An Existential Function of Enemyship Evidence That People Att.docxnettletondevon
An Existential Function of Enemyship: Evidence That People Attribute
Influence to Personal and Political Enemies to Compensate for
Threats to Control
Daniel Sullivan, Mark J. Landau, and Zachary K. Rothschild
University of Kansas
Perceiving oneself as having powerful enemies, although superficially disagreeable, may serve an
important psychological function. On the basis of E. Becker’s (1969) existential theorizing, the authors
argue that people attribute exaggerated influence to enemies as a means of compensating for perceptions
of reduced control over their environment. In Study 1, individuals dispositionally low in perceived
control responded to a reminder of external hazards by attributing more influence to a personal enemy.
In Study 2, a situational threat to control over external hazard strengthened participants’ belief in the
conspiratorial power of a political enemy. Examining moderators and outcomes of this process, Study 3
showed that participants were especially likely to attribute influence over life events to an enemy when
the broader social system appeared disordered, and Study 4 showed that perceiving an ambiguously
powerful enemy under conditions of control threat decreased perceptions of external risk and bolstered
feelings of personal control.
Keywords: enemyship, control, existential psychology, system belief, risk perception
Our psychological construction of enemyship is a triumph, that con-
sists in truly understanding the value of having enemies.
—Nietzsche (1889/1980)
The psychological functions of friendships and romantic re-
lationships have been extensively examined in the social psy-
chological literature (e.g., Baumeister & Leary, 1995; Thibaut
& Kelley, 1986). Very little attention, however, has focused on
another type of close relationship: enemyship. Some work has
examined the possibility that enemy figures and images are
instrumental at the group level for increasing ingroup cohesion
or justifying collective action (Allport, 1954/1979; Silverstein,
1992); however, this work has not directly examined the psy-
chological significance of enemyships, both political and per-
sonal, for the individual. More recently, researchers have begun
to examine personal enemyship, defined as a hostile relation-
ship in which one person actively seeks another’s downfall
(Adams, 2005; Wiseman & Duck, 1995). However, we are
aware of no prior research examining how and why people
perceive enemy relations, independent of whether those rela-
tions actually exist. To fill this gap, we examined enemyship
defined as the perception that another person or group is using
influence and power to undermine one’s own goals and well-
being.
Enemyship so defined is quite common (Holt, 1989), despite
being viewed as paranoid in some cultural contexts (Adams,
2005). In an effort to explain this observation, we propose that
perceptions of influential personal and political enemies, however
superficially disagreeable, serve an important psyc.
Affective Reactions Among Students Belonging to Ethnic Groups Engaged in Prio...UniversitasGadjahMada
The study aimed at investigating any bias in the perceptions of young people from two ethnic groups who were not directly involved in an ethnic conflict. Assuming that such perception bias only happens in the members of ethnic groups who were involved in the conflict and in those who became the victims of the other group’s transgression. Therefore, we predicted that the subjects from the Dayaknese group would evaluate the photos of their own group members more positively compared to their perception of the Madurese photos. Meanwhile, there would be no bias among Madurese students in evaluating both Dayak and Madura photos. An experimental approach was carried out using photos of neutral faces of Dayaknese and Madurese people. Each photo was presented with negative or positive words. The participants of the study comprised 111 students who represented Madurese and Dayaknese ethnic groups, as well as Javanese who had not been involved in the conflict serving as the control group. They were asked to evaluate the photos in terms of the negativity and positivity of each picture. A two-way ANOVA supported the hypothesis that the Dayaknese evaluated their own groups better than the other ethnic groups, while the Madurese did not.
1Developmental Predictors of Violent Extremist Attitud.docxdrennanmicah
1
Developmental Predictors of Violent Extremist Attitudes – A test of General Strain
Theory*
Amy Nivette
Griffith University
Manuel Eisner
University of Cambridge
Denis Ribeaud
ETH Zurich
2
ABSTRACT
Objectives: This study examines the influence of collective strain on support for violent
extremism among an ethnically and religiously mixed sample of Swiss adolescents. This
study explores two claims derived from General Strain Theory: (1) exposure to collective
strain is associated with higher support for violent extremism and (2) the effect of
collective strain is conditional on perceptions of moral and legal constraints.
Methods: This study examines the effects of collective strain using data from two waves
of the Zurich Project on the Social Development of Children and Youth. This study uses
ordinary least squares procedures to regress violent extremist attitudes at age 17 on strain,
moral and legal constraints, and control variables measured at ages 15-17. Conditional
effects were examined using an interaction term for collective strain and moral
disengagement and legal cynicism, respectively.
Results: The results show that vicarious collective strain does not have a direct effect on
violent extremist attitudes once other variables are controlled. However, the degree to
which individuals neutralize moral and legal constraints amplifies the impact of collective
strain on violent extremist attitudes.
Conclusions: This study shows that those who already espouse justifications for violence
and rule-breaking are more vulnerable to extremist violent pathways, particularly when
exposed to conditions of collective social and economic strife, conflict, and repression.
3
Research on violent extremism has produced a wide array of risk factors in psychological,
social, and political domains (Bhui, Warfa, and Jones 2014; Borum 2011a, 2011b;
Dalgaard-Nielsen 2010; Gill, Horgan, and Deckert 2014; LaFree and Ackerman 2009;
McGilloway, Ghosh, and Bhui 2015). These include psychological characteristics (e.g. low
self-control), social context features (e.g. alienation) and political processes (e.g. exclusion
from politics). LaFree and Ackerman (2009) argue that part of the difficulty in
synthesizing information on extremist violence is due to the breadth of attitudinal,
behavioral, and group-based outcomes examined under one conceptual umbrella. In
addition, studies differ in their analytical approach, including for instance analyses of risk
factors using survey samples and individual interviews (Doosje, Loseman, and van den
Bos 2013; Goli and Rezaei 2010; Pauwels and De Waele 2014), or retrospective life
history analyses of known terrorists (Gill et al. 2014). As a result of this diversity in
theoretical domains, outcomes, and analytical approaches, empirical findings on the
causes and correlates of violent extremist beliefs and behaviors are unders.
Choose initial posts made by 2 separate people; comment on them;.docxgordienaysmythe
Choose initial posts made by 2 separate people; comment on them; present your views.
In order to receive the maximum number of points go beyond merely agreeing or disagreeing in your response. In other words, bring to the Discussion Forum new information that respectfully challenges your peers to think further about what he or she posted.
When you begin, type the name of the person you are replying to.
Make an analysis of the other person's work/thinking.
Make sure to cite 2 sources in both your initial and response posts, cite from the Image Archive on the American Eugenics Movement and the Dudley and Gale (2002) journal article to demonstrate support for your viewpoint.
Respond to 2 peers
The expectation is that response posts will add factual information to the discussion, whether in agreement or disagreement with the peer’s original post.
75-100 words
REPLY TO:
By Patty
Eugenics was a dark time in the history of the United States and imitated by other countries including Nazi Germany (Schultz & Schultz, 2016). Following the Civil War eugenics began to gain attention (Cold Spring Harbor Laboratory, 2019). The growth in American industry, the rise in mechanization, and the influx of immigration caused alarm to the upper class (Cold Spring Harbor Laboratory, 2019). The working class began to procreate at a quicker pace than the upper class and fear rose that the working class would soon take over. This fear caused special attention to Darwin's belief that only the fittest would survive and they began to plan on how they could aid those not in the
fittest
category to extinction (Cold Spring Harbor Laboratory, 2019). Special attention was pointed at those who were considered feebleminded, criminal, prostitutes, Eastern European, Italian, and Jews believing their problems were in their genetics (Cold Spring Harbor Laboratory, 2019).
Leaders of the land began to establish laws to control what they feared would be the end to the fittest white race. They did this by making mixed marriages illegal. Immigration laws were put into place to block anyone from entering the country who could not fully support themselves. Sterilization of people who they felt had a greater chance of producing what they believed was unfit became an acceptable practice. The actions of the United States were noticed by Nazi Germany and they began to follow their lead against the Jews. (Cold Spring Harbor Laboratory, 2019)
One contributing factor from the field of psychology was the belief a single gene could drive how a human behaves, and that the gene was present in 75% of the Russian and Polish immigrants. Another contributing factor from the field of psychology was the evaluation and categorization of human behavior, such as criminal acts, prostitution, etc. and its impact on society. Psychology also played a role in evaluating intelligence and then married that evaluation with the scientific belief that intelligence is hereditary. (Cold Spring.
An Existential Function of Enemyship Evidence That People Att.docxnettletondevon
An Existential Function of Enemyship: Evidence That People Attribute
Influence to Personal and Political Enemies to Compensate for
Threats to Control
Daniel Sullivan, Mark J. Landau, and Zachary K. Rothschild
University of Kansas
Perceiving oneself as having powerful enemies, although superficially disagreeable, may serve an
important psychological function. On the basis of E. Becker’s (1969) existential theorizing, the authors
argue that people attribute exaggerated influence to enemies as a means of compensating for perceptions
of reduced control over their environment. In Study 1, individuals dispositionally low in perceived
control responded to a reminder of external hazards by attributing more influence to a personal enemy.
In Study 2, a situational threat to control over external hazard strengthened participants’ belief in the
conspiratorial power of a political enemy. Examining moderators and outcomes of this process, Study 3
showed that participants were especially likely to attribute influence over life events to an enemy when
the broader social system appeared disordered, and Study 4 showed that perceiving an ambiguously
powerful enemy under conditions of control threat decreased perceptions of external risk and bolstered
feelings of personal control.
Keywords: enemyship, control, existential psychology, system belief, risk perception
Our psychological construction of enemyship is a triumph, that con-
sists in truly understanding the value of having enemies.
—Nietzsche (1889/1980)
The psychological functions of friendships and romantic re-
lationships have been extensively examined in the social psy-
chological literature (e.g., Baumeister & Leary, 1995; Thibaut
& Kelley, 1986). Very little attention, however, has focused on
another type of close relationship: enemyship. Some work has
examined the possibility that enemy figures and images are
instrumental at the group level for increasing ingroup cohesion
or justifying collective action (Allport, 1954/1979; Silverstein,
1992); however, this work has not directly examined the psy-
chological significance of enemyships, both political and per-
sonal, for the individual. More recently, researchers have begun
to examine personal enemyship, defined as a hostile relation-
ship in which one person actively seeks another’s downfall
(Adams, 2005; Wiseman & Duck, 1995). However, we are
aware of no prior research examining how and why people
perceive enemy relations, independent of whether those rela-
tions actually exist. To fill this gap, we examined enemyship
defined as the perception that another person or group is using
influence and power to undermine one’s own goals and well-
being.
Enemyship so defined is quite common (Holt, 1989), despite
being viewed as paranoid in some cultural contexts (Adams,
2005). In an effort to explain this observation, we propose that
perceptions of influential personal and political enemies, however
superficially disagreeable, serve an important psyc.
Affective Reactions Among Students Belonging to Ethnic Groups Engaged in Prio...UniversitasGadjahMada
The study aimed at investigating any bias in the perceptions of young people from two ethnic groups who were not directly involved in an ethnic conflict. Assuming that such perception bias only happens in the members of ethnic groups who were involved in the conflict and in those who became the victims of the other group’s transgression. Therefore, we predicted that the subjects from the Dayaknese group would evaluate the photos of their own group members more positively compared to their perception of the Madurese photos. Meanwhile, there would be no bias among Madurese students in evaluating both Dayak and Madura photos. An experimental approach was carried out using photos of neutral faces of Dayaknese and Madurese people. Each photo was presented with negative or positive words. The participants of the study comprised 111 students who represented Madurese and Dayaknese ethnic groups, as well as Javanese who had not been involved in the conflict serving as the control group. They were asked to evaluate the photos in terms of the negativity and positivity of each picture. A two-way ANOVA supported the hypothesis that the Dayaknese evaluated their own groups better than the other ethnic groups, while the Madurese did not.
1Developmental Predictors of Violent Extremist Attitud.docxdrennanmicah
1
Developmental Predictors of Violent Extremist Attitudes – A test of General Strain
Theory*
Amy Nivette
Griffith University
Manuel Eisner
University of Cambridge
Denis Ribeaud
ETH Zurich
2
ABSTRACT
Objectives: This study examines the influence of collective strain on support for violent
extremism among an ethnically and religiously mixed sample of Swiss adolescents. This
study explores two claims derived from General Strain Theory: (1) exposure to collective
strain is associated with higher support for violent extremism and (2) the effect of
collective strain is conditional on perceptions of moral and legal constraints.
