeded to Jerusalem. His prophecy was not strictly fulfilled, for although the Jews did seize Paul, they did not hand him over to the Romans. Rather the Romans rescued Paul from the Jews and bound him in chains in order to protect him from the Jewish rabble (21:33). In any case, Luke clearly holds the Jews responsible for delivering Paul to the Romans (28:17). Late tradition identifies Agabus as one of the Seventy and a martyr at Antioch. Bibliography Lake, K. 1933. The Famine in the Time of Claudius. Pp. 452–55 in The Beginnings of Christianity, vol. 5. Ed. F. J. Foakes Jackson and K. Lake. London. Patsch, H. 1972. ―Die Prophetie des Agabus.‖ TZ 28: 228–32. JOANN FORD WATSON AGAG (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăgag (ג ַג ֲא)]. The name of two kings of the Amalekites (Num 24:7 and 1 Sam 15:8–9, 20, 32–33), and perhaps a traditional or common name of all their kings—like Pharaoh in Egypt and perhaps Abimelech (Achish) among the Philistines. Though the etymological meaning is not certain, it is usually taken from Akkadian agāgum, ―to get angry, furious.‖ The Greek name ―Ogygos,‖ which appears to be Semitic in origin, has been derived from ˒āgag, ―to flame‖ (Astour 1964: 200). 1. The name of a (legendary?) king mentioned by Balaam in an archaic poetic context, ―his king shall be higher than Agag‖ (Num 24:7). Its usage here appears to be a wordplay on the term gag, ―roof,‖ which is found in Ugaritic and South Canaanite (EA 287:37). The context suggests a mythological character, which is rendered by LXX as Gōg, a figure that later leads the evil forces that rise up to war against
- 242. Yahweh in aclimactic eschatological battle (Ezekiel 38–39). In Num 24:23 the term ―Gog‖ (or more frequently ―Og‖) is inserted by LXX in an obscure passage, which has been rendered (Albright YGC 14, n. 40): And he saw Gog and delivered an oracle about him, saying: The isles shall be gathered from the north, And ships from the farthest sea; And they shall harass Aššur and harass ˓Eber, But he (Gog) will perish forever. 2. The name of a king of the Amalekites whom Saul spared, contrary to a sacred ban imposed by Samuel in which the Amalekites were devoted to destruction because of their opposition to Israel at the time of the Exodus (1 Sam 15:2–3). Samuel‘s inference of perpetual war against the Amalekites seems to reflect the content of another fragment of archaic Hebrew poetry concerning Amalek (Exod 17:16) which has been rendered (Christensen 1975: 48): For the hand is on Yahweh‘s banner; The battle belongs to Yahweh, Against Amalek from generation to generation. In the Holy War tradition of ancient Israel, Amalek apparently played the role of archenemy. It would appear that Agag was the name of the king of Amalek within a body of archaic poetry, the ―Song of the Wars of Yahweh‖ (cf. Num 21:14). W. R. Smith (1927: 491–92) has argued that Saul spared Agag in order that he might be sacrificed according to an ancient Arab pattern for victorious warriors on their return from a foray; and that Samuel actually accomplished this offering by slaying Agag ―before Yahweh‖ in Gilgal. In the biblical story, Saul‘s disobedience at this point occasioned his final break with Samuel. The term ―Agag‖ appears also in the book of Esther as the gentilic name of Haman (ch. 3:1, 10; 8:3, 5; and 9:24). Haupt (1906: 8, 12–14, 42 [nn. 111, 112]) argued that the designation ―Agagite‖ here, perhaps a Hebrew adaptation of the epithet Gagite (Gōgaios, ―northern barbarian‖), was used to indicate to a Hebrew what ―Macedonian‖ would to a Greek; and that it meant ―Amalekite‖ in the sense of a contemptible, hateful person, but not implying that Haman actually had any genealogical tie with Amalek. However, Jewish tradition makes much of the connection, arguing that Samuel‘s execution of Agag came one day too late. It was during that brief interval between Saul‘s sparing of Agag and his execution by Samuel that he became the progenitor of Haman (Meg. 13a, Targ. Sheni; to Esther 4:13). See also AGAGITE. Bibliography Astour, M. 1964. Greek Names in the Semitic World and Semitic Names in the Greek World. JNES 23: 193–201. Christensen, D. L. 1975. Transformations of the War Oracle in Old Testament Prophecy. HDS 3. Missoula. Haupt, P. 1906. Purim. Baltimore. Smith, W. R. 1927. Lectures on the Religion of the Semites. 3d ed. New York. Winckler, H. 1898. Gog. Altorientalische Forschungen 2. Leipzig. DUANE L. CHRISTENSEN AGAGITE (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăgāg (יִג ָג ֲא)]. A gentilic name identifying HAMAN, the enemy of the Jews in the book of Esther (Esth 3:1, 10; 8:3, 5; 9:24). By identifying Haman as an offspring of ―Agag the descendant of Amalek‖ (Aram ˒gg br ˓mlq), the Targums elaborate on the MT, and Josephus supports this identification by referring to Haman as ―the Amalekite‖ (Ant 11.6.5, 12). However, the LXX and its variant manuscripts prefer Gk bougaion, gōgaion, or makedōn. In the Latin witnesses, support is found for the MT (Vg. Agag), as well as for Gk bougaion (OL bagogeum). Such diverse readings indicate that the ancient translators, like modern scholars, were attempting to interpret the term ―Agagite.‖ Of the modern scholars who support the MT reading, Paton (Esther ICC, 194) represents the position well. He suggests that the term ―Agagite‖ literarily identified Haman as a descendant of Agag the king of the Amalekites, Israel‘s ancient and continual antagonists (Exod 18:8–16;
- 243. Num 24:7; Deut25:17–19; 1 Samuel 15). Based on this premise, other scholars point out that the term ―Agagite‖ fits the typology of ―the enemy‖ of the Jews, which may account for LXX variants like bougaion, gōgaion, and makedōn, since these were ―the enemy‖ at different periods of time (Altheim and Stiehl 1963: 212; Ringgren and Weiser Esther ATD, 127; Moore Esther AB, 35; Stein 1982: 569). Other suggestions are that Agagite may be a nickname for Haman (Simons 1959: 485), possibly an official title like ―Pharaoh‖ (Keil Chronicles, Ezra, Nehemiah, Esther BKAT, 632), or simply an Elamite name A/Ag- ga-ga (Zadok 1984). Of those who emend the MT, Haupt (1908: 123) posits an original Heb *g˒gy, ―Gagean or northern barbarian,‖ from Codex Vaticanus‘ Gōgaios (Esth 3:1; see LXX gōg in Num 24:7), and also based on the correspondence of spelling in Gk and Heb. He thus identifies Haman as a northern enemy of the Persians, rather than of the Jews. Lewy (1939: 134), viewing the LXX bougaion as a transmutation of the West- Iranian word baga, ―god,‖ proposes an original Heb *bwgy, ―Bougaite or worshipper of Baga,‖ identifying Haman as a devotee of the god Mithra (Esth 3:1; Add Esth 12:6). He contends that a Babylonian story about the persecution of Marduk worshipers (―Mardukians‖) by their enemies, the ―Bougaions‖ (worshipers of Mithra), was adapted to the Jewish experience by supplying the appellative ―Agagite.‖ In Homeric literature Gk bougaion means ―braggart‖ (Il. 13.824; Od. 18.79), but this seemingly has no relation to the LXX use of the term. Finally, based on evidence also cited by Lewy (above), and on the assumption that Gk bougaios and bagaios are the same, Hoschander (1923: 23) emends Heb h˒ggy to read hbgy, ―the Bagoan.‖ However, unlike Lewy, he views this not as the name of a deity, but as a Persian gentilic name. On literary grounds, it can be seen that the term ―Agagite‖ functions on more than one level. As the textual variants cited by most scholars suggest (see e.g. Paton Esther ICC, Moore Esther AB), the term ―Agagite‖ harkens back to the story of Agag (1 Samuel 15), with which the Esther story has some parallels (McKane 1961: 260), especially since Mordecai, like Saul (1 Sam 9:1–2), was a ―son of Kish, a Benjaminite‖ (Esth 2:5). Within the book of Esther, Haman‘s role as the sole enemy of the Jews is indicated by the term ―Agagite‖ (3:10; cf. 8:1; 9:10; see Clines 1984: 14, 42). Definition of the term ―Agagite‖ is provided by parallel occurrences of other appellatives with the name ―Haman‖ (Jones 1978: 40): the most complete identification of Haman, ―Haman, the Agagite, the son of Hammedatha, the enemy of (all) the Jews‖ (3:10; 9:24), can be abbreviated by omitting one or the other of the appellatives. Therefore, in Esth 3:1 and 8:5 Haman is identified simply as ―the Agagite,‖ whereas in 9:10 the only label applied to him is ―the enemy of the Jews.‖ Also, the identification ―Haman, the enemy of the Jews‖ (8:1) is complemented by ―Haman, the Agagite‖ (8:3). These variant identifications of Haman in parallel verses in Esther clearly make ―Agagite‖ virtually synonymous with ―the enemy of the Jews.‖ Bibliography Altheim, F., and Stiehl, R. 1959–63. Die aramäische Sprache unter den Achaimeniden, Vol. 1/2. Frankfurt am Main. Clines, D. J. A. 1984. The Esther Scroll. JSOTSup 30. Sheffield. Haupt, P. 1908. Critical Notes on Esther. AJSL 24: 97–186. Jones, B. W. 1978. The So-Called Appendix to the Book of Esther. Semantics 6: 36–43. Hoschander, J. 1923. The Book of Esther in the Light of History. Philadelphia. Lewy, J. 1939. The Feast of the 14th Day of Addar. HUCA 14:127–51. McKane, W. 1961. A Note on Esther 9 and 1 Samuel 15. JTS 12: 260–61. Simons, J. 1959. The Geographical and Topographical Texts of the Old Testament. Leiden. Stein, E. 1982. Un Essai D‘Adaptation de la Fête de Pourim dans L‘Alexandrie Hellenistique. Pp. 567–76 in Studies in the Book of Esther, ed. C. A. Moore. New York. Zadok, R. 1984. On the Historical Background of the Book of Esther. BN 24: 18–23. MARK J. FRETZ AGAPE MEAL [Gk agapē (ἀγαπη)]. ―Love feast,‖ a specialized Christian use of the Greek word for love (agapē) to refer to a fellowship meal which was a principal occasion for charity to the poorer members of the church. Agapē occurs with this meaning in the NT only in Jude 12 (―These are blemishes on your love feasts, as they boldly carouse together, looking after themselves‖) and as a variant reading in the parallel passage in
- 244. 2 Pet 2:13.These passages reflect later problems associated with the agape—immoral conduct and selfish interest in the food more than genuine community love. Love (agapē) in early Christian usage was practical (1 John 3:17–18), so one use of the word came to be the meal served for benevolent purposes. The instructions of Jesus in Luke 14:12–14 were taken seriously in the early church. That agapē came to mean ―love feast‖ is a testimony to the practical nature of early Christian love and to the prominence of a meal as a way of expressing love. A. Greco-Roman Religious Meals Greco-Roman society knew various types of religious meals. Especially important in the social life of the early Roman empire were the monthly banquets of the private associations. Whether based on nationality, a common occupation, or social concern, these clubs nearly always had a religious aspect (with a patron deity, a priest or priestess among the officials, and libations or other sacrifices as part of their gatherings) and provided burial services for their members. Whatever other functions these clubs served, the social fellowship of their regular meals together constituted an important feature. The members paid a monthly fee, but patrons often supplied the food or drink for the banquet. These convivial occasions had to be tightly regulated by statutes because of their rowdiness. Some of these regulations assess fines for disorderly conduct, prohibit a member taking another member to court to settle a dispute, and provide for functionaries to enforce proper conduct during the meetings (IG II2 1368). Celsus, the 2d- century pagan critic of Christianity, compared the agape to meals in pagan secret associations (Origen, C. Cels. 1.1). B. Jewish Religious Meals Judaism also had its religious associations whose members ate together, especially on sabbaths and festivals. These gatherings were of a soberer and more disciplined character than Greco-Roman club meals. The Mishnah‘s report of rabbinic disputes about the order of activities reveals the following elements accompanying the meal: washing hands, lighting lamps, blessing and breaking of bread, and blessing a cup of wine (m. Ber. 8). These features appear in Christian accounts of the agape. The Qumran community had its group meals at which the priest blessed the bread and wine (1QS 6.3–6; 1QSa 2.17– 22), and the Therapeutae in Egypt had a festal meal and vigil which included prayer, exposition of the scripture, hymns, and a meal of bread and water (Philo, Vita Cont 64–89). Jewish religious meals provided the immediate antecedent for the practice of Jesus and his disciples. C. Jesus and His Disciples Religious meals in the early church may have had their origin in Jesus‘ meals with his disciples. The NT places a particular emphasis on Jesus‘ eating and drinking with his disciples after the resurrection (Luke 24:30, 41–42; John 21:12–14; Acts 10:41). During the ministry of Jesus the feeding miracles occupied a prominent place (Mark 6:35–44; 8:1–9 pars.); Luke showed a special interest in Jesus‘ teachings associated with meals (Luke 14:1–24). The Lord‘s Supper was instituted in the context of a Jewish religious meal (Mark 14:22–25 pars.), and it continued to be observed in a meal setting (1 Cor 11:20–34). The disturbances at Corinth which Paul sought to correct may have resulted from Greeks carrying over into a Christian setting the convivial practices of their own (religious) club life. The poorer members were humiliated, since those better off ate the food and drink they furnished instead of sharing it or ate the best portions provided from the common fund before the poorer (workers) could arrive (1 Cor 11:21–22). D. Relation to Eucharist When the eucharist was separated from the meal in time and location (as it may have been from the beginning in intention and purpose), the latter moved more decisively in the direction of fellowship and charity. Terminology, however, continued to be interchangeable. Ign., Smyrn. 8 appears to use agapē for the eucharist (Smyrn. 7; cf. Ep. Apos. 15, which uses agape for the remembrance of the Lord‘s death), and Hippolytus, Ap. Trad. 26 (in some of its versions) uses ―Lord‘s supper‖ for the love feast. The lack of clear distinctions shows in the competing interpretations of Did. 9–10. Do the prayers refer to a eucharist, an agape, or to a eucharist in the context of an agape? Since the compiler called the prayers eucharistic, the absence of a memorial of the death and resurrection is hardly conclusive that an agape is described.
- 245. Pliny the Youngerat the beginning of the 2d century refers to two gatherings by Christians in Bithynia: one before dawn and another in the evening ―to partake of food—but food of an ordinary and innocent kind‖ (Ep. 10.96). The latter meeting, he says, was suspended when he enforced the edict against unauthorized associations. The separate evening meeting and the willingness of Christians to give it up might suggest an agape rather than the eucharist. All later sources show a separation of the eucharist from the agape. E. Purpose The NT indicates the early disciples had meals for fellowship and/or benevolence. According to Acts 2:46, ―Day by day … they partook of food with glad and generous hearts.‖ The ―daily distribution‖ to the widows in Acts 6:1–2 may have been of funds or of food. Such activities may have continued and later have been described by the word agapē or may have served as a precedent for the institution of the agape. A 2d-century apologist for Christianity declared that Christians ―have their meals in common‖ (Diogn. 5). F. Later Descriptions The fullest descriptions of the love feast come from about the year 200. Tertullian gives this information: Our feast shows its motive by its name. It is called by the Greek word for love. Whatever is reckoned the cost, money spent in the name of piety is gain, since with that refreshment we benefit from the needy … We do not recline at the table before prayer to God is first tasted. We eat the amount that satisfies the hungry; we drink as much as is beneficial to the modest. We satisfy ourselves as those who remember that even during the night we must worship God; we converse as those who know that the Lord listens. After the washing of hands and lighting of lamps, each one who is able is called into the center to chant praise to God either from the holy scriptures or from his own talents. This is proof of how much is drunk. Prayer in like manner concludes the meal (Apol. 39.16–18). The more detailed account by Hippolytus (Ap. Trad. 25–27) shows a concern with tight ecclesiastical control, for one of the clergy must preside. The benevolent purpose of the meal is highlighted and the recipients of the food were expected to pray for the host. It was necessary that the love feasts be tightly regulated. Clement of Alexandria protested against the almost exclusive use of agapē for the social meal: ―The meal occurs because of love, not love because of the meal‖ (Paed. 2.1.4–9). He attests that the meal had become the chief thing about Christianity for many, but he wanted to lift thoughts to a higher plane. Pagans misunderstood what they heard about the Christians‘ meal (Min. Fel. Oct. 9; 30–31), but their charges of immorality (Athenagoras, Plea 3) may have had some basis in fact in irregularities associated with the love feast (Tertullian, Fasting 17). Disorders in connection with love feasts led to efforts to suppress them in the 5th century. For further discussion see DACL 1: 775–848. Art. Meal scenes are common in the Catacomb paintings. It is often difficult to know what is being depicted: a feeding miracle from the Gospels, the Last Supper, the eucharist, the heavenly banquet of the redeemed, a funerary meal in commemoration of the deceased, or an agape. The inscriptions ―love‖ and ―peace‖ suggest that some of the pictures depict an agape. These paintings may be a further confirmation of the central place which the common meal had in the religious experience of many ordinary Christians. The martyrs in the Passion of Perpetua and Felicitas 17 in their last meal on the day before their martyrdom, perhaps in anticipation of the heavenly banquet, partook of an agape ―so far as they could.‖ Bibliography Cole, R. L. 1916. Love-Feasts: A History of the Christian Agape. London. Ferguson, E. 1987. Early Christians Speak. Abilene. Hamman, A. 1970. Quelle est l‘origine de l‘agape? Studia Patristica 10: 351–54. Hanssens, J. M. 1927–1928. L‘Agape et l‘Eucharistie. Ephemerides liturgicae 41: 525–48; 42: 545–71. ———. 1930. Institutiones liturgicae de ritibus orientalibus., v. II. Rome. Keating, J. F. 1906. The Agape and the Eucharist in the Early Church. London. Repr. 1969. Reicke, B. 1951. Diakonie, Festfreude, und Zelos in Verbindung mit der altchristlichen Agapenfeier. Uppsala. EVERETT FERGUSON
- 246. AGE In theOT usually in the sense of the age of a person or of people. In this sense it renders a number of terms or expressions in Hebrew. See OLD AGE. While this meaning also is found in the NT, much more often there it is used in the sense of one or both of the two ages (Gk aiōn) of the world, as conceived in late Jewish thought. This meaning is found in expressions such as ―this age,‖ ―the present age,‖ ―the end of the age,‖ and ―that age,‖ ―the age to come.‖ HERBERT G. GRETHER AGEE (PERSON) [Heb ˒āgē˒ (א ֵג ָא)]. The father of the Hararite Shammah, one of King David‘s three chief ―mighty men‖ (2 Sam 23:11). The name Agee only occurs once within this roster of David‘s ―mighty men‖ (2 Sam 23:8–17) and is conspicuously absent in the parallel passage 1 Chr 11:11–19; the Lucianic text of LXX reads ēla, to which Mazar (1986: 91) emends the MT. However, based on occurrences of the term ―Hararite‖ in the Samuel list and its Chronicles parallel, Agee may be related to another of these ―mighty men.‖ Compare the MT of the following verses: (1) 2 Sam 23:11a šammā˒ ben-˒āgē˒ hārār (2) 2 Sam 23:32b–33a yĕhônātān šammâ hahărār (3) 1 Chr 11:34b yônātān ben-šāgēh hahărār (1) ―Shammah the son of Agee the Hararite‖ and (2) ―Jonathan, Shammah the Hararite‖ become in Chronicles 11 (3) ―Jonathan the son of Shagee the Hararite.‖ It may be suggested that Heb šāgēh (1 Chr 11:34b) results from a combination of šammā˒ and ˒āgē˒ (2 Sam 23:11a), which reflects an association between Agee and Jonathan in 2 Samuel 23 (see Elliger 1935: 31). According to some scholars (McCarter 2 Samuel AB, 493), the term ―Hararite‖ (Heb hrry; see 2 Sam 23:11), together with its close variant (hhrry, see 2 Sam 23:33 and 1 Chr 11:34–35) and other proximate forms in these lists (h˒rry, see 2 Sam 23:33; hḥrdy, see 2 Sam 23:25; hhrwry, see 1 Chr 11:27), is a gentilic associated with an unknown clan. Others hold that ―Hararite‖ is the name of Agee‘s hometown, and identify it with ―Araru‖ of the Amarna Letters (Elliger 1935: 56). Bibliography Elliger, K. 1935. Die dreissig Helden Davids. PJ 31: 29–75. Mazar, B. 1986. The Early Biblical Period, Historical Studies, ed. S. Aḥituv and B. Levine. Jerusalem. MARK J. FRETZ AGIA (PERSON) [Gk Augian (Αὐγιαν)]. The daughter of Barzillai and wife of Jaddus, whose sons returned from exile and laid claim to the priestly office without proof of priestly ancestry (1 Esdr 5:38). The name Agia is absent in the parallel lists of Ezra 2:61 = Neh 7:63). Although the sons of Jaddus were excluded from priestly service, their ancestral lineage through Agia to Barzillai gave them venerable connection to Israel since the family of Barzillai had been especially favored by King David (2 Sam 17:27; 19:31–40; 1 Kgs 2:7). MARK J. FRETZ AGING. See OLD AGE. AGORA (PLACE) [Gk agora (ἀγοπα)]. A gathering place in the city or town that was used for business, social, and political purposes. The word derives from ageirein, meaning ―to bring together.‖ Paul and Silas were dragged to the agora at Philippi by irate citizens who were bringing a complaint there before the Roman authorities (Acts 16:19–21). Paul also debated with Epicurean and Stoic teachers in the agora in Athens (Acts 17:17). In view of such use of the space, some modern versions render the word as ―public square‖ or ―city square,‖ rather than the traditional ―market place‖ (RSV). In the Gospels, the word is rendered ―market place,‖ and the contexts show that it referred to a place where more than buying and selling went on: An employer found workers (Matt 20:3), men liked to be greeted with respect (Matt 23:7 and parallel), and children played (Matt 11:16). But there is no evidence in the Gospels that the market places of Palestinian towns were used for political purposes. HERBERT G. GRETHER AGRAPHA. A word used to designate the noncanonical ―sayings‖ of Jesus.
