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Remittances in
       Transnational Family
    Consumption: Compromises
     Here, There, and Beyond

Lisa Peñaloza, EDHEC Business School, France
Judith Cavazos-Arroyo, UPAEP, Mexico

presented to Monterrey Tech, Queretaro, Oct. 26, 2010
Remittances
Remittances sent by a migrant worker in the
U.S. support 1/5 families living in Mexico (Suro
2003). Decreases with global recession (BBC News
2009)
In many nations remittances 3X nation-to-nation
foreign aid (Lapper 2007)
Much of the work on remittances focuses on
labor (Goldring 2002), and yet consumption is a
vital part of migration phenomena (Üçok 2007;
Visconti 2006; Askegaard et al. 2005; Peñaloza 1994)
Family
Meanings of family render migration
intelligible, even as remittances destabilize
families (Nolin 2006; Smith and Guarnizo
2005; Foner 2005; Schmalzbauer 2005)

Fundamental to our conceptualization of
remittances in family life consumption are
the compromisos, commitments (SP) and
tradeoffs (Eng) in what family members
consider meaningful and valuable.
regalos
Transnational Consumption
consumer acculturation – adaptation (Peñaloza
1994) identity (Visconti 2006; Askegaard et al. 2005)
transnational context ~ global acculturation
“agent,” (Askegaard et al. 2005; Kjeldgaard and
Askegaard 2006)
   la region mas transparente (Fuentes 1958)
   infused by gringolandia (Gomez-Peña 1993)
   micro transcultural meaning-value calculus
market incorporation (Peñaloza and Gilly 1999)! the
liberal consuming subject who is a worker/
consumer (Bradshaw 2010; Bailey 2010; Peñaloza and
Barnhart) situated w/in the Mexican family
Research Design
Fieldwork in Mexico, 2007 & 2010

Depth interviews

2007 Ten recipients in six families.
2010 Spring - Five recipients and three
returnees in three families.
2010 Fall – Twelve follow up and Four new
interviews, total of 22 persons in 14 families

Variation in family composition, social class,
age, gender, and rural/urban residence.
Interview Questions

Daily life in Mexico, consumption of
particular products and services, family
activities and relations.

Migrant’s work in the U.S., member
communication and travel, reception of
money and consumption objects,
budgeting, expenditures, family
“projects”
Analyses
Categories of consumption activities
(remittance forms and uses, means of
communication, gifts, day to day
provisioning, longer term projects),
agents and relations (esp. btw migrant
and nuclear and extended family
members).
Attention to movements of capital and
meanings within and across these
categories
Profile 1: wives with children
Laura López, 27 years old. Her husband left to
earn money to buy land and build a house. They
planned that he would be gone five years. To
date he has been gone two years, with one
return for eight months prior to the birth of their
third child. He supports the family sending $250-
$270 per month. She and the children live in a
two bedroom block house, painted white,
without plumbing. So far they have added a
room, with wood paneling she notes proudly.
Profile 2: mothers of adult children
 Fabiola Garcia 57 years old, works as a maid
 and lives alone in the city. She supplements her
 $20 monthly income with the $60-70
 remittances her sons send irregularly; the main
 recipients are their wives and children.
 “They (her two sons) left (to the U.S.) because
 they wanted to do what they could to get
 ahead, to buy land and (build) a house…Here
 (what they earned in Mexico) was not enough
 to get ahead and hardly enough to buy food. In
 the U.S... There are days they work and other
 days they do not, and they really suffer a lot to
 achieve what they want.”
Profile 3: siblings
38 year old Tania Álvarez receives $350
monthly.
“If they (her brother and sister) are not
going to be here to take care of them (her
parents), then at least they should send
money for their care.
Profile 4 - Majordomos
Organized at the level of community
Anchored in the Catholic Church
Sponsor the fiestas de los Pueblos
A postmodern potlache redistributing
wealth, ameliorating envy
Consumption-based
  Comida
  Decorations
  Music
Rebecca Salas, “all those    Telephonos
days that he calls. He        Publicos
calls two times a day to
know how the boy is
and later he calls in the
night to tell me how
things went at work. We
don’t always talk,
sometimes he just dials
and lets it ring twice and
hangs up. I know it’s
him. It’s the way I can
relax and be calm and
sleep.
Consumption compromises as
Interpellations of social-market life in
   the family left behind in Mexico
     Track transpositions of money and things,
     efforts, materials, emotions, and meanings
     over short & long term
     consumption “work” in transn’l family
        obligations – sacrifice – adventure
        separation – reunification - intimacy
        sustenance - wealth building
        logics/significance in practice
Temporal/Spatialities

