The Catalan present perfect has two uses - a temporal use referring to events within the day, and an aspectual use referring to past situations with present relevance. A corpus study of 1285 tokens from Catalan plays found that the temporal use occurs with all verb types and only accepts adverbs of time within a day, while the experiential aspectual use occurs with atelic verbs and adverbs of frequency or time span. The resultative aspectual use occurs with telic verbs and typically no adverbs. The analysis proposes the Catalan present perfect is a temporal operator referring to precedence between reference and speech times for the temporal use, and an aspectual operator relating event and reference times for the aspectual uses.

1. ON THE DUAL NATURE OF THE CATALAN PRESENT PERFECT
In Catalan, the present perfect has two very clearly differentiated values, as established
in Curell (2002, 2003), and Pérez Saldanya (2002): temporal and aspectual. Temporally,
the present perfect is a hodiernal perfective past (1a), which is used to make reference to
eventualities that have obtained within the day. Aspectually it refers to past situations
with present relevance, and, traditionally, two main uses (experiential (1b) and
resultative (1c)) and a very marginal one (continuative (1d)) have been established.
1. a. A quina hora has entrat a treballar?
‘what time have you started work?’
b. És la bestiesa més gran que mai he sentit.
‘it’s the silliest thing I’ve ever heard’
c. I aquell parell s’han escapat.
‘and those two have run away’
d. Però és que jo sempre he estat una mica estrany.
‘but I’ve always been a little strange’
A corpus of 1285 tokens has been gathered from 9 contemporary plays written in
Catalan. The instances of present perfect have been classified into their different uses,
and a correlation has been established between the use of the perfect on the one hand,
and the verb type and the adverbial on the other. The preliminary results show that the
hodiernal present perfect can occur with all verb types, and only accepts adverbials
expressing times included within the day (aquest matí ‘this morning’, *l’any passat ‘last
year’). As for the experiential perfect, it tends to occur with atelic situations and with
adverbials expressing frequency (un cop ‘once’), or time span (mai ‘never’). The
resultative perfect, on the other hand, occurs typically with telic situations and with no
adverbials, except for ja ‘already’.
The analysis we propose for the Catalan present perfect is based on recent neo-
Reichanbachian approaches, such as Kiparsky’s (2002). When used hodiernally, the
present perfect is a temporal operator, and, as such establishes a temporal relation of
precedence between R(eference time) and S(peech time). This hodiernal use of the
perfect is quite peculiar to Catalan: it is not found in other European languages such as
French, Italian and German, where the present perfect is used as a (perfective) past
regardless of whether it refers to earlier in the day or not. Spanish also behaves
differently: in some dialects, the perfective past is used to refer to events earlier in the
day, and/or the present perfect can be used to refer to events having taken place before
today (as in French, Italian and German). In narrative texts, the Catalan hodiernal
present perfect moves the narration forward, whereas the imperfective past moves it
sideways, thus mirrorring the situation between the perfective and imperfective pasts in
pre-hodiernal narrations.
In all its other uses, the Catalan present perfect is an aspectual operator: it establishes a
temporal relation of precedence between E(vent time) and R. This aspectual operator
focuses on the present resulting state of a past eventuality. In line with Henriëtte de
Swart (1998), we claim it maps any kind of eventuality onto a state. More specifically,
we claim that, following Kiparsky (2002), the resultative reading is obtained when the
first subevent of the telic situation, i.e., the process, is anchored to E and the second
subevent, the resulting state, to R. Likewise, under the experiential reading, the event
time is contained in E, and the resulting state, that is, the state resulting from
undergoing the experience, is included in R.

2. All this notwithstanding, there are instances in which both the present perfect and the
past perfective would be possible, and then the choice between one and the other is
determined by pragmatic factors, such as the perceived current relevance by the speaker
of the past action (2a), or whether the information is new or old (2b).
2. a. Vostè ha estudiat a l’il·lustre col·legi dels Frares de la Santa Espina [...]
‘you have studied in the famous school of the Brethern of .....
b. Qui t’ha regalat aquest rellotge?
‘who has given you this watch?
(2a) is addressed to a grown up, so the period of time during which he went to school is
objectively temporally distant, and the speaker has chosen the present perfect to make it
clear that he relates the addressee’s present behaviour to the school in which he was
brought up. (2b) would only be used if the addressee’s watch was news for the speaker,
regardless of when it was given.
References
Curell, Hortènsia. (2002): The present perfect in English and in Catalan. In K.M.
Jaszczolt and Ken Turner (eds): Meaning through Language in Contrast.
Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. pp.101-115.
Curell, Hortènsia. (2003): El perfect en Català. In Claus D. Pusch and Andrea Wesch
(eds): Verbalperiphrasen in den (ibero-)romanischen Sprachen. Hamburg:
Helmut Buske Verlag. pp.35-46.
Kiparsky, Paul. (2002): ‘Event Structure and the Perfect’. In David I. Beaver, Luis D.
Casillas Martínez, Brady Z. Clark, and Stefan Kaufmann (eds): The
Construction of Meaning. Stanford: CSLI Publications. pp.113-133.
Pérez Saldanya, Manuel (2002): Les relacions temporals i aspectuals. In Solà, Joan et al.
(eds.): Gramàtica del català contemporani. Vol. 3. Barcelona: Empúries, pp.
2567-2662.
De Swart, Henriëtte (1998): Aspect Shift and Coercion. Natural Language and
Lingusitic Theory 16: 347-385.