- 247. ——— A. Toward aDefinition B. Sources C. Study of the Agrapha D. The Value of the Agrapha ——— A. Toward a Definition The term agrapha has been used since J. G. Koerner (1776) to refer primarily to ―sayings attributed to Jesus which are not found in the four canonical Gospels.‖ The choice of the designation agrapha, or unwritten sayings, was related to the idea that these materials were initially preserved orally and only later were incorporated into written documents, frequently as individual, isolated sayings. Sayings of Jesus such as those in Acts 20:35 and 1 Thess 4:15–17 have been referred to as agrapha, though they are within canonical writings. The vast majority of the agrapha are found outside the canonical writings. The term is currently used apart from the claim or attempt to demonstrate that the materials involved owe their existence to oral preservation of sayings or teachings of Jesus. The question of the origin of individual sayings is more an issue treated in investigating the materials than of defining the term. Though the definition given above is the most widely used, one encounters others in the critical literature which warrant mention. Hennecke (1913: 17, 25) limited the designation agrapha to extracanonical, isolated sayings of Jesus. Quotations from known apocryphal writings were thus excluded. This distinction was related to the organization of his influential New Testament Apocrypha (1963), in which many of the sayings were treated elsewhere in the collection as parts of discussions of documents such as the apocryphal gospels. Mangenot (DTC 1: 625) restricted the designation to ―authentic‖ or genuine sayings of Jesus not found in the four canonical Gospels. Resch (1906), in the second edition of his comprehensive collection of materials, used the term to refer to extracanonical scriptural fragments whether of the OT or NT. In current usage the term agrapha is frequently a virtual synonym for, and may even be replaced by, ―extracanonical sayings of Jesus.‖ This latter designation is intended primarily to indicate location, not to suggest judgments concerning origin or theological or historical value. Most of the same range of materials is included, even those sayings attributed to Jesus in the canonical NT outside the Gospels, such as Acts 20:35. The major difference is that the term ―extracanonical sayings of Jesus‖ usually includes more variant manuscript readings and citations from early Christian writings which parallel canonical sayings than was the case earlier with the designation agrapha. A major reason for this shift would seem to be the decreased emphasis on the search for ―authentic‖ sayings and the increased emphasis on other types of studies of the formation and transmission of sayings of Jesus. More will be said in this regard when the value of the materials in the study of early Christianity is discussed below. The sayings treated as agrapha are, in terms of their form, relatively analogous to those of the synoptic tradition. Most may be categorized using the form-critical designations initially developed by Rudolf Bultmann (1963) for the study of the synoptic tradition (parables, apophthegms, prophetic and apocalyptic sayings, wisdom sayings and proverbs, I-sayings, and community rules). Koester (1968) has used these categories in treating the sayings in the Gospel of Thomas and, more recently, Stroker (1988) has used them in categorizing the extracanonical sayings generally. Since the term agrapha has been used primarily to refer to relatively short sayings essentially containing teachings, certain types of materials attributed to Jesus in early Christianity are usually excluded. (1) The infancy gospels contain some words attributed to Jesus, but these are usually comments on the miraculous deeds, or other events and encounters narrated, and are of a rather different nature from teachings. (2) Several documents are largely revelatory discourses of Jesus, usually in the form of dialogues between Jesus and one or more of his disciples. Lengthy dialogues, whether from the Nag Hammadi corpus or from analogous treatises in Codices Brucianus and Askewianus, and Papyrus Berolinensis 8502 are not treated as agrapha. The same is the case with most of the materials, also largely revelatory discourses, in the Epistula Apostolorum, The Testament of the Lord, and the Ethiopic Apocalypse of Peter. Shorter
- 248. sayings from someof these documents are found in some collections of agrapha, however. (3) Sayings attributed to the preexistent Jesus are usually not included. (4) Quotations of biblical passages, whether from the OT or NT, are also not included when the understanding is present that Jesus was the one who spoke through the words of the biblical writers. B. Sources The sources in which agrapha or extracanonical sayings of Jesus are found are numerous and of wide variety. The following categorization is representative of those frequently found in the critical literature: (1) NT writings apart from the four Gospels; (2) variant readings or additions found in manuscripts of the Gospels; (3) quotations contained in the writings of the church fathers and other early Christian literature, such as the early liturgies and church orders; (4) manuscripts or fragments of manuscripts of noncanonical gospels and other noncanonical writings, usually designated NT apocrypha; (5) Manichaean and Mandaean writings; (6) ancient Jewish writings; and (7) Islamic writings. Some documents from the Nag Hammadi corpus warrant special mention in this context, though they are a part of category 4 above. The importance of the Gospel of Thomas is unparalleled for the study of the extracanonical sayings. It consists of a collection of some 114 sayings, including parables, and is thus the largest single collection of sayings of Jesus outside the canonical tradition. Approximately one half of the sayings in Thomas have parallels within canonical materials, whereas the rest are without significant parallel. The relation of Thomas to the canonical gospels is debated, but an increasing number of scholars assess it as preserving a tradition of Jesus‘ sayings, literarily independent from the canonical tradition. Assessments of the agrapha since the initial publication of the Gospel of Thomas (Guillaumont 1959) have been significantly affected by this major new discovery. The sayings attributed to Jesus in the Gospel of Philip are easily distinguished from their context and are also to be included in collections and treatments of the agrapha. Somewhat more complicated are the Dialogue of the Savior, the Book of Thomas the Contender, and the Apocryphon of James. These writings are currently in the literary form of revelation discourses. Recent studies indicate, however, that each may have made use of earlier collections of shorter sayings, many of which can be distinguished, at least tentatively, from their present literary context and reconstructed in an earlier form (Turner 1975; Koester 1979; Hedrick 1983; Cameron 1984; Emmell 1984). The analysis of these documents, and also of the revelation discourses mentioned earlier as usually not included among the agrapha, will likely yield an increasing number of shorter sayings, viewed as representing an earlier stage of tradition. These reconstructed, shorter sayings will likely become incorporated in future treatments of the agrapha or extracanonical sayings of Jesus. C. Study of the Agrapha The agrapha have been the subject of numerous and varied studies. Long before the major manuscript discoveries of the 19th and 20th centuries, scholars had called attention to these extracanonical sayings, had made collections of varying degrees of completeness, and had attempted to give some explanation of them and their place in the history of early Christianity. The best bibliography of the older literature was done by Pick (1908: 126–52). Resch (1906: 14–22) provides an assessment of much of the early works. Jeremias (1964: 4–13) has surveyed the materials since Resch. The history of research is too extensive for inclusion here; nonetheless, a sketch of the major types of studies is necessary in order to understand current research and assessment of the importance of the agrapha. An emphasis on collecting the materials understandably characterizes the first type of study. The earliest treatments of the agrapha were made by editors of the Apostolic Fathers and other early Christian writings, the first to my knowledge being that by Cotelier in 1672. He dealt with a number of important examples, citing parallel material, and was the first to indicate the wide distribution of extracanonical sayings of Jesus. Lists and short treatments of the agrapha are to be found from this time on. The first book which limited itself to the treatment of agrapha was by Dodd (1874). An apex in collecting material was reached in 1889 with the publication of the first edition of Alfred Resch‘s work. Resch provided the most comprehensive collection of materials prior to the discovery of
- 249. the Egerton Papyriand the Nag Hammadi Codices. The second edition of his work (1906) dealt with the newly discovered Oxyrhynchus Papyri. Resch‘s goal, more strongly stated in the first edition than in the second, was to restore an Urevangelium or original gospel, written in Hebrew, fragments of which could be reconstructed from some of the agrapha and other material he had collected. Despite the failure of his broader attempt, Resch‘s collection of materials has remained not only useful but also, until recently, the most comprehensive available. Preuschen (1901) published a collection of isolated sayings as well as fragments of apocryphal NT writings. Still useful collections of the texts of much of the material in the original languages were made by Erich Klostermann (1911; 1929) which contain fragments of noncanonical gospels, the Oxyrhynchus sayings, and a collection of 88 additional agrapha. The most complete early collection of the materials in English translation was made by Pick (1908). His earlier work (1903) also contained a sizable listing of agrapha. A comprehensive collection of the materials, in original language with English translations and parallel materials, has recently been published (Stroker 1988). The question of authenticity dominates the second type of study (i.e., whether the passages in question contain sayings to be viewed as spoken by the historical Jesus). Nestle (1896) treated 27 agrapha he considered to be authentic sayings of Jesus. Ropes (1896) provided a critical evaluation of Resch‘s work, not only of his general thesis, but also of the underlying treatment of the agrapha and related material. Ropes eliminated from the main focus of the discussion passages whose contexts did not claim they were sayings of Jesus and also quotations from canonical texts secondarily attributed to Jesus. The question of authenticity was asked with rigor and persistence. Only a few passages from the mass of material collected by Resch were considered by Ropes to have any real claim to authenticity. With the publication of Oxyrhynchus Papyri 1: 654, 655 (Grenfell and Hunt 1898; 1904) the question of authenticity was posed with renewed urgency and, with some notable exceptions, has dominated research on the agrapha until relatively recently. Following Ropes no comprehensive treatment of the agrapha appeared until that of Joachim Jeremias (1958; 1964) whose work has been very influential. Jeremias treats in detail only a small number of sayings, but in the initial sections of his work has a survey of the larger body of material. In his introduction he speaks of the unfortunate overemphasis on the question of authenticity, while the meaning of the sayings has largely been neglected. Jeremias is, however, in essential continuity with the quest for authentic sayings, departing from this type of study only in giving an exposition of the agrapha selected as potentially authentic (21 initially, 18 in later editions) in terms of their religious significance, finding or constructing a situation in Jesus‘ life in which they could have been said and expounding the sayings on the basis of such a context. Jeremias stands at the virtual end of an approach to the study of the agrapha for which the quest for authentic sayings of Jesus was the primary concern, a quest which has focused on an ever-diminishing number of passages and relegated the bulk of the materials to the periphery. Hofius (TRE 2: 103–10) eliminated half of Jeremias‘ 18 sayings and considers the question of authenticity properly to begin with the investigation of the remaining 9, for some of which he harbors doubts. The question of authenticity will never fully be given up; it has the same validity as the quest for authentic sayings of Jesus within the canonical tradition. The value of the agrapha, however, lies primarily in other areas. A third type of study focuses on the processes of the formation of the extracanonical sayings. Here the quest for authentic sayings of Jesus is not primary; rather, extra-canonical sayings, including ones which parallel those within the canonical gospels, are studied for clues to understanding the ways in which Jesus‘ teachings were shaped and adapted in early Christianity. Walter Bauer (1909) is an early example of this type. As a methodological consideration, Bauer treats all sayings attributed to Jesus not found in the earliest reconstructable version of the NT as not originating from him or as modifications of earlier forms of Jesus‘ sayings. He then classifies the changes which can be observed by comparison with the canonical materials. Leon Wright (1952) is primarily concerned with materials which can be shown to have obvious contacts with the texts of the canonical Gospels. Differences between the agrapha and
- 250. patristic quotations onthe one hand, and the canonical versions on the other, are grouped in terms of types of motivations which the alterations seem to evidence. The categories chosen are ones generally recognized by textual critics. Wright concludes that by and large the agrapha are dependent upon the canonical, and thus not upon an independent, parallel tradition. Bultmann (1963) has made more use of extracanonical sayings than one is aware of at first reading. There is no separate study of the agrapha, but examples are used to show the continuation in the extracanonical and postcanonical materials of tendencies in the development of tradition which Bultmann holds he has discerned within the synoptic materials themselves. Helmut Koester (1957b), while reviewing Jeremias‘ work, called for a rather different approach to the study of the agrapha. Koester asserts that the same type of treatment should be given the agrapha as given the canonical sayings of Jesus, since neither can be properly assessed primarily in terms of the question of authenticity. ―This demand is to be placed on the study of the extracanonical sayings of the Lord. They receive their own proper value from their Sitz im Leben and are immune against the verdict of inauthenticity even if they have their Sitz not in the life of Jesus but in that of the community‖ (1957b: 222). Both groups of materials are to be regarded as units of early Christian tradition, to be understood as representing situations in the life and thought of the early Christian communities. Their place and use in the life, thought, and worship of the early church are the key to the value of the extracanonical sayings. Neither the distinction between canonical and noncanonical nor the question of authenticity should rob them of their significance. Studies along the lines called for by Koester thus may be viewed as representing a fourth type: that is, treating the agrapha and extracanonical sayings that closely parallel the canonical as parts of a larger treatment of the tradition of Jesus‘ teachings in the works of a given writer or a given body of tradition. Examples of this type are Bellinzoni (1967) and Kline (1975). D. The Value of the Agrapha As already indicated, the value of the agrapha and other extracanonical traditions of Jesus‘ teachings cannot be limited to the search for those few sayings which might be viewed as authentic sayings of the historical Jesus. Rather, the importance of these materials lies in their role in broadening our understanding of the development and transmission of traditions of Jesus‘ teachings. The following three areas may be mentioned as especially important in this regard. The canonical tradition and the sources immediately behind the canonical gospels were neither the only collections nor the sole bearers of the traditions of Jesus‘ teachings. Koester (1957a) has shown that many of the sayings in the Apostolic Fathers are independent of the synoptic gospels. Further, the sayings in the Gospel of Thomas are best viewed as stemming from a collection which is independent of, and perhaps earlier than, the canonical Gospels. Thus the question of the earliest stages of the tradition of Jesus‘ teachings cannot be investigated on the basis of the canonical Gospels alone. Extracanonical sources provide some sayings without parallel in the canonical Gospels which, on the basis of their form and content, are to be viewed as stemming from very early stages of the Jesus tradition. Further, extracanonical sayings sometimes preserve a less-developed version of a canonical saying and may give us thereby access to a stage of tradition earlier than that of the canonical Gospels. Secondly, Jesus‘ sayings were transmitted and redacted independently of the canonical tradition as well as in dependence upon it. In both the extracanonical and the canonical traditions, sayings were shaped and redacted in large measure to meet the needs of the communities. The processes of redaction of individual sayings and groups of sayings are largely analogous in the canonical and extra-canonical tradition. Thus the extracanonical sayings can help us achieve a more complete picture of the transmission and redaction of the sayings of Jesus and the relation of these processes to different groups within early Christianity. Finally, the extracanonical tradition provides evidence that sayings from other sources have become attributed to Jesus. Our understanding of the extent to which sayings from other sources have become attributed to Jesus, a process discernible also in the canonical tradition, would necessitate study of the extracanonical materials.