remittance conversions over time
 alongside, replacing tandas, prestadas
short provisioning, midterm furnishing
home/life enhancements, long term
land, houses, businesses
with “interruptions” of couple,
children, health-home-business
emergencies
“At first they (her two brothers) brought electric
appliances, televisions or tape recorders and
clothes. The first color television (we had) was
because one of them brought it. Same with the
recorder. At that time there was much emotion
because they were going to bring clothing or we
would get a television or air conditioner or a
music recorder...Now it’s not like that...Now they
come and give money. At times they bring my
dad a coat. A lot of the things they bring now we
don’t need. They bring things for their houses,
and here the only thing they buy is food (to take
back).
Migration a consumption-based,
culturally sanctioned, family rite
 Most informants acknowledged that the
 money family members send from the
 U.S. has helped them have a better life,
 and actively encourage and support
 migration.
   improved meals, enhanced clothing, children’s
   school, parents health, land, houses
 obligations to family and to self not fully
 paid by work earnings
family obligations and altered roles


 Rebecca Salas wants her husband to be in
 charge lead the family
 Gabriela Moreno resents that her husband
 hasn’t helped raise their children, she’s
 had to be both mom and dad
 Gisela is more independent, finishing
 training as a hairdresser, “never would
 have seen myself living without a man”
consumption compromises:
     here, there and beyond

transnational family a nat’l boundary
spanning socio-econ system in which
family meanings are enabled and
tested as they are enacted and
economically valued in remittances

