The U.S. Sentencing Commission proposed studying antitrust offenses and penalties for bid-rigging, price-fixing, and market allocation agreements. This sparked debate over whether current antitrust sentencing guidelines optimally deter cartels. Comments from the American Antitrust Institute, Department of Justice, and Judge Ginsburg proposed reforms like increasing organizational fines or imposing harsher individual sanctions. However, broader questions remain over whether increased sanctions are the most effective use of resources to improve deterrence, when alternatives like public education may raise awareness of cartel harms.
In most jurisdictions, antitrust fines are based on affected commerce rather than on collusive profits, and in some others, caps on fines are introduced based on total firm sales rather than on affected commerce. We uncover a number of distortions that these policies generate, propose simple models to characterize their comparative static properties, and quantify them with simulations based on market data. We conclude by discussing the obvious need to depart from these distortive rules-of-thumb that appear to have the potential to substantially reduce social welfare.
Leniency policies offering immunity to the first cartel member that blows the whistle and self-reports to the antitrust authority have become the main instrument in the fight against cartels around the world. In public procurement markets, however, bid-rigging schemes are often accompanied by corruption of public officials. In the absence of coordinated forms of leniency for unveiling corruption, a policy offering immunity from antitrust sanctions may not be sufficient to encourage wrongdoers to blow the whistle, as the leniency recipient will then be exposed to the risk of conviction for corruption. Explicitly introducing leniency policies for corruption, as has been recently done in Brazil and Mexico, is only a first step. To increase the effectiveness of leniency in multiple offense cases, we suggest, besides extending automatic leniency to individual criminal sanctions, the creation of a ‘one-stop-point’ enabling firms and individuals to report different crimes simultaneously and receive leniency for all of them at once if they are entitled to it.
Modern antitrust engenders a possible conflict between public and private enforcement due to the central role of Leniency Programs. Damage actions may reduce the attractiveness of Leniency Programs for cartel participants if their cooperation with the competition authority increases the chance that the cartel’s victims will bring a successful suit. A long legal debate culminated in a EU directive, adopted in November 2014, which seeks a balance between public and private enforcement. It protects the efectiveness of a Leniency Program by preventing the use of leniency statements in subsequent actions for damages and by limiting the liability of the immunity recipient to its direct and indirect purchasers. Our analysis shows such compromise is not required: limiting the cartel victims’ ability to recover their loss is not necessary to preserve the eectiveness of a Leniency Program and may be counterproductive. We show that damage actions will actually improve its eectiveness, through a legal regime in which the civil liability of the immunity recipient is minimized (as in Hungary) and full access to all evidence collected by the competition authority, including leniency statements, is granted to claimants (as in the US).
Check the latest research publications and presentations on our website http://www.hhs.se/site
In most jurisdictions, antitrust fines are based on affected commerce rather than on collusive profits, and in some others, caps on fines are introduced based on total firm sales rather than on affected commerce. We uncover a number of distortions that these policies generate, propose simple models to characterize their comparative static properties, and quantify them with simulations based on market data. We conclude by discussing the obvious need to depart from these distortive rules-of-thumb that appear to have the potential to substantially reduce social welfare.
Leniency policies offering immunity to the first cartel member that blows the whistle and self-reports to the antitrust authority have become the main instrument in the fight against cartels around the world. In public procurement markets, however, bid-rigging schemes are often accompanied by corruption of public officials. In the absence of coordinated forms of leniency for unveiling corruption, a policy offering immunity from antitrust sanctions may not be sufficient to encourage wrongdoers to blow the whistle, as the leniency recipient will then be exposed to the risk of conviction for corruption. Explicitly introducing leniency policies for corruption, as has been recently done in Brazil and Mexico, is only a first step. To increase the effectiveness of leniency in multiple offense cases, we suggest, besides extending automatic leniency to individual criminal sanctions, the creation of a ‘one-stop-point’ enabling firms and individuals to report different crimes simultaneously and receive leniency for all of them at once if they are entitled to it.
Modern antitrust engenders a possible conflict between public and private enforcement due to the central role of Leniency Programs. Damage actions may reduce the attractiveness of Leniency Programs for cartel participants if their cooperation with the competition authority increases the chance that the cartel’s victims will bring a successful suit. A long legal debate culminated in a EU directive, adopted in November 2014, which seeks a balance between public and private enforcement. It protects the efectiveness of a Leniency Program by preventing the use of leniency statements in subsequent actions for damages and by limiting the liability of the immunity recipient to its direct and indirect purchasers. Our analysis shows such compromise is not required: limiting the cartel victims’ ability to recover their loss is not necessary to preserve the eectiveness of a Leniency Program and may be counterproductive. We show that damage actions will actually improve its eectiveness, through a legal regime in which the civil liability of the immunity recipient is minimized (as in Hungary) and full access to all evidence collected by the competition authority, including leniency statements, is granted to claimants (as in the US).