- 251. Study of theagrapha or extracanonical sayings can thus broaden our understanding of the total picture of the early history of the Jesus tradition. In this context, the agrapha have considerable value, to the theologian as well as to the historian. Bibliography Bauer, W. 1909. Das Leben Jesu im Zeitalter der neutestamentlichen Apokryphen. Tübingen. Repr. 1967. Bellinzoni, A. J. 1967. The Sayings of Jesus in the Writings of Justin Martyr. Leiden. Bultmann, R. 1963. History of the Synoptic Tradition. Trans. John Marsh. New York. Cameron, R. 1984. Sayings Traditions in the Apocryphon of James. HTS 34. Philadelphia. Cotelier, J. B. 1672. Patres Apostolici. Paris. Dodd, J. T. 1874. Sayings Ascribed to our Lord by the Fathers and Other Primitive Writers. Oxford. Emmell, S. 1984. Nag Hammadi Codex III, 5. The Dialogue of the Savior. NHS 26. Leiden. Grenfell, B. P., and Hunt, A. S. 1898. The Oxyrhynchus Papyri. Part 1. London. ———. 1904. The Oxyrhynchus Papyri. Part 4. London. Guillaumont, A. et al. 1959. The Gospel According to Thomas. Leiden. Hedrick, C. 1983. Kingdom Sayings and Parables of Jesus in the Apocryphon of James: Tradition and Redaction. NTS 29: 1– 24. Hennecke, E. 1913. Agrapha. Pp. 16–25 in Realenzyklopädie für protestantische Theologie und Kirche 23. 3d ed. Ed. A. Hauck. Leipzig. Hennecke, E., and Schneemelcher, W. 1963. New Testament Apocrypha. Vol. 1: Gospels and Related Writings. Trans. R. McL. Wilson. Philadelphia. Jeremias, J. 1958. Unknown Sayings of Jesus. London. Rev. ed. 1964. Kline, L. L. 1975. Sayings of Jesus in the Pseudo-Clementine Homilies. Missoula, MT. Klostermann, E. 1911. Apocrypha 3: Agrapha, slavische Josephstücke, Oxyrhynchus-Fragmente. 2d ed. Kleine Texte für Vorlesungen und Übungen 11. Ed H. Lietzmann. Bonn. ———. 1929. Apocrypha 2: Evangelien. 3d ed. Kleine Texte für Vorlesungen und Übungen 8. Ed H. Lietzmann. Bonn. Koerner, J. G. 1776. De sermonibus Christi agraphois. Leipzig. Koester, H. 1957a. Synoptische Überlieferung bei den apostolischen Vätern. TU 65. Berlin. ———. 1957b. Die ausserkanonischen Herrenworte als Produkte der christlichen Gemeinde. ZNW 48: 220–37. ———. 1968. One Jesus and Four Primitive Gospels. HTR 61: 203–47. ———. 1979. Dialogue und Spruchüberlieferung in den gnostischen Texte von Nag Hammadi. EvT 39: 532–56. Nestle, E. 1896. Novi Testamenti Graeci Supplementum. Leipzig. Pick, B. 1903. The Extra-canonical Life of Christ. New York. ———. 1908. Paralipomena: Remains of Gospels and Sayings of Christ. Chicago. Preuschen, E. 1901. Antilegomena: Die Reste der ausserkanonischen Evangelien und urchristlichen Überlieferung. Giessen. Resch, A. 1889. Agrapha: Ausserkanonische Evangelienfragmente. TU 5.4. Leipzig. ———. 1906. Agrapha Ausserkanonische Schriftfragmente. TU 15. 3–4. Leipzig. Robinson, J. M. 1977. The Nag Hammadi Library in English. San Francisco. Ropes, J. H. 1896. Die Sprüche Jesu die in den kanonischen Evangelien nicht überliefert sind. TU 14.2. Leipzig. Stroker, W. D. 1988. Extra-canonical Sayings of Jesus: Texts, Translations and Notes. Atlanta. Turner, J. 1975. The Book of Thomas the Contender from Codex II of the Cairo Gnostic Library from Nag Hammadi, CG II, 7. Missoula, MT. Wright, L. 1952. Alterations of the Words of Jesus as Quoted in the Literature of the Second Century. Cambridge, MA. WILLIAM D. STROKER AGRICULTURE. Agriculture is the cultivation of the soil for food products or any other useful or valuable growth of the field or garden; also, by extension, it includes any industry practiced by a cultivator of the soil in connection with such cultivation, as fruit raising, animal husbandry, dairying, and gardening. The study of ancient agriculture relies on archaeological finds (installations, tools, organic remains), biblical and extrabiblical (including literary and economic) texts, and comparisons with traditional practices in preindustrial societies. ——— A. Background B. Conditions C. Agricultural Products 1. Field Crops 2. Vegetables 3. Fruit Trees
- 252. D. Field Work E.Influence on Culture ——— A. Background. Agriculture was the economic backbone of biblical Israel, where it was practiced by city dwellers as well as villagers. Its influence was very strong on many facets of daily life, including religion, law, and social behavior. The biblical farmer was the heir to a long agricultural tradition which originated in the Near East some time before the Neolithic period (ca. 7000 B.C.E.) with the domestication of plants and animals (Butzer 1971; Flannery 1973). However, while the biblical farmer did not introduce any new species, he improved farming methods and techniques for utilizing the produce. Domestication of food plants and animals was an important factor in the establishment of permanent villages. The earliest domesticated plants were cereals (two-rowed barley, emmer wheat, and einkorn wheat; Renfrew 1973: 30–81) and legumes (lentils and peas; Zohary and Hopf 1973). Fruit trees were domesticated much later ca. 4000 B.C.E. and included olive, vine, date, pomegranate, and fig (Stager 1985b). Among the earliest domesticated animals were sheep and goats (Nissen 1988: 24–27) which continue to dominate animal husbandry up to the present. Documentary and archaeological evidence shows that the last animal to be domesticated was the camel during the transition period from the LB to the Early Iron Age. The appearance of the camel in the Bible as a household animal of the Midianites in the Gideon stories (Judg 6:5; 7:12; 8:26) agrees with archaeological finds, while any earlier mention (e.g., Genesis 24) is anachronistic. See also ZOOLOGY. Canaan‘s agricultural richness was recognized already in early historical times as evidenced by Egyptian records from the Old, Middle, and New Kingdom. Her agricultural wealth made her a target for invading armies coming to loot (ARE 1: 143; 2: 187, 189, 191; ANET 19, 228). The repertoire of plants cultivated by the biblical farmer included several types of cereals, legumes, vegetables and spices, and a variety of fruit trees, each of which was grown in the area most suitable for it. The country is divided into several regions, highlands and valleys, each dominated by different geomorphological and climatic conditions, which determine soil types and water availability, the most important factors in agriculture (Hopkins 1985: 55–133; see PALESTINE, CLIMATE OF). The short rainy season (mid-October to April; see RAIN), the fluctuation in precipitation, and the rocky and hilly nature of most of the terrain made agriculture hard to practice; yet by careful selection of the proper species it became the mainstay of the country‘s economy throughout history. Some solutions to these problems were provided by the development and wide use of terracing and run-off farming in the highlands and in the Negeb, and the improvement of water collection and storage in underground reservoirs. Some scholars suggest that these factors enabled the Israelites to settle the Galilean, Samarian, and Judean highlands and to overtake the land whether by force or slow encroachment (Aharoni 1956; Stager 1985a). Later, during the monarchical period, these methods allowed settlement in newly acquired lands and along trade routes, for defense and economical reasons (Evenari et al. 1971). Land could be owned by individuals (Num 27:1–8; Deut 21:15–17, 1 Kgs 21:1–3), royalty (1 Chr 27:26–28), and the priesthood (Num 35:1–8), all of whom, according to Israelite ideology, served as safekeepers because the land ultimately belonged to YHWH. B. Conditions. Conditions for agriculture in the Near East, and especially in Israel, are not very favorable. Many hardships have been encountered by the farmer, and these include lack of sufficient amount of water and soil. The terrain in most cases is uneven and rocky, and very few natural water sources are available; thus, farming in biblical times depended heavily on rain (Deut 12:11) and on the ability of the farmer to clear and prepare land (Josh 17:17–18; Isa 5:2). In most cases, irrigation was out of the question. Since the rainy season is short (October to April) and droughts are common, agriculture was always considered dependent upon the grace of the supernatural, be it the Canaanite fertility and nature gods or YHWH. For the Israelite farmer, the dependence on YHWH meant the observance of the covenant, which was rewarded by ―rain … in its season‖ (Deut 11:13–17). Other conditions which caused crop failure included
- 253. diseases, locust attacks(Amos 7:1; Joel 1:4; 2:25), and other pests such as mice, worms, fruit bats, and weeds. Several of the plant diseases are mentioned either by name (smut, Heb šiddāpôn; rust, Heb yērāqôn; bunt, Heb bo˒šâ) or by symptom (black rot in grapes, Heb bĕ˒ūš m, Isa 5:2, 4; loss of olives to peacock eyespot, Deut 28:40; see Borowski 1987: 153–162). On the other hand, the farmer could restore soil fertility and increase his yield by several methods which are not specifically mentioned in texts but can be surmised from written descriptions of certain practices or through analysis of the technology available to the farmer. Fallowing, using the Sabbatical Year (Exod 23:10–11) or another program, and organic fertilizing were probably used to a certain degree, the latter included the use of dung, compost, and ash. There is a very strong possibility that crop rotation, suggested by Isa 28:24–29 (see Borowski 1987: 148–151), was also used as a method for increasing crop yield and lowering plant diseases. One of the elements available to the biblical farmer for crop rotation and increased yield was ―green manuring,‖ the cultivation of legume plants to increase nitrogen presence and its availability to other plants (Borowski 1987: 148–149). C. Agricultural Products. (See also FLORA.) 1. Field Crops. The biblical farmer did not introduce new plants to the variety already existing, however he chose those which suited his needs best. Field plants cultivated by the biblical farmer, as attested in the Bible and archaeological remains, included cereals (Heb dāgān), and legumes (Zohary 1982: 74–76, 82–84). Most common among the cereals were wheat (Triticum durum Desf. and Triticum vulgare [VIII.] Host.; Heb ḥiṭputâ), emmer (T. dicoccum [Schrank] Schuebl.; Heb kussemet), barley (Hordeum; Heb śĕ˓ōrâ), and millet (Panicum miliaceum and Setaria italica; Heb dōḥan). Legumes included lentil (Lens culinaris Medic.; Heb ˓ădāš m), broad bean (Vicia faba; Heb pôl), bitter vetch (Vicia ervilia Wild.), chick-pea (Cicer arientum; Heb ḥām ṣ[?];), pea (Pisum sativum), and fenugreek (Trigonela graecum). In addition, the biblical farmer cultivated several spice plants such as black cumin (Nigella sativa; Heb qeṣaḥ), cumin (Cuminum cyminum; Heb kammōn), and coriander (Coriandrum sativum; Heb gad). Other plants were flax (Linum usitatissimum; Heb pištâ) and sesame (Sesamum indicum). 2. Vegetables. Vegetables (Heb zēr ˓ m; yārāq) were part of the agricultural repertoire, although not as highly regarded as the other plants (Dan 1:11–16). They were grown in small plots or gardens and included cucumbers (Cucumis sativus or C. chate; Heb qiššū˒ m), watermelon or muskmelon (Citrulus vulgaris or Cucumis melo; Heb ˒ăbaṭ-ṭ h m), leeks or other greens (Heb ḥās r), onion (Allium cepa; Heb bĕṣāl m), and garlic (Allium sativum; Heb s m m). 3. Fruit Trees. Fruit trees were as important an element in biblical agriculture as field crops; however, they were not domesticated as early as cereals and legumes (Zohary and Spiegel-Roy 1975). The earliest remains of fruits in Canaan come mostly from the EB Age, although fig remains were found in Neolithic and Chalcolithic Jericho. The most popular fruit tree in biblical times was the grapevine (Vitis vinifera; Heb gepen), the fruit of which was used for making wine (yayin), raisins (ṣimm q m), and syrup (mišrat ˓ănāb m). Other common fruit trees were fig (Ficus carica; Heb tĕ˒ēnâ), pomegranate (Punica granatum; Heb rimmôn), date (Phoenix dactylifera; Heb tāmār) and sycamore (Ficus sycomorus; Heb šiqmîm). Less common were the tap-păḥ (possibly quince or apricot), and mulberry (Heb bākā˒). One common tree not mentioned specifically in the Bible is the carob (Ceratonia siliqua); however, there is no question that it was cultivated in biblical times. The olive (Olea europaea; Heb zayit) was as important to the economy of ancient Israel as was the grapevine. Its fruit was made into oil (Heb šemen) to be used for cooking, lighting, ointments, and other religious and secular purposes. Like wine, oil was exported to other parts of the Near East and was one of the three main elements of the agricultural economy along with grain (Heb dāgān) and wine (Heb t rôs; Hos 2:10—Eng2:8; etc.). Several nuts were also cultivated, including almond (Prunus amygdalus Stokes; Heb šāqēd), pistachio (Pistacia atlantica Desf.; Heb boṭn m), and walnut (Juglans regia; Heb ˒ĕgôz). D. Field Work. The agricultural seasons are well enumerated in the OT; however, the best source of information is the Gezer calendar, a 10th century B.C.E. inscription from the site of biblical Gezer, which reads:
- 254. two months ofingathering [olives]/two months of sowing [cereals]/two months of late sowing [legumes and vegetables] a month of hoeing weeds [for hay] a month of harvesting barley a month of harvesting [wheat] and measuring [grain] two months of grape harvesting a month of ingathering summer fruit A study of this inscription shows that sowing of cereals started after the Festival of Booths (Tabernacles) in the N Kingdom (end of October), harvesting barley commenced at the Passover festival (end of March), and the conclusion of wheat harvesting was celebrated with the festival of weeks/Pentecost (end of May; Borowski 1987: 31–44). According to the Gezer calendar, sowing took place in the fall. Two months were devoted to sowing cereals and two more to late sowing and planting of legumes and vegetables. Since no sowing could have been done without plowing, either before or after, the farmer had to wait for the first autumn rains to soften the ground. Plowing was done with a wooden-frame plow to which a metal point (copper, bronze, and later iron) was attached, pulled by a team of animals, usually oxen. The same was done in large orchards and vineyards. In small plots, on slopes, and near the plants, a hand-held hoe was used. Sowing was performed either by broadcasting or by a seed drill attached to the plow. Harvesting agricultural produce started in the spring, first with reaping barley, then wheat (see book of Ruth), followed by grapes and other fruit (see HARVESTS, HARVESTING). The Gezer calendar assigns seven months to the harvest. Harvesting cereals (qāṣ r) was followed very closely by threshing and winnowing to separate the grain. Grapes were immediately turned into wine or raisins and the same was done with other fruits. Storage of agricultural produce in its raw or finished state was done in specially constructed structures underground in pits and silos and above the ground in small rooms or large store- houses. The produce was stored in bulk or jars, depending on its nature and the nature of the storage facility. Much of the technology used in processing agricultural produce is known from biblical descriptions, archaeological discoveries, and artistic representations from different parts of the Near East. Threshing was done either by stick for small quantities of certain types of plants (cumin) or by a threshing sledge or a wheel-thresher. Winnowing took place during times when the threshed material could be thrown in the air by a fork (mizreh; Isa 30:24) or a wooden shovel (raḥat; Isa 30:24) and be separated to its components (grain, straw, chaff) by the wind according to weight. Final cleaning was done with two different types of sieves, kĕbārâ (Amos 9:9) and nāpâ (Isa 30:28). The clean grain (bār) was stored in jars or in storage facilities such as grain pits (˒ăsām m) or storage houses (miskĕnôt). Wine had to be produced immediately after harvest (zām r or bāṣ r) because fresh grapes could not be stored. The grapes were treaded on a flat, hard surface, and the juice which ran into a reservoir hewn in the rock or built out of stones and clay was collected into large jars, which were put for fermentation in a cool storage place. Raisins and raisin cakes were also made at that time by drying fresh grapes. The same process was used for drying and making cakes of figs and dates. These and other fruits such as pomegranates were also used for wine making. Oil, like wine, was one of the exported commodities produced in ancient Israel. During the Iron II period, oil production technology made great strides with the development of the beam press. Until then, oil production was a simple matter. The olives were beaten or cracked in a mortar and then placed in straw baskets directly under stone weights. The pressed oil flowed into a container from where it was scooped into jars and stored. Small quantities of oil were produced by placing the beaten olives in water and scooping the floating oil. The beam-press innovation enabled the exertion of a much greater pressure on the olives by tying weights to a beam used as a lever under which the baskets were placed. This method facilitated the production of larger quantities of oil in less time and less effort (Eitam 1979; Gitin 1985; Kelm and Mazar 1989: 47–49). E. Influence on Culture.
- 255. Agriculture dominated notonly the economy but the whole of Israelite daily life. The Bible is saturated with agricultural symbolism, similes, and metaphors in parables, proverbs, prophecies, admonitions, hymns, and other literary forms (Judg 8:2; 9:8–15; Isa 5:1–8; Ezek 17:6–10). Many laws related to agriculture were formulated, such as those protecting the family inheritance (Num 27:1–8), concerning the protection and support of the poor, taxation, etc. (Exod 23:11; Lev 23:22; Deut 24:21). Israelite laws also regulated many aspects of agriculture such as the age at which fruit trees could be harvested, types of plants and where they could be planted (the law of kil˒ayim, Lev 19:19, Deut 22:9), and fallowing (sabbatical year). Religion and cult were strongly dominated by agricultural themes. The three main festivals associated with pilgrimages to Jerusalem all celebrate the beginning or ending of agricultural seasons. Passover (Heb pesaḥ) celebrates the beginning of cereal (barley) harvesting; Weeks (or Pentecost; Heb šābū˓ôt) celebrates the end of the wheat harvest and with it the end of cereal harvesting; Booths (Heb sukkôt) marks the end of fruit ingathering and the beginning of the sowing season. Sacrifices and contributions to the Temple and its personnel were agricultural in nature (Num 18:8–32; Deut 18:1– 9). Finally, and significantly, the rewards for observing the covenant with YHWH were spelled out in agricultural terms; ample rain in its appropriate season and resistance to plant diseases which led to abundance were the direct benefits of adherence to the covenant (Deut 28:22). Bibliography Aharoni, Y. 1956. A Survey of the Galilee: Israelite Settlements and Their Pottery. EI 4:56–64. Borowski, O. 1987. Agriculture in Iron Age Israel. Winona Lake. Butzer, K. W. 1971. Agricultural Origins in the Near East as a Geographical Problem. Pp. 209–35 in Prehistoric Agriculture, ed. S. Struever. Garden City. Dimbleby, G. W. 1967. Plants and Archaeology. London. Eitam, D. 1979. Olive Presses of the Israelite Period. TA 6: 146–55. Evenari, M.; Shanan, L.; Tadmor, N.; and Itzhaki, Y. 1971. The Negev: The Challenge of a Desert. Cambridge. Flannery, K. V. 1973. The Origin of Agriculture. Annual Review of Anthropology 2: 271–310. Gitin, S. 1985. Dramatic Finds in Ekron. ASOR Newsletter 36 (3): 2–3. Hopkins, D. C. 1985. The Highlands of Canaan. Decatur, GA. Kelm, G. L., and Mazar, A. 1989. Excavating in Samson‘s Country. BARev 15 (1): 36–49. Nissen, J. H. 1988. The Early History of the Ancient Near East 9000–2000 B.C. Trans. E. Lutzeier. Chicago. Renfrew, J. M. 1973. Palaeoethnobotany: The Prehistoric Food Plants of the Near East and Europe. New York. Stager, L. E. 1981. Highland Village Life in Palestine Some Three Thousand Years Ago. The Oriental Institute News & Notes 69: 1–3. ———. 1985a. The Archaeology of the Family in Ancient Israel. BASOR 260: 1–35. ———. 1985b. The Firstfruits of Civilization. Pp. 172–88 in Palestine in the Bronze and Iron Ages, ed. J. N. Tubb. London. Zohary, D., and Hopf, M. 1973. Domestication of Pulses in the Old World. Science 182: 887–94. Zohary, D., and Spiegel-Roy, P. 1975. Beginning of Fruit Growing in the Old World. Science 187: 319–27. Zohary, M. 1982. Plants of the Bible. Cambridge. ODED BOROWSKI AGRIPPA (PERSON) [Gk Agrippas (Ἀγπιππαρ)]. The name held by two Herodian rulers in 1st century Palestine. Josephus‘ writings constitute our primary source of information for both, although both are also mentioned in the NT book of Acts: Agrippa I as the ―Herod‖ who persecuted the early church in Jerusalem (12:1–23), and Agrippa II as the king who, years later, heard Paul‘s defense prior to Paul‘s journey to Rome (25:13–26:32). 1. Agrippa I was born in 10 B.C., son of Aristobulus and Bernice and thus, through Aristobulus, grandson of Herod. In early childhood he was sent with his mother to Rome. There he was brought up in the company of Claudius, who was his same age, and Drusus, son of Tiberius, who was slightly older. At the imperial court he made connections which were to prove vital to him in later life—not only with Claudius and Drusus, but also, through his mother, with Antonia, wife of the elder Drusus (Tiberius‘ brother), and with others besides, not least imperial freed-men (Ant 18.143, 191). It was largely in the pursuit of such connections that Agrippa borrowed and spent large sums of money. After the premature death of his companion Drusus in A.D. 23, Agrippa returned to Judea in a state of considerable poverty and, we are told, contemplating suicide.