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Conferencia Lisa Peñaloza

  • 1. Remittances in Transnational Family Consumption: Compromises Here, There, and Beyond Lisa Peñaloza, EDHEC Business School, France Judith Cavazos-Arroyo, UPAEP, Mexico presented to Monterrey Tech, Queretaro, Oct. 26, 2010
  • 2.
  • 3. Remittances Remittances sent by a migrant worker in the U.S. support 1/5 families living in Mexico (Suro 2003). Decreases with global recession (BBC News 2009) In many nations remittances 3X nation-to-nation foreign aid (Lapper 2007) Much of the work on remittances focuses on labor (Goldring 2002), and yet consumption is a vital part of migration phenomena (Üçok 2007; Visconti 2006; Askegaard et al. 2005; Peñaloza 1994)
  • 4.
  • 5. Family Meanings of family render migration intelligible, even as remittances destabilize families (Nolin 2006; Smith and Guarnizo 2005; Foner 2005; Schmalzbauer 2005) Fundamental to our conceptualization of remittances in family life consumption are the compromisos, commitments (SP) and tradeoffs (Eng) in what family members consider meaningful and valuable.
  • 7. Transnational Consumption consumer acculturation – adaptation (Peñaloza 1994) identity (Visconti 2006; Askegaard et al. 2005) transnational context ~ global acculturation “agent,” (Askegaard et al. 2005; Kjeldgaard and Askegaard 2006) la region mas transparente (Fuentes 1958) infused by gringolandia (Gomez-Peña 1993) micro transcultural meaning-value calculus market incorporation (Peñaloza and Gilly 1999)! the liberal consuming subject who is a worker/ consumer (Bradshaw 2010; Bailey 2010; Peñaloza and Barnhart) situated w/in the Mexican family
  • 8.
  • 9. Research Design Fieldwork in Mexico, 2007 & 2010 Depth interviews 2007 Ten recipients in six families. 2010 Spring - Five recipients and three returnees in three families. 2010 Fall – Twelve follow up and Four new interviews, total of 22 persons in 14 families Variation in family composition, social class, age, gender, and rural/urban residence.
  • 10. Interview Questions Daily life in Mexico, consumption of particular products and services, family activities and relations. Migrant’s work in the U.S., member communication and travel, reception of money and consumption objects, budgeting, expenditures, family “projects”
  • 11. Analyses Categories of consumption activities (remittance forms and uses, means of communication, gifts, day to day provisioning, longer term projects), agents and relations (esp. btw migrant and nuclear and extended family members). Attention to movements of capital and meanings within and across these categories
  • 12. Profile 1: wives with children Laura López, 27 years old. Her husband left to earn money to buy land and build a house. They planned that he would be gone five years. To date he has been gone two years, with one return for eight months prior to the birth of their third child. He supports the family sending $250- $270 per month. She and the children live in a two bedroom block house, painted white, without plumbing. So far they have added a room, with wood paneling she notes proudly.
  • 13. Profile 2: mothers of adult children Fabiola Garcia 57 years old, works as a maid and lives alone in the city. She supplements her $20 monthly income with the $60-70 remittances her sons send irregularly; the main recipients are their wives and children. “They (her two sons) left (to the U.S.) because they wanted to do what they could to get ahead, to buy land and (build) a house…Here (what they earned in Mexico) was not enough to get ahead and hardly enough to buy food. In the U.S... There are days they work and other days they do not, and they really suffer a lot to achieve what they want.”
  • 14. Profile 3: siblings 38 year old Tania Álvarez receives $350 monthly. “If they (her brother and sister) are not going to be here to take care of them (her parents), then at least they should send money for their care.
  • 15. Profile 4 - Majordomos Organized at the level of community Anchored in the Catholic Church Sponsor the fiestas de los Pueblos A postmodern potlache redistributing wealth, ameliorating envy Consumption-based Comida Decorations Music
  • 16. Rebecca Salas, “all those Telephonos days that he calls. He Publicos calls two times a day to know how the boy is and later he calls in the night to tell me how things went at work. We don’t always talk, sometimes he just dials and lets it ring twice and hangs up. I know it’s him. It’s the way I can relax and be calm and sleep.
  • 17. Consumption compromises as Interpellations of social-market life in the family left behind in Mexico Track transpositions of money and things, efforts, materials, emotions, and meanings over short & long term consumption “work” in transn’l family obligations – sacrifice – adventure separation – reunification - intimacy sustenance - wealth building logics/significance in practice
  • 18.
  • 19. Temporal/Spatialities remittance conversions over time alongside, replacing tandas, prestadas short provisioning, midterm furnishing home/life enhancements, long term land, houses, businesses with “interruptions” of couple, children, health-home-business emergencies
  • 20.
  • 21. “At first they (her two brothers) brought electric appliances, televisions or tape recorders and clothes. The first color television (we had) was because one of them brought it. Same with the recorder. At that time there was much emotion because they were going to bring clothing or we would get a television or air conditioner or a music recorder...Now it’s not like that...Now they come and give money. At times they bring my dad a coat. A lot of the things they bring now we don’t need. They bring things for their houses, and here the only thing they buy is food (to take back).
  • 22. Migration a consumption-based, culturally sanctioned, family rite Most informants acknowledged that the money family members send from the U.S. has helped them have a better life, and actively encourage and support migration. improved meals, enhanced clothing, children’s school, parents health, land, houses obligations to family and to self not fully paid by work earnings
  • 23.
  • 24. family obligations and altered roles Rebecca Salas wants her husband to be in charge lead the family Gabriela Moreno resents that her husband hasn’t helped raise their children, she’s had to be both mom and dad Gisela is more independent, finishing training as a hairdresser, “never would have seen myself living without a man”
  • 25.
  • 26. consumption compromises: here, there and beyond transnational family a nat’l boundary spanning socio-econ system in which family meanings are enabled and tested as they are enacted and economically valued in remittances