Check the latest research publications and presentations on our website http://www.hhs.se/site
This paper estimates the impact of competition policy on total factor productivity growth for 22 industries in twelve OECD countries over 1995 to 2005. We find a positive and significant effect of competition policy as measured by created indexes. We provide results based on instrumental variables estimators and heterogeneous effects to support the causal nature of the established link. The effect is particularly strong for specific aspects of competition policy related to its institutional setup and antitrust activities. It is also strengthened by good legal systems, suggesting complementarities between competition policy and the efficiency of law enforcement institutions.
Since coming into office two years ago, Chinese President Xi Jinping has carried out a sweeping, highly publicized anticorruption campaign. Skeptics are debating whether the campaign is biased towards Mr. Xi’s rivals, and even possibly related to the current economic slowdown. What is less debated is the next stage of Mr. Xi’s anti-corruption strategy, which is going to alter the legal statutes. Amendment IX, proposed in October 2014, includes heavier penalties, but two important tools in the fight of corruption – one-sided leniency and asymmetric punishment – became more limited and discretional. We argue that studying a 1997 reform and its effects can shed some light onto why the Chinese leadership seems dissatisfied with the current legislation and the likely effects of the proposed changes.
Are You Eligible for Drug Court in New York?Adam Thompson
If you have been arrested and charged with a criminal offense in the State of New York, you may be facing serious judicial and non-judicial penalties. Learn more about drug court in New York in this presentation.
Many commodities (including energy, agricultural products and metals) are sold both on spot markets and through long-term contracts which commit the parties to exchange the commodity in each of a number of spot market periods. This paper shows how the length of contracts affects the possibility of collusion in a repeated price-setting game. Contracts can both help and hinder collusion, because reducing the size of the spot market cuts both the immediate gain from defection and the punishment for deviation. Firms can always sustain some collusive price above marginal cost if they sell the right number of contracts, of any duration, whatever their discount factor. As the duration of contracts increases, however, collusion becomes harder to sustain.
Version of October 2007. Please check for updates http://www.sciencedirect.com/
Read more research publications at: https://www.hhs.se/site
This article reports results from an experiment studying how fines, leniency and rewards for whistleblowers affect cartel formation and prices. Antitrust without leniency reduces cartel formation but increases cartel prices: subjects use costly fines as punishments. Leniency improves antitrust by strengthening deterrence but stabilizes surviving cartels: subjects appear to anticipate the lower post-conviction prices after reports/leniency. With rewards, prices fall at the competitive level. Overall our results suggest a strong cartel deterrence potential for well-run leniency and reward schemes. These findings may also be relevant for similar white-collar organized crimes, like corruption and fraud.
The EU Leniency Programme (LP) aims to encourage the dissolution of existing cartels and the deterrence of future cartels, through spontaneous reporting and/or significant cooperation by cartel members during an investigation. However, the European Commission guidelines are rather vague in terms of the factors that influence the granting and scale of fine reductions. As expected, the results shown that the first reporting or cooperating firm receives generous fine reductions. More importantly, there is some evidence that firms can “learn how to play the leniency game”, either learning how to cheat or how to report, as the reductions given to multiple oenders (and their cartel partners) are substantially higher. These results have an ambiguous impact on firms’ incentives and major implications for policy making.
By Catarina Marvao, SITE Working Paper.
The director of the Serious Fraud O"ce (SFO) and the Solicitor General, Edward Garnier QC, have recently made no secret of the fact that they consider the criminal justice system to be incapable of dealing with corporate prosecutions in a way that refflects commercial realities. The blunt impact of a prosecution of a company has the impact of damaging innocent parties including employees, shareholders and creditors. Garnier cited the cautionary example of the ill-effects of prosecution caused to Arthur Andersen, eventually acquitted on charges of obstruction of justice by the US Supreme Court, many years after the allegations had destroyed the company. US prosecutors have a tool at their disposal, the deferred prosecution agreement (DPA), which is being touted as a viable alternative to the present options of either prosecution or civil recovery.
We investigate the impact of procurement thresholds on strategic behavior of public buyers in Sweden. We document signs of “bunching” at the threshold, which suggests that strategic behavior in procurement is potentially important in Sweden, and should not be overlooked in the on-going public debate on the procurement thresholds. At the same time, data limitations do not allow us to access the impact of this strategic behavior on procurement outcomes and efficiency. This calls for better and more extensive procurement data collection.
We present results from a laboratory experiment identifying the main channels through which different law enforcement strategies deter organized economic crime. The absolute level of a fine has a strong deterrence effect, even when the exogenous probability of apprehension is zero. This effect appears to be driven by distrust or fear of betrayal, as it increases significantly when the incentives to betray partners are strengthened by policies offering amnesty to “turncoat whistleblowers”. We also document a strong deterrence effect of the sum of fines paid in the past, which suggests a significant role for salience or availability heuristic in law enforcement.