Methods: This study examines the effects of collective strain using data from two waves
of the Zurich Project on the Social Development of Children and Youth. This study uses
ordinary least squares procedures to regress violent extremist attitudes at age 17 on strain,
moral and legal constraints, and control variables measured at ages 15-17. Conditional
effects were examined using an interaction term for collective strain and moral
disengagement and legal cynicism, respectively.
Results: The results show that vicarious collective strain does not have a direct effect on
violent extremist attitudes once other variables are controlled. However, the degree to
which individuals neutralize moral and legal constraints amplifies the impact of collective
strain on violent extremist attitudes.
Conclusions: This study shows that those who already espouse justifications for violence
and rule-breaking are more vulnerable to extremist violent pathways, particularly when
exposed to conditions of collective social and economic strife, conflict, and repression.
3
Research on violent extremism has produced a wide array of risk factors in psychological,
social, and political domains (Bhui, Warfa, and Jones 2014; Borum 2011a, 2011b;
Dalgaard-Nielsen 2010; Gill, Horgan, and Deckert 2014; LaFree and Ackerman 2009;
McGilloway, Ghosh, and Bhui 2015). These include psychological characteristics (e.g. low
self-control), social context features (e.g. alienation) and political processes (e.g. exclusion
from politics). LaFree and Ackerman (2009) argue that part of the difficulty in
synthesizing information on extremist violence is due to the breadth of attitudinal,
behavioral, and group-based outcomes examined under one conceptual umbrella. In
addition, studies differ in their analytical approach, including for instance analyses of risk
factors using survey samples and individual interviews (Doosje, Loseman, and van den
Bos 2013; Goli and Rezaei 2010; Pauwels and De Waele 2014), or retrospective life
history analyses of known terrorists (Gill et al. 2014). As a result of this diversity in
theoretical domains, outcomes, and analytical approaches, empirical findings on the
causes and correlates of violent extremist beliefs and behaviors are unders.
Choose initial posts made by 2 separate people; comment on them;.docxgordienaysmythe
Choose initial posts made by 2 separate people; comment on them; present your views.
In order to receive the maximum number of points go beyond merely agreeing or disagreeing in your response. In other words, bring to the Discussion Forum new information that respectfully challenges your peers to think further about what he or she posted.
When you begin, type the name of the person you are replying to.
Make an analysis of the other person's work/thinking.
Make sure to cite 2 sources in both your initial and response posts, cite from the Image Archive on the American Eugenics Movement and the Dudley and Gale (2002) journal article to demonstrate support for your viewpoint.
Respond to 2 peers
The expectation is that response posts will add factual information to the discussion, whether in agreement or disagreement with the peer’s original post.
75-100 words
REPLY TO:
By Patty
Eugenics was a dark time in the history of the United States and imitated by other countries including Nazi Germany (Schultz & Schultz, 2016). Following the Civil War eugenics began to gain attention (Cold Spring Harbor Laboratory, 2019). The growth in American industry, the rise in mechanization, and the influx of immigration caused alarm to the upper class (Cold Spring Harbor Laboratory, 2019). The working class began to procreate at a quicker pace than the upper class and fear rose that the working class would soon take over. This fear caused special attention to Darwin's belief that only the fittest would survive and they began to plan on how they could aid those not in the
fittest
category to extinction (Cold Spring Harbor Laboratory, 2019). Special attention was pointed at those who were considered feebleminded, criminal, prostitutes, Eastern European, Italian, and Jews believing their problems were in their genetics (Cold Spring Harbor Laboratory, 2019).
Leaders of the land began to establish laws to control what they feared would be the end to the fittest white race. They did this by making mixed marriages illegal. Immigration laws were put into place to block anyone from entering the country who could not fully support themselves. Sterilization of people who they felt had a greater chance of producing what they believed was unfit became an acceptable practice. The actions of the United States were noticed by Nazi Germany and they began to follow their lead against the Jews. (Cold Spring Harbor Laboratory, 2019)
One contributing factor from the field of psychology was the belief a single gene could drive how a human behaves, and that the gene was present in 75% of the Russian and Polish immigrants. Another contributing factor from the field of psychology was the evaluation and categorization of human behavior, such as criminal acts, prostitution, etc. and its impact on society. Psychology also played a role in evaluating intelligence and then married that evaluation with the scientific belief that intelligence is hereditary. (Cold Spring.
Numerous experimental researchers prove prejudice is an unfavorable and preoccupied judgment directed towards a specific group or individual. Initial research that was carried out in the occurrence in 1920s proves that there exists hierarchical supremacy. The theorist made the discovery that prejudice originates from authoritarian individuals segmenting the society in the basis of hierarchical as well as abnormal judgment. In his 1979 analysis, Thomas clearly defined negative attributes on the experience of the global out-group.
- See more at: http://www.customwritingservice.org/blog/the-psychology-of-prejudice-stereotyping-and-discrimination/
The rise of nationalismIntroduction The rise of nationa.docxkathleen23456789
The rise of nationalism
Introduction
The rise of nationalism poses a threat to globalization and the set of values that the international community has sought to develop in the past. The election of President Donald Trump and Brexit threatened the neoliberal agenda that has promoted free enterprise and globalization. Understanding the rise of nationalism provides an effective instrument for identifying effective intervention measures.
Research Question
· What has caused the resurgence of nationalism?
Research Hypothesis
· If the USA focuses on electing competent leaders, the resurgence of nationalism will be resolved Comment by angela parham: When the word “will” is used it is predicting the future, which we cannot predict. Please rephrase and email me your new hypothesis.
LITERATURE REVIEW
Introduction
The literature review aimed at developing a holistic understanding of nationalism and its resurgence in the modern society. As a result, past and present incidences of nationalism were examined in the research process. The findings of the study form the basis for understanding the psychology of the modern nationalist and the factors that cause it to be prevalent among different parts of the society.
Search Description
The search terms comprised of ‘nationalism’, ‘causes of nationalism’, ‘causes of Brexit’ and ‘Trumpism’. The search results produced leads that the researcher used to identify other literature material on the subject. The focused research played an important role in enabling the researcher to identify the literature that could be used in the study. In addition, the internet search involved ‘resurgence of nationalism’ and ‘nationalists’.
(
Cultural factors
)Theoretical Framework
(
Nationalism
) (
Patriotism
) (
Social-economic factors
)
(
Political factors
)
Fig. 1: Theoretical framework for the resurgence of nationalism
The theoretical framework demonstrates the impact that environmental factors have on the inherent patriotism of an individual. Each person has a close relationship with their nation that forms part of their identity. The cultural factors in the society may affect how people perceive others. Part of the opposition towards nationalism can be linked to cultural issues, which affect how the people perceive each other. In addition, social-economic factors may affect the sense of security that a person has about their future (Spencer & Wollman, 2005). Political actors may exploit social-economic and cultural factors to stir interest in nationalism. The resurgence of nationalism can be linked to the cultural and social-economic factors in the American society. Consequently, it is evident that the adoption of nationalism is a response to threats to the identity or survival of an individual. The push for nationalism is a reactive response to the fear and anxiety caused by the potential loss of the identity of a person (BBC, 2018).
Review of the literat.
Junxian KuangLaura SinaiENG099101572018In the essay O.docxtawnyataylor528
Junxian Kuang
Laura Sinai
ENG099/101
5/7/2018
In the essay “On Being a Cripple”, Nancy Mairs shares her experiences, attitudes towards life as a multiple sclerosis patient. First, she claims that the diseases she has faced are brain tumor and MS, and those diseases literally changed her fate. The relationships of her family member and the attitude of Nancy’s mother have affected by MS. Also, she writes about her identities in society, her friends who have the same physical issue, thoughts from disabled parents’ children, and her desire to travel. MS affected Nancy Mairs’s family member as well as her thoughts.
Subjective Socioeconomic Status Causes Aggression: A Test of the Theory
of Social Deprivation
Tobias Greitemeyer and Christina Sagioglou
University of Innsbruck
Seven studies (overall N � 3690) addressed the relation between people’s subjective socioeconomic
status (SES) and their aggression levels. Based on relative deprivation theory, we proposed that people
low in subjective SES would feel at a disadvantage, which in turn would elicit aggressive responses. In
3 correlational studies, subjective SES was negatively related to trait aggression. Importantly, this
relation held when controlling for measures that are related to 1 or both subjective SES and trait
aggression, such as the dark tetrad and the Big Five. Four experimental studies then demonstrated that
participants in a low status condition were more aggressive than were participants in a high status
condition. Compared with a medium-SES condition, participants of low subjective SES were more
aggressive rather than participants of high subjective SES being less aggressive. Moreover, low SES
increased aggressive behavior toward targets that were the source for participants’ experience of
disadvantage but also toward neutral targets. Sequential mediation analyses suggest that the experience
of disadvantage underlies the effect of subjective SES on aggressive affect, whereas aggressive affect was
the proximal determinant of aggressive behavior. Taken together, the present research found compre-
hensive support for key predictions derived from the theory of relative deprivation of how the perception
of low SES is related to the person’s judgments, emotional reactions, and actions.
Keywords: aggression, relative deprivation, social class, socioeconomic status
In most Western societies, wealth inequality is at its historic
height. For example, in the United States, the richest 1% possesses
more than 40% of the country’s wealth (Wolff, 2012). In Germany,
the biggest economy in the European Union, the median household
in the top 20% of the income class has 74 times more wealth than
the bottom 20% (European Central Bank, 2013). Although there is
widespread consensus among citizens that wealth inequality
should be reduced (Kiatpongsan & Norton, 2014; Norton & Ari-
ely, 2011), the wealth gap is actually increasing. For example, in
the United States, in 2012 the top 0.1% (including ...
PrejudiceAlthough related, stereotypes and prejudice are separ.docxIRESH3
Prejudice
Although related, stereotypes and prejudice are separate entities.
Prejudice
is holding negative feelings for a group of people, or even a particular person, and is often considered the “emotional component to intergroup attitudes” (Levy & Hughes, 2009, p. 24). As mentioned in the previous week,
stereotyping
is the “cognitive process of intergroup attitudes,” generally referring to associating attributes to a particular group (Levy & Hughes, 2009, p. 24). The presence of stereotypes or intergroup bias leads to prejudiced behavior in some instances. When prejudice behavior does occur, the individual’s emotional response often plays a role.
For this Discussion, review the media
Prejudice
and consider how the emotions and stereotyping of the people in the media impacted their prejudiced behavior.
Reference:
Levy, S. R., & Hughes, J. M. (2009). Development of racial and ethnic prejudice among children. In T. D. Nelson (Ed.),
Handbook of prejudice, stereotyping, and discrimination
(pp. 23–42). New York, NY: Psychology Press.
With these thoughts in mind:
Post by Day 4
a brief interpretation of the events in the media. Then, describe any prejudiced behavior you observed and explain two ways the emotions of hte people in the media may have impacted their prejudiced behavior and why. Next, explain how the prejudice you observed in the media reinforced or disconfirmed stereotype content. Finally, explain how this information helps us understand the maintenance of group attitudes over time and situation.
Bottom of Form
·
Media: Laureate Education, Inc. (Executive Producer). (2011).
Prejudice
.
Baltimore, MD: Author.
(Click on the television screen once the video opens in a new window. “The Company” will appear on the television image.)
Note:
While the content within this media piece references Week 11, it is intended for Week 10 in this course.
·
o
Transcript
Readings
·
Course Text:
Handbook of Prejudice, Stereotyping, and Discrimination
·
o
Chapter 2, "Development of Racial and Ethnic Prejudice Among Children"
o
Chapter 14, "Intergroup Emotions Theory"
o
Chapter 15, "How Our Dreams of Death Transcendence Breed Prejudice, Stereotyping, and Conflict: Terror Management Theory"
·
Article: Devine, P. G. (1989). Stereotypes and prejudice: Their automatic and controlled components.
Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 56
(1), 5–18. Retrieved from the Walden Library using the PsycINFO database.
.
Cultural Stereotypes and the Self A Closer Examination ofIm.docxannettsparrow
Cultural Stereotypes and the Self: A Closer Examination of
Implicit Self-Stereotyping
Janetta Lun
University of Virginia
Stacey Sinclair
Princeton University
Courtney Cogburn
University of Michigan
Recent research and theory on implicit self-stereotyping suggests that individuals
nonconsciously incorporate stereotypes about their social groups into the self-concept;
however, evidence as to whether this holds true for negative stereotypes remains limited.