- 256. By now Agrippahad married Cypros, daughter of Phasael. Her good offices won for Agrippa the help of his sister‘s husband, Antipas (Ant 18.145ff.). Antipas gave Agrippa an allowance and the post of agoranomos (market supervisor) at Tiberias, where he was to live. However, Agrippa soon found his position to be as ignominious as it was inadequate. We are told that Antipas taunted Agrippa over his dependence. Instead Agrippa looked to L. Pomponius Flaccus, Roman governor of Syria. He had become a friend of Flaccus during his time at Rome (Ant 18.149–50). At first Agrippa prospered in Flaccus‘ entourage. But he fell from favor when he took a bribe from the Damascenes to support their cause with Flaccus in a boundary dispute with the people of Sidon. Agrippa‘s brother and enemy, Aristobulus, had brought the bribe to Flaccus‘ attention (Ant 18.151–4). Agrippa resolved to return to Italy but he lacked the funds to do so. He contracted a loan on disadvantageous terms with one Protos, a freedman of his mother whom she had left to Antonia. Agrippa sailed first for Alexandria, narrowly escaping the clutches of Herennius Capito, an imperial procurator who sought payment of Agrippa‘s outstanding debts to the imperial treasury (Ant 18.156–8). At Alexandria, Agrippa gained further funds through his wife, Cypros, who obtained a loan from Alexander the alabarch, who had already refused her husband (Ant 18.159–60). Agrippa was received warmly by the emperor Tiberius on Capri, until a letter of complaint arrived from the outraged Capito. Tiberius now ordered that Agrippa be refused admission to him until his debt to the treasury had been paid. Antonia loaned Agrippa the necessary sum in memory of his mother and his upbringing with Claudius, her son. Tiberius now received him once more and placed him in the entourage of his grandson, Tiberius Gemellus. Meanwhile, Agrippa also sought the company of Antonia‘s grandson, Gaius, better-known by his nickname, ―Caligula.‖ A huge loan from a Samaritan freedman of Tiberius enabled Agrippa to pay his debt to Antonia and to spend lavishly as he pursued Gaius‘ favor (Ant 18.161– 7). But Agrippa went so far in currying favor with Gaius that he found himself condemned by Tiberius on a charge of treason. Antonia‘s influence won him some privileges during his 6 months of imprisonment under the ever-present threat of execution (Ant 18.168–204). Agrippa was only released upon Gaius‘ accession, after Tiberius‘ death, in A.D. 37. Gaius assigned him the northern domains of Philip the tetrarch and Lysanias with the title of king. Agrippa also received the symbols of the rank of praetor (Ant 18.228–37; Philo In Flaccum 40). Returning to Judaea in A.D. 38 he visited Alexandria where he eclipsed the Roman prefect of Egypt in his splendor (Philo In Flaccum 26– 29). Upon the exile of Antipas in A.D. 39, Gaius gave Agrippa his tetrarchy (Galilee and Perea) in addition to Agrippa‘s other lands (War 2.183; Ant 18.255). At about this time Agrippa used his favor with Gaius and his diplomatic skills to block Gaius‘ plan of erecting a statue of his imperial self in the Temple at Jerusalem (Philo Leg. ad Gaium 261ff.). At Rome again in A.D. 41, Agrippa is credited by Josephus with a major role in the tense negotiations which followed Gaius‘ assassination and which resulted in the accession of Claudius without full-blooded civil war. In reward, Claudius bestowed upon him the rest of the kingdom of Herod, his grandfather. Claudius formalized Agrippa‘s new position with a treaty ceremony in the Forum at Rome, held according to archaic custom, as Agrippa‘s coinage indicates (Ant 19.275 with HJP², 445 n. 19). Agrippa also received the symbols of the rank of consul. For his brother Herod, Agrippa won rule over Chalcis (Dio 60.8.2–3). Agrippa soon returned to his newly enlarged kingdom where he ruled to the benefit of Jerusalem and other cities, notably Berytus in Syria (Ant 19.335ff.). Yet, despite his close relationship with Claudius, Agrippa was instructed to abandon his fortification of Jerusalem by the emperor through Marsus, governor of Syria. Such fortifications were considered to be a potential threat (Ant 19.326–7 with HJP², 448). On similar grounds Marsus broke up a gathering of kings which Agrippa had convened at Tiberias in A.D. 44 (Ant 19.338–42). In general, Agrippa observed Jewish traditions scrupulously (Ant 19.331; though see HJP², 451 on his coinage). He persecuted the Christians James and Peter, executing the former and chaining the latter (Acts 12:1–5). He died in A.D. 44 after a short illness which suddenly afflicted him while he presided at a festival in the emperor‘s honor at Caesarea-Strato‘s Tower. At the festival, Agrippa dressed in a silver
- 257. robe; the crowd,impressed with his radiance, acclaimed him a god. He did not reject the acclamation, and this act of vainglory was seen as the reason for his death (Ant 19.343–52; Acts 12:22–23). Agrippa and Cypros had several children: Marcus Julius Agrippa (= Agrippa II); Drusus, who died before his father; Bernice; Mariamme; and Drusilla. Their names indicate a mixture of Jewish and family traditions with a concern for the Roman imperial family (Braund 1984: 111). Agrippa‘s own nomenclature, Julius Agrippa, indicates not only the Roman citizenship which he had inherited through Herod but also his family‘s links with the Roman Agrippa, a stalwart of Augustus‘ regime. Agrippa must have had a Roman forename, but this is not known: Marcus is usually assumed on the grounds that his son was Marcus, but it is also likely since the Roman Agrippa had also been Marcus. Like his son after him, Agrippa as king boasted the titles ―Great King, Friend of Caesar, Pious and Friend of the Romans‖ (HJP², 452; cf. 475). The book of Acts is exceptional in according him the name ―Herod.‖ 2. Agrippa II—or, to give him his Roman name, Marcus Julius Agrippa—was born in A.D. 28 the son of Agrippa I and Cypros (War 2.220 with Ant 19.354). At the time of his father‘s death in 44 A.D., young Agrippa was in Rome, where he was being brought up at the court of the emperor Claudius. Claudius, we are told, wished immediately to appoint him as his father‘s successor on the throne: Josephus implies that Claudius‘ formal treaty with Agrippa I may have contained some mention of the succession (Ant 19.360– 2). However, the emperor‘s advisers dissuaded him from this plan in the light of Agrippa‘s youth and the kingdom‘s importance. In his stead Claudius therefore appointed a Roman governor (Ant 19.363). While at Claudius‘ court, Agrippa took the opportunity of representing Jewish causes (Ant 15.407; 20.10ff. and 135). Claudius gave him the kingdom left vacant by the death of Herod of Chalcis, husband of his sister Bernice, in about A.D. 50 (Ant 20.104; War 2.223, with HJP², Appendix 1). Josephus reckons the years of Agrippa‘s reign there from A.D. 49 (JW 2.284; cf. Ant 20.138). In 52 A.D. Agrippa was in Rome once more (Ant 20.134ff.). In A.D. 53, instead of Chalcis, he was given the former domains of Philip, Lysimachus, and Varus (Ant 20.138; with HJP², 472 n. 7). Nero added parts of Galilee and Peraea, most importantly Tiberias, Tarichea, and Julias (Ant 20.159; War 2.252). These additions may be linked with the new eras which appear on his coinage in 56 A.D. and 61 respectively. In Nero‘s honor he renamed Caesarea Philippi as Neronias (Ant 20.211). Agrippa has been acccused of excessive slavishness towards the Romans (notably by Schürer [HJP², 474]); however, the accusation is not easily substantiated. His concern for Judaism is not in doubt; his discussions on Jewish legal matters with Rabbi Eliezer ben Hyrcanus tend to indicate as much (as Schürer [HJP², 475] allows). That Agrippa‘s sister‘s husbands underwent circumcision may or may not be a further indication (pace HJP², 475, who overemphasizes this). The book of Acts tends to suggest some interest in matters of religion, if a little detached, for he and his sister Bernice wished to see and hear Paul (25:22ff., especially 26:3). In particular, Agrippa‘s support of Jewish causes with Claudius ought not to be forgotten (above), nor the fact that he took costly steps to save the Temple from subsidence (War 5.36; Ant 15.391). In A.D. 66 Agrippa was in Alexandria to congratulate Tiberius Julius Alexander, a man of Jewish origin who had become Roman prefect of Egypt. As the Jewish revolt developed in that year, Agrippa returned to Jerusalem to quell it. He failed to do so and became a target himself as the revolt flared up and split into factions (War 2.426). He was left little choice but to join with the Romans, which gave him the considerable military might and resources at his disposal (War 2.500–3; 523–5). Parts of his kingdom joined the revolt, notably Tiberias, Tarichea, and the fortress of Gamala, but Agrippa preferred to rule through delegates. He spent much of his time outside his kingdom at Berytus, a favorite city of the Herods, until the arrival of Vespasian in A.D. 67. Thereafter he kept close to Vespasian and his son Titus, who had also spent his youth at the court of Claudius (HJP², 477). Upon Nero‘s death in A.D. 68, Agrippa left for Rome together with Titus in order to congratulate the new emperor, Galba. In the course of their journey news arrived that Galba had been assassinated and replaced. Agrippa continued to Rome, but Titus returned to his father. On July 1, A.D. 69, Vespasian was proclaimed emperor at Alexandria; war with the other claimant, Vitellius, followed, so Agrippa returned
- 258. from Rome, stayingwith Titus, whom his father had left to deal with the Jewish revolt (Tacitus Historiae 2.1–2; 2.81; 5.1). When Vespasian had established himself as emperor and the Jewish revolt had been crushed, Agrippa was rewarded for his loyalty with additional territory (details are lacking; see HJP², 478). In Rome in A.D. 75 Agrippa was awarded the symbols of praetorian rank. Thereafter he all but disappears from history. Josephus tells us that Agrippa corresponded with him on the subject of his book on the Jewish War, praising its accuracy and admitting that he owned a copy (Life 65; AgAp 1.9). Agrippa seems to have died in the reign of Vespasian‘s younger son, Domitian, about A.D. 93 (HJP², 480–83). His attitude toward the Romans, in part at least, is summed up in the speech which Josephus attributed to him. If Agrippa did not actually deliver this speech in trying to quell the revolt, he apparently later read and approved of it. The main point of the speech seems notably well-reasoned: namely, that the Romans were simply too strong to succumb to any uprising which Jewish revolutionaries could mount (War 2.345ff.). Agrippa seems not to have married and not to have fathered any children. It was rumored that his relationship with his sister Bernice was incestuous: Josephus‘ denial of that rumor is as predictable and inconclusive as Juvenal‘s eager acceptance of it (Ant 20.145; Juv. 6.158). Bibliography Braund, D. C. 1984. Rome and the Friendly King. New York. Schürer, E. 1973. The History of the Jewish People in the Age of Jesus Christ (175 B.C.–A.D. 135). Ed G. Vermes and F. Millar. Edinburgh. DAVID C. BRAUND AGUE See SICKNESS AND DISEASE. AGUR. (PERSON) [Heb ˒āgûr (גּוש ָא)]. The son of Jakeh, and author of a collection of Proverbs beginning in Prov 30:1. It remains unclear whether the pericope ends with the conclusion of the chapter or at an earlier point (verse 14?). See McKane Proverbs OTL, 643 for discussion. Cohen (Proverbs SonB, 200) cited a midrash that identified Agur as Solomon, the one who ―stored up‖ (˒agar) wisdom and (nqh?) ―spewed it out‖ (hiqqi—for Jakeh) by taking many wives. Another ancient view of the passage understood ―Agur‖ allegorically, i.e., as a reference to Solomon and saw ―Jakeh‖ as David. Apparently, the Vulgate translated ˒āgûr as a passive participle, hence, ―the Assembler‖ (from ˒āgûr ―to gather‖), an appellative rather than a proper name. The LXX reads ―fear (my words)‖ based on the Hebrew gûr or tāg r (BHS:1315), from gûr (―to dread‖). The collection displays no unique character that would aid in recovery of information on the obscure Agur. The translation of the proper names (Agur and Jakeh) provides a preferred solution for the difficult passage, but the solution itself is not beyond question. Some commentators (e.g., Ringgren Sprüche ATD; Scott Proverbs AB, 175) read hammassa˒ (―the Massaite‖) for the difficult hammassā˒ (―the oracle‖). Keil and Delitzsch (1950: 266–67) translated Prov 30:1 as ―The words of Agur the son of Jakeh, of the tribe (the country) of Massa,‖ claiming that both Agur and LEMUEL were Arabs. The name Agur does occur in Sabean inscriptions, though it is not found elsewhere in the Hebrew Bible. The word hamassā˒ has been emended to mašālô (―his mašal‖) by a number of recent interpreters. The most popular approach has been to read massā˒ as the common noun meaning ―burden‖ or ―oracle.‖ Toy‘s suggestion that the word be omitted as a gloss is the most extreme solution (Proverbs ICC, 518). He also suggested that Agur was either a sage who lived well after Solomon, or an older figure whose authority was used by a later writer. Bibliography Keil, C. F. and Delitzsch, F. 1950. Biblical Commentary on the Proverbs of Solomon. Vol. 2. Grand Rapids. DONALD K. BERRY AHAB (PERSON) [Heb ˒aḥ˒āb (ב ָא ְח ַא)]. The name of two persons in the Hebrew Bible. 1. Son and successor of Omri, who ruled N Israel during the second quarter of the 9th century B.C. The exact dates of his reign are disputed: 871–852 B.C. (Begrich 1929; Jepsen and Hanhart BZAW 88); 874–
- 259. 853 (Thiele 1965);875–854 (Andersen 1969). The Deuteronomistic and prophetic traditions single him out as one of the worst kings of the N kingdom (1 Kgs 16:33; 2 Kgs 21:3, 13; Micah 6:16). ——— A. Sources B. Ahab‘s Foreign Policy C. Ahab‘s Domestic Policies D. Traditions about Ahab 1. The Drought and the Contest on Carmel 2. Naboth‘s Vineyard 3. Building Projects 4. The Battle of Qarqar 5. Ahab‘s Death E. Conclusion ——— A. Sources The sources for Ahab are 1 Kings 16:29–22:40, with the exception of chapter 19 (in which Ahab is mentioned only in verse 1, the introduction), chapter 20, and 22:1–38. These latter two references originally were not in the context of traditions about Ahab but instead of a later phase of the Omride dynasty or earlier phase of the Jehu dynasties, despite the occasional mention of Ahab‘s name (20:2, 13, 14; 22:20, see below). Given the tendentious nature of the remaining texts, however, caution is necessary when using them as historical sources. For example, the Elijah stories originate in prophetic circles of tradition which opposed the royal house of Omri (especially its religious policies), and which therefore depict Ahab as Elijah‘s antagonist. Also, the framework for the reign of Ahab (16:29–33; 22:39–40) is formed by the Deuteronomistic redactors of the book of Kings, who insert important traditional material here going back to the royal records of the N kingdom, but who utilize this material for their own negative assessment of Ahab. These sparse historically relevant accounts of Ahab in the OT are supplemented by extrabiblical sources. Ahab is expressly mentioned in the so-called monolith inscription of the Assyrian king Shalmaneser III (see ANET, 277ff.). Likewise, the inscription of King Mesha of Moab refers in part to the reign of Ahab, without, however, mentioning him by name. The historical value of the excerpts from the historical work of Menander of Ephesus quoted by Josephus (Ant 8.13.2; cf. 8.13.1) is doubtful. B. Ahab’s Foreign Policy Ahab was the exponent of a political program introduced by his father Omri, shaped mainly to counter the threat posed by the expanding power of the neighboring Aramean kingdom of Damascus (Unger 1957; Hallo 1960; Mazar 1962; Tadmor 1975; Lipiński 1978). Since the incursion of the Arameans into Galilee under Baasha (1 Kgs 15:16–22), the kingdom of Damascus remained a constant source of trouble which kept particularly the area E of the Jordan under pressure. However, we have no information about actual conflicts between Damascus and Israel in the time of Ahab. A massive Aramean invasion into the center of the Israelite territory, as reported in 1 Kings 20, is not likely to have occurred under Ahab. The story, originally transmitted anonymously, and referring to a later historical situation, was placed into the reign of Ahab by redactors, who inserted his name in various places (vv 2, 13, 14). The battle for Ramoth- Gilead, in which Ahab purportedly died (22:29–38), is also unhistorical. For a discussion of problems associated with the battles reported in 1 Kings 20 and 22, see ARAM (PLACE). Nevertheless, one may assume a constant state of tension between Aram-Damascus and Israel and possibly even border skirmishes. These hostilities came to an end toward the end of Ahab‘s reign when a more dangerous enemy appeared on the scene and threatened both Syria and Palestine: the Assyrian king Shalmaneser III. Aram and Israel temporarily suspended their hostilities in order to oppose the Assyrians in a grand alliance of the Syro-Palestinian states ca. 853 B.C. The major part of Ahab‘s reign, however, seems to have been overshadowed by the Aramean threat. To meet this threat, Ahab conducted a deliberate policy of peace
- 260. and alliances withthe neighboring states, especially Judah and Phoenicia. The border skirmishes with Judah, which had erupted periodically since the division of the kingdom at the time of Rehoboam, were probably terminated by Omri, but certainly by Ahab. The new state of peace and alliance was sealed by a political marriage: ATHALIAH (more likely a sister [2 Kgs 8:26] than a daughter of Ahab [2 Kgs 8:18]) was given in marriage to the Judean crown prince Jehoram. In the following period the Judean kings appear as partners in alliance with the N Israelite monarchs of the Omride dynasty. In similar fashion, the relationship with the Phoenicians was placed on a new footing. Ahab, probably already as crown prince, married the Phoenician princess Jezebel, daughter of ―Ethbaal, King of the Sidonians‖ (1 Kgs 16:31) or ―Ittobaal, king of Tyre and Sidon‖ (Josephus Ant 8.13.1). It is doubtful whether the area of Mt. Carmel—which from time to time was in the hands of the Phoenicians—was returned to Israel in connection with the new alliance (Alt, RGG3 1: 189). By the time of Ahab, however, it was firmly under Israelite control. Furthermore, the alliance with the Phoenicians probably was intended less to settle territorial disputes than to insure a condition of peace in the NW and to encourage trade with the Mediterranean coast. Finally, even the border wars with the Philistines (1 Kgs 15:27; 16:15) ceased. During Ahab‘s reign and beyond, relations with the Philistine city states seem to have been peaceful (2 Kings 1). East of the Jordan Ahab initially maintained Israel‘s hegemony over Moab and secured the S frontier of the Israelite settlement of the wadi Heidan against the mounting pressure from the Moabites. He doesn‘t seem to have attempted to recapture the territory between the Heidan and the Arnon, which was occupied by the Moabites. Thus, Ahab achieved a truce on all borders, and in some areas even secured allies, in order to meet the Aramean threat in the N. C. Ahab’s Domestic Policies Ahab‘s domestic policies likewise were aimed at consolidating power. In order to relieve and obviate internal tension he pursued a policy designed to strike a balance between the Israelite population and traditionally Canaanite segments of the population. The speculation that Ahab opened his new capital of Samaria to the Canaanite influence in particular while his secondary residence Jezreel was intended primarily for the Israelite component of the citizenry (Alt KlSchr2 3: 258–302) cannot be documented. Yet it has a certain ring of truth, because Jezreel maintained its role as royal residence only among the rulers from the House of Omri and apparently lost this function after the revolution of Jehu and the anti- Canaanite purge of Samaria (2 Kings 9–10). Ahab‘s policy of balancing Israelite and Canaanite interests also had consequences in the religious sphere. The Canaanite cult of Baal attained equal status and even received special governmental support through the influence of Queen Jezebel and her court. In Samaria, Ahab erected a temple to Baal with a Baal altar and an image of Asherah (1 Kgs 16:32f.). The god Baal who was worshipped there was identical to the Phoenician god Melkart whom Jezebel knew from her homeland. Ahab himself, however, was hardly a Baal worshipper (contrary to 1 Kgs 16:31); the names of his sons Ahaziah and Jehoram contain the root of Yahweh‘s name, and these names were Ahab‘s way of demonstrating his attachment to the God of Israel. Nevertheless, his policies of religious compromise and coexistence earned him the opposition of circles more zealously loyal to Yahweh, especially the prophet Elijah, who viewed Ahab‘s policies as a challenge to the requirement of exclusive worship of Yahweh (cf. 1 Kgs 18:21). This violent opposition continued among the prophetic groups even after the death of Ahab and has led to the dim view of Ahab preserved in the biblical tradition. Subsequently this portrait was adopted and further intensified by the Deuteronomistic redactors of the book of Kings (1 Kgs 16:30–33). D. Traditions about Ahab 1. The Drought and the Contest on Carmel. The reign of Ahab is linked to the tradition of a severe drought whose beginning and end was traced to the activity of Elijah the prophet (1 Kgs 17:1; 18:41–46). It seems, however, that at this point the two were not yet antagonists. It is debatable whether this drought is identical with the one which Menander of Ephesus alleges occurred under Itto-baal of Tyre in Phoenicia (Josephus Ant 8.13.2), or whether the link between them was established by Josephus himself. The implication that the drought was caused by Ahab‘s idolatry (1 Kgs 16:29–17:1) was a construction of the