Based on my recent work with several co-authors this paper explores the relationship between discretion, reputation, competition and entry in procurement markets. I focus especially on public procurement, which is highly regulated for accountability and trade reasons. In Europe regulation constrains the use of past performance information to select contractors while in the US its use is encouraged. I present some novel evidence on the benefits of allowing buyers to use reputational indicators based on past performance and discuss the complementary roles of discretion and restricted competition in reinforcing relational/reputational forces, both in theory and in a new
empirical study on the effects restricted rather than open auctions. I conclude reporting preliminary results form a laboratory experiment showing that reputational mechanisms can be designed to stimulate rather than hindering new entry.
Bark & Co Solicitors London: Deferred Prosecution Agreementshersfranklin
The director of the Serious Fraud Office (SFO) and the Solicitor General, Edward Garnier QC, have recently made no secret of the fact that they consider the criminal justice system to be incapable of dealing with corporate prosecutions in a way that refects commercial realities. The blunt impact of a prosecution of a company has the impact of damaging innocent parties including employees, shareholders and creditors. Garnier cited the cautionary example of the ill-effects of prosecution caused to Arthur Andersen, eventually acquitted on charges of obstruction of justice by the US Supreme Court, many years after the allegations had destroyed the company. US prosecutors have a tool at their disposal, the deferred prosecution agreement (DPA), which is being touted as a viable alternative to the present options of either prosecution or civil recovery. Much of the impetus for the reform has been caused by the difficulties faced by the SFO when they sought to prosecute Innospec. The SFO effectively had already agreed with the company, pre-sentencing, the nature of the sentence in return for a guilty plea. This was criticized by Thomas LJ who reminded the SFO that it is for the Judge to determine sentence at his discretion and especially that any plea must be “rigorously
scrutinized in open court”.
This Keynote presentation on “Sanctions in competition law cases” by Professor Frederic Jenny (Chairman of the OECD Competition Committee, Professor of Economics at ESSEC Business School and former Judge on the French Supreme Court was made at the Workshop on Australian Pecuniary Penalties for Competition Law Infringements on 26 March 2018 in Sydney, Australia. More papers and presentations on the topic can be found out at oe.cd/2cw.
This paper reports results from an experiment studying how fines, leniency programs and reward schemes for whistleblowers affect cartel formation and prices. Antitrust without leniency reduces cartel formation, but increases cartel prices: subjects use costly fines as (altruistic) punishments. Leniency further increases deterrence, but stabilizes surviving cartels: subjects appear to anticipate harsher times after defections as leniency reduces recidivism and lowers post-conviction prices. With rewards, cartels are reported systematically and prices finally fall. If a ringleader is excluded from leniency, deterrence is unaffected but prices grow. Differences between treatments in Stockholm and Rome suggest culture may affect optimal law enforcement.
This paper estimates the impact of competition policy on total factor productivity growth for 22 industries in twelve OECD countries over 1995 to 2005. We find a positive and significant effect of competition policy as measured by created indexes. We provide results based on instrumental variables estimators and heterogeneous effects to support the causal nature of the established link. The effect is particularly strong for specific aspects of competition policy related to its institutional setup and antitrust activities. It is also strengthened by good legal systems, suggesting complementarities between competition policy and the efficiency of law enforcement institutions.
Since coming into office two years ago, Chinese President Xi Jinping has carried out a sweeping, highly publicized anticorruption campaign. Skeptics are debating whether the campaign is biased towards Mr. Xi’s rivals, and even possibly related to the current economic slowdown. What is less debated is the next stage of Mr. Xi’s anti-corruption strategy, which is going to alter the legal statutes. Amendment IX, proposed in October 2014, includes heavier penalties, but two important tools in the fight of corruption – one-sided leniency and asymmetric punishment – became more limited and discretional. We argue that studying a 1997 reform and its effects can shed some light onto why the Chinese leadership seems dissatisfied with the current legislation and the likely effects of the proposed changes.
Are You Eligible for Drug Court in New York?Adam Thompson
If you have been arrested and charged with a criminal offense in the State of New York, you may be facing serious judicial and non-judicial penalties. Learn more about drug court in New York in this presentation.
Many commodities (including energy, agricultural products and metals) are sold both on spot markets and through long-term contracts which commit the parties to exchange the commodity in each of a number of spot market periods. This paper shows how the length of contracts affects the possibility of collusion in a repeated price-setting game. Contracts can both help and hinder collusion, because reducing the size of the spot market cuts both the immediate gain from defection and the punishment for deviation. Firms can always sustain some collusive price above marginal cost if they sell the right number of contracts, of any duration, whatever their discount factor. As the duration of contracts increases, however, collusion becomes harder to sustain.
Version of October 2007. Please check for updates http://www.sciencedirect.com/
Read more research publications at: https://www.hhs.se/site
This article reports results from an experiment studying how fines, leniency and rewards for whistleblowers affect cartel formation and prices. Antitrust without leniency reduces cartel formation but increases cartel prices: subjects use costly fines as punishments. Leniency improves antitrust by strengthening deterrence but stabilizes surviving cartels: subjects appear to anticipate the lower post-conviction prices after reports/leniency. With rewards, prices fall at the competitive level. Overall our results suggest a strong cartel deterrence potential for well-run leniency and reward schemes. These findings may also be relevant for similar white-collar organized crimes, like corruption and fraud.