Using a subliminal priming measure, the current research found that women (Experi-
ment 1) and White Americans (Experiment 2) implicitly associated the self with in-group
stereotypic traits but not out-group stereotypic traits. Of importance, both groups
implicitly self-stereotyped on negative in-group traits to a similar extent as they did
on positive in-group traits. Moreover, exploratory analysis showed that the degree to
which White Americans associated positive, but not negative, in-group stereotypes with
the self was related to higher self-esteem. Implications of implicit self-stereotyping on
self-esteem and stereotype-consistent behavior are discussed.
Cultural stereotypes are widely known beliefs
(Devine, 1989; Devine & Elliot, 1995; Katz & Braly,
1933) that broadly influence how individuals are
evaluated and treated (Fiske, 1998; Hamilton, Sherman,
& Ruvolo, 1990; Hilton & von Hippel, 1996; Macrae &
Bodenhausen, 2000). Because of the pervasiveness of
these beliefs, targets of stereotypes live in a world where
they are frequently assumed to have stereotypic traits or
behave in a stereotype-consistent manner (Bargh &
Pietromonaco, 1982; Darley & Gross, 1983; Devine,
1989; Fiske, Lin, & Neuberg, 1999; Srull & Wyer,
1979). Moreover, people who hold stereotypic expecta-
tions can elicit behavior from targets that confirms these
expectancies (e.g., Olivier & Snyder, 2003; Word,
Zanna, & Cooper, 1974).
Influential theory and research suggests that
continuous exposure to, being evaluated in terms of,
and occasionally behaving in a manner consistent with
stereotypes may lead targets to incorporate stereotypic
beliefs about their social groups into their own self-
concept (Allport, 1954=1979; Cooley, 1902; Mead,
1934; Tice & Wallace, 2003), even those aspects of the
self-concept that are less available for conscious intro-
spection (i.e., implicit; Greenwald & Banaji, 1995; see
Devos & Banaji, 2003, for a review). We refer to the
nonconscious incorporation of in-group stereotypes into
the self-concept as implicit self-stereotyping.
The unified theory of implicit cognition, a prominent
theoretical explanation of implicit self-stereotyping, sug-
gests that members of a given social group, on average,
ought to implicitly associate stereotypes of their group
with the self (Greenwald et al., 2002). According to this
perspective, individuals will implicitly associate in-group
stereotypes with the self to the extent that they also
implicitly associate the self with the group identity and
C.
When People Fall From Grace: Reconsidering the Role of Envy in SchadenfreudeIsal Kadal
When People Fall From Grace: Reconsidering the Role
of Envy in Schadenfreude
Wilco W. van Dijk, Jaap W. Ouwerkerk, Sjoerd Goslinga, Myrke Nieweg, and Marcello Gallucci
Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam
Stereotypes of Muslims and Support for the War on Terror .docxwhitneyleman54422
Stereotypes of Muslims and Support for the War on Terror
John Sides
Department of Political Science
George Washington University
[email protected]
Kimberly Gross
School of Media and Public Affairs
George Washington University
[email protected]
January 2011
Abstract
We investigate Americans’ stereotypes of both Muslims and Muslim-Americans. We find
that negative stereotypes relating to violence and trustworthiness are commonplace and that
little distinguishes Muslims from Muslim-Americans in the public’s mind. Furthermore,
these stereotypes have consequences: those with less favorable views of Muslims are more
likely to support several aspects of the War on Terror.
1
Since September 11, 2001, American politics and governance has largely focused on the “War on
Terror” and the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. Despite many differences, these wars have a common feature:
an interaction between the United States and the Muslim world. This interaction raises two important but
overlooked questions: First, what do Americans think about Muslims living in the United States and
elsewhere? And second, do these attitudes toward Muslims shape attitudes toward the War on Terror and the
wars in Afghanistan and Iraq?1
Political issues often have a group-centric basis, whereby the group directly implicated by an issue is
central to the politics of that issue and to attitudes about that issue. The War on Terror may be such an issue,
and yet relatively little research has explored the group-centric basis of American attitudes toward the War on
Terror. In particular, few studies have examined Americans’ views of Muslims themselves and the role these
views play—even though the “enemy” in both wars has been repeatedly identified by its religious identity.
References to Islam range from sweeping generalizations—e.g., when the Reverend Franklin Graham called it
“a very evil and a very wicked religion”—to more nuanced differentiations of mainstream Muslims from
violent extremists—e.g., when President George W. Bush singled out “Islamo-Fascists.” Although it is clear,
both in reality and often in the rhetoric of American political leaders, that the War on Terror implicates a
small subset of Muslims, in the minds of some Americans this distinction may give way to a generalized
conception of the enemy that implicates Muslims more broadly. Thus, despite attempts to differentiate
extremists like al-Qaeda from Islam writ large, group-centrism may affect public opinion about the War on
Terror, with those having derogatory attitudes about Muslims more likely to support these wars.
Before we can clarify the effect of attitudes toward Muslims on support for the War on Terror, we
must first understand how Americans view Muslims themselves. Although survey data reveals unfavorable
attitudes toward Muslims, Muslim-Americans, and Islam generally, political scientists know little about the
specifics .
For your first reflection please watch the following video and res.docxbudbarber38650
For your first reflection please watch the following video and respond to the prompts below (length should be close to 2 pages total):
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=18zvlz5CxPE
1) Please describe a time where you have felt that someone else has unfairly judged you based on the way you look, or because of a group membership you belong to (e.g., religious, political, sexual orientation, ethnic, etc.).
2) How did this make you feel about yourself? (Please be detailed in your response)
3) How did this make you feel about the person who incorrectly passed judgment on you? (please be detailed in your response)
4) Describe a time when you unfairly stereotyped an individual from a different culture? How did this make you feel once you realized you unfairly judged them?
N
umerous studies over the past two
decades suggest that when individuals
are diagnosed with a mental illness,
they are placed into a cultural category (e.g.,
“a mentally ill person”) that damages their
material, social, and psychological well-being
(e.g., Link 1987; Link et al. 1989; Markowitz
1998; Rosenfield 1997). According to the
modified labeling theory of mental illness
(Link 1987; Link et al. 1989), the negative
consequences of psychiatric labeling arise
through two social psychological processes.
First, when an individual is diagnosed with a
mental illness, cultural ideas associated with
the mentally ill (e.g., incompetent, dangerous)
become personally relevant and foster nega-
tive self-feelings. Second, these personally rel-
evant cultural meanings are transformed into
expectations that others will reject the individ-
ual, expectations that trigger defensive behav-
iors aimed at preventing that rejection: con-
cealing treatment history, educating others
about mental illness, and/or withdrawing from
social interaction. Ironically, however, these
defensive behaviors are linked with harmful
outcomes: a reduced social network, higher
rates of unemployment, and feelings of
demoralization (Link et al. 1989, 1991).1
Thus, diagnostic labeling is predicted to have
a negative effect on self-feelings, and it is
expected to trigger defensive reactions that
create a type of “secondary deviance,” further
damaging patients’ social interactions, occu-
pational success, and self-image.
We examine the first of these two process-
es in this study. Specifically, we examine the
way that the cultural conceptions of the men-
tally ill are related to patients’ self-feelings.
And, unlike other investigations of this rela-
tionship (e.g., Kroska and Harkness 2006;
Link 1987), we explore the way that diagnos-
tic category (adjustment, affective, or schizo-
phrenic) shapes the association; that is, we
Social Psychology Quarterly
2008, Vol. 71, No. 2, 193–208
Exploring the Role of Diagnosis
in the Modified Labeling Theory of Mental Illness
AMY KROSKA
Kent State University
SARAH K. HARKNESS
Stanford University
According to the modified labeling theory of mental illness, when an indi.
1Christie, D. J., Wagner, R. V., & Winter, D. A. (Eds.). .docxnovabroom
1
Christie, D. J., Wagner, R. V., & Winter, D. A. (Eds.). (2001). Peace, Conflict, and Vio-
lence: Peace Psychology for the 21st Century. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey:
Prentice-Hall.
Note: Copyright reverted to editors (2007). Permission is granted for downloading and copying.
INTRODUCTION TO PEACE PSYCHOLOGY
Daniel J. Christie, Richard V. Wagner, and Deborah Du Nann Winter
I urge you to beware the temptation…of blithely declaring yourselves above it all and label
both sides [United States and Soviet Union] equally at fault, to ignore the facts of history and
the aggressive impulses of an evil empire, to simply call the arms race a giant misunder-
standing and thereby remove yourself from the struggle between right and wrong and good
and evil…[The Soviet Leaders] are the focus of evil in the modern world (Ronald Reagan,
1983, pp. 363–364).
What became known as the “Evil Empire Speech” reflected the sentiment of many people in the
United States during the 1980s. The United States and Soviet Union were locked into a Cold
War, a contest for global power and military advantage (Lippmann, 1947). Both sides exchanged
heated rhetoric, amassed weapons, and instilled fear in one another. Shortly after Reagan’s “Evil
Empire Speech,” survey research registered a peak in anti-Soviet sentiments by U.S. citizens
(Yatani & Bramel, 1989), and a peak in the level of fear people reported in connection with the
threat of nuclear war (Schatz & Fiske, 1992). Interviews with children in the United States, So-
viet Union, and other countries revealed widespread fear (Chivian et al., 1985; Schwebel, 1982)
and other reactions that could be categorized as hopelessness, powerlessness, and futurelessness
(Christie & Hanley, 1994).
2
Fear not only fuelled the nuclear arms race but also ignited the countervailing forces of activ-
ists and scholars in psychology who sought ways to reduce the threat of a nuclear holocaust
(White, 1986). The Cold War wound down with the collapse of the Soviet Union in the late
1980s, but not before galvanizing a generation of psychologists who formed the Division of
Peace Psychology within the American Psychological Association (Wessells, 1996), and began to
identify themselves as peace psychologists.
Although the emerging discipline of peace psychology is a product of the 1980s, throughout
the twentieth century, psychologists have been interested in theory and practice related to social
conflict and violence. The level of interest has waxed and waned in parallel with the intensity of
conflicts and threats faced by the United States (Morawski & Goldstein, 1985). Interest among
psychologists was especially high during the Cold War but also during the “hot wars” of World
War I and II.
PSYCHOLOGY’S ROLE IN WORLD WAR I AND II
The concerns of peace psychologists are deeply rooted in the field of psychology, not only be-
cause the promotion of human well-being is central to the .
A handout for students to practice creating a literature review from a source.
Here's the set:
http://www.slideshare.net/samlandfried/9th-grade-may-11-lit-review-activity
http://www.slideshare.net/samlandfried/9th-grade-may-11-lesson-plan
http://www.slideshare.net/samlandfried/9th-grade-april-20-literature-review
http://www.slideshare.net/samlandfried/9th-grade-april-20-lit-review-handout
- Video recording of this lecture in English language: https://youtu.be/lK81BzxMqdo
- Video recording of this lecture in Arabic language: https://youtu.be/Ve4P0COk9OI
- Link to download the book free: https://nephrotube.blogspot.com/p/nephrotube-nephrology-books.html
- Link to NephroTube website: www.NephroTube.com
- Link to NephroTube social media accounts: https://nephrotube.blogspot.com/p/join-nephrotube-on-social-media.html
ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE IN HEALTHCARE.pdfAnujkumaranit
Artificial intelligence (AI) refers to the simulation of human intelligence processes by machines, especially computer systems. It encompasses tasks such as learning, reasoning, problem-solving, perception, and language understanding. AI technologies are revolutionizing various fields, from healthcare to finance, by enabling machines to perform tasks that typically require human intelligence.
Title: Sense of Smell
Presenter: Dr. Faiza, Assistant Professor of Physiology
Qualifications:
MBBS (Best Graduate, AIMC Lahore)
FCPS Physiology
ICMT, CHPE, DHPE (STMU)
MPH (GC University, Faisalabad)
MBA (Virtual University of Pakistan)
Learning Objectives:
Describe the primary categories of smells and the concept of odor blindness.
Explain the structure and location of the olfactory membrane and mucosa, including the types and roles of cells involved in olfaction.
Describe the pathway and mechanisms of olfactory signal transmission from the olfactory receptors to the brain.
Illustrate the biochemical cascade triggered by odorant binding to olfactory receptors, including the role of G-proteins and second messengers in generating an action potential.
Identify different types of olfactory disorders such as anosmia, hyposmia, hyperosmia, and dysosmia, including their potential causes.
Key Topics:
Olfactory Genes:
3% of the human genome accounts for olfactory genes.
400 genes for odorant receptors.
Olfactory Membrane:
Located in the superior part of the nasal cavity.
Medially: Folds downward along the superior septum.
Laterally: Folds over the superior turbinate and upper surface of the middle turbinate.