- 261. Deuteronomistic redaction: Theoriginal prophecy itself (17:1) contained no such attribution. It is possible (if not provable) that, like other originally basic information (e.g., a more detailed identification of the rank of Ahab and of the place of the prophecy), the original ―cause‖ for the drought was deleted by the redactors in favor of their own explanation. The tradition of the contest on Mt. Carmel was originally unrelated to Ahab. True, he is mentioned in the introduction (18:20), but he appears nowhere else in the entire narrative (18:21–40). The contest on Mt. Carmel was thus definitely not a ―Haupt- und Staatsaktion‖ (Alt, KlSchr4 2: 147), but was likely a much more limited, local event in which the powers of state were unlikely to have participated. Nor does the first half of chapter 18 contain any historically reliable information on Ahab. The passage which describes how Ahab and his house minister, Obadiah, scour the whole country in search of feed for the royal mares (vv 3–6) most likely does not recount an historical incident, but is intended to demonstrate vividly the severity of the drought‘s burden on the land. The scene of the encounter between Ahab and Elijah (vv 16–20) serves primarily to link the theme of the drought to the tradition of the ―divine judgment on Mt. Carmel.‖ 2. Naboth’s Vineyard. The story of Naboth‘s vineyard at Jezreel (1 Kings 21), on the other hand, is explicitly an Ahab tradition. In the present form of the chapter it is Jezebel, to be sure, who is the chief character of the episode. Yet it is Ahab who was most likely the original focus of the tradition. This is already evident in the fact that, at first, Elijah addresses only Ahab (vv 17–22), while the word of judgment over Jezebel appears as a later addition to the story (v 23). Furthermore, there exists a short parallel tradition to this story in 2 Kgs 9:25–26. Here, too, only Ahab is mentioned as the offender; Jezebel is not mentioned at all. Similarly, the story‘s motif of ―intrigue‖—Jezebel staging a fast day with Naboth presiding, bribing false witnesses to denounce him, and then putting him to death on trumped up charges—probably should be attributed to a secondary embellishment of the tradition. Originally it is probable that Ahab on his own initiative appropriated a piece of land belonging to Naboth of Jezreel (more likely a field outside the city [2 Kgs 9:25f] than a vineyard next to the royal palace [1 Kgs 21:1]) by falsely accusing Naboth (of high treason?) and executing him together with his sons (2 Kgs 9:26), who would retain a legal claim to the land. This was probably an instance of conflict between the old Israelite property laws and the interests of the king. The former guaranteed the Israelite protection from sale or exchange of his inherited land, while the latter accommodated the expansion and consolidation of crown property. According to 1 Kgs 21:2, Ahab shared the belief common in the ancient Orient (as well as in Canaan) that property could be freely traded, bought, exchanged, or mortgaged (not unlike his father Omri, who purchased the hill of Samaria, 1 Kgs 16:24). He was thwarted, however, by Naboth‘s implicit appeal to the Israelite law of property (21:3) which prohibited the sale or exchange of inherited land except for its transferral as inheritance. The intent of this tradition was probably to show how Ahab employed the power of his royal office to eliminate Naboth and his sons unlawfully and to gain possession of their land. This instance of might before right was a perversion of the king‘s role, and indicates that in some ways the Israelite monarchy resembled ancient Oriental despotism. Consequently, Ahab received an announcement of impending judgment; in 1 Kgs 21:17ff. it is understood to have been conveyed by Elijah, but in 2 Kgs 9:25–26 it is mentioned only as the word of Yahweh without naming any prophet. According to the latter text the judgment was executed not against Ahab but his son Jehoram. See NABOTH. 3. Building Projects. The reign of Ahab brought Israel not only military strength and security, but also increase of commerce, economic prosperity, and material culture. As might be expected, Ahab‘s building activity is also emphasized by the Deuteronomistic frame (16:32f.; 22:39) which itself derives from the royal records. It is likely that he completed the construction of the new capital, Samaria, which his father Omri had founded. Mention has already been made of the construction of a Baal temple with altar and Asherah statue (16:32f.), which was intended primarily for Jezebel and her retinue, but also for a wider Canaanite population. The shrine was totally demolished during Jehu‘s rise to power (2 Kgs 10:25–27) and therefore it is no longer accessible to archaeological examination. According to 1 Kgs 22:39, Ahab
- 262. also built an―ivory house‖: This designates the royal palace (or a part thereof), the walls of which were decorated with ivory carvings. The excavations at SAMARIA illustrate this fact. The ivory plaques found there represent the most important collection of Palestinian miniature art of this era. At least a part of it belongs to Ahab‘s time (Dussaud 1925). The images manifest the strong influence of Egyptian style, but are probably of Phoenician origin. A fortified casemate wall (stratum 2) ascribed to the Ahab period demonstrates Ahab‘s efforts to enclose the city. The design of the palace is no longer exactly ascertainable because of numerous structural additions. Especially noteworthy, however, is the brilliant wall construction using ashlars in a nearly seamless headers-and-stretchers technique, which cannot be attributed to indigenous Israelite traditions of craftsmanship. It is more likely that Ahab, like Solomon before him, employed Phoenician specialists who contributed their technical expertise in the construction of the capital city. Besides Samaria there are other cities in the land which Ahab completed or developed into fortifications (Pienaar 1981). The latter normally were sitated in strategically important locations. Hazor, Dan, and En Gev protected the land against the Aramean threat; Megiddo shielded the plain of Jezreel against incursions from the coastal plain, especially by the Philistines; while Jericho (1 Kgs 16:34) apparently served as protection against possible Moabite attacks, or as a base of operations in S Cis-Jordan. Of course, it is not possible in every case to determine precisely whether the strata in question belong to the time of Ahab or to other Omride kings; however, in view of the remark in 1 Kgs 22:39 it seems most likely that the bulk of these should properly be attributed to Ahab. The most striking archaeological findings come from MEGIDDO and HAZOR, both of which were heavily garrisoned fortresses. In the W part of the Hazor settlement there was a large citadel with unusually thick walls and a monumental gate which was originally adorned with proto-aeolic columns (Stratum 8). The excavations in Megiddo between 1960 and 1970 have caused a considerable revision of the old stratigraphy (Yadin 1975). The famed ―stables of Solomon‖ now have turned out to be buildings from the time of Ahab (Stratum 4a); their function, however, remains disputed. In view of the large contingent of war chariots at Ahab‘s disposal, their use as stables cannot be ruled out; however, their interpretation as storehouses, or even as garrisons, is currently favored. A similar columned building in Hazor from the same era (Stratum 8) is plainly a storehouse. The immense water systems in Megiddo and Hazor are particularly striking. They, too, may be dated to Ahab‘s time. They each consisted of a vertical shaft (of 35 m at Megiddo; 30 m at Hazor) leading, via a stairway, to a horizontal tunnel. At Hazor this tunnel of 25 m led to the groundwater table in a gentle descent. At Megiddo water from a spring protected externally by a wall was carried to the shaft over a distance of 63 m. Both structures were engineering masterpieces of their time, insuring unhindered access to water from inside the city in the event of a siege. 4. The Battle of Qarqar. Toward the end of Ahab‘s reign a newly emerging enemy upset the balance of power in Syria and Palestine: the kingdom of Assyria. In 853 B.C. the Assyrian king Shalmaneser III mounted his first campaign against Syria. This event is not mentioned in the OT, but is known from Assyrian sources, particularly from the so-called Monolith Inscription of Shalmaneser (ANET, 278f.). Observing the Assyrian expansion, the Syro-Palestinian states suspended their internecine hostilities and formed a protective alliance against the greater danger. At the head of this coalition apparently stood the Aramean king of Damascus, Hadadezer. Immediately following him, Irḫulēni, king of the Arameans of Hamath, and Ahab of Israel (aḫabbū sir˒ilā˒a) are mentioned as most important allies. They were joined by lesser Syrian and Phoenician rulers as well as Arabian cameleers. With 2,000 war chariots, Ahab deployed the largest chariot force of all the allies. Shalmaneser had attacked the area of Hamath and had conquered and destroyed the town of Qarqar. It was here that the army of the allies challenged him. As may be expected from the style of the Assyrian royal inscriptions, the Assyrians won a brilliant victory; it was, however, more likely a failure, for Shalmaneser discontinued his advance and apparently gave up his plans of subjugating the enemy. In the years following he avoided marching into Syria and resuming the battle with the allies. 5. Ahab’s Death. Ahab died shortly after the battle of Qarqar. According to 1 Kgs 22:29–38, he lost his life in a battle with the Arameans over the E Jordan city of Ramoth-Gilead. This implies that the Israelite-
- 263. Aramean alliance disintegratedquickly. However, the formula in 22:40 (―he was laid to rest with his father,‖ which is generally used for a nonviolent death) contradicts such an implication, reflecting correctly the actual historical facts. 1 Kgs 22:29–38 is not a tradition yielding reliable historical data; at best it may reflect residual memories of the wounding of Ahab‘s son Jehoram near Ramoth-Gilead (2 Kgs 8:28–29; 9:14ff.). Furthermore, a notice of fulfillment has been inserted (22:38; cf 21:19). Thus it seems likely that Ahab died a peaceful and natural death in Samaria. E. Conclusion The portrait of Ahab and his dynasty (the ―House of Ahab‖) has been negatively distorted in the OT tradition primarily because of his religious policies which were seen as a danger to the traditional worship of God in circles loyal to Yahweh. His skillful foreign policies, which provided Israel with strength, security, and prosperity, which safeguarded peace and the balance of power, and which, finally, contributed to the (temporary) containment of Assyrian expansionism, may be inferred from the few sources that yield reliable historical data. However, his contributions in this regard were ignored in the decidedly theological perspective of the OT witnesses (Whitley 1952; Gooding 1964; Cohen 1975). The negative picture of Ahab in the OT is influenced (1) by the circles of opposing prophetic groups who transmitted the events of that time through their own biased perspective and (2) by the transitions accompanying the Jehu revolution, which put an end to the ―House of Ahab‖. In the judgment of later Deuteronomistic circles, Ahab was the worst of all the kings of the N kingdom (1 Kgs 16:33). For them, his behavior yielded a negative criterion for the assessment of subsequent kings or groups and their fortunes (2 Kgs 21:3, 13; Micah 6:16). 2. The son of Kolaiah who, along with Zedekiah the son of Maaseiah, was condemned by Jeremiah for prophesying false things to the Judean exiles in Babylonia (Jer 29:21–23). The two were also accused of committing adultery. Although the LXX omits 29:16–20 (the Lucianic text preserves them in a different order), the context of the passage suggests that, like their contemporary Hananiah (Jeremiah 28), these two prophesied a quick end to the exile. Apparently their prophetic activity earned them the disfavor of Nebuchadnezzar, who had them executed (probably for sedition). Consequently, Jeremiah anticipated that their deaths would be cited in a popular curse: ―May Yahweh make you like Zedekiah and Ahab, whom the king of Babylon roasted in the fire.‖ Bibliography Andersen, K. T. 1969. Die Chronologie der Könige von Israel und Juda. ST 23: 69–114. Begrich, J. 1929. Die Chronologie der Könige von Israel und Juda. BHT 3. Cohen, M. A. 1975. In All Fairness to Ahab. EI 12: 87–94. Dussaud, R. 1925. Samarie au temps d‘Achab. Syr 6: 314–48. Fohrer, G. 1978. Ahab. TRE 2: 123–25. Gooding, D. W. 1964. Ahab According to the Septuagint. ZAW 76: 269–80. Hallo, W. 1960. From Qarqar to Carchemish. BA 23: 34–61. Ishida, T. 1975. ―The House of Ahab.‖ IEJ 25: 135–37. Jepsen, A., ed. 1979. Von Sinuhe bis Nebukadnezar. 3d ed. Stuttgart. Lipiński, E. 1978. Aramäer und Israel. TRE 3: 590–99. Mazar, B. 1962. The Aramaean Empire and its Relations with Israel. BA 25: 98–120. Miller, J. M. 1967. The Fall of the House of Ahab. VT 17: 307–24. Parzen, H. 1940. The Prophets and the Omri Dynasty. HTR 33: 69–96. Pienaar, D. N. 1981. The Role of Fortified Cities in the Northern Kingdom During the Reign of the Omride Dynasty. JNSL 9: 151–57. Tadmor, H. 1975. Assyria and the West. Pp. 36–48 in Unity and Diversity. H. Goedicke and J. J. M. Roberts, eds. Baltimore. Thiele, E. R. 1965. The Mysterious Numbers of the Hebrew Kings. Rev. ed. Grand Rapids, MI. Timm, S. 1980. Die territoriale Ausdehnung des Staates Israel zur Zeit der Omriden. ZDPV 96: 20–40. ———. 1982. Die Dynastie Omri. FRLANT 124. Unger, M. 1957. Israel and the Aramaeans of Damascus. Grand Rapids, MI. Whitley, C. F. 1952. The Deuteronomic Presentation of the House of Omri. VT 2: 137–42. Yadin, Y. 1975. Hazor. New York. WINFRIED THIEL TRANS. DIETLINDE M. ELLIOTT
- 264. AHARAH (PERSON) [Heb˒aḥĕraḥ (ח ַש ְח ַא)]. The third son of Benjamin, following Bela and Ashbel in 1 Chr 8:1 (LXX variants include aara, deira, and iaphaēl). Since the name Aharah does not occur in parallel genealogies of Benjamin (Gen 46:21; Num 26:38; 1 Chr 7:6), it is difficult to identify him. These various genealogies differ in the names, number (from three to ten), and order of sons listed. The close variant name ―Ahiram‖ is listed as the 3d son of Benjamin in Num 26:38 (like Aharah, this name occurs only once), suggesting that the list in 1 Chronicles 8 is dependent on Numbers 26. MARK J. FRETZ AHARHEL (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăḥarḥēl (ל ֵח ְש ַח ֲא)]. The son of Harum and bearer of the family name (1 Chr 4:8). Located within a fragmented list of Judah‘s descendants (vv 1–23), the MT shows no connection between this verse and the surrounding context. The MT of v 8 (wĕqōs hōl d ˒et-˓ān b wĕ˒et- haṣṣobēbâ mišpĕḥōt ˒ăḥarḥēl ben-hār m, ―And Koz was father of Anub, and Zobebah, and the families of Aharhel the son of Harum‖) may be connected to v 7, if it is assumed that Heb wĕqōṣ has dropped out of the end of v 7 through haplography (Williamson 1, 2 Chronicles NCBC, 59). This would make Koz the last named son of Ashhur and Helah, and thereby relate his offspring to Judah. Similarly, v 8 and v 9 are not interconnected, unless it is assumed that Jabez was also a son of Koz (Curtis and Madsen Chronicles ICC, 107). Most scholars agree that the text of 1 Chr 4:5–9 is corrupt, and that v 8 stands apart from the preceding and succeeding verses. Therefore, genealogical connections between individuals in these verses are not easily established. If, as the MT suggests, Aharhel is indeed the son of Harum, it seems unlikely for him also to be a son of Koz (Rudolf Chronikbücher HAT, 30). If Harum is a gentilic variant of ―Ram‖ (Heb rûm), with a prefixed definite article, then Aharhel is a descendant of Ram (Yeivin 1971: 199, n. 109). The LXX reading suggests a third possibility: The name Aharhel itself (˒ăḥarḥēl) is a textual corruption of the phrase ˒ăḥ rēkab, ―brother of Rechab‖ (gennēseis adelphou Rēchab huiou Iareim, ―the progeny of the brother of Rechab, the son of Iarim‖). Since the names Aharhel and Harum do not occur elsewhere in the Bible, and the foregoing questions cannot be satisfactorily resolved, no clear identification of Aharhel is possible. Bibliography Yeivin, S. 1971. The Israelite Conquest of Canaan. Uitgaven van het Nederlands Historisch-Archaeologisch Instituut te Istanbul 27. Istanbul. MARK J. FRETZ AHASBAI (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăḥasbay (י ַב ְס ַח ֲא)]. The father of Eliphelet (2 Sam 23:34), one of David‘s champions (the šāliš m; RSV: The Thirty). That Ahasbai was from Maacah may indicate that he was a Syrian (see MAACAH), making his son one of the many foreign nationals among David‘s retainers. The town of Abel, in Beth-Maacah (2 Sam 20:14) probably refers to the region of Maacah in southern Syria as well (cf. Aharoni LBHG 167). On the other hand, 1 Chr 2:48; 4:19 list Maacah as a family group in southern Judah, raising the possibility that Ahasbai was a Judean. The parallel list in Chronicles (1 Chr 11:35b–36a) reads Eliphal the son of Ur, followed by Hepher the Mecherathite, instead of Eliphelet, the son of Ahasbai of Maacah. In this case it seems probable that the scribe misread the Hebrew consonantal text ˒ḥsby as ˒wr ḥpr, though in other instances it appears as if the Chronicler is working with a somewhat different text from that in 2 Sam 23:8–39 (see DAVID‘S CHAMPIONS). D. G. SCHLEY AHASHTARITES [Heb hā˒ăḥaštār (י ִש ָת ְש ַח ֲא ָה)]. See HAAHASHTARI. AHASUERUS (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăhašwērôš (שוש ֵו ְש ַה ֲא); Gk asyēros (ἀςτηπορ)]. 1. The Persian king who chose Esther to be his queen (Esth 1:1; 2:16–17; cf. also Ezra 4:6). See ESTHER. He is to be identified with the famous XERXES (485–465 B.C.), but was mistakenly identified
- 265. in Jewish Midrashwith Artaxerxes. Hoschander (1923) argued that Ahasuerus was to be identified with Artaxerxes II (403–359 B.C.). But extrabiblical evidence leaves little doubt that Ahasuerus was Xerxes, the son of Darius I. Shea (1976: 228) is able to list the spelling of both Xerxes and Artaxerxes in seven languages: Greek, Old Persian, Elamite, Aramaic, Hebrew, Akkadian, Egyptian (there is always a t in the spelling of the latter name). Apart from Esther, this Ahasuerus is mentioned only in Ezra 4:6 in relation to an accusation which was lodged against the Jews in his reign. Morgenstern (1956, 1957, 1960, 1966) postulated a destruction of Jerusalem in 485 B.C. in the reign of Xerxes as the immediate background of Ezra and Nehemiah, but most scholars regard such a thesis as highly improbable. Herodotus, in addition to depicting Xerxes‘ role in the invasion of Greece in 480 B.C., presents an unflattering portrait of the king as an impatient, hot-tempered monarch with a wandering eye for women. According to Herodotus (9.108–13), Xerxes (Gk assouēros) not only tried to have an affair with his brother‘s wife, but also did have an affair with her daughter. According to Barucq (1961: 3), the role which Ahasuerus holds in Esther ―conforms perfectly to Xerxes‖ as we know him from Herodotus. Moore (1975: 69) agrees: ―Much of what the author of Esther says about King Xerxes corresponds fairly well with what the classical writers had to say about such things, for example, … his nasty and at times irrational temper (1:12; 7:7–8) …‖ Ahasuerus is prominently portrayed on his throne in a fresco of the famous Dura Europos synagogue (Levit-Tawil 1983). 2. The father of Darius the Mede (Dan 9:1). See DARIUS THE MEDE. 3. The ruler who helped Nebuchadnezzar destroy the city of Nineveh (Tob 14:15). However, given the romantic and unhistorical nature of this apocryphal book, the identity of this character is in doubt. The author‘s chronological sequence seems to be so skewed (cf. Tob 1:4, which condenses events two centuries apart into one generation) that it is impossible to determine which ancient ruler he had in mind. He may have regarded this as the same Ahasuerus mentioned in Esth 1:1 and Ezra 4:6 (i.e., the Persian Xerxes; see 1. above), who came to the throne about 75 years after Nebuchadnezzar died. Other ancient sources confirm that Nineveh was actually destroyed in 612 B.C. by a coalition led by Nebuchadnezzar‘s father Nabopolassar and Cyaxares (Uvaxšatra) the Mede. Bibliography Barucq, A. 1961. Esther et la cour de Suse. BTS 39: 3–5. Hoschander, J. 1923. The Book of Esther in the Light of History. Philadelphia. Levit-Tawil, D. 1983. The Enthroned King Ahasuerus at Dura. BASOR 250: 57–78. Littman, R. J. 1975. The Religious Policy of Xerxes and the Book of Esther. JQR 65: 145–55. Millard, A. R. 1977. The Persian Names in Esther and the Reliability of the Hebrew Text. JBL 96: 481–88. Moore, C. A. 1975. Archaeology and the Book of Esther. BA 38: 62–79. Morgenstern, J. 1956. Jerusalem—485 B.C. HUCA 27: 101–79. ———. 1957. Idem. HUCA 28: 15–47. ———. 1960. Idem. HUCA 31: 1–29. ———. 1966. Further Light from the Book of Isaiah upon the Catastrophe of 485 B.C. HUCA 37: 1–28. Olmstead, A. T. 1948. History of the Persian Empire. Chicago. Shea, W. H. 1976. Esther and History. AUSS 14: 227–46. Yamauchi, E. 1980. The Archaeological Background of Esther. BSac 137: 99–117. EDWIN M. YAMAUCHI AHAVA (PLACE) [Heb ˒ahăwā˒ (א ָו ֲה ַא)]. Var. THERAS. The river (and possibly also a town) mentioned in Ezra‘s memoirs as the place where Ezra first gathered the exiles and proclaimed a fast before departing to return to Palestine (Ezra 8:15, 21, 31). Although limited data is available, and all proposed identifications assume a particular route for Ezra‘s return, Ahava presumably was located within a radius of 200 km from Babylon (Zadok 1979: 117). One obstacle to identification lies in the abundant textual variants found in the relevant verses. In v 15, the Ethiopic ahua reflects MT tradition, but LXX variants including euei (m) and thousi do not support the MT. In vv 21 and 31, the LXX reads variously thoue, aoue, daouath. The 1 Esdras 8 parallels read
- 266. theran (41, 60—Eng8:61),while a variant of v 41 reads potamon (river) as the proper name itself. Josephus mentions no name, but simply refers to the place as the ―other side of the Euphrates‖ (Ant 11.5.2). It is difficult to decipher whether the various mss reflect different vorlagen, or whether the scribes were attempting to make an identification of the site. Although the canal Ahava still has not been positively identified by scholars (Delitzsch 1881: 193), and may simply refer to a large, unsettled area outside Babylon, it may be associated with various settlement sites. According to Williamson (1, 2 Chronicles NCBC, 116), Ahava may have been one of Babylon‘s artificial canals or waterways constructed for defensive purposes, whose source was the Euphrates. Winckler (1901: 518) identifies Ahava with the ancient city of Opis (Babylonian Upi), which was probably located north of Sippar along the Tigris. Obermeyer (1929: 15) identifies Ahava with ―Awana‖ (where ―na‖ signifies a district), a village located ca. 53 km north of Baghdad near the Tigris. Based on LXX aoue and euei, Gutman (EncMiqr 1: 122) proposes Itu (modern H t, probably the same as ˒Is), a city located ca. 200 km northwest of Babylon on the Euphrates. Bibliography Delitzsch, F. 1881. Wo lag das Paradies? Leipzig. Obermeyer, J. 1929. Die Landschaften Babylonien im Zeitalter des Talmuds und des Gaonats. Schriften der Gesellschaft zur Förderung der Wissenschaft des Judentums 30. Frankfurt am Main. Winckler, H. 1901. Altorientalische Forschungen. Vol. 3. Leipzig. Zadok, R. 1979. The Jews in Babylonia During the Chaldean and Achaemenian Periods according to the Babylonian Sources. Studies in the History of the Jewish People and the Land of Israel Monograph Series 3. Haifa. MARK J. FRETZ AHAZ (PERSON) [Heb ˒āḥāz (ז ָח ָא)]. The name is a hypocoristicon: a shortened form of names such as Ahaziah and Jehoahaz, ―the LORD holds.‖ These names probably reflect confidence in God‘s imminent presence, as in Ps 73:23, ―I am always with you, you hold (˒āḥaztā) my right hand‖ (IPN, 179). 1. The great-great-grandson of Saul, mentioned only in post-exilic genealogies (1 Chr 8:35, 36, and 9:41, 42; Ahaz is absent in the Hebrew of 9:41, probably as a result of haplography). These verses appear in the two nearly identical genealogies of Saul‘s family in 1 Chr 8:33–40 and 1 Chr 9:39–44. This list is from the end of the First Temple period (Demsky 1971: 20), and was preserved by Benjaminite families that survived the Babylonian exile (Williamson 1979: 356). The existence and preservation of the Saulide genealogy probably reflects the continued prominence of Saul‘s family, and perhaps even their hope that they would return to power (Ackroyd, Chronicles Ezra Nehemiah CBC, 42; Flanagan 1982: 25). The genealogy of Benjamin in 1 Chronicles 8 corresponds to the genealogy of Judah in chaps. 2–4, forming a frame around the other tribes of Israel. Benjamin and Judah are given this prominent position by the Chronicler because of their past loyalty to David and the Temple (Williamson, Chronicles NCB, 46–47) and because they are the two main tribes that returned from the exile (Ezra 1:5). The repetition of the genealogy in chap. 9 serves as a bridge to the narrative of Saul‘s death in chap. 10 (Demsky 1971: 17). Bibliography Demsky, A. 1971. The Genealogy of Gibeon (1 Chronicles 9:35–44). BASOR 202: 16–23. Flanagan, J. 1982. Genealogy and Dynasty in the Early Monarchy of Israel and Judah. Pp. 23–28 in Proceedings of the Eighth World Congress of Jewish Studies. Division A: The Period of the Bible. Jerusalem. Williamson, H. G. M. 1979. Sources and Redaction in the Chronicler‘s Genealogy of Judah. JBL 98: 351–59. MARC Z. BRETTLER 2. The son and successor of Jotham, who assumed the throne when he was 20 years old and reigned for 16 years, ca. 742–727 B.C.E. (2 Kgs 16:2). The fuller form of the name Jehoahaz is found in the Assyrian annals of Tiglath-pileser III as Yauhazi (ANET, 282–4). The chronological difficulties connected with this reign are notoriously difficult. The precise timing of Ahaz‘s accession is obscured by the conflicting references in 2 Kgs 16:2 and 2 Chr 28:1 when compared with the contradictory information about the death of Ahaz and the accession of Hezekiah (2 Kgs 16:19–20; 18:1). If Hezekiah succeeded Ahaz when he was 25 years old (2 Kgs 18:2), then Ahaz could only have been 11 years old when he became a father since he is said to have been 36 at the time of his death (2 Chr 28:2).