The EU Leniency Programme (LP) aims to encourage the dissolution of existing cartels and the deterrence of future cartels, through spontaneous reporting and/or significant cooperation by cartel members during an investigation. However, the European Commission guidelines are rather vague in terms of the factors that influence the granting and scale of fine reductions. As expected, the results shown that the first reporting or cooperating firm receives generous fine reductions. More importantly, there is some evidence that firms can “learn how to play the leniency game”, either learning how to cheat or how to report, as the reductions given to multiple oenders (and their cartel partners) are substantially higher. These results have an ambiguous impact on firms’ incentives and major implications for policy making.
By Catarina Marvao, SITE Working Paper.
The director of the Serious Fraud O"ce (SFO) and the Solicitor General, Edward Garnier QC, have recently made no secret of the fact that they consider the criminal justice system to be incapable of dealing with corporate prosecutions in a way that refflects commercial realities. The blunt impact of a prosecution of a company has the impact of damaging innocent parties including employees, shareholders and creditors. Garnier cited the cautionary example of the ill-effects of prosecution caused to Arthur Andersen, eventually acquitted on charges of obstruction of justice by the US Supreme Court, many years after the allegations had destroyed the company. US prosecutors have a tool at their disposal, the deferred prosecution agreement (DPA), which is being touted as a viable alternative to the present options of either prosecution or civil recovery.
We investigate the impact of procurement thresholds on strategic behavior of public buyers in Sweden. We document signs of “bunching” at the threshold, which suggests that strategic behavior in procurement is potentially important in Sweden, and should not be overlooked in the on-going public debate on the procurement thresholds. At the same time, data limitations do not allow us to access the impact of this strategic behavior on procurement outcomes and efficiency. This calls for better and more extensive procurement data collection.
We present results from a laboratory experiment identifying the main channels through which different law enforcement strategies deter organized economic crime. The absolute level of a fine has a strong deterrence effect, even when the exogenous probability of apprehension is zero. This effect appears to be driven by distrust or fear of betrayal, as it increases significantly when the incentives to betray partners are strengthened by policies offering amnesty to “turncoat whistleblowers”. We also document a strong deterrence effect of the sum of fines paid in the past, which suggests a significant role for salience or availability heuristic in law enforcement.
Based on my recent work with several co-authors this paper explores the relationship between discretion, reputation, competition and entry in procurement markets. I focus especially on public procurement, which is highly regulated for accountability and trade reasons. In Europe regulation constrains the use of past performance information to select contractors while in the US its use is encouraged. I present some novel evidence on the benefits of allowing buyers to use reputational indicators based on past performance and discuss the complementary roles of discretion and restricted competition in reinforcing relational/reputational forces, both in theory and in a new
empirical study on the effects restricted rather than open auctions. I conclude reporting preliminary results form a laboratory experiment showing that reputational mechanisms can be designed to stimulate rather than hindering new entry.
Bark & Co Solicitors London: Deferred Prosecution Agreementshersfranklin
The director of the Serious Fraud Office (SFO) and the Solicitor General, Edward Garnier QC, have recently made no secret of the fact that they consider the criminal justice system to be incapable of dealing with corporate prosecutions in a way that refects commercial realities. The blunt impact of a prosecution of a company has the impact of damaging innocent parties including employees, shareholders and creditors. Garnier cited the cautionary example of the ill-effects of prosecution caused to Arthur Andersen, eventually acquitted on charges of obstruction of justice by the US Supreme Court, many years after the allegations had destroyed the company. US prosecutors have a tool at their disposal, the deferred prosecution agreement (DPA), which is being touted as a viable alternative to the present options of either prosecution or civil recovery. Much of the impetus for the reform has been caused by the difficulties faced by the SFO when they sought to prosecute Innospec. The SFO effectively had already agreed with the company, pre-sentencing, the nature of the sentence in return for a guilty plea. This was criticized by Thomas LJ who reminded the SFO that it is for the Judge to determine sentence at his discretion and especially that any plea must be “rigorously
scrutinized in open court”.
This Keynote presentation on “Sanctions in competition law cases” by Professor Frederic Jenny (Chairman of the OECD Competition Committee, Professor of Economics at ESSEC Business School and former Judge on the French Supreme Court was made at the Workshop on Australian Pecuniary Penalties for Competition Law Infringements on 26 March 2018 in Sydney, Australia. More papers and presentations on the topic can be found out at oe.cd/2cw.