Total surface area: 5-10 square centimeters.
Olfactory Mucosa:
Olfactory Cells: Bipolar nerve cells derived from the CNS (100 million), with 4-25 olfactory cilia per cell.
Sustentacular Cells: Produce mucus and maintain ionic and molecular environment.
Basal Cells: Replace worn-out olfactory cells with an average lifespan of 1-2 months.
Bowman’s Gland: Secretes mucus.
Stimulation of Olfactory Cells:
Odorant dissolves in mucus and attaches to receptors on olfactory cilia.
Involves a cascade effect through G-proteins and second messengers, leading to depolarization and action potential generation in the olfactory nerve.
Quality of a Good Odorant:
Small (3-20 Carbon atoms), volatile, water-soluble, and lipid-soluble.
Facilitated by odorant-binding proteins in mucus.
Membrane Potential and Action Potential:
Resting membrane potential: -55mV.
Action potential frequency in the olfactory nerve increases with odorant strength.
Adaptation Towards the Sense of Smell:
Rapid adaptation within the first second, with further slow adaptation.
Psychological adaptation greater than receptor adaptation, involving feedback inhibition from the central nervous system.
Primary Sensations of Smell:
Camphoraceous, Musky, Floral, Pepperminty, Ethereal, Pungent, Putrid.
Odor Detection Threshold:
Examples: Hydrogen sulfide (0.0005 ppm), Methyl-mercaptan (0.002 ppm).
Some toxic substances are odorless at lethal concentrations.
Characteristics of Smell:
Odor blindness for single substances due to lack of appropriate receptor protein.
Behavioral and emotional influences of smell.
Transmission of Olfactory Signals:
From olfactory cells to glomeruli in the olfactory bulb, involving lateral inhibition.
Primitive, less old, and new olfactory systems with different path
Numerous experimental researchers prove prejudice is an unfavorable and preoccupied judgment directed towards a specific group or individual. Initial research that was carried out in the occurrence in 1920s proves that there exists hierarchical supremacy. The theorist made the discovery that prejudice originates from authoritarian individuals segmenting the society in the basis of hierarchical as well as abnormal judgment. In his 1979 analysis, Thomas clearly defined negative attributes on the experience of the global out-group.
- See more at: http://www.customwritingservice.org/blog/the-psychology-of-prejudice-stereotyping-and-discrimination/
The rise of nationalismIntroduction The rise of nationa.docxkathleen23456789
The rise of nationalism
Introduction
The rise of nationalism poses a threat to globalization and the set of values that the international community has sought to develop in the past. The election of President Donald Trump and Brexit threatened the neoliberal agenda that has promoted free enterprise and globalization. Understanding the rise of nationalism provides an effective instrument for identifying effective intervention measures.
Research Question
· What has caused the resurgence of nationalism?
Research Hypothesis
· If the USA focuses on electing competent leaders, the resurgence of nationalism will be resolved Comment by angela parham: When the word “will” is used it is predicting the future, which we cannot predict. Please rephrase and email me your new hypothesis.
LITERATURE REVIEW
Introduction
The literature review aimed at developing a holistic understanding of nationalism and its resurgence in the modern society. As a result, past and present incidences of nationalism were examined in the research process. The findings of the study form the basis for understanding the psychology of the modern nationalist and the factors that cause it to be prevalent among different parts of the society.
Search Description
The search terms comprised of ‘nationalism’, ‘causes of nationalism’, ‘causes of Brexit’ and ‘Trumpism’. The search results produced leads that the researcher used to identify other literature material on the subject. The focused research played an important role in enabling the researcher to identify the literature that could be used in the study. In addition, the internet search involved ‘resurgence of nationalism’ and ‘nationalists’.
(
Cultural factors
)Theoretical Framework
(
Nationalism
) (
Patriotism
) (
Social-economic factors
)
(
Political factors
)
Fig. 1: Theoretical framework for the resurgence of nationalism
The theoretical framework demonstrates the impact that environmental factors have on the inherent patriotism of an individual. Each person has a close relationship with their nation that forms part of their identity. The cultural factors in the society may affect how people perceive others. Part of the opposition towards nationalism can be linked to cultural issues, which affect how the people perceive each other. In addition, social-economic factors may affect the sense of security that a person has about their future (Spencer & Wollman, 2005). Political actors may exploit social-economic and cultural factors to stir interest in nationalism. The resurgence of nationalism can be linked to the cultural and social-economic factors in the American society. Consequently, it is evident that the adoption of nationalism is a response to threats to the identity or survival of an individual. The push for nationalism is a reactive response to the fear and anxiety caused by the potential loss of the identity of a person (BBC, 2018).
Review of the literat.
Junxian KuangLaura SinaiENG099101572018In the essay O.docxtawnyataylor528
Junxian Kuang
Laura Sinai
ENG099/101
5/7/2018
In the essay “On Being a Cripple”, Nancy Mairs shares her experiences, attitudes towards life as a multiple sclerosis patient. First, she claims that the diseases she has faced are brain tumor and MS, and those diseases literally changed her fate. The relationships of her family member and the attitude of Nancy’s mother have affected by MS. Also, she writes about her identities in society, her friends who have the same physical issue, thoughts from disabled parents’ children, and her desire to travel. MS affected Nancy Mairs’s family member as well as her thoughts.
Subjective Socioeconomic Status Causes Aggression: A Test of the Theory
of Social Deprivation
Tobias Greitemeyer and Christina Sagioglou
University of Innsbruck
Seven studies (overall N � 3690) addressed the relation between people’s subjective socioeconomic
status (SES) and their aggression levels. Based on relative deprivation theory, we proposed that people
low in subjective SES would feel at a disadvantage, which in turn would elicit aggressive responses. In
3 correlational studies, subjective SES was negatively related to trait aggression. Importantly, this
relation held when controlling for measures that are related to 1 or both subjective SES and trait
aggression, such as the dark tetrad and the Big Five. Four experimental studies then demonstrated that
participants in a low status condition were more aggressive than were participants in a high status
condition. Compared with a medium-SES condition, participants of low subjective SES were more
aggressive rather than participants of high subjective SES being less aggressive. Moreover, low SES
increased aggressive behavior toward targets that were the source for participants’ experience of
disadvantage but also toward neutral targets. Sequential mediation analyses suggest that the experience
of disadvantage underlies the effect of subjective SES on aggressive affect, whereas aggressive affect was
the proximal determinant of aggressive behavior. Taken together, the present research found compre-
hensive support for key predictions derived from the theory of relative deprivation of how the perception
of low SES is related to the person’s judgments, emotional reactions, and actions.
Keywords: aggression, relative deprivation, social class, socioeconomic status
In most Western societies, wealth inequality is at its historic
height. For example, in the United States, the richest 1% possesses
more than 40% of the country’s wealth (Wolff, 2012). In Germany,
the biggest economy in the European Union, the median household
in the top 20% of the income class has 74 times more wealth than
the bottom 20% (European Central Bank, 2013). Although there is
widespread consensus among citizens that wealth inequality
should be reduced (Kiatpongsan & Norton, 2014; Norton & Ari-
ely, 2011), the wealth gap is actually increasing. For example, in
the United States, in 2012 the top 0.1% (including ...
PrejudiceAlthough related, stereotypes and prejudice are separ.docxIRESH3
Prejudice
Although related, stereotypes and prejudice are separate entities.
Prejudice
is holding negative feelings for a group of people, or even a particular person, and is often considered the “emotional component to intergroup attitudes” (Levy & Hughes, 2009, p. 24). As mentioned in the previous week,
stereotyping
is the “cognitive process of intergroup attitudes,” generally referring to associating attributes to a particular group (Levy & Hughes, 2009, p. 24). The presence of stereotypes or intergroup bias leads to prejudiced behavior in some instances. When prejudice behavior does occur, the individual’s emotional response often plays a role.
For this Discussion, review the media
Prejudice
and consider how the emotions and stereotyping of the people in the media impacted their prejudiced behavior.
Reference:
Levy, S. R., & Hughes, J. M. (2009). Development of racial and ethnic prejudice among children. In T. D. Nelson (Ed.),
Handbook of prejudice, stereotyping, and discrimination
(pp. 23–42). New York, NY: Psychology Press.
With these thoughts in mind:
Post by Day 4
a brief interpretation of the events in the media. Then, describe any prejudiced behavior you observed and explain two ways the emotions of hte people in the media may have impacted their prejudiced behavior and why. Next, explain how the prejudice you observed in the media reinforced or disconfirmed stereotype content. Finally, explain how this information helps us understand the maintenance of group attitudes over time and situation.
Bottom of Form
·
Media: Laureate Education, Inc. (Executive Producer). (2011).
Prejudice
.
Baltimore, MD: Author.
(Click on the television screen once the video opens in a new window. “The Company” will appear on the television image.)
Note:
While the content within this media piece references Week 11, it is intended for Week 10 in this course.
·
o
Transcript
Readings
·
Course Text:
Handbook of Prejudice, Stereotyping, and Discrimination
·
o
Chapter 2, "Development of Racial and Ethnic Prejudice Among Children"
o
Chapter 14, "Intergroup Emotions Theory"
o
Chapter 15, "How Our Dreams of Death Transcendence Breed Prejudice, Stereotyping, and Conflict: Terror Management Theory"
·
Article: Devine, P. G. (1989). Stereotypes and prejudice: Their automatic and controlled components.
Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 56
(1), 5–18. Retrieved from the Walden Library using the PsycINFO database.
.
Cultural Stereotypes and the Self A Closer Examination ofIm.docxannettsparrow
Cultural Stereotypes and the Self: A Closer Examination of
Implicit Self-Stereotyping
Janetta Lun
University of Virginia
Stacey Sinclair
Princeton University
Courtney Cogburn
University of Michigan
Recent research and theory on implicit self-stereotyping suggests that individuals
nonconsciously incorporate stereotypes about their social groups into the self-concept;
however, evidence as to whether this holds true for negative stereotypes remains limited.
Using a subliminal priming measure, the current research found that women (Experi-
ment 1) and White Americans (Experiment 2) implicitly associated the self with in-group
stereotypic traits but not out-group stereotypic traits. Of importance, both groups
implicitly self-stereotyped on negative in-group traits to a similar extent as they did
on positive in-group traits. Moreover, exploratory analysis showed that the degree to
which White Americans associated positive, but not negative, in-group stereotypes with
the self was related to higher self-esteem. Implications of implicit self-stereotyping on
self-esteem and stereotype-consistent behavior are discussed.
Cultural stereotypes are widely known beliefs
(Devine, 1989; Devine & Elliot, 1995; Katz & Braly,
1933) that broadly influence how individuals are
evaluated and treated (Fiske, 1998; Hamilton, Sherman,
& Ruvolo, 1990; Hilton & von Hippel, 1996; Macrae &
Bodenhausen, 2000). Because of the pervasiveness of
these beliefs, targets of stereotypes live in a world where
they are frequently assumed to have stereotypic traits or
behave in a stereotype-consistent manner (Bargh &
Pietromonaco, 1982; Darley & Gross, 1983; Devine,
1989; Fiske, Lin, & Neuberg, 1999; Srull & Wyer,
1979). Moreover, people who hold stereotypic expecta-
tions can elicit behavior from targets that confirms these
expectancies (e.g., Olivier & Snyder, 2003; Word,
Zanna, & Cooper, 1974).
Influential theory and research suggests that
continuous exposure to, being evaluated in terms of,
and occasionally behaving in a manner consistent with
stereotypes may lead targets to incorporate stereotypic
beliefs about their social groups into their own self-
concept (Allport, 1954=1979; Cooley, 1902; Mead,
1934; Tice & Wallace, 2003), even those aspects of the
self-concept that are less available for conscious intro-
spection (i.e., implicit; Greenwald & Banaji, 1995; see
Devos & Banaji, 2003, for a review). We refer to the
nonconscious incorporation of in-group stereotypes into
the self-concept as implicit self-stereotyping.
The unified theory of implicit cognition, a prominent
theoretical explanation of implicit self-stereotyping, sug-
gests that members of a given social group, on average,
ought to implicitly associate stereotypes of their group
with the self (Greenwald et al., 2002). According to this
perspective, individuals will implicitly associate in-group
stereotypes with the self to the extent that they also
implicitly associate the self with the group identity and
C.