- 267. Various aspects ofthe reign of Ahaz are described in three separate accounts in 2 Kings 16, 2 Chronicles 28, and Isaiah 7, as well as in Assyrian annals and inscriptions (ANET, 282–84). These accounts give very different assessments of the reign of Ahaz, as well as a number of conflicting details which are difficult to reconcile. Historians have tried to reconstruct the Syro-Ephraimite war on the basis of the accounts of Ahaz‘s reign in Kings, Chronicles, and Isaiah. All note that the broad outline appears to be recognizable, while the actual details are much more contentious. See SYRO-EPHRAIMITE WAR. A good account of the various difficulties can be found in Bright (BHI, 276–77) or Miller and Hayes (HAIJ, 340–46). These accounts are dependent upon critical judgments about the date of the various narratives as well as assessments of the priority of various conflicting details in the different accounts. There is some dispute over the correct date of Ahaz‘s appeal to Tiglath-pileser for assistance in fending off the anti- Assyrian coalition formed by N Israel and Syria. Judah was deprived of the important economic and strategic port of Elath by the Arameans (according to the MT of 2 Kgs 16:6) or by the Edomites (as many commentators emend the text). According to the Chronicler, the Edomites joined the attack upon Judah (2 Chr 28:17–18), while the Philistines made incursions into the Shephelah and Negeb. However, it is clear that the Assyrians soon subdued the region and defeated the Syro-Ephraimite coalition (ca. 734–732 B.C.E.). Furthermore, it is often concluded that the consequences of Ahaz‘s action was to reduce Judah to a vassal state of Assyria (BHI, 276–77). A particular area of debate (Cogan 1974; McKay 1973) has been whether or not Ahaz introduced the worship of Assyrian astral deities into the Jerusalem temple and so throughout Judah. Such a view is based on the description of Ahaz‘s voluntary introduction of the altar from Damascus into the Jerusalem temple after his visit to Tiglath-pileser (2 Kgs 16:10). This is then thought to be confirmed by the fact that Ahaz was forced to pay tribute, in the form of temple treasures, to his Assyrian overlord. However, this standard interpretation has been challenged, particularly by Cogan (1974) and McKay (1973). They question the fact that Tiglath-pileser ever imposed Assyrian religion upon vassals or that Ahaz was forced to modify indigenous cults (McKay 1973: 5–12). It has been pointed out that the Deuteronomistic condemnation of Ahaz was for the introduction of Palestinian indigenous cults rather than for those of Assyria (Cogan 1974: 72–88). Ahaz‘s sacrificial cult is described in 2 Chr 28:23 as being carried out in honor of the ―gods of Damascus.‖ This suggests that the Jerusalem cult was based on common Syro-Palestinian models, rather than necessarily subject to Assyrian imperial religion. Cogan and McKay deny that the type of altar described is found in Mesopotamia. Ahaz is also seen as reviving the cult of child sacrifice associated with Molech. The phrase ―he made his son pass through the fire‖ is taken as a reference to child sacrifice rather than some ritual ordeal: RSV ―he burned his son‖ (cf. Deut 18:10). The differing biblical and scholarly assessments of Ahaz‘s reign highlight the tendentious nature of the biblical narratives. Ackroyd (1968) has highlighted the differing theological concerns in the three narratives and their difficulty as historical sources. He maintains that it is not possible to conflate the accounts in order to arrive at an historical picture. Thompson (1982) has produced the most detailed study of the theological shaping of these narratives. Ackroyd (1984) has recently argued that Ahaz‘s submission to Assyrian power enabled Judah to survive the catastrophe which overtook the northern kingdom in 722 B.C.E., whereas Hezekiah‘s rebellion against the Assyrians resulted in disaster. He concludes that the biblical assessments of Ahaz‘s reign from a purely theological point of view present the opposite of an historically accurate picture. The account of Ahaz‘s reign in 2 Kings 16 forms an important part of the Deuteronomistic presentation of the climactic advance of the S kingdom to its ultimate fate at the hands of the Babylonians in 587 B.C.E. Ahaz‘s reign is highlighted by the Deuteronomists in a number of important ways. He is not only condemned with the standard assessment that ―he did not do what was right in the eyes of the LORD …,‖ but his reign is introduced without mention of his mother, a very rare occurrence in regnal formulae paralleled only in the introduction to the reign of Jehoram (2 Kgs 8:16–17). Again, like Jehoram, Ahaz is also reviled further by being compared in his wickedness to the kings of Israel (2 Kgs 16:3; see 2 Kgs 8:18). The amount of space devoted to detailing Ahaz‘s religious and political deviations from the
- 268. Deuteronomistic ideal highlightsthe significance of this chapter within the Deuteronomistic History. Ahaz is presented as adding significantly to this spiral of cultic decline by following the abominable practices of the nations driven out by Yahweh and sacrificing and burning incense on the high places, hills, and under every green tree. His cultic failings are couched in language that makes his crime in the eyes of the Deuteronomists unambiguous and unforgivable. The appeal to Tiglath-pileser against the Syro-Ephraimite coalition, his subsequent building of the altar on the Damascus model, the payment of tribute, and various alterations to the temple are introduced without explicit comment or condemnation. However, in the context of the severe condemnation in the opening verses of the chapter (2 Kgs 16:2–4), this has to be read as further evidence of the inherent corruption of Ahaz‘s reign. Most reigns of S kings who are judged as unworthy as Ahaz are dismissed in a few verses. The significance of this chapter is that it stands immediately before the important editorial section in 2 Kings 17 detailing the destruction of the N for its apostasy. The present context, therefore, highlights that the S kingdom is progressing at an ever increasing rate to a similar fate. The Chronicler‘s presentation of the reign of Ahaz further highlights the different theological assumptions underlying these major complexes within the Hebrew Bible. It is generally recognized that the Chronicler reworks the material from Kings in line with his/her own tendentious design. The overall condemnation at the opening of the chapter remains very much the same. However the details of the account are often strikingly different while much of the material is unique to the Chronicler. The treatment of Judaean captives by the N kingdom (2 Chr 28:8–15) is an addition by the Chronicler. Ahaz‘s problems with Israel and Syria are not presented as due to a coalition but as separate matters. Whereas 2 Kings 16 and Isaiah 7 state that the coalition besieged Jerusalem but was unable to take it, the Chronicler details devastating defeats by Syria and Israel. Williamson (1977: 114–18) has pointed out the significance of the chapter within the Chronicler‘s work. The various additions and changes made by the Chronicler to the Kings account reverse the presentations of the S and N kingdoms in 2 Chronicles 13. He highlights very significant literary parallels between 2 Chronicles 28 and 2 Chronicles 13 which emphasize the tendentious way in which the material is presented. At the end of the reign of Ahaz both communities have been defeated and are in partial exile. It is made clear that Ahaz has reversed the religious policies of Abijah and that Judah has assumed the apostate role previously attributed to N Israel. Isaiah 7 provides a different perspective on the Syro-Ephraimite coalition and Ahaz‘s role in the affair. Ahaz symbolizes a lack of faith and trust in Yahweh. The symbolic naming of the children, Shear-jashub and Immanuel, are signs of hope presented to the king confirming that the coalition will be divinely defeated, provided Judah remains faithful. The implicit threat is to the Davidic dynasty since the signs are given to ―the house of David‖ (7:2). Clements (Isaiah NCBC, 84) also points out that the attempt by the coalition to place Ben Tabeel on the throne further symbolizes the threat since it is usually assumed that the reference is to an Aramaean of non-Davidic descent. Bibliography Ackroyd, P. R. 1968. Historians and Prophets. SEÅ 33: 18–54. ———. 1984. The Biblical Interpretation of the Reigns of Ahaz and Hezekiah. Pp. 247–59 in In the Shelter of Elyon. Essays on Ancient Palestinian Life and Institutions in Honor of G. W. Ahlström, ed. W. B. Barrick and J. R. Spencer. Sheffield. Cogan, M. 1974. Imperialism and Religion. Assyria, Judah and Israel in the Eighth and Seventh Centuries B.C.E. Missoula. McKay, J. W. 1973. Religion in Judah under the Assyrians 732–609 B.C. London. Thompson, M. 1982. Situation and Theology: Old Testament Interpretation of the Syro-Ephraimite War. Sheffield. Williamson, H. G. M. 1977. Israel in the Books of Chronicles. Cambridge. KEITH W. WHITELAM AHAZIAH (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăḥazyāh ( (הּוָיְז ַח ֲא)]. The name of two kings in the OT. The name means ―Yahweh has seized.‖ 1. King of N Israel, the son and successor of Ahab, who reigned little more than one year. The calculations for his reign differ only slightly: 852–851 B.C.E. (Begrich and Jepsen), 853–852 (Thiele), 854–853 (Andersen).
- 269. The sources forAhaziah of Israel are found in 1 Kgs 22:40, 50, 52–54 (—Eng 22:40, 49, 51–53; 2 Kgs 1:1–18; and 2 Chr 20:35, 37. The subsequent division of the book of Kings has split the account of Ahaziah‘s reign into two halves. Little is reported about the period of his reign. One can assume that it was too short a period of time to enable him to make changes in the policies he had inherited from his father Ahab, even if he had wanted to do so. He probably continued Ahab‘s policies, externally seeking peace and alliances and concentrating all his efforts on the prevention of a potential Syrian (and later an Assyrian) threat. Domestically, he probably continued to strive for a balance between the Israelite citizens and the traditionally Canaanite population by promoting equality of rights in social and religious affairs. This caused him (like his father Ahab before him) to be criticized by circles loyal to Yahweh, especially by the prophet Elijah. A concrete case of this is found in the narrative of 2 Kings 1. Because these few notices about Ahaziah derive from the prophetic tradition and the Deuteronomistic redactors, he is depicted negatively, as was his father Ahab. 2 Kgs 1:1, a noteworthy verse that seems rather abrupt, informs the reader that Moab rebelled against Israel after Ahab‘s death (i.e., during the reign of Ahaziah). This note appears in an almost identical formulation in 3:5, where it refers to the time of Jehoram, Ahaziah‘s successor. It introduces the narrative about the campaign of the kings of Israel, Judah, and Edom against King Mesha of Moab. This is most likely the original source of this information (3:5), but later Deuteronomistic redactors moved it to 2 Kgs 1:1, because it fit the chronological context better there (―after Ahab‘s death,‖ which had just previously been reported). In this new context, however, this note served no purpose. Besides, the ―defection of Moab‖ is difficult to imagine as a sudden event. In the last years of Ahab‘s reign the Moabites were probably already attempting to shake off their dependency, in order to exert more pressure on the areas of Israelite settlement in the N after Ahab‘s death (cf. KAI 2,174). The growing expansion of the Moabites under the rule of their king Mesha must have burdened the administrations of Ahaziah and Jehoram. According to 1 Kgs 22:50 Ahaziah offered to let the Judean king Jehoshaphat participate in his naval enterprise in the Red Sea. It is certain that this notice depends on old reports. Jehoshaphat used his sovereignty over Edom in order to imitate the model of Solomon (1 Kgs 9:26–28; 10:11) and to resume his shipping trade headquartered at the Gulf of Aqabah. He had a fleet built at Ezion-geber (a location that has not yet been exactly determined near present-day Elath, perhaps es ret Fara˓ūn), which was supposed to travel to Ophir (probably in S Arabia) where it would acquire gold through trade (22:48–49). Ahaziah also wanted to be involved in this financially promising expedition. It is possible that he offered Jehoshaphat the chance to join the undertaking by introducing him to the arts of ship construction and nautical affairs, which the Israelites had learned in their dealings with the Phoenicians. Whatever the circumstances and the background for this may have been, Jehoshaphat rejected Ahaziah‘s offer. The expedition miscarried; soon after its departure the fleet, which had been constructed by Judeans inexperienced in shipbuilding, was dashed to pieces. In 2 Chr 20:35–37, the sole passage in Chronicles that mentions Ahaziah, this event receives a theological interpretation. By changing the details of 1 Kgs 22:48–50, the naval project was depicted as an enterprise shared by both kings. The words of an otherwise unknown prophet announce and interpret this failure as God‘s punishment for Jehoshaphat‘s alliance with the impious Ahaziah. The most extensive story about Ahaziah, found in 2 Kgs 1:2–17, is a tradition about Elijah. Ahaziah is mentioned by name only at the beginning (v 2), although it is almost certain that he was indeed Elijah‘s opponent in this conflict. The original story encompassed only vv 2–8, 17. It derives unquestionably from historical facts, but uses them only as a framework for a theological statement. This narrative reports that Ahaziah has had an accident, falling from his upper chamber—either through the wooden window lattice or through the enclosure surrounding the roof, injuring himself seriously. In this condition he sent messengers to Ekron to obtain an oracle concerning his fate. The name of the god to which he appealed in 2 Kgs 1:2 is Baalzebub, ―Lord of the Flies,‖ which seems to be a distortion of the original name Baal- Zebul, ―Prince Baal‖ (as attested in Ugaritic texts and even NT passages [Matt 10:25; Matt 12:24 = Mark 3:22 = Luke 11:15; Matt 12:27 = Luke 11:18f.; on the other hand, ―Beelzebub‖ is attested in ms variants). This name refers to a salvation god of apparent supraregional importance. By sending messengers to this
- 270. deity in Ekronrather than to Yahweh, Ahaziah behaved as if there were no god in Israel to impart information and to decide matters of life and death. For this reason Elijah announces to Ahaziah his death, which then comes to pass. Therefore, Ahaziah died as a result of falling from the upper chamber of his palace in Samaria. Since he had no son, his brother Jehoram followed him on the throne (2 Kgs 1:17–18, in a textually difficult formulation which arose from the combination of diverse textual components: the end of the original story about Elijah, a Deuteronomistic framework for Ahaziah, and a synchronistic dating). In their introduction (1 Kgs 22:52–54—Eng 22:51–53) the Deuteronomistic redactors of the book of Kings assess Ahaziah negatively, presenting him as an adherent of Baal. That has a certain basis in the following story in which Ahaziah appeals to ―Baalzebub‖ of Ekron. As in the case of Ahab, it is questionable whether this evaluation is accurate in a strict sense. See also AHAB. 2. King of Judah, son of Jehoram and Athaliah, who ascended the throne as his father‘s successor at the age of 22 and reigned just barely one year, i.e., 845–44 (Begrich), 845 (Jepsen), 841 (Thiele) or 843–842 B.C.E. (Andersen). Notices about Ahaziah of Judah are found in 2 Kgs 8:24–29; 9:16, 21–29; 10:13–14; and 2 Chr 22:1–2, 6–11. His name is mentioned also in 2 Kgs 11:1–2; 12:19; 13:1; 14:13; and 1 Chr 3:11. It is found in the distorted form ―Azariah‖ in 2 Chr 22:6 (cf. 2 Kgs 8:29); he is called ―Jehoahaz‖ in 2 Chr 21:17 (cf. 22:1) and 25:23 (cf. 2 Kgs 14:13), where the two elements that form the name are reversed. In all these cases the person‘s identity is guaranteed by the parallels. The sources are diverse in nature. The Deuteronomistic framework for Ahaziah is found in 2 Kgs 8:25– 27 and 9:28–29. It is possible that 8:28 derives from the notices of annals, and 8:29 corresponds nearly verbatim to the passage 9:15a, 16b. The large unit 9:1–10:17 was written to justify the demise of the Omride dominion and to legitimate the Jehu dynasty. In respect to Judah, it seems not to be tendentious. According to 2 Kgs 8:28, Ahaziah, together with Jehoram of Israel, defended the E Jordanian boundary city Ramoth-Gilead (Tell er-Rām ṯ) against the Syrians from Damascus who were led by their king Hazael. If this is true, Ahaziah had apparently little time to exert his power in Jerusalem and left the business of ruling principally to his mother Athaliah. In express contrast to 8:28, however, 9:14 knows nothing about Ahaziah‘s participation in the battles around Ramoth-Gilead. Like 9:16b, 8:29b knows only Ahaziah‘s visit to the wounded king Jehoram in Jezreel. Two possible solutions are imaginable. One can explain the conflict as a difference between S Judean (8:28) and N Israelite perspectives (8:29b = 9:16b; 9:14b, 15a), while a more radical solution anticipates the inauthenticity of the information in 8:28. The assumption of a small textual error at the beginning of 8:28 removes the subject Ahaziah from the sentence, producing the following reading: ―And Joram, the son of Ahab, went into battle against Hazael, the king of Syria, in Ramoth-Gilead‖ (thus Würthwein Kings ATD 11/2, 324, following Ewald and Klostermann). Of course, this must be a very old textual corruption, since this wording is assumed in 2 Chr 22:5. In any case, Ahaziah was present in Jezreel when Jehu arrived for the purpose of exterminating the Omride dynasty (8:28; 9:16b, 21, 23). Jehu killed Jehoram of Israel and also ordered the execution of Ahaziah of Judah, who fled S toward Beth-Haggan (En-Gannim) apparently hoping to fight his way back to Jerusalem. However, near (Ibleam Khirbet Bel˓ame) he was seriously wounded by those who were pursuing him. He made it as far as Megiddo (Tell el-Mutesellim) where he died. His body was brought to Jerusalem and buried in the tombs of the kings (9:27–29). Concurrently, ―forty-two brothers of Ahaziah,‖ who likewise were staying in the N kingdom, presumably fell unexpectedly into the hands of Jehu, who had them executed (10:12–14). The authenticity of this bloody episode is not undisputed, although the number of Ahaziah‘s ―brothers‖ seems unusually high. Either it is exaggerated, as often occurs in the OT, or the ―brothers‖ should be understood in a nonliteral sense as members of the Davidic royal line, whose sovereign at that time was none other than King Ahaziah. The motives which led Jehu also to have the Judean king and his relatives killed are not entirely clear. Did he, by taking these measures, want only to prevent the dead king‘s (Jehoram‘s) cousin from taking blood revenge? Or did he also want to destroy the Omride dynasty along with its palpable allies? In any case, Jehu‘s sanguine deed ironically enabled the
- 271. Omrides to cometo power in Jerusalem (i.e., Queen Athaliah‘s assumption of the government [11:1–3]), something he could not have anticipated or desired. The Deuteronomistic redactors judge Ahaziah‘s religious behavior negatively and equate it with the ―way of the house of Ahab.‖ The context attributes his behavior to the influence of his mother Athaliah (8:26–27). The Chronicler expressly states (2 Chr 22:3) that Ahaziah‘s mother encouraged his apostasy from God. Ahaziah is described in this context as a person who subjected himself both religiously and politically to the influence of the ―house of Ahab‖ (22:4–5). Otherwise, Chronicles provides information that is not present in its Vorlage in the books of Kings. According to 2 Chr 21:17 and 22:1, Ahaziah was supposed to have been the youngest son of Jehoram, who came to the throne, because all of his older brothers had either been led away or killed by Philistines and Arabs who had invaded Judah. In this case, one may suggest that the Chronicler had access to a special source. However, the historicity of this information is subject to serious reconsideration. This especially applies to the Chronicler‘s depiction of the demise of Ahaziah (22:5–9), which in part consists of excerpts from 2 Kgs 8:28–10:14 (v 5 = 2 Kgs 8:28; v 6 = 2 Kgs 8:29), and in part of summaries reported in that text (v 7 = 2 Kgs 9:21; v 8 = 2 Kgs 10:12–14). However, Ahaziah‘s death is described quite differently by the Chronicler than by the Deuteronomistic redactors. According to 2 Chr 22:9, Ahaziah hid in Samaria, where he was discovered and killed by Jehu, and subsequently also buried there. This completely contradicts the information presented in 2 Kgs 9:27–28. Even if one should think that a special tradition was used in Chronicles, its presentation is much more improbable than that found in 2 Kgs 9:27–28. Bibliography Jepsen, A. 1962. Ahasja. BHH 1: 50. Miller, J. M. 1967. The Fall of the House of Ahab. VT 17: 307–24. Steck, O. H. 1967. Die Erzählung von Jahwes Einschreiten gegen die Orakelbefragung Ahasjas (2 Kön 1, 2–8. *17). EvT 27: 546–56. WINFRIED THIEL TRANS. PHILLIP R. CALLAWAY AHBAN (PERSON) [Heb ˒aḥbān (ן ָב ְח ַא)]. A son of Abishur and Abihail, of the tribe of Judah (1 Chr 2:29). The identity of Ahban is uncertain, a fact reflected by LXX variants (e.g., achabar, ozabar, and adab). The name itself occurs only in this extended genealogy of Israel identifying tribal locations within Palestine (1 Chronicles 2–8). MARK J. FRETZ AHER (PERSON) [Heb ˒aḥēr (ש ֵח ַא)]. The father of Hushim according to the MT of 1 Chr 7:12; the name is attested only in this tribal genealogy. The MT of 1 Chr 7:12 reads wĕšuppim wĕḥuppim bĕnê ˓ r ḥūšim bĕnê ˒aḥēr, lit. ―And Shuppim and Huppim the sons of Ir, Hushim the sons of Aher.‖ The difficult grammatical construction of a plural ―sons‖ preceded by only one name (Hushim) is only one problem in this text; the other problem is the fact that although Dan is included in the list of Jacob‘s sons (1 Chr 2:2), there is no Danite lineage in the subsequent tribal genealogies (1 Chronicles 2–8). The occurrence of the word ˒aḥēr in this difficult text can be interpreted not only as a personal name, but also as an adjective; if the text is emended, one can reconstruct in its place either different personal names or a cardinal number. Klostermann (RE 4: 94) emends 1 Chr 7:12 to read bny dān ḥšm bĕnô ˒eḥād, ―Sons of Dan: Hushim his son, one.‖ This solution is supported by Gen 46:23 and less so by Num 26:42, while the proposed reading bĕnô, is supported by the LXX reading huios autou, ―his son.‖ The emendation of MT ˒aḥēr to the cardinal number ―one‖ (Heb ˒eḥād) is justified since the Heb letters dalet and reš are easily confused, and since the Chronicler tends to number the sons (cf. 1 Chr 7:1, 3, 6–7). Although Rudolf (Chronikbücher HAT, 68) concurs with Klostermann‘s conclusion, he presumes that a marginal note (Heb lĕpān m lā˓ r šēm ˒aḥēr, ―previously the city had another name‖) on Judg 18:29a (MT wayyiqrĕ˒ šēm-hā˓ r dān, ―and they call the name of the city Dan‖) became a gloss in Klostermann‘s proposed text of 1 Chr 7:12. According to Rudolf‘s explanation, ˒aḥēr is an adjective (―another‖) displaced through textual corruption.