This paper reports results from an experiment studying how fines, leniency programs and reward schemes for whistleblowers affect cartel formation and prices. Antitrust without leniency reduces cartel formation, but increases cartel prices: subjects use costly fines as (altruistic) punishments. Leniency further increases deterrence, but stabilizes surviving cartels: subjects appear to anticipate harsher times after defections as leniency reduces recidivism and lowers post-conviction prices. With rewards, cartels are reported systematically and prices finally fall. If a ringleader is excluded from leniency, deterrence is unaffected but prices grow. Differences between treatments in Stockholm and Rome suggest culture may affect optimal law enforcement.
An introduction to branding and the paradox brand managers face between globalisation and localisation when internationalising. A brand is a friend and you should treat it as one.
My Mom Doesn't Like the Font—Applying UX to Design Presentations for Better C...Sarah Mills
Designers are often faced with the tough task of presenting their work to clients, both internal and external. What do you do when the best feedback you get back is from secret stakeholders (like their mom) or is focused on the small details (like the size of the logo) rather than the larger design?
First of all, don't panic. Senior designer Sarah Mills, from Atlantic Media Strategies, has been in this situation before, and will share her personal experience and tips for applying UX thinking to getting meaningful feedback from stakeholders. Learn how to make the most of your client presentations and not get bummed out by comments from your client's mom.
En este experimento podemos ver como un solido (la tiza) reacciona ante varios elementos ácidos, como el vinagre o el jugo de limón en este caso. También podemos ver que en el caso del agua que no hay reacción ya que el agua esta formada por un pH neutro.
Este experimento lo podemos evidenciar en algunos edificios hechos de piedra caliza, así mismo estos edificios reaccionan cuando tienen un contacto con la lluvia ácida.
Spumaint is a generic software to service any industrial sector. Has Asset Maintenance Module to record any number of machinery with spares inventory,special tools, etc. Preventive Maintenance Module for scheduling multiple time pop-ups as well as condition based. Analytical tools also found in breakdown n reporting module
This presentation by Prof. Hwang LEE from the Korean University School of Law was made during the discussion on "Sanctions in Anti-trust cases" held at the 15th Global Forum on Competition on 2 December 2016. More papers and presentations on the topic can be found out at www.oecd.org/competition/globalforum/competition-and-sanctions-in-antitrust-cases.htm
ANTITRUST IN HEALTH CARE The purpose of antitrust laws is to pro.docxfestockton
ANTITRUST IN HEALTH CARE
The purpose of antitrust laws is to promote a competitive, free marketplace; these laws are intended to protect the public from the adverse effects of monopoly power. The federal government and virtually all state governments have antitrust laws, which reflect a public policy principle that a competitive marketplace protects consumers, restrains private economic power, and generally produces the best allocation of quality goods and services at the lowest prices. The three main sources of federal antitrust law are the Sherman Act, the Clayton Act, and the Federal Trade Commission Act. Section 1 of the Sherman Act prohibits all conspiracies or agreements that restrain trade.38 Section 7 of the Clayton Act prohibits all mergers and acquisitions of stock or assets that may substantially lessen competition or that tend to create a monopoly.39 Section 5 of the Federal Trade Commission Act prohibits unfair methods of competition.40 Sherman Act As interpreted by the courts, Section 1 of the Sherman Act applies to agreements that unreasonably restrain trade, which may include agreements or conspiracies to fix prices, divide market territories or groups of customers, boycott other firms, or use coercive tactics with the intent and effect of injuring competition. The Sherman Act applies to virtually all businesses in the country, including healthcare providers. As of this writing, the insurance industry is a significant exception to antitrust law, although the House of Representatives has passed a bill to repeal the exception. The Sherman Act condemns any conduct that causes inefficiencies resulting in higher prices or lower quality of services to the ultimate consumer. Most business practices that are condemned under the Sherman Act are justified from a business standpoint but deemed illegal because they “unreasonably” restrain trade (i.e., the anticompetitive effect of the business practices outweigh their pro-business justifications). An example of such a practice would be a “noncompete” clause prohibiting the seller of a business from ever engaging in a similar business activity. Although such a noncompete clause is justified on business grounds for the buyer, the clause’s provision could unreasonably restrain trade. Noncompete clauses are generally accepted if they are geographically and temporally reasonable. Some practices, however, are condemned because there are no acceptable justifications for the conduct. An example of such a practice is an agreement among competitors to fix prices. Price-fixing concerns arise in the healthcare setting where physician organizations (POs), physician hospital organizations (PHOs), or other networks of otherwise unaffiliated healthcare providers negotiate with payers as a group. Keep in mind, where healthcare providers are all owned by the same parent, sharing price information is always acceptable. However, otherwise independent providers negotiating as a unit without meeting certain r ...
Duff & Phelps’ Global Enforcement Review (GER) 2017, looks beyond just the words, policies and intentions of the world’s financial services regulators. Drawing from data published by the key regulators in the U.S., UK and Hong Kong, as well as commentary and insight from around the globe, this report examines those policies in practice: How they invest, when they act and what they do.
What are the digital and transparency implications of the FSA regulating the future agenda. I look at several in this months food issue of the CIEH environmental health news.