When People Fall From Grace: Reconsidering the Role of Envy in SchadenfreudeIsal Kadal
When People Fall From Grace: Reconsidering the Role
of Envy in Schadenfreude
Wilco W. van Dijk, Jaap W. Ouwerkerk, Sjoerd Goslinga, Myrke Nieweg, and Marcello Gallucci
Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam
Stereotypes of Muslims and Support for the War on Terror .docxwhitneyleman54422
Stereotypes of Muslims and Support for the War on Terror
John Sides
Department of Political Science
George Washington University
[email protected]
Kimberly Gross
School of Media and Public Affairs
George Washington University
[email protected]
January 2011
Abstract
We investigate Americans’ stereotypes of both Muslims and Muslim-Americans. We find
that negative stereotypes relating to violence and trustworthiness are commonplace and that
little distinguishes Muslims from Muslim-Americans in the public’s mind. Furthermore,
these stereotypes have consequences: those with less favorable views of Muslims are more
likely to support several aspects of the War on Terror.
1
Since September 11, 2001, American politics and governance has largely focused on the “War on
Terror” and the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. Despite many differences, these wars have a common feature:
an interaction between the United States and the Muslim world. This interaction raises two important but
overlooked questions: First, what do Americans think about Muslims living in the United States and
elsewhere? And second, do these attitudes toward Muslims shape attitudes toward the War on Terror and the
wars in Afghanistan and Iraq?1
Political issues often have a group-centric basis, whereby the group directly implicated by an issue is
central to the politics of that issue and to attitudes about that issue. The War on Terror may be such an issue,
and yet relatively little research has explored the group-centric basis of American attitudes toward the War on
Terror. In particular, few studies have examined Americans’ views of Muslims themselves and the role these
views play—even though the “enemy” in both wars has been repeatedly identified by its religious identity.
References to Islam range from sweeping generalizations—e.g., when the Reverend Franklin Graham called it
“a very evil and a very wicked religion”—to more nuanced differentiations of mainstream Muslims from
violent extremists—e.g., when President George W. Bush singled out “Islamo-Fascists.” Although it is clear,
both in reality and often in the rhetoric of American political leaders, that the War on Terror implicates a
small subset of Muslims, in the minds of some Americans this distinction may give way to a generalized
conception of the enemy that implicates Muslims more broadly. Thus, despite attempts to differentiate
extremists like al-Qaeda from Islam writ large, group-centrism may affect public opinion about the War on
Terror, with those having derogatory attitudes about Muslims more likely to support these wars.
Before we can clarify the effect of attitudes toward Muslims on support for the War on Terror, we
must first understand how Americans view Muslims themselves. Although survey data reveals unfavorable
attitudes toward Muslims, Muslim-Americans, and Islam generally, political scientists know little about the
specifics .
For your first reflection please watch the following video and res.docxbudbarber38650
For your first reflection please watch the following video and respond to the prompts below (length should be close to 2 pages total):
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=18zvlz5CxPE
1) Please describe a time where you have felt that someone else has unfairly judged you based on the way you look, or because of a group membership you belong to (e.g., religious, political, sexual orientation, ethnic, etc.).
2) How did this make you feel about yourself? (Please be detailed in your response)
3) How did this make you feel about the person who incorrectly passed judgment on you? (please be detailed in your response)
4) Describe a time when you unfairly stereotyped an individual from a different culture? How did this make you feel once you realized you unfairly judged them?
N
umerous studies over the past two
decades suggest that when individuals
are diagnosed with a mental illness,
they are placed into a cultural category (e.g.,
“a mentally ill person”) that damages their
material, social, and psychological well-being
(e.g., Link 1987; Link et al. 1989; Markowitz
1998; Rosenfield 1997). According to the
modified labeling theory of mental illness
(Link 1987; Link et al. 1989), the negative
consequences of psychiatric labeling arise
through two social psychological processes.
First, when an individual is diagnosed with a
mental illness, cultural ideas associated with
the mentally ill (e.g., incompetent, dangerous)
become personally relevant and foster nega-
tive self-feelings. Second, these personally rel-
evant cultural meanings are transformed into
expectations that others will reject the individ-
ual, expectations that trigger defensive behav-
iors aimed at preventing that rejection: con-
cealing treatment history, educating others
about mental illness, and/or withdrawing from
social interaction. Ironically, however, these
defensive behaviors are linked with harmful
outcomes: a reduced social network, higher
rates of unemployment, and feelings of
demoralization (Link et al. 1989, 1991).1
Thus, diagnostic labeling is predicted to have
a negative effect on self-feelings, and it is
expected to trigger defensive reactions that
create a type of “secondary deviance,” further
damaging patients’ social interactions, occu-
pational success, and self-image.
We examine the first of these two process-
es in this study. Specifically, we examine the
way that the cultural conceptions of the men-
tally ill are related to patients’ self-feelings.
And, unlike other investigations of this rela-
tionship (e.g., Kroska and Harkness 2006;
Link 1987), we explore the way that diagnos-
tic category (adjustment, affective, or schizo-
phrenic) shapes the association; that is, we
Social Psychology Quarterly
2008, Vol. 71, No. 2, 193–208
Exploring the Role of Diagnosis
in the Modified Labeling Theory of Mental Illness
AMY KROSKA
Kent State University
SARAH K. HARKNESS
Stanford University
According to the modified labeling theory of mental illness, when an indi.
1Christie, D. J., Wagner, R. V., & Winter, D. A. (Eds.). .docxnovabroom
1
Christie, D. J., Wagner, R. V., & Winter, D. A. (Eds.). (2001). Peace, Conflict, and Vio-
lence: Peace Psychology for the 21st Century. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey:
Prentice-Hall.
Note: Copyright reverted to editors (2007). Permission is granted for downloading and copying.
INTRODUCTION TO PEACE PSYCHOLOGY
Daniel J. Christie, Richard V. Wagner, and Deborah Du Nann Winter
I urge you to beware the temptation…of blithely declaring yourselves above it all and label
both sides [United States and Soviet Union] equally at fault, to ignore the facts of history and
the aggressive impulses of an evil empire, to simply call the arms race a giant misunder-
standing and thereby remove yourself from the struggle between right and wrong and good
and evil…[The Soviet Leaders] are the focus of evil in the modern world (Ronald Reagan,
1983, pp. 363–364).
What became known as the “Evil Empire Speech” reflected the sentiment of many people in the
United States during the 1980s. The United States and Soviet Union were locked into a Cold
War, a contest for global power and military advantage (Lippmann, 1947). Both sides exchanged
heated rhetoric, amassed weapons, and instilled fear in one another. Shortly after Reagan’s “Evil
Empire Speech,” survey research registered a peak in anti-Soviet sentiments by U.S. citizens
(Yatani & Bramel, 1989), and a peak in the level of fear people reported in connection with the
threat of nuclear war (Schatz & Fiske, 1992). Interviews with children in the United States, So-
viet Union, and other countries revealed widespread fear (Chivian et al., 1985; Schwebel, 1982)
and other reactions that could be categorized as hopelessness, powerlessness, and futurelessness
(Christie & Hanley, 1994).
2
Fear not only fuelled the nuclear arms race but also ignited the countervailing forces of activ-
ists and scholars in psychology who sought ways to reduce the threat of a nuclear holocaust
(White, 1986). The Cold War wound down with the collapse of the Soviet Union in the late
1980s, but not before galvanizing a generation of psychologists who formed the Division of
Peace Psychology within the American Psychological Association (Wessells, 1996), and began to
identify themselves as peace psychologists.
Although the emerging discipline of peace psychology is a product of the 1980s, throughout
the twentieth century, psychologists have been interested in theory and practice related to social
conflict and violence. The level of interest has waxed and waned in parallel with the intensity of
conflicts and threats faced by the United States (Morawski & Goldstein, 1985). Interest among
psychologists was especially high during the Cold War but also during the “hot wars” of World
War I and II.
PSYCHOLOGY’S ROLE IN WORLD WAR I AND II
The concerns of peace psychologists are deeply rooted in the field of psychology, not only be-
cause the promotion of human well-being is central to the .
A handout for students to practice creating a literature review from a source.
Here's the set:
http://www.slideshare.net/samlandfried/9th-grade-may-11-lit-review-activity
http://www.slideshare.net/samlandfried/9th-grade-may-11-lesson-plan
http://www.slideshare.net/samlandfried/9th-grade-april-20-literature-review
http://www.slideshare.net/samlandfried/9th-grade-april-20-lit-review-handout
- Video recording of this lecture in English language: https://youtu.be/lK81BzxMqdo
- Video recording of this lecture in Arabic language: https://youtu.be/Ve4P0COk9OI
- Link to download the book free: https://nephrotube.blogspot.com/p/nephrotube-nephrology-books.html
- Link to NephroTube website: www.NephroTube.com
- Link to NephroTube social media accounts: https://nephrotube.blogspot.com/p/join-nephrotube-on-social-media.html
ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE IN HEALTHCARE.pdfAnujkumaranit
Artificial intelligence (AI) refers to the simulation of human intelligence processes by machines, especially computer systems. It encompasses tasks such as learning, reasoning, problem-solving, perception, and language understanding. AI technologies are revolutionizing various fields, from healthcare to finance, by enabling machines to perform tasks that typically require human intelligence.
Title: Sense of Smell
Presenter: Dr. Faiza, Assistant Professor of Physiology
Qualifications:
MBBS (Best Graduate, AIMC Lahore)
FCPS Physiology
ICMT, CHPE, DHPE (STMU)
MPH (GC University, Faisalabad)
MBA (Virtual University of Pakistan)
Learning Objectives:
Describe the primary categories of smells and the concept of odor blindness.
Explain the structure and location of the olfactory membrane and mucosa, including the types and roles of cells involved in olfaction.
Describe the pathway and mechanisms of olfactory signal transmission from the olfactory receptors to the brain.
Illustrate the biochemical cascade triggered by odorant binding to olfactory receptors, including the role of G-proteins and second messengers in generating an action potential.
Identify different types of olfactory disorders such as anosmia, hyposmia, hyperosmia, and dysosmia, including their potential causes.
Key Topics:
Olfactory Genes:
3% of the human genome accounts for olfactory genes.
400 genes for odorant receptors.
Olfactory Membrane:
Located in the superior part of the nasal cavity.
Medially: Folds downward along the superior septum.
Laterally: Folds over the superior turbinate and upper surface of the middle turbinate.
Total surface area: 5-10 square centimeters.
Olfactory Mucosa:
Olfactory Cells: Bipolar nerve cells derived from the CNS (100 million), with 4-25 olfactory cilia per cell.
Sustentacular Cells: Produce mucus and maintain ionic and molecular environment.
Basal Cells: Replace worn-out olfactory cells with an average lifespan of 1-2 months.
Bowman’s Gland: Secretes mucus.
Stimulation of Olfactory Cells:
Odorant dissolves in mucus and attaches to receptors on olfactory cilia.
Involves a cascade effect through G-proteins and second messengers, leading to depolarization and action potential generation in the olfactory nerve.
Quality of a Good Odorant:
Small (3-20 Carbon atoms), volatile, water-soluble, and lipid-soluble.
Facilitated by odorant-binding proteins in mucus.
Membrane Potential and Action Potential:
Resting membrane potential: -55mV.
Action potential frequency in the olfactory nerve increases with odorant strength.
Adaptation Towards the Sense of Smell:
Rapid adaptation within the first second, with further slow adaptation.
Psychological adaptation greater than receptor adaptation, involving feedback inhibition from the central nervous system.
Primary Sensations of Smell:
Camphoraceous, Musky, Floral, Pepperminty, Ethereal, Pungent, Putrid.
Odor Detection Threshold:
Examples: Hydrogen sulfide (0.0005 ppm), Methyl-mercaptan (0.002 ppm).
Some toxic substances are odorless at lethal concentrations.
Characteristics of Smell:
Odor blindness for single substances due to lack of appropriate receptor protein.
Behavioral and emotional influences of smell.
Transmission of Olfactory Signals:
From olfactory cells to glomeruli in the olfactory bulb, involving lateral inhibition.
Primitive, less old, and new olfactory systems with different path
Ozempic: Preoperative Management of Patients on GLP-1 Receptor Agonists Saeid Safari
Preoperative Management of Patients on GLP-1 Receptor Agonists like Ozempic and Semiglutide
ASA GUIDELINE
NYSORA Guideline
2 Case Reports of Gastric Ultrasound
The prostate is an exocrine gland of the male mammalian reproductive system
It is a walnut-sized gland that forms part of the male reproductive system and is located in front of the rectum and just below the urinary bladder
Function is to store and secrete a clear, slightly alkaline fluid that constitutes 10-30% of the volume of the seminal fluid that along with the spermatozoa, constitutes semen
A healthy human prostate measures (4cm-vertical, by 3cm-horizontal, 2cm ant-post ).