- 272. Along other linesNoth (ÜgS 1: 118) concludes that 1 Chr 7:12 should read ―… and Shupham and Hupham. The sons of Dan: Suham. The sons of Asher [sic.]: …‖ Based on the assumption that the order of the tribes in Numbers 26 is the Chronicler‘s source, he completely revises the MT, and includes a postulated lacuna between vv 12 and 13. In order to place Dan and Asher in their proper order between Benjamin and Naphtali, according to Num 26:38–50 (cf. Gen 46:8–27), Aher (Heb ˒aḥēr) is either deleted, or emended to read Asher (Heb ˒āšēr). One other solution (Williamson 1973) is to emend the final word of 1 Chr 7:12 (MT ˒aḥēr) to read either ˒ard (cf. Gen 46:21; Num 26:40 where Heb ˒ard follows ḥpm in the order of names), or ˒addār (cf. LXX of Num 26:40, adar; and 1 Chr 8:3 where a scribe may have mistaken the Heb letter dalet for ḥet). If, as Williamson proposes, 1 Chr 7:12 is a fragmentary verse that was added to vv 6–11, then the word Aher would have been produced by a scribal error. Thus, the absence of Dan is not a problem, because it did not occur in the fragment, which must be treated separately from the rest of the name list. Bibliography Williamson, H. G. M. 1973. A Note on 1 Chronicles 7:12. VT 23: 375–79. MARK J. FRETZ AHI (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăḥ (י ִח ֲא)]. The son of Abdiel and chief of one of the Gadite clans in the ―pasture lands of Sharon‖ during the overlapping reigns of Jotham of Judah and Jeroboam II of Israel (1 Chr 5:14–16). The name occurs in a textually corrupt genealogical list, and combined with the fact that it is a form of the Hebrew word for ―brother,‖ it has presented problems for translators and interpreters alike. The pattern ―son of X, son of Y, son of Z, etc.‖ in 1 Chr 5:14–15 is interrupted by Heb ˒ḥy. One solution is to retain the MT and take ˒ḥy as a personal name, possibly a shortened form of Ahijah (Rudolf Chronikbücher HAT, 46), without the expected ―son of.‖ Another option, reflected in various ancient versions, is to read ˒ḥy as the construct form of the common noun (―brother of;‖ see LXX adelphou and Vg. fratres); however, an expected proper noun does not follow the construct ―brother of‖ in these mss, therefore, the sense is no more clear with this translation. Another option is to emend the text, as do some other LXX mss (1 Chr 5:14) by transposing ˒ḥy and the preceding name Buz (e.g. zaboucham, achibouz). Although Heb ˒ḥy occurs 35 times in the MT, the RSV translates it ―Ahi‖ only here. In a similar instance (1 Chr 7:34) the RSV prefers to emend the text ( bĕnê šāmer ˒ăḥ wĕrāwhgâ, lit. ―The sons of Shemer: Ahi and Rohgah‖) to read ―The son(s) of Shemer his brother: Rohgah …‖ (˒ăḥ w rā[w]hgâ). This emendation seems to be based on the parallel in v 35 ( ben-hēlem ˒āh w, ―The son(s) of Helem his brother‖). In 1 Chr 7:34 some LXX mss combine the two names (e.g., achiouraoga, hēeig-kairagous), others render Ahi quite literally (achi kai rooga, ―Achi and Rooga‖); but in support of the RSV, other mss combine ˒ḥy with the following waw (LXX achiouia; Armenian achiu; see also LXX v 35 adelphou autou). Since ˒ḥy is a common element in NW Semitic names (AI, 93.6; PNPI, 263–64; APNM, 160–61), it is plausible to argue that Ahi is indeed a personal name in 1 Chr 5:15; however, because the text is corrupt, an emendation similar to that made by the RSV in 1 Chr 7:34 could just as easily solve the problem. MARK J. FRETZ AHIAH (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăḥ yâ (הָי ִח ֲא)]. A clan leader who signed Nehemiah‘s pledge of reform (Neh 10:27—Eng10:26). In this list of leaders (vv 2–28) Ahiah‘s is the only name preceded by the Heb conjunction waw. Meyer (1896: 142) suggests that this distinguishes w˒ḥyh; thus, by emending it to w˒ḥyw, he changes the text to read ―Rehum, Hashabnah, Maaseiah, and his brother Hanan …‖ The LXX of Neh 10:27, however, renders the name as ara, suggesting the name Arah, a prominent family name mentioned in Ezra 2:5 (= Neh 7:10). Bibliography Meyer, E. 1896. Die Entstehung des Judenthums. Halle. MARK J. FRETZ
- 273. AHIAM (PERSON) [Heb˒ăḥ ˒ām (ם ָיא ִח ֲא)]. One of the Hararites listed in the parallel rosters of King David‘s warriors (2 Sam 23:33; 1 Chr 11:35). In the MT, these parallel lists spell the name of Ahiam‘s father as Sharar (2 Sam 23:33) or Sachar (1 Chr 11:35). Some variants of the LXX read sacharō, or sachar ho—lending support to Sachar as the original form. The designation ―Hararite‖ possibly signifies either Ahiam‘s clan name (translated ―the Urite‖ by McCarter 2 Samuel AB, 493), or the name of his hometown, which Elliger (1935: 56) identifies with the town Araru of the Amarna letters. Bibliography Elliger, K. 1935. Die dreissig Helden Davids. PJ 31: 29–75. MARK J. FRETZ AHIAN (PERSON) [Heb ˒aḥyān (ןָי ְח ַא)]. The son of Shemida, and grandson of Manasseh (1 Chr 7:19) listed within the extended genealogy of Israel (1 Chronicles 2–8). Ahian is not mentioned elsewhere in connection with Shemida, who is allotted land in the Cisjordon (Num 26:32; Josh 17:2). According to ostraca discovered at Samaria (Reisner, Fisher, and Lyon 1924: 228–29), Shemida is either the name of a tribal unit involved in commerce, or a place name like Shechem which also appears in the ostraca. Although Ahian does not occur in the ostraca, since other names in the biblical genealogy which are or might very well be geographical names do appear there, Ahian may be the place name which came to be associated with a tribal unit located in the Manassite region of Samaria. Bibliography Reisner, G. A.; Fisher, C. S.; and Lyon, D. G. 1924. Harvard Excavations at Samaria, 1908–1910. Vol. 1. Cambridge, MA. MARK J. FRETZ AHIEZER (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăḥ ˓ezer (שֶז ֶיף ִח ֲא)]. 1. The son of Ammishaddai and leader of the tribe of Dan, who assisted Moses in taking a census of Israel (Num 1:12; 2:25). As tribal representative, Ahiezer contributed offerings on the 10th day of the tabernacle dedication (Num 7:66, 71) and commanded the Danites as a rear guard for Israel on the march from Sinai to Palestine (Num 10:25). 2. Chief of the Benjaminites who defected from King Saul to David at Ziklag (1 Chr 12:3). If the plural ―sons‖ (Heb bĕnê) refers both to Joash and Ahiezer, as the RSV translates the MT, then Ahiezer would also be one of two sons of Shemaah the Gibeathite in this list of Benjaminite defectors. Of all the members of Saul‘s army who went over to serve David, some of the most noteworthy were these Benjaminites, since they were from Saul‘s own clan (see Rudolf Chronikbücher HAT, 105; Williamson 1981; Zeron 1974). Bibliography Williamson, H. G. M. 1981. ‗We Are Yours, O David‘: The Setting and Purpose of 1 Chronicles 12:1–23. OTS 21: 164–76. Zeron, A. 1974. Tag für Tag kam man zu David, um ihm zu helfen, 1 Chr 12, 1–22. TZ 30: 257–61. MARK J. FRETZ AHIHUD (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăḥ h d (יהּוד ִח ֲא); ˒ăḥ ḥud (ד ֻיח ִח ֲא)]. Two individuals mentioned in the Hebrew Bible bear this name. In both its forms, this name has been translated ―the brother (i.e., the god) is exalted‖ (EncMiqr 1: 215), with the kinship term ˒aḥ (brother) representing the theophoric element. Johnson (IDB 1: 67) offers the translations of ―the (divine) brother is exalted‖ or ―the (divine) brother is glorious.‖ One suggestion (Enemiqr 1: 215; see esp. IPN, 146, 192) is that the name expresses the glory and majesty of the Lord that appear in nature and particularly in the heavens. However, the textual transmission of these vv has not been clear, as exemplified by the many LXX variants. 1. An Asherite, the son of Shelomi (Num 34:27), and one of those named (MT ˒ăḥ h d) in a list of tribal leaders. These leaders, ―neś ˒ m,‖ (Speiser: 1967), were appointed by Eleazar the Priest and Joshua the son of Nun to oversee the allotment of the land of Canaan W of the Jordan River to the 10 tribes of Israel. Based on the LXX variant (Gk achiōr) in this verse Ahihud has been identified with the name ACHIOR in the book of Judith (see Cowley 1913: 244).
- 274. 2. A Benjaminite,his name (MT ˒ăḥ ḥud) appears in a genealogy which lists him as either the son of Heglam or the son of Gera (1 Chr 8:7). This genealogical ambiguity reflects the unclarity of the transmission of this and other vv in this passage. See ABIHUD. Bibliography Cowley, A. 1913. The Book of Judith. Vol. 1, pp. 242–67 in APOT. Oxford. Speiser, E. A. 1967. Background and Function of the Biblical Nasi˒. Pp. 113–122 in Oriental and Biblical Studies, ed. J. J. Finkelstein and M. Greenberg. Philadelphia. RAPHAEL I. PANITZ AHIJAH (PERSON) [Heb ˒aḥ yâ (הָי ִח ַא)]. Nine persons in the Hebrew Bible/OT bear this name. 1. A priest, the son of Ahitub and great-grandson of Eli (1 Sam. 14:3). He was a priest in Shiloh and provided oracular guidance for Saul (1 Sam 14:18–19, 41–42). In 1 Sam 14:18, the MT indicates that Ahijah was in charge of the ark of God which was housed at Kiriath-jearim. The LXX reads instead ―the ephod‖ which Ahijah is said to carry in 1 Sam 14:3. The ephod was an item of priestly apparel (Exod 28:1–43), which was also apparently used for oracular guidance. It is speculated that the garment contained a pouch to hold the Urim and Thummim. The fact that Saul requests oracular guidance is cited in support of the LXX reading against that of the MT. Since he was the son of Ahitub, it is assumed that he was also the brother of Ahimelech, the priest of Nob (1 Sam 22). Ahijah‘s connection to Saul is also important in literary terms, since the rejection of the house of Eli parallels the ultimate fate of Saul and his descendants. 2. A secretary within Solomon‘s bureaucracy (1 Kgs 4:3). Mettinger (1971: 24–30) believes that ―Ahijah‖ disguises an Egyptian name similar to that of his brother ―Elihoreph.‖ The name of his father is Shisha, derived from the Egyptian sš ―scribe.‖ The phrase might be read as ―sons of a scribe,‖ i.e., members of a scribal guild. Mettinger has demonstrated that Solomon probably modelled his own bureaucracy on that of the Egyptians. 3. A prophet from Shiloh (1 Kgs 11:9) who supported Jeroboam‘s abortive coup against Solomon. He plays a crucial role in the Deuteronomistic History‘s portrayal of the split between the S and N kingdoms during the reign of Rehoboam. Ahijah meets Jeroboam, Solomon‘s overseer over compulsory labor, outside Jerusalem and through symbolic action and prophetic utterance provides the theological justification for the division of the kingdom after Solomon‘s death. The rending of Ahijah‘s cloak into 12 pieces and the giving of 10 to Jeroboam is reminiscent of Samuel‘s rejection of Saul in 1 Samuel 15. However, the LXX differs in a number of details from the MT, including the claim that this action was carried out by Shemaiah and not Ahijah. It is made clear that, although the socioeconomic reasons for the division stem from the oppression of the Davidic monarchy brought to a head by the policies of Rehoboam (1 Kings 12), the theological justification offered is the apostasy of Solomon. Ahijah promises Jeroboam a ―sure house‖ (1 Kgs 11:38), echoing the dynastic promise to David in 2 Samuel 7. The final break brought about by the heavy tax burden levied by Rehoboam is presented in typical Deuteronomistic terms as the fulfillment of the prophecy of Ahijah (1 Kgs 12:15). Later Jeroboam sends his disguised wife to Ahijah in old age in order to enquire if his son Abijah will survive his childhood illness (1 Kgs 14:1–18). The prophecy delivered by Ahijah is the fulcrum for the Deuteronomistic rejection of all N kings. Jeroboam is rejected for his apostasy, particularly the setting up of the rival N shrines of Bethel and Dan. The dynastic promise, which was couched in conditional terms in 1 Kgs 11:38–39, is withdrawn. The death of the child is again presented as confirmation of the prophecy of Ahijah. It is further fulfilled with the slaughter of the house of Jeroboam by Baasha (1 Kgs 15:29). The prophecies of Ahijah are presented in Deuteronomistic terms and play a central role in the overall design of the Deuteronomistic History. Ahijah represents the ideal Deuteronomistic prophet whose words are fulfilled. Despite this clear Deuteronomic shaping, the narratives are thought to be multilayered. Many commentators accept that these narratives preserve authentic historical information about the nature of Israelite prophecy and sociopolitical disputes at the time of the division of the kingdom. Cohen (1965;
- 275. 1971) believes thatAhijah represents a Shilonite priestly faction who supported Jeroboam‘s struggle with Rehoboam. This faction is thought to represent the pre-monarchic religious specialists, identified with Abiathar, who had become increasingly marginalized by the centralizing policies of Solomon. Jeroboam‘s establishment of royal shrines at Dan and Bethel also failed to restore the fortunes of the Shilonite priesthood. The view that Ahijah championed the restoration of the shrine at Shiloh was challenged by Noth (1966: 132–144) who argued that he was in favor of the political break with the S but not with a break with the Jerusalem cult. Wilson (1980: 184–87) has followed this general analysis in his discussion of Ahijah as a typical peripheral prophet from Ephraim. He represents the views of a group outside of and opposed to the royal establishment. His support group is presumably drawn from Ephraimites and probably from the old Shilonite priesthood ousted by Solomon. Ahijah challenged the royal establishment in an attempt to redress the balance in this struggle for power. Similarly, his rejection of Jeroboam is to be understood in factional terms of a center-periphery struggle for power. The Chronicler refers to ―the prophecy of Ahijah‖ as one of the sources for the reign of Solomon (2 Chr 9:29). There is no agreement over whether or not this refers to the material preserved in 1 Kings 11 and 14 or is a collection of material which did not find its way into the canon of the Hebrew Bible. 4. The father of Baasha, king of Israel, and member of the tribe of Issachar (1 Kgs 15:27, 33; 21:22; 2 Kgs 9:9). The LXX reads ―who was of Beth Belaan‖ for ―Issachar.‖ Gray (1–2 Kings3 OTL, 357, n.b) suspects that Beth indicated a place name in Issachar, yet only Bethshemesh appears in the tribal list in Josh 19:17–23. Belaan is not mentioned elsewhere as part of Issachar. The house of Baasha ben Ahijah becomes as reviled as that of Jeroboam I ben Nebat, who was the symbol of royal apostasy in the Deuteronomistic History (1 Kgs 21:22; 2 Kgs 9:9). 5. One of the sons of Ehud, a Benjaminite, carried into captivity (1 Chr 8:7). Ahijah may be a variant of Ahoah in v 4, as suggested by LXXB and the Syriac. The MT is difficult. 1 Chr 8:6 reports that the sons of Ehud were the heads of clans in Geba who were exiled to Manahath. However, Braun (1 Chronicles WBC, pp. 120–1) understands the phrase wayyaqlûm as ―who were moved,‖ i.e., emigrated, rather than as ―they were carried into exile.‖ Geba is mentioned in the list of Levitical cities (Josh 21:17; 1 Chr 6:60) and was fortified by Asa (1 Kgs 15:22; 2 Chr 16:6). The location of Manahath is disputed, but often identified with Malah near Jerusalem (LBHG, 381). The list of Ehud‘s sons in 1 Chr 8:7 begins with a conjunction suggesting that a name or phrase is missing. Furthermore, the names of two of the sons, Naaman and Gera, appear as sons of Bela (1 Chr 8:4–5). The various lists of Benjamin‘s and Bela‘s sons and their descendants show considerable variation (Genesis 46; Numbers 26; 1 Chronicles 7 and 8) and numerous textual difficulties, as evidenced in 1 Chr 8:6–7. 6. One of David‘s mighty men, a Pelonite (1 Chr 11:36). The MT of the corresponding list of David‘s mighty men in 2 Sam 23:8–39 provides an entirely different reading: ―Eliam son of Ahithophel the Gilonite‖ (2 Sam 23:34). The two lists not only show considerable variations but are placed in different positions in relation to the reign of David. The Chronicler places the list at the very beginning of his reign, whereas in 2 Samuel it is found as an appendix to the reign of David. The list in Chronicles functions as a legitimation of David through the support of these warriors and all Israel (1 Chr 11:10). 7. One of the sons of Jerahmeel, a member of the tribe of Judah (1 Chr 2:25). Some mss of the LXX suggest that this is not a proper name but read ―his brothers,‖ while the Syriac reads ―your brothers.‖ Williamson (1979) has noted that the list of Jerahmeel‘s descendants (1 Chr 2:25–33, 33–41) forms the center of a chiasm within the genealogy of Judah. Interestingly the first part of Jerahmeel‘s genealogy (1 Chr 2:25–33) is segmented, while the latter half (1 Chr 2:33–41) is linear. 8. A Levite in charge of the temple treasury (1 Chr 26:20). There is some doubt whether a personal name is contained here or a more general phrase that introduces the Levitical families in charge of the temple treasuries. The LXX reads ―Levites, their brothers,‖ while NIV and Braun (1 Chronicles WBC, 248) translate the phrase as ―their fellow Levites.‖ 9. Ahiah, one of the chiefs of the people, who set his seal on the covenant of Nehemiah (Neh 10:27— Eng10:26). It is puzzling that this is the only name in the list of signatories to be preceded by the conjunction ―and,‖ wa˒ăḥ yāh. The originality of the list of signatories placed at the beginning of the