The bribery act the changing face of corporate liabilityWhite & Case
Five years since its inception, the UK Bribery Act has
significantly raised the bar on corporate liability and
shaken up existing rules on tackling corruption.
The Criminalization of American BusinessWhat do Bank of Americ.docxtodd241
The Criminalization of American Business
What do Bank of America, Citigroup, JPMorgan Chase, and Goldman Sachs have in common? All paid hefty fines for purportedly misleading investors about mortgage-backed securities. In fact, these companies paid the government a total of $50 billion in fines. The payments were made in lieu of criminal prosecutions.
Today, several hundred thousand federal rules that apply to businesses carry some form of criminal penalty. That is in addition to more than four thousand federal laws, many of which carry criminal sanctions for their violation. From 2000 to 2019, about 3,200 corporations either were convicted or pleaded guilty to violating federal statutes or rules.
Criminal Convictions
The first successful criminal conviction in a federal court against a company—the New York Central and Hudson River Railroad—was upheld by the Supreme Court in 1909 (the violation: cutting prices). Many other successful convictions followed.
One landmark case developed the
aggregation test
, now called the Doctrine of Collective Knowledge. This test aggregates the omissions and acts of two or more persons in a corporation, thereby constructing an
actus reus
and a
mens rea
out of the conduct and knowledge of several individuals.
Not all government attempts at applying criminal law to corporations survive. Courts have sometimes found insufficient evidence to show that a company acted with specific intent to commit a crime. Often, however, companies choose to reach settlement agreements with the government rather than fight criminal indictments.
Many Pay Substantial Fines in Lieu of Prosecution
More than four hundred corporations reached so-called non-prosecution agreements with the government from 2000 to the beginning of 2019. These agreements typically involve multimillion- or multibillion-dollar fines. This number does not include fines paid to the Environmental Protection Agency or to the Fish and Wildlife Service.
According to law professors Margaret Lemos and Max Minzner, “Public enforcers often seek large monetary awards for self-interested reasons divorced from the public interest and deterrents. The incentives are strongest when enforcement agencies are permitted to retain all or some of the proceeds of enforcement.”
Questions Presented
1)Why might a corporation’s managers agree to pay a large fine rather than to be indicted and proceed to trial?
2)How does a manager determine the optimal amount of legal research to undertake to prevent her or his company from violating the many thousands of federal regulations?
.
The Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB) recently celebrated its second birthday. During its first two years of existence, the CFPB has shown itself to be an aggressive consumer-protection agency. It is particularly noteworthy because its broad jurisdictional mandate could impact virtually any business that makes a loan to any consumer. Consumer lenders need to be alert to the sweeping implications this agency will have for their future business activities.
Provider collaboration and coordination are increasingly important pathways to business success in the post-Affordable Care Act environment, but the FTC and other antitrust enforcement agencies remain focused on the antitrust compliance risks of collaboration and consolidation. Our webinar reviews pertinent antitrust law and enforcement agency policies, and suggests practical guidance regarding clinical integration and related issues for health care providers to consider as they implement an antitrust compliance strategy in today's challenging health care marketplace.
The resolution of benchmark rigging cases is giving the world’s financial regulators space to pursue a widening range of enforcement priorities – and targets.
Rollits Regulatory Review - November 2018Pat Coyle
Legal newsletter featuring articles on regulatory law including Director's Duties, the Advertising Standards Authority, GDPR, Food Safety, Manslaughter in the Workplace and H&S Sentencing Guidelines
LA HUG - Video Testimonials with Chynna Morgan - June 2024Lital Barkan
Have you ever heard that user-generated content or video testimonials can take your brand to the next level? We will explore how you can effectively use video testimonials to leverage and boost your sales, content strategy, and increase your CRM data.🤯
We will dig deeper into:
1. How to capture video testimonials that convert from your audience 🎥
2. How to leverage your testimonials to boost your sales 💲
3. How you can capture more CRM data to understand your audience better through video testimonials. 📊
Tata Group Dials Taiwan for Its Chipmaking Ambition in Gujarat’s DholeraAvirahi City Dholera
The Tata Group, a titan of Indian industry, is making waves with its advanced talks with Taiwanese chipmakers Powerchip Semiconductor Manufacturing Corporation (PSMC) and UMC Group. The goal? Establishing a cutting-edge semiconductor fabrication unit (fab) in Dholera, Gujarat. This isn’t just any project; it’s a potential game changer for India’s chipmaking aspirations and a boon for investors seeking promising residential projects in dholera sir.
Visit : https://www.avirahi.com/blog/tata-group-dials-taiwan-for-its-chipmaking-ambition-in-gujarats-dholera/
Memorandum Of Association Constitution of Company.pptseri bangash
www.seribangash.com
A Memorandum of Association (MOA) is a legal document that outlines the fundamental principles and objectives upon which a company operates. It serves as the company's charter or constitution and defines the scope of its activities. Here's a detailed note on the MOA:
Contents of Memorandum of Association:
Name Clause: This clause states the name of the company, which should end with words like "Limited" or "Ltd." for a public limited company and "Private Limited" or "Pvt. Ltd." for a private limited company.
https://seribangash.com/article-of-association-is-legal-doc-of-company/
Registered Office Clause: It specifies the location where the company's registered office is situated. This office is where all official communications and notices are sent.