It surrounds the urethra just below the urinary bladder. It has anterior, median, posterior and two lateral lobes
It’s work is regulated by androgens which are responsible for male sex characteristics
Generalised disease of the prostate due to hormonal derangement which leads to non malignant enlargement of the gland (increase in the number of epithelial cells and stromal tissue)to cause compression of the urethra leading to symptoms (LUTS
Report Back from SGO 2024: What’s the Latest in Cervical Cancer?bkling
Are you curious about what’s new in cervical cancer research or unsure what the findings mean? Join Dr. Emily Ko, a gynecologic oncologist at Penn Medicine, to learn about the latest updates from the Society of Gynecologic Oncology (SGO) 2024 Annual Meeting on Women’s Cancer. Dr. Ko will discuss what the research presented at the conference means for you and answer your questions about the new developments.
These lecture slides, by Dr Sidra Arshad, offer a quick overview of physiological basis of a normal electrocardiogram.
Learning objectives:
1. Define an electrocardiogram (ECG) and electrocardiography
2. Describe how dipoles generated by the heart produce the waveforms of the ECG
3. Describe the components of a normal electrocardiogram of a typical bipolar leads (limb II)
4. Differentiate between intervals and segments
5. Enlist some common indications for obtaining an ECG
Study Resources:
1. Chapter 11, Guyton and Hall Textbook of Medical Physiology, 14th edition
2. Chapter 9, Human Physiology - From Cells to Systems, Lauralee Sherwood, 9th edition
3. Chapter 29, Ganong’s Review of Medical Physiology, 26th edition
4. Electrocardiogram, StatPearls - https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/books/NBK549803/
5. ECG in Medical Practice by ABM Abdullah, 4th edition
6. ECG Basics, http://www.nataliescasebook.com/tag/e-c-g-basics
Recomendações da OMS sobre cuidados maternos e neonatais para uma experiência pós-natal positiva.
Em consonância com os ODS – Objetivos do Desenvolvimento Sustentável e a Estratégia Global para a Saúde das Mulheres, Crianças e Adolescentes, e aplicando uma abordagem baseada nos direitos humanos, os esforços de cuidados pós-natais devem expandir-se para além da cobertura e da simples sobrevivência, de modo a incluir cuidados de qualidade.
Estas diretrizes visam melhorar a qualidade dos cuidados pós-natais essenciais e de rotina prestados às mulheres e aos recém-nascidos, com o objetivo final de melhorar a saúde e o bem-estar materno e neonatal.
Uma “experiência pós-natal positiva” é um resultado importante para todas as mulheres que dão à luz e para os seus recém-nascidos, estabelecendo as bases para a melhoria da saúde e do bem-estar a curto e longo prazo. Uma experiência pós-natal positiva é definida como aquela em que as mulheres, pessoas que gestam, os recém-nascidos, os casais, os pais, os cuidadores e as famílias recebem informação consistente, garantia e apoio de profissionais de saúde motivados; e onde um sistema de saúde flexível e com recursos reconheça as necessidades das mulheres e dos bebês e respeite o seu contexto cultural.
Estas diretrizes consolidadas apresentam algumas recomendações novas e já bem fundamentadas sobre cuidados pós-natais de rotina para mulheres e neonatos que recebem cuidados no pós-parto em unidades de saúde ou na comunidade, independentemente dos recursos disponíveis.
É fornecido um conjunto abrangente de recomendações para cuidados durante o período puerperal, com ênfase nos cuidados essenciais que todas as mulheres e recém-nascidos devem receber, e com a devida atenção à qualidade dos cuidados; isto é, a entrega e a experiência do cuidado recebido. Estas diretrizes atualizam e ampliam as recomendações da OMS de 2014 sobre cuidados pós-natais da mãe e do recém-nascido e complementam as atuais diretrizes da OMS sobre a gestão de complicações pós-natais.
O estabelecimento da amamentação e o manejo das principais intercorrências é contemplada.
Recomendamos muito.
Vamos discutir essas recomendações no nosso curso de pós-graduação em Aleitamento no Instituto Ciclos.
Esta publicação só está disponível em inglês até o momento.
Prof. Marcus Renato de Carvalho
www.agostodourado.com
Title: Sense of Taste
Presenter: Dr. Faiza, Assistant Professor of Physiology
Qualifications:
MBBS (Best Graduate, AIMC Lahore)
FCPS Physiology
ICMT, CHPE, DHPE (STMU)
MPH (GC University, Faisalabad)
MBA (Virtual University of Pakistan)
Learning Objectives:
Describe the structure and function of taste buds.
Describe the relationship between the taste threshold and taste index of common substances.
Explain the chemical basis and signal transduction of taste perception for each type of primary taste sensation.
Recognize different abnormalities of taste perception and their causes.
Key Topics:
Significance of Taste Sensation:
Differentiation between pleasant and harmful food
Influence on behavior
Selection of food based on metabolic needs
Receptors of Taste:
Taste buds on the tongue
Influence of sense of smell, texture of food, and pain stimulation (e.g., by pepper)
Primary and Secondary Taste Sensations:
Primary taste sensations: Sweet, Sour, Salty, Bitter, Umami
Chemical basis and signal transduction mechanisms for each taste
Taste Threshold and Index:
Taste threshold values for Sweet (sucrose), Salty (NaCl), Sour (HCl), and Bitter (Quinine)
Taste index relationship: Inversely proportional to taste threshold
Taste Blindness:
Inability to taste certain substances, particularly thiourea compounds
Example: Phenylthiocarbamide
Structure and Function of Taste Buds:
Composition: Epithelial cells, Sustentacular/Supporting cells, Taste cells, Basal cells
Features: Taste pores, Taste hairs/microvilli, and Taste nerve fibers
Location of Taste Buds:
Found in papillae of the tongue (Fungiform, Circumvallate, Foliate)
Also present on the palate, tonsillar pillars, epiglottis, and proximal esophagus
Mechanism of Taste Stimulation:
Interaction of taste substances with receptors on microvilli
Signal transduction pathways for Umami, Sweet, Bitter, Sour, and Salty tastes
Taste Sensitivity and Adaptation:
Decrease in sensitivity with age
Rapid adaptation of taste sensation
Role of Saliva in Taste:
Dissolution of tastants to reach receptors
Washing away the stimulus
Taste Preferences and Aversions:
Mechanisms behind taste preference and aversion
Influence of receptors and neural pathways
Impact of Sensory Nerve Damage:
Degeneration of taste buds if the sensory nerve fiber is cut
Abnormalities of Taste Detection:
Conditions: Ageusia, Hypogeusia, Dysgeusia (parageusia)
Causes: Nerve damage, neurological disorders, infections, poor oral hygiene, adverse drug effects, deficiencies, aging, tobacco use, altered neurotransmitter levels
Neurotransmitters and Taste Threshold:
Effects of serotonin (5-HT) and norepinephrine (NE) on taste sensitivity
Supertasters:
25% of the population with heightened sensitivity to taste, especially bitterness
Increased number of fungiform papillae
Flu Vaccine Alert in Bangalore Karnatakaaddon Scans
As flu season approaches, health officials in Bangalore, Karnataka, are urging residents to get their flu vaccinations. The seasonal flu, while common, can lead to severe health complications, particularly for vulnerable populations such as young children, the elderly, and those with underlying health conditions.
Dr. Vidisha Kumari, a leading epidemiologist in Bangalore, emphasizes the importance of getting vaccinated. "The flu vaccine is our best defense against the influenza virus. It not only protects individuals but also helps prevent the spread of the virus in our communities," he says.
This year, the flu season is expected to coincide with a potential increase in other respiratory illnesses. The Karnataka Health Department has launched an awareness campaign highlighting the significance of flu vaccinations. They have set up multiple vaccination centers across Bangalore, making it convenient for residents to receive their shots.
To encourage widespread vaccination, the government is also collaborating with local schools, workplaces, and community centers to facilitate vaccination drives. Special attention is being given to ensuring that the vaccine is accessible to all, including marginalized communities who may have limited access to healthcare.
Residents are reminded that the flu vaccine is safe and effective. Common side effects are mild and may include soreness at the injection site, mild fever, or muscle aches. These side effects are generally short-lived and far less severe than the flu itself.
Healthcare providers are also stressing the importance of continuing COVID-19 precautions. Wearing masks, practicing good hand hygiene, and maintaining social distancing are still crucial, especially in crowded places.
Protect yourself and your loved ones by getting vaccinated. Together, we can help keep Bangalore healthy and safe this flu season. For more information on vaccination centers and schedules, residents can visit the Karnataka Health Department’s official website or follow their social media pages.
Stay informed, stay safe, and get your flu shot today!
New Directions in Targeted Therapeutic Approaches for Older Adults With Mantl...i3 Health
i3 Health is pleased to make the speaker slides from this activity available for use as a non-accredited self-study or teaching resource.
This slide deck presented by Dr. Kami Maddocks, Professor-Clinical in the Division of Hematology and
Associate Division Director for Ambulatory Operations
The Ohio State University Comprehensive Cancer Center, will provide insight into new directions in targeted therapeutic approaches for older adults with mantle cell lymphoma.
STATEMENT OF NEED
Mantle cell lymphoma (MCL) is a rare, aggressive B-cell non-Hodgkin lymphoma (NHL) accounting for 5% to 7% of all lymphomas. Its prognosis ranges from indolent disease that does not require treatment for years to very aggressive disease, which is associated with poor survival (Silkenstedt et al, 2021). Typically, MCL is diagnosed at advanced stage and in older patients who cannot tolerate intensive therapy (NCCN, 2022). Although recent advances have slightly increased remission rates, recurrence and relapse remain very common, leading to a median overall survival between 3 and 6 years (LLS, 2021). Though there are several effective options, progress is still needed towards establishing an accepted frontline approach for MCL (Castellino et al, 2022). Treatment selection and management of MCL are complicated by the heterogeneity of prognosis, advanced age and comorbidities of patients, and lack of an established standard approach for treatment, making it vital that clinicians be familiar with the latest research and advances in this area. In this activity chaired by Michael Wang, MD, Professor in the Department of Lymphoma & Myeloma at MD Anderson Cancer Center, expert faculty will discuss prognostic factors informing treatment, the promising results of recent trials in new therapeutic approaches, and the implications of treatment resistance in therapeutic selection for MCL.
Target Audience
Hematology/oncology fellows, attending faculty, and other health care professionals involved in the treatment of patients with mantle cell lymphoma (MCL).
Learning Objectives
1.) Identify clinical and biological prognostic factors that can guide treatment decision making for older adults with MCL
2.) Evaluate emerging data on targeted therapeutic approaches for treatment-naive and relapsed/refractory MCL and their applicability to older adults
3.) Assess mechanisms of resistance to targeted therapies for MCL and their implications for treatment selection
Lung Cancer: Artificial Intelligence, Synergetics, Complex System Analysis, S...Oleg Kshivets
RESULTS: Overall life span (LS) was 2252.1±1742.5 days and cumulative 5-year survival (5YS) reached 73.2%, 10 years – 64.8%, 20 years – 42.5%. 513 LCP lived more than 5 years (LS=3124.6±1525.6 days), 148 LCP – more than 10 years (LS=5054.4±1504.1 days).199 LCP died because of LC (LS=562.7±374.5 days). 5YS of LCP after bi/lobectomies was significantly superior in comparison with LCP after pneumonectomies (78.1% vs.63.7%, P=0.00001 by log-rank test). AT significantly improved 5YS (66.3% vs. 34.8%) (P=0.00000 by log-rank test) only for LCP with N1-2. Cox modeling displayed that 5YS of LCP significantly depended on: phase transition (PT) early-invasive LC in terms of synergetics, PT N0—N12, cell ratio factors (ratio between cancer cells- CC and blood cells subpopulations), G1-3, histology, glucose, AT, blood cell circuit, prothrombin index, heparin tolerance, recalcification time (P=0.000-0.038). Neural networks, genetic algorithm selection and bootstrap simulation revealed relationships between 5YS and PT early-invasive LC (rank=1), PT N0—N12 (rank=2), thrombocytes/CC (3), erythrocytes/CC (4), eosinophils/CC (5), healthy cells/CC (6), lymphocytes/CC (7), segmented neutrophils/CC (8), stick neutrophils/CC (9), monocytes/CC (10); leucocytes/CC (11). Correct prediction of 5YS was 100% by neural networks computing (area under ROC curve=1.0; error=0.0).