- 276. document has beendisputed (see Williamson, Ezra, Nehemiah WBC, 325–31 for a discussion of the various proposals). Bibliography Cohen, M. A. 1965. The Rebellions during the Reign of David: An Inquiry into Social Dynamics in Ancient Israel. Pp. 91–112 in Studies in Jewish Bibliography, History and Literature in Honor of I. Edward Kiev, ed. C. Berlin. New York. ———. 1971. The Role of the Shilonite Priesthood in the United Monarchy of Ancient Israel. HUCA 36: 59–98. Mettinger, T. N. D. 1971. Solomonic State Officials. A Study of the Civil Government Officials of the Israelite Monarchy. Lund. Noth, M. 1966. The Laws of the Pentateuch and Other Studies. Edinburgh. Williamson, H. G. M. 1979. Sources and Redaction in the Chronicler‘s Genealogy of Judah. JBL 98: 351–59. Wilson, R. 1980. Prophecy and Society in Ancient Israel. Philadelphia. KEITH W. WHITELAM AHIKAM (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăḥ qām (ם ָיר ִח ֲא)]. The son of Shaphan, and member of a very prominent Jerusalem family who held government office under Josiah (ca. 640–609 B.C.E.) and Jehoiakim (ca. 609–598 B.C.E.). Ahikam‘s father, Shaphan, was royal secretary during the reign of Josiah (2 Kgs 22:3–20). Ahikam‘s brothers, Elasah (Jer 29:3) and Gemariah (Jer 36:10–12, 25), and Gemariah‘s son Micaiah (Jer 36:11–13), were also court officials. Although Ahikam‘s title is not given in the Hebrew Bible, it is evident that he was high-ranking. The office of ăšer ˓al habbayit (―who is over the house;‖ see, e.g., 1 Kgs 16:9; 18:3; 2 Kgs 18:18) was probably held by Ahikam‘s son Gedaliah. Most scholars now believe that a contemporary seal inscribed ―to Gedaliah, who is over the house‖ belonged to this Gedaliah, son of Ahikam. It is possible that this office was hereditary and had earlier been held by Ahikam himself (cf. Katzenstein 1960: 153–54; Lohfink 1978: 338). During the reign of Josiah, Ahikam (along with his father Shaphan) was appointed to a delegation sent to consult the prophetess Huldah on the occasion of the finding of the lawbook (2 Kgs 22:12–13; 2 Chr 34:20–21). Following Jeremiah‘s fiery ―temple sermon‖ at the beginning of Jehoiakim‘s reign, Ahikam is reported to have saved the prophet from execution at the hands of the people (Jer 26:24; this note is preceded in Jer 26:20–23 by an account of how the prophet Uriah, who had delivered a similar message, had been executed). This incident not only attests the influence wielded by Ahikam, but also indicates that he, like other members of the family of Shaphan, was kindly disposed toward Jeremiah. Furthermore, Ahikam and his family were undoubtedly sympathetic to the pro-Babylonian position supported by Jeremiah. Ahikam‘s son, Gedaliah, was appointed ruler of Judah by Nebuchadnezzar after the fall of Jerusalem in 587–586 B.C.E. (2 Kgs 25:22; Jer 40:7). While it is possible that Ahikam was deported in 597 B.C.E. (passages such as Jer 38:1–6 reveal that a new group of court officials surrounded Zedekiah), the fact that Ahikam‘s name fails to appear in Jer 36:9–26 suggests that he may have died some time before the reading of Jeremiah‘s scroll in Jehoiakim‘s 5th year. Bibliography Hooke, S. H. 1935. A Scarab and Sealing from Tell Duweir. PEQ 67: 195–97. Katzenstein, H. J. 1960. The Royal Steward (Asher ˓al ha-Bayith ). IEJ 10: 149–54. Lohfink, N. 1978. Die Gattung der ―Historischen Kurzgeschichte‖ in den letzten Jahren von Juda und in der Zeit des Babylonischen Exils. ZAW 90: 319–47. JOHN M. BERRIDGE AHIKAR/AHIQAR (PERSON). Ahiqar has long been familiar as an Assyrian sage who was the hero of a book that was read and preserved by Jews of antiquity. There is no doubt that the many versions of the work that bears his name are nonhistorical in character, but recent discoveries have made it quite likely that there once was an Assyrian scholar by this name who served in the time of Esarhaddon (680– 669 B.C.E.). The name is spelled ˒ḥyqr in the Aramaic papyrus from Elephantine. It means ―my brother is precious/valuable.‖ A. Ahiqar in the Book of Ahiqar
- 277. The earliest extantform of the book is the fragmentary Aramaic text copied on a late-5th-century papyrus from Elephantine (Naveh 1970: 35). See also AHIQAR, BOOK OF. The text (text: Cowley 1923; translation: Lindenberger OTP 2: 479–507) describes him as ―a wise and skillful scribe‖ (i.1: spr ḥkym wmhyr) who was ―[ke]eper of the seal of Sennacherib‖ (i.3: ṣb]yt ˓zqth zyśnḥ˒ryb). He was also ―father of all Assyria, on whose counsel King Sennacherib and [all] the Assyrian Army [used to rely]‖ (iv.55: ˒bwh zy ˒twr klh zy ˓l ˓ṭth snḥ˒ryb mlk˒ wḥyl ˒twr [kl˒ hww]). He continued to hold high office into the time of Sennacherib‘s successor Esarhaddon (i.4–5), who calls him ―O wise [s]cribe, counselor of all Assyria‖ (i.12: s]pr˒ ḥkym˒ y˓ṭ ˒twr klh). By this time, however, Ahiqar had reached an advanced age. As he had no son, he adopted his nephew Nadin and taught him his wisdom so that he could become his replacement. The nephew proved to be a scoundrel who plotted against his uncle and convinced Esarhaddon that he should be executed. (According to later, more complete versions of the story Nadin forged correspondence from Ahiqar which showed that he was scheming to seize the kingdom with foreign assistance.) A royal officer named Nabushumishkun was commissioned to kill Ahiqar, but the clever sage reminded him that under reversed circumstances he had saved the officer‘s life. A eunuch was executed instead of Ahiqar, and the Nabushumishkun hid the fallen wise man in his house. The preserved portion of the Aramaic narrative ends at this point in the story. The fuller versions (e.g., the Syriac, Armenian, and Arabic) continue the tale by relating that Esarhaddon soon needed Ahiqar‘s remarkable savoir faire because the Egyptian king, who had heard of the sage‘s ―death,‖ challenged the Assyrian monarch to send him someone who could construct a palace between heaven and earth. If he could, he would receive Egypt‘s revenue for 3 years; if he could not, Egypt would receive a similar amount from Assyria. Just when Esarhaddon feared that the challenge would prove disastrously costly, the officer told him that Ahiqar was alive. He was swiftly retrieved from his hiding place and dispatched to Egypt where he handled all difficulties with astonishing flair. He returned with great wealth to Assyria where he promptly settled accounts with Nadin. After Ahiqar had beat him severely and lectured him at length, Nadin died. B. Ahiqar in the Book of Tobit Although the Ahiqar papyrus was found at the Jewish military colony at Elephantine, nothing in the text suggests Jewish authorship of the work or even Jewish influence on it. Indeed, the presence of divine names such as El (vii.107; x,154,156,161 [?]; xii. 173 [?]), Šamaš (vi.92, 93; vii.108; ix.138; xi.171) and Šamayn (? vii.95) betray a polytheistic origin for the book. In the deuterocanonical book of Tobit, however, Ahiqar has been transformed from an Assyrian to an Israelite of the tribe of Naphtali who is a relative of Tobit. Tobit, which may date from the 3d century B.C.E. (Doran 1986: 299), manifests a number of important similarities with the book of Ahiqar (Greenfield 1981: 329–36). Both are set in Assyria at the time of the kings who ruled around the time of the destruction of Samaria (Tobit mentions Shalmaneser, Sennacherib, and Esarhaddon [1:15–22]) and both are sapiential novels in which wise instructions are conveyed by an elderly character to his son at two similar locations. The book of Tobit mentions Ahiqar in four passages. In 1:21–22 Tobit reports that Esarhaddon ―appointed Ahikar [Achicharon], son of my brother Anael to supervise all the finances of his kingdom; he had control of the entire administration. Then Ahikar interceded on my behalf and I came back to Nineveh. For he had been chief cupbearer, keeper of the privy seal, comptroller, and treasurer when Sennacherib was king of Assyria; and Esarhaddon renewed the appointments. Ahikar was my nephew and so one of my kinsmen‖ (NEB). The picture presented here resembles that in the book of Ahiqar except that the sage is now an Israelite. Later Tobit, after he became blind, notes that Ahikar cared for him for two years (2:10). Further evidence that the author of Tobit knew the Ahiqar story comes from 11:18 (v 19 in Greek) in which he mentions Ahiqar and Nadab (= Nadin), who are both identified as Tobit‘s cousins (so Sinaiticus [hoi exadelphoi]) or, in Vaticanus and Alexandrinus, Nadab is called Ahikar‘s nephew (ho exadelphos autou). Finally, 14:10 alludes to another part of the Ahiqar narrative: ―My son, think what Nadab did to Ahikar who brought him up: he forced him to hide in a living grave. Ahikar survived to see God requite the dishonour done to him; he came out into the light of day, but Nadab passed into eternal darkness for his attempt to kill Ahikar. Because I [?] gave alms, Ahikar escaped from the fatal trap Nadab set for him, and
- 278. Nadab fell intothe trap himself and was destroyed‖ (NEB). The end of this passage reflects the words of the final proverb in Ahiqar (Syriac 8:41; Greenfield 1981: 333–34). C. Other References Several ancient writers mention a character whose name closely resembles that of Ahiqar; they may be referring to the hero of the book (Harris, Lewis, Conybeare APOT 2: 715–17; Küchler 1979: 344–46; Lindenberger OTP 2: 491). The Christian writer Clement of Alexandria (ca. 150–215) claimed that the Greek author Democritus (ca. 460–370 B.C.E.) plagiarized from a stele of Ahiqar (tēn Akikarou stēlēn [Str. 1.69, 4]). In this connection, the Persian Muslim philosopher Shahrastani (1071–1153), in a collection of sayings from Democritus, cites three sayings which agree very closely with proverbs from the versions of Ahiqar. Strabo (ca. 63 B.C.E.–23 C.E.), in his Geography 16,2,39, gives from Poseidonius (135–51 B.C.E.) the names of famous seers; among them he names Achaikaros as being among the people from the Bosporus. It has been suggested that Bosporus is an error for Borsippa, so that the Mesopotamian savant could be intended (Harris, Lewis, Conybeare APOT 2: 716). This must be regarded, however, as quite uncertain. Diogenes Laertius (3d century C.E.) provides a list of the works by Theophrastus (372–287 B.C.E.), among which is one named Akicharosa. If all of these intend the Ahiqar known from the story and proverbs, they show that his fame, especially as a dispenser of wise words, was early and spread over a wider area than the Semitic world. The same could be concluded from the fact that the Greek Life of Aesop borrows heavily from the story and proverbs of Ahiqar in chaps. 23–32. It has also been suggested that Ahiqar‘s name should be restored on the 3d-century C.E. Roman mosaic of Monnus in Trier. In it there are 9 octagonal sections in each of which are pictured a Muse with a symbol of the art with which she is connected and an expert in that art or founder of it. In the section for Polymnia, the Muse often associated with dance and mime, is a figure only part of whose name is preserved. The letters -icar could well be part of Acicarus or Ahiqar (Lindenberger OTP 2: 492), though combining him with Polymnia is surprising (Küchler 1979: 352–55). D. Ahiqar as a Figure of History There have been several attempts to relate aspects of the Ahiqar story to history. W. von Soden (1936: 1–13) argued that Adad-šum-uṣur, one of Esarhaddon‘s advisors, was the historical point of origin for the Ahiqar legends. This official wrote many letters and exercised considerable influence in the court. As Ahiqar did, he requested from the king that his son Arad-Gula be given an important position. The son eventually did gain a post. Moreover, there is evidence that Adad-šum-uṣur fell from grace, though it is not known whether he was restored to his former status. But, as von Soden noted, no high official in the time of Sennacherib and Esarhaddon bore the name Ahiqar. In his opinion, a change of names took place during the transmission of the story so that Adad-šum-uṣur became Ahiqar. E. Reiner (1961: 7–8) has observed that the theme which provides the framework of the Ahiqar story—the ―disgrace and rehabilitation of a minister‖—was known in Babylonia and that it was fused with the other major theme— the ―ungrateful nephew.‖ A recent discovery at the site of ancient Uruk has cast some interesting new light on the Ahiqar tradition. German excavations there in 1959–60 unearthed in a room next to the reš- sanctuary a tablet (W 20030, 7) which provides a list of Assyrian kings from before and after the flood (van Dijk 1962: 44–52). An official called an ummānu—a term for both a learned man and high official (Reiner 1961: 9)—is named for each of the kings. For the time of King Esarhaddon (11. 19–20) it mentions that a man named 1 a-ba-d NINNU-da-ri (= aba-enlil-dari) was the ummānu and notes that the Ahlamu (= the Arameans) called him 1 a-ḫu-‘u-qa-a-ri. This is the name Ahuqar or Ahiqar. Consequently, there is now documentary evidence that Esarhaddon, who is the king with the primary royal role in the book of Ahiqar, had a chief advisor whose Aramaic name was the one found in the Aramaic version of the book. The list in which his name appears was copied in the year 147 of the Seleucid Era (= 165 B.C.E.), when Antiochus (IV) was king (11.23–24). It has also been noted that the only case of an Assyrian proverb that parallels one in Ahiqar (the Syriac version) is quoted in one of Esarhaddon‘s letters (Greenfield 1981: 335 n. 20), and that the name Nabushumishkun is the same as that of Merodach- Baladan‘s son who was taken captive by Sennacherib (Greenfield 1981: 335 n. 21).
- 279. It is clearfrom the reference to Ahiqar in the Uruk list that some sort of historical kernel lies behind the story. There was a wise man, possibly an author (Lindenberger 1983: 22), named Ahiqar in the court of Esarhaddon. Nevertheless, it is just as evident that the book which now bears his name has assumed folkloristic traits (Niditch and Doran 1977: 182–85) and can hardly be termed a historical document. Bibliography Cowley, A. 1923. Aramaic Papyri of the Fifth Century B.C. Oxford. Repr. Osnabrück, 1967. Dijk, J. van. 1962. Die Inschriftenfunde. Pp. 39–62 in XVIII. vorläufiger Bericht über die von dem Deutschen Archäologischen Institut und der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft aus Mitteln der Deutschen Forschungsgemeinschaft unternommenen Ausgrabungen in Uruk-Warka, ed. H. J. Lenzen. Berlin. Doran, R. 1986. Narrative Literature. Pp. 287–310 in Early Judaism and Its Modern Interpreters, ed. R. A. Kraft and G. W. E. Nickelsburg. The Bible and Its Modern Interpreters 2. Philadelphia and Atlanta. Greenfield, J. C. 1981. Aḥiqar in the Book of Tobit. Pp. 329–36 in De la Torah au Messie, ed. J. Doré, P. Grelot, and M. Carrez. Paris. Küchler, M. 1979. Frühjüdische Weisheit in den Achikar-Traditionen? Pp. 319–413 in Frühjüdische Weisheitstraditionen. OBO 26. Göttingen. Lindenberger, J. M. 1983. The Proverbs of Ahiqar. JHNES. Baltimore. Naveh, J. 1970. The Development of the Aramaic Script. Proceedings of the Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities 5/1. Jerusalem. Niditch, S., and Doran, R. 1977. The Success Story of the Wise Courtier. JBL 96: 179–93. Reiner, E. 1961. The Etiological Myth of the ―Seven Sages.‖ Or 30: 1–11. Soden, W. von. 1936. Die Unterweltsvision eines assyrischen Kronprinzen. ZA 43: 1–31. JAMES C. VANDERKAM AHILUD (PERSON) [Heb ˒ăh l d (ילּוד ִה ֲא)]. 1. The father of Jehoshaphat, the ―recorder‖ in the royal administrations of David and Solomon (2 Sam 8:16; 20:24; 1 Kgs 4:3; 1 Chr 18:15). In the parallel lists of officials (2 Sam 8:16–18 = 1 Chr 18:15–17), the Gk provides numerous variants of the name Ahilud, tending to substitute more familiar names from nearby verses. For example, LXX acheia may be associated with ˒ăḥ yāh (Ahijah), mentioned along with Ahilud in the list of Solomonic officials (1 Kgs 4:3); LXX achimelech (Ahimelech) is listed on verse after Ahilud (2 Sam 8:17) as one of the priests; while LXX abimelech (Abimelech) appears in the parallel of 1 Chr 18:16; Lucian‘s acheinaab may reflect Heb ˒ăḥ nādāb (Ahinadab), which occurs in the list of Solomonic officials (1 Kgs 4:12). Callaway‘s (1983) recent find of a jar handle with the name Ahilud on it makes it likely that by the end of the 11th cent. it was a common name. The title held by Ahilud‘s son Jehoshaphat (Heb mzkyr) is usually translated ―recorder,‖ ―herald.‖ The extensive discussion of this term (see McCarter 2 Samuel AB, 254 for citations) leads one to conclude that JEHOSHAPHAT was some type of spokesperson for the royal court. Accordingly, it can be presumed that Ahilud‘s family had a favored position during the United Monarchy. 2. The father of Baana, prefect over the fifth of King Solomon‘s 12 administrative districts that included at least Taanach, Megiddo, and Beth-shean (1 Kgs 4:12; see HG, 61–64). Baana no doubt was favored because of the high status of his father‘s family within Israel. Presumably this Ahilud is the same as the father of Jehoshaphat (see above); the political situation would have favored the appointment of two brothers from a seemingly loyal family, the one (Jehoshaphat) as trusted ―recorder,‖ the other