Objective Clause: This clause delineates the main objectives for which the company is formed. It's important to define these objectives clearly, as the company cannot undertake activities beyond those mentioned in this clause.
www.seribangash.com
Liability Clause: It outlines the extent of liability of the company's members. In the case of companies limited by shares, the liability of members is limited to the amount unpaid on their shares. For companies limited by guarantee, members' liability is limited to the amount they undertake to contribute if the company is wound up.
https://seribangash.com/promotors-is-person-conceived-formation-company/
Capital Clause: This clause specifies the authorized capital of the company, i.e., the maximum amount of share capital the company is authorized to issue. It also mentions the division of this capital into shares and their respective nominal value.
Association Clause: It simply states that the subscribers wish to form a company and agree to become members of it, in accordance with the terms of the MOA.
Importance of Memorandum of Association:
Legal Requirement: The MOA is a legal requirement for the formation of a company. It must be filed with the Registrar of Companies during the incorporation process.
Constitutional Document: It serves as the company's constitutional document, defining its scope, powers, and limitations.
Protection of Members: It protects the interests of the company's members by clearly defining the objectives and limiting their liability.
External Communication: It provides clarity to external parties, such as investors, creditors, and regulatory authorities, regarding the company's objectives and powers.
https://seribangash.com/difference-public-and-private-company-law/
Binding Authority: The company and its members are bound by the provisions of the MOA. Any action taken beyond its scope may be considered ultra vires (beyond the powers) of the company and therefore void.
Amendment of MOA:
While the MOA lays down the company's fundamental principles, it is not entirely immutable. It can be amended, but only under specific circumstances and in compliance with legal procedures. Amendments typically require shareholder
The world of search engine optimization (SEO) is buzzing with discussions after Google confirmed that around 2,500 leaked internal documents related to its Search feature are indeed authentic. The revelation has sparked significant concerns within the SEO community. The leaked documents were initially reported by SEO experts Rand Fishkin and Mike King, igniting widespread analysis and discourse. For More Info:- https://news.arihantwebtech.com/search-disrupted-googles-leaked-documents-rock-the-seo-world/
Business Valuation Principles for EntrepreneursBen Wann
This insightful presentation is designed to equip entrepreneurs with the essential knowledge and tools needed to accurately value their businesses. Understanding business valuation is crucial for making informed decisions, whether you're seeking investment, planning to sell, or simply want to gauge your company's worth.
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1. I
n June 2014, the U.S. Sentenc-
ing Commission proposed a list
of priorities for the Sentencing
Guidelines amendment cycle
ending May 1, 2015.1
This pro-
posal calls for a study of antitrust
offenses and for examination of the
penalty provisions in Section 2R1.1
of the U.S. Sentencing Guidelines
(the antitrust sentencing guide-
lines) that relate to bid-rigging,
price-fixing, and market allocation
agreements among competitors.
A debate about the sufficiency
of the antitrust sentencing guide-
lines for achieving optimal cartel
deterrence has percolated among
academics since at least 2005.2
Scholars have weighed in on vari-
ous aspects of antitrust sentencing,
from the implications of the prevail-
ing Chicago-school goal of “optimal
deterrence,”3
to the appropriate
presumption for cartel gains,4
to
exhortations for paradigmatic shifts
in how governments punish cartel
behavior.5
Unsurprisingly then, the
presence of an antitrust priority in
the commission’s proposal inspired
several thoughtful public comments
on possible reforms.
Practitioners should be aware of
three submissions, one from the
American Antitrust Institute (AAI),
another from the Criminal Division
of the U.S. Department of Justice,
and a third from Judge Douglas H.
Ginsburg of the U.S. Court of Appeals
for the District of Columbia Circuit
and FTC Commissioner Joshua
D. Wright. These submissions set
forth a well-informed, if preliminary,
debate on whether the existing anti-
trust sentencing guidelines are effec-
tive. The conversation embodied in
these comments should evolve into
broader questions about whether
increased antitrust sanctions are
truly the most effective way to
deploy government resources in
pursuit of improved cartel deter-
rence. Certainly, it is an area that
practitioners should closely follow.
Organizational Fines
The first axis of debate in
response to the commission’s
proposal was whether the orga-
nizational fine recommendations
in the antitrust sentencing guide-
lines promote effective deterrence.