CONCLUSIONS: 5YS of LCP after radical procedures significantly depended on: 1) PT early-invasive cancer; 2) PT N0--N12; 3) cell ratio factors; 4) blood cell circuit; 5) biochemical factors; 6) hemostasis system; 7) AT; 8) LC characteristics; 9) LC cell dynamics; 10) surgery type: lobectomy/pneumonectomy; 11) anthropometric data. Optimal diagnosis and treatment strategies for LC are: 1) screening and early detection of LC; 2) availability of experienced thoracic surgeons because of complexity of radical procedures; 3) aggressive en block surgery and adequate lymph node dissection for completeness; 4) precise prediction; 5) adjuvant chemoimmunoradiotherapy for LCP with unfavorable prognosis.
Lung Cancer: Artificial Intelligence, Synergetics, Complex System Analysis, S...
Collective narcissism.docx
1. 1
To be published in Hermann, A., Brunell, A.,& Foster., J. (2017, Eds.) The Handbook of
Trait Narcissism: Key Advances, Research Methods, and Controversies. Springer
Collective narcissism: antecedents and consequences of exaggeration of the in-
group image.
Agnieszka Golec de Zavala
Goldsmiths, University of London
University of Social Sciences and Humanities, Poznań
Instituto Universitário de Lisboa ISCTE-IUL, Centro de Investigação e Intervenção
Social (CIS-IUL), Lisboa
Suggested keywords: Collective narcissism, intergroup hostility, in-group satisfaction,
nationalism
Collective narcissism pertains to individual difference in a belief in exaggerated
greatness of one’s own group contingent on external recognition (Golec de Zavala,
Cichocka, Eidelson, & Jayawickreme, 2009; Golec de Zavala, 2011, 2012). This
definition extends the concept of individual narcissism as an exaggerated self-image
dependent on admiration of others (Morf & Rhodewalt, 2001) onto the social level of
self. People who score high on the Collective Narcissism Scale agree that their group’s
importance and worth are not sufficiently recognized by others, their group deserves
special treatment and they insist that their group must obtain special recognition and
respect (Table 1, Golec de Zavala, et al., 2009). Rather than contributing to their in-
2. 2
group’s welfare, collective narcissists engage their energy to monitor whether the
greatness and uniqueness of their in-group is sufficiently acknowledged and recognized
by others.
When Theodore Adorno first proposed that collective narcissism motivated
support for the Nazi politics in Germany, he argued that the exaggerated sense of
national entitlement compensated for hidden weakness of the self. He maintained that,
by dissolving in an idealized and omnipotent group, the ‘weak egos’ sought protection
from the sense of alienation, powerlessness and self-blame. Unfortunately, once
legitimized by national authorities, unrestrained collective narcissism led to support for
the aggressive leader and escalation of intergroup hostilities (Adorno, 1963/1998).
Recently, appeals to national collective narcissism could be observed in political
campaigns alarming about the loss of national greatness in the US (“Make America
great again”) and in the UK (“Take back control”). Collective narcissism predicted the
Brexit vote in the UK because of the perception that the country was threatened by
immigrants and foreigners (Golec de Zavala, Guerra & Símão, 2017). Collective
narcissism predicted an increase in conspiratorial thinking during Donald Trump’s
presidential campaign (Golec de Zavala & Federico, 2017) and the Trump vote in the
2016 American presidential election (Federico & Golec de Zavala, 2017).
This chapter reviews previous studies examining the link between collective
narcissism and intergroup hostility. Next, the chapter presents recent results pointing to
collective narcissistic vulnerability and compensatory nature and differentiating
collective narcissism from in-group satisfaction - taking pride in being a member of a
worthy group (Amiot & Aubin, 2013; Leach, et al., 2008). However, first the chapter
differentiated national collective narcissism from a related concept of nationalism.
3. 3
Collective narcissism vs. Nationalism
People can be collective narcissistic about various social groups (Golec de
Zavala, et al., 2009). When applied to a national group, collective narcissism may make
similar predictions regarding intergroup attitudes as nationalism: a desire for national
supremacy (Kosterman & Feshbach, 1989). However, there are reasons to think that the
two constructs refer to different psychological realities. First, nationalists are openly
dominant and deny weakness. They are convinced that their nation should dominate
others (Blank and Schmidt, 2003; Mummendey, Klink & Brown, 2001; Kosterman &
Feshbach, 1989; Pehrson, Brown, & Zagefka, 2009). Collective narcissists emphasize
weakness and lack of in-group recognition to justify their hostility (Golec de Zavala, et
al., 2017). In addition, when the overlap between nationalism and national collective
narcissism was controlled, collective narcissism, not nationalism, was related to
hypersensitivity to intergroup threat and retaliatory hostility (Golec de Zavala, et al.,
2016). Finally, in line with this finding, recent results indicate that collective narcissism
and nationalism may be underlain by different motivations. Unlike collective
narcissism, nationalism was related to individual grandiose narcissism (i.e. a sense of
agentic superiority over others), and only inasmuch as it was associated with grandiose
narcissism was it also related to high self-esteem. Otherwise, nationalism was related to
low self-esteem. Collective narcissism was related to low self-esteem via vulnerable
narcissism (i.e. frustrated and unfulfilled sense of self-entitlement, Golec de Zavala, et
al., 2017).
Thus, both collective narcissism and nationalism, seem to be underlain by low
self-esteem and both are likely to use their national identity instrumentally to
compensate for deficits in their sense of self-worth. However, they engage in intergroup
hostility in different ways and for different reasons. While nationalistic intergroup
4. 4
hostility is actively aggressive and openly dominant, collective narcissistic intergroup
hostility is subjectively defensive. Collective narcissists protect the in-group’s image
rather than assert the in-group’s dominance (Golec de Zavala, et al., 2016). This does
not make their hostility more justified. The same atrocities would be motivated by
nationalistic belief in the in-group’s right to dominate and the collective narcissist’s
belief that the in-group image needs to be protected from external threats. However, it is
important to recognize that dominant nationalists may use the rhetoric of intergroup
threat and loss of national greatness to mobilize defensive collective narcissists to fight
their wars.
Previous studies: Collective narcissism, hypersensitivity to intergroup threat and
retaliatory intergroup hostility
Results converge to indicate that collective narcissism, not individual narcissism
or personal sense of entitlement, predicts hostile intergroup attitudes and behaviors (Cai
& Gries, 2013; Golec de Zavala, et al., 2009; Golec de Zavala, Cichocka, & Iskra-
Golec, 2013; Golec de Zavala, Cichocka, & Bilewicz, 2013; Golec de Zavala, Pekker,
Guerra, & Baran, 2016). Specifically, collective narcissism predicts retaliatory hostility
to past, present, actual and imagined offences to the in-group (Golec de Zavala, et al.,
2009, 2013a, 2016).
Collective narcissism predicts retaliatory intergroup hostility after the in-group
image is undermined by other groups. For example, American collective narcissism
predicted support for military intervention in Iraq in 2003 because American collective
narcissists felt besieged by hostility of other countries (Golec de Zavala et al., 2009).
However, out-group aggression is not the only threat that triggers collective narcissistic
intergroup hostility. Collective narcissistic prejudice is underlain by the perception of
5. 5
targeted groups as threatening to the in-group’s image, position or narrowly defined
identity. For example, the link between collective narcissism and anti-Semitism in
Poland was explained by the belief that Jews conspire against Poles (Golec de Zavala &
Cichocka, 2012). Collective narcissism in Poland was also linked to homophobia. This
link was mediated by religious fundamentalism. Such findings indicate that collective
narcissistic narrow definition of the ‘true’ Polish national identity – Catholic and
heterosexual (Graff, 2010) - is threatened by Jews and homosexual Poles (Golec de
Zavala & Mole, 2017; see also Górska & Mikołajczyk, 2015). In China, collective
narcissists disliked American celebrities portrayed on the covers of Chinese magazines.
This result was interpreted as their rejection of American cultural intrusion into the
‘pure’ Chinese culture (Gries, et al. 2015).
In addition, collective narcissism uniquely (in comparison to individual
narcissism, right wing authoritarianism, social dominance orientation, national in-group
identification and blind and constructive patriotism) predicts hostile retaliation to in-
group criticism. For example, in an experimental study, American participants were
presented with a fictional interview with a foreign exchange student. After reading
unfavorable (vs. favorable) comments about their country, American collective
narcissists expressed the intention to engage in hostile behaviors towards all compatriots
of the exchange student. In another experiment, Polish collective narcissists advocated
hostile confrontation with a team of British scientists with whom Polish scientists
allegedly discovered new chemical elements but disagreed over how to name them.
Polish collective narcissists preferred hostile strategies only after participants were
previously exposed to critical comments about anti-Semitism in Poland issued by the
British press. Participants chose conciliatory approach to the same conflict in the control
conditions, after the critical comments were attributed to the Austrian press.
6. 6
In another study, collective narcissists reported that they thought negative
opinions about their in-group were threatening to them personally. In retribution,
collective narcissists made resource distribution decisions that harmed the criticizing
out-group. The perception of the in-group criticism as personally threatening mediated
the relationship between collective narcissism and retaliatory aggression (Golec de
Zavala, et al., 2013a).
Collective narcissists retaliate not only in response to incontrovertibly
intentional intergroup threat or criticism. They feel threatened in ambiguous intergroup
situations or even such that require a stretch of imagination to be perceived as insulting.
For example, Mexican collective narcissists felt offended by the construction of the wall
along Mexican-American border in 2006 (Note that the 2006 attempt to justify the wall
was more subtle than 2016 one by president Trump who unambiguously insulted
Mexicans). According to the American government at the time, the wall was
constructed to protect against the terrorist threat. Nevertheless, Mexican collective
narcissists wanted to boycott American companies and engage in destructive actions
against American institutions in Mexico because they perceived the construction of the
wall as an insult to Mexico and Mexicans (Golec de Zavala et al., 2009). Similarly, in
Turkey, collective narcissists rejoiced in the European economic crisis after feeling
humiliated by the Turkish wait to be admitted to the European Union. In Portugal,
collective narcissists supported hostile actions towards Germans and rejoiced in the
German economic crisis because they perceived Germany’s position in the European
Union as more appreciated than the position of Portugal.
Stretching the definition of intergroup offence even further, in Poland, collective
narcissists supported hostile actions towards the makers of a movie which alluded to
one of the least laudable moments in the national history: Polish anti-Semitism during
7. 7
the Second World War. Even after a transgression as petty as a joke made by a Polish
celebrity about the country’s government, Polish collective narcissists threatened
physical punishment and engaged in schadenfreude, openly rejoicing in the misfortunes
of their “offender” (Golec de Zavala, et al, 2016). Such results indicate that collective
narcissists are hypersensitive to signs of the in-group image threat and perceive an insult
to the in-group even when it is debatable, not perceived by others, or not intended by
the other group. Collective narcissists do not have a sense of humor as far as their in-
group is concerned and they are disproportionately punitive in responding to what they
consider the in-group image threat.
Such findings are important in the light of analyses suggesting that feeling
humiliated in the name of one’s own group is one of the most frequently-reported
motives for political radicalization and violence (McCauley & Moskalenko, 2008).
Indeed, analyses presented by the National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and
Responses to Terrorism (supported by the US Department of Homeland Security)
showed that collective narcissism mobilized support for terrorist violence in radical
social networks in Sri Lanka, Indonesia and Morocco. In radicalized social contexts,
either due to the past involvement in political violence (LTTE in Sri Lanka), current
ideological climate (Morocco), or explicit ideological agenda (Islamists and Jihadists in
Indonesia), collective narcissism predicted suport for violent political extremism.
Participants who scored high on the Collective Narcissism Scale and were embedded
within the extremist networks felt their group had not received the appreciation it
deserved and supported intergroup violence as a means of advancing their in-group’s
goals (Jaśko, Webber, & Kruglanski, 2017).
New developments: Collective narcissism and weaknesses of the Self
8. 8
In line with Adorno’s suggestion, recent studies suggest that collective
narcissists protect their in-groups’ exaggerated greatness so vehemently because they
regard those in-groups as vehicles for fulfilment of their frustrated sense of entitlement.
Previous studies linked collective narcissism to the conviction that other groups do not
appreciate the in-group sufficiently and to lack of positive automatic associations of the
in-group’s symbols with positive stimuli (Golec de Zavala, et al., 2009). In addition,
collective narcissism was linked to low sense of personal control - not having the ability
to influence the course of one’s own life (Deci & Ryan, 2000). Temporarily lowered
sense of personal control resulted in heightened collective narcissism suggesting that
increased investment in in-group’s exaggerated greatness may be a way of
compensating for loss of personal control (Cichocka, Golec de Zavala et al., 2017).
Recent studies, conducted on large and nationally representative samples in
Poland and Russia, showed that collective narcissism was related to low self-esteem via
individual vulnerable narcissism and it was not related to individual grandiose
narcissism (Golec de Zavala, et al., 2017). The dominance analysis and two other
relative importance analyses indicated that the role of personal control in explaining
variance in collective narcissism was negligible in comparison to vulnerable narcissism
(.01 vs. .07) and self-esteem (.02 vs. 07), respectively (Golec de Zavala et al., 2017).
Collective narcissism was also associated with self-criticism, low self-acceptance,
negative affectivity and a tendency to react strongly to environmental stimuli (Golec de
Zavala, 2017). Such findings suggest that engaging in the protection of inflated in-group
greatness may seem essential to collective narcissists who feel entitled to special
treatment but concurrently feel unrecognized and disempowered.
Such results indicate also that collective narcissism may be underlain by deficits
in the ability to constructively face adversity, and soothe and restore after threat. Since
9. 9
collective narcissists may not be able to protect themselves from aversive effects of
individual hardship, they may invest their sense of self-worth in a group. When their in-
group is undermined their sense of self-worth is destabilized. Thus, they monitor signs
of threat to in-group image and overreact when they detect them. Since their
emotionality is mostly negative, their reactions are as well. They express anger,
contempt, hostility and aggression.
Collective narcissism vs. in-group satisfaction
When President Kennedy famously asked Americans, to think not what their
nation can do for them but what they can do for their nation, he recognized that a non-
instrumental, intrinsically motivated group identity can coexist with one that is
instrumental and compensatory. Research on collective narcissism shows that feeling
proud and satisfied to be a member of a valuable group are correlated. Correlations
between collective narcissism and private collective self-esteem (participant’s own
opinion about the in-group, Luhtanen & Crocker, 1992) ranged from .31 in Turkey to
.50 in Poland (Golec de Zavala, et al., 2009; 2013a; 2016). Correlations with in-group
satisfaction (feeling glad and satisfied to belong to a valuable group, Leach, et al.,
2008), ranged from .48 to .63 in Poland (Golec de Zavala, et al., 2016; Golec de Zavala,
et al., 2017). However, research also suggest that these constructs are functionally
distinct: they make different predictions for intergroup attitudes and they are related to
different emotional profiles. In addition, those two constructs are related to different
attitudes towards the self.
Studies showed that in-group satisfaction suppressed the link between collective
narcissism and rejection of out-groups. After the overlap was accounted for, the link
between collective narcissism and rejection of out-groups became stronger. In addition,
10. 10
collective narcissism suppressed the link between in-group satisfaction and positive
attitudes towards out-groups. In-group satisfaction predicted more positive attitudes
towards out-groups after its overlap with collective narcissism was accounted for (Golec
de Zavala, 2011; Golec de Zavala et al, 2013b). Collective narcissism with in-group
positivity partialled out can be interpreted as group-based entitlement without the
comfort of the sense of belonging to a valuable group In-group satisfaction with
collective narcissism partialled out can be interpreted as a confident positive evaluation
of the in-group, independent of external recognition and resilient to threats and
criticism. Indeed, unlike collective narcissism, in-group satisfaction did not predict
hypersensitivity to intergroup threat (Golec de Zavala et al, 2016), it was not related to
conspiracy beliefs about Jews or Siege mentality (Golec de Zavala & Cichocka, 2012)
and it was negatively related to the belief in conspiracy explanations of intergroup
situations (Cichocka et al., 2016).
Recent studies showed also that unlike collective narcissism, in-group
satisfaction was associated with positive affectivity, psychological well-being and
greater life-satisfaction. In-group satisfaction was also associated with feeling safe and
grounded in social networks and the tendency to experience gratitude. The differences
were found when zero order correlations were analyzed and when the positive overlap
between in-group satisfaction and collective narcissism was controlled for. However,
some of the relationships changed when residual variables were analyzed. For example,
the link between collective narcissism and gratitude changed direction suggesting that
this link was suppressed by the positive overlap between collective narcissism and in-
group satisfaction (Golec de Zavala, 2017). In addition, the link between in-group
satisfaction and high self-esteem was strengthened after the overlap between in-group
satisfaction and collective narcissism was controlled for suggesting that collective
11. 11
narcissism partially suppressed the positive link between in-group satisfaction and high
self-esteem (Golec de Zavala, et al., 2017).
Findings linking in-group satisfaction to positive affectivity and high self-esteem
and collective narcissism with negative affectivity, vulnerable narcissism and out-group
hostility are in line with the application of self-determination theory to understand the
social identity processes. This literature suggests that nonself-determined motivations to
identify with the social group – such as collective narcissistic investment of one’s self-
worth in group identity – are linked with in-group bias, defensiveness and negative
attitudes towards outgroups. Positive, non-contingent, intrinsic in-group satisfaction is
related to high self-esteem and intergroup tolerance (Amiot & Aubin, 2013; Amiot &
Sansfaçon, 2011; Legault & Amiot, 2014).
Future directions
Collective narcissists engage in intergroup hostility because they invest their
sense of self-worth in their group identities and feel motivated to protect their in-groups
to protect the vulnerability of their self-images. However, investment of the self-worth
in the group identity is not the only way of coping with personal vulnerability. Evidence
suggests that there are other ways to stabilize emotional regulation and facilitate
resilience to threat, such as self-affirmation (Cohen & Sherman, 2014). Future studies
could explore whether such interventions can weaken the link between collective
narcissism and retaliatory intergroup hostility by fortifying collective narcissistic fragile
self-image. Studies indicated that self-affirmation reduced the link between individual
grandiose narcissism and interpersonal aggression among adolescents (Thomaes, et al,
2009). Perhaps such intervention could also reduce the link between collective
narcissism and compensatory intergroup hostility. Future research could also explore
12. 12
whether the impact of collective narcissism in shaping intergroup attitudes can de-
emphasized. Studies indicate that, negative consequences of collective narcissism for
intergroup relations are reduced when collective narcissism overlaps with in-group
satisfaction (Cichocka, et al., 2016; Golec de Zavala, et al., 2013b, 2016). Future
studies would do well to examine how and when in-group satisfaction can be
emphasized over collective narcissism in inspiring intergroup attitudes.
Future studies could also advance our understanding of the nature of collective
narcissism as an individual difference variable. It is not yet entirely clear whether
collective narcissism is a general tendency to form narcissistic attachment to all social
groups to which people belong or whether some groups inspire collective narcissism
more than others. Groups which possess reified existence - such as national, ethnic or
religious groups, or political parties - may be more likely to inspire collective
narcissism. However, even members of more mundane and loosely defined groups
(students of a certain university, workers in the same organization) were shown to be
collective narcissistic about their groups (Galvin, et al., 2015; Golec de Zavala, et al.,
2009; 2013a, 2013b).
Another issue that requires further clarification is whether levels of collective
narcissism can be changed by situational factors. One unpublished study indicated that
negative feedback to the in-group (university students) increased collective narcissism
(Golec de Zavala, 2010). Intensification of political rhetoric emphasizing social
divisions and idealizing certain groups may increase collective narcissism with respect
to this group. Intergroup conflicts may also increase collective narcissism with reference
to the in-group engaged in the conflict but not to other in-groups. Moreover, collective
narcissism may be increased in groups experiencing relative deprivation (Guerra., et al.,
2017). In the context of perceived disadvantage and deprivation, future studies should
13. 13
carefully distinguish between conditions that increase collective narcissism and
retaliatory intergroup hostility from conditions that increase commitment to engage in
peaceful social protest, resistance and civil disobedience on behalf of the valued in-
group.
Finally, future studies could advance our understanding of the link between
collective narcissism and grandiose narcissism. The summary presented in Table 2
suggest that collective narcissism is related to individual grandiose narcissism in the
U.S. and the UK but not in Poland, Russia or China. This data is in line with the
proposition that the relationship between individual and collective narcissism may be
shaped by cultural contexts (Golec de Zavala, et al., 2009). It seems that individualistic
cultural contexts that allow for the development of a strong ego may enhance the
positive relationship between individual grandiose narcissism and collective narcissism.
In line with this proposition, this relationship was found in individualistic cultures,
where the projection of perceived individual greatness onto in-groups could be more
likely. In collectivistic cultures, commitment to the in-group may be associated with the
submission of individual needs or goals thus diminishing the association of grandiose
individual narcissism and collective narcissism.
To sum up, collective narcissism is a distinct form of positive attitude towards
an in-group uniquely predicting intergroup hostility in the context of intergroup threat.
It accounts for intergroup hostility better than individual narcissism, self-esteem or
other forms of positive attitudes towards the in-group. National collective narcissism
can be distinguished from nationalism on the level of the antecedents and predictions.
Collective narcissism suppresses the link between in-group satisfaction and positive
attitudes towards out-groups. This suggest that non-contingent in-group satisfaction
14. 14
refers to a different psychological reality than collective narcissism and can serve as a
platform on which to build harmonious intergroup relations.
15. 15
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Table 1. Collective Narcissism Scale.
Collective Narcissism Scale (Golec de Zavala, et al., 2009, shorter version
includes items: 2, 3, 5, 6 and 8, Golec de Zavala et al., 2013b).
Typical instruction: Please think about [this group] when answering the items of
the scale. Please indicate how much you agree or disagree with the statements
using the scale 1 = I strongly disagree to 6 = I strongly agree.
1. I wish other groups would more quickly recognize the authority of [my group].
2. [My group] deserves special treatment.
3. I will never be satisfied until [my group] gets the recognition it deserves.
4. I insist upon [my group] getting the respect that is due to it.
5. It really makes me angry when others criticize [my group].
6. If [my group] had a major say in the world, the world would be a much better
place.
7. I do not get upset when people do not notice achievements of [my group] (R).
8. Not many people seem to fully understand the importance of [my group].
9. The true worth of [my group] is often misunderstood.
(R) Denotes a reverse coded item.
22. 22
Table 2. Summary of the relationship between collective narcissism and grandiose
individual narcissism as measured by Narcissistic Personality Inventory (NPI) and
vulnerable individual narcissism measured by the Hyper-Sensitive Narcissism Scale
(HSNS). * Denotes significant correlations.
Study Country r
(grandiose
narcissism
r
(vulnerable
narcissism)
N
1 Golec de Zavala, et al., 2013,
Study 3, NPI
Poland -.09 117
2 Golec de Zavala, et al., 2013,
Study 4, NPI
Poland .24* 80
3 Golec de Zavala, et al., 2013,
Study 1, NPI
USA .18* 134
4 Golec de Zavala, et al., 2009,
Study 2, NPI
UK .27* 92
5 Golec de Zavala, et al., 2013,
Study 2, NPI
USA .29* 108
6 Cai & Gries, 2013, Study 1,
NPI
USA .15* 279
7 Cai & Gries, 2013, Study 1,
NPI
China .04 436
8 Cichocka, et al., 2015, Study 2,
NPQC
USA .35* 269
23. 23
10 Golec de Zavala, unpublished,
NPI, HSNS
Poland .04 .15* 569
11 Golec de Zavala, et al., 2016,
Study 4, NPI, HSNS
Poland -.008 .25* 427
12 Golec de Zavala, et al., 2017,
Study 1, NPI, HSNS
Russia .02 .09* 1198
13 Golec de Zavala, et al., 2017,
Study 2, NPI, HSNS
Poland .03 .24* 506
14 Golec de Zavala, et al., 2017,
Study 3, NPI, HSNS
Poland .07 .24* 1065
15 Murteira, unpublished, HSNS Portugal .18* 276
Meta-analytical summary of the data for the relationship between collective
narcissism and grandiose narcissism indicates a small effect (0.09). The weighted
mean effect estimated by random effect model was significantly larger than 0
(SE=0.03, 95%CI[0.03;0.15]; z=3.20, p=.004, k=13) with a significant heterogeneity
between countries (Q(12)=53.03, p<.001). Collapsing the relationship in USA and
UK vs. Poland, Russia and China indicated significant difference in average effects
between those two groups of countries (Q(2)=42.46, p< .001) and no significant
variance within countries (Q(10)=10.61, p= .39). The relationship exists in USA and
UK (p=0.25, SE=0.04, 95%CI[0.18;0.31]; z=7.26, p<.001, k=5), but does not exist in
Poland, Russia and China (p=0.01, SE=0.02, 95%CI[-0.03;0.04]; z=0.35, p=.77, k=8).
Meta-analytical summary of the data for the relationship between collective
narcissism and vulnerable narcissism indicates a small effect (0.19). The weighted
mean effect estimated by random effect model was significantly larger than 0