Organizational fines have increased
over time. From 1987 to 2004, the
maximum statutorily permitted
organizational fine for antitrust
violations rose from $1 million to
$100 million.6
Likewise, the average
fine levied against antitrust offend-
ers increased from $480,000 from
1990 to 1994, to over $44 million
around 2009.7
Currently, the antitrust sentenc-
ing guidelines set base fine rec-
ommendations for organizational
defendants at 20 percent of the vol-
ume of affected commerce.8
The 20
percent figure serves as a proxy
for pecuniary loss caused by the
cartel, and is intended to conserve
judicial resources by forgoing the
need to determine actual loss.9
The
20 percent figure is based in part on
the commission’s presumption that
the estimated average gain from
horizontal conduct is 10 percent
of the selling price.10
The remaining
10 percent is based on the assump-
tion that overcharge alone does not
fully reflect harm “inflicted upon
consumers who are unable or for
other reasons do not buy the prod-
uct at the higher prices.”11
Against this backdrop, on July
SERV
ING THE BE
NCH
AND
BAR SINCE 1
888
Volume 252—NO. 48 tuesday, september 9, 2014
Cartel Deterrence
At U.S. Sentencing Commission
Antitrust Trade and Practice Expert Analysis
Shepard Goldfein and James A. Keyte are partners at
Skadden, Arps, Slate, Meagher & Flom. Kiran N. Bhat,
an associate at the firm, assisted in the preparation of
this column.
www.NYLJ.com
By
Shepard
Goldfein
And
James A.
Keyte
2. 28, 2014, the AAI submitted a com-
ment to the commission criticizing
the current level of cartel sanc-
tions as “suboptimal” and calling
for an increase in the 10 percent
specific overcharge presumption
used to formulate the 20 percent
base fine figure.12
The thrust of the
AAI’s argument is that, although the
practice of using a presumed over-
charge is “sound and in the public
interest,” the existing 10 percent
presumed overcharge is “much too
low to achieve deterrence.”13
The
AAI recommends that the Commis-
sion double its existing presump-
tion for cartel overcharges from 10
to 20 percent, and increase the base
fine percentage accordingly.14
In response to the AAI, the Justice
Department filed a letter on July
29, 2014 indicating its belief that
the current recommended organi-
zational fines are appropriate.15
To
rebut the AAI’s call for an increased
overcharge presumption, the Jus-
tice Department pointed to the
commission’s direction that, “[i]n
cases in which the actual…over-
charge appears to be either sub-
stantially more or substantially less
than 10 percent, this factor should
be considered in setting the fine
within the guideline fine range.”16
This instruction, along with liter-
ature indicating that the average
cartel overcharge is not as high as
the AAI’s citations would indicate,
led the Justice Department to con-
clude that it does “not believe it
would be a worthwhile expenditure
of resources to put any process in
motion to increase the 10 percent
presumption marginally.”17
The Justice Department’s reti-
cence to support an increase in
organizational fines prescribed
by the antitrust sentencing guide-
lines demonstrates awareness of
the possible downsides to over-
deterrence. As Judge Ginsburg
and Commissioner Wright observe,
toughening organizational cartel
sanctions may deter potentially
efficient conduct such as non-col-
lusive vertical restraints, or may
unnecessarily raise compliance
costs, which firms eventually pass
along to consumers.18
Given the
Justice Department’s existing dis-
cretion and considerable hesitance,
change on the organizational fine
front appears unlikely.
Sanctions for Individuals
A second suggestion in response
to the commission’s proposal came
in a July 28, 2014, submission from
Judge Ginsburg and Commissioner
Wright.19
In addition to highlight-
ing that harsh organizational fines
potentially impose costs associated
with over-deterrence, Ginsburg and
Wright conclude that there is little
evidence to show that such fines
even deter cartel behavior. Given
this reality, they suggest that the
commission shift the target of the
antitrust sentencing guidelines
away from organizations and toward
individuals in those organizations
responsible for the illegal conduct.20
To be sure, the antitrust sentenc-
ing guidelines already recommend
strong jail penalties for culpable
individuals. Antitrust offenders face
a base guideline jail time of 10 to 16
months, rising to as many as 87 to
108 months if the offender is guilty
of bid-rigging or the cartel activity
affected a volume of commerce over
$1.5 billion.21
In addition to jail time,
individual offenders face stiff fines
in the minimum amount of $20,000,
possibly rising to 1 to 5 percent of
the affected volume of commerce.22
Despite the existence of these
strong penalties, Ginsburg and
Wright suggest revising the anti-
trust sentencing guidelines to
include higher individual fines
and jail sentences and to add cor-
porate disqualification penalties.
At the heart of their proposal is a
granular view of the offending firm
as consisting of distinct actors,
including the shareholders (who
are relatively incapable of prevent-
ing antitrust violations), directors
and officers (who have compliance
and monitoring obligations and
may be negligent in instances of
antitrust violations), and the per-
petrator.23
They argue that the anti-
trust sentencing guidelines should
subject the perpetrator to criminal
penalties, and subject negligent,
culpable, or complicit directors
and officers to fines and corpo-
rate debarment.24
They suggest
that this more granular view of
an offending firm creates better
incentive structures by rewarding
strong antitrust compliance.25
Yet, Ginsburg and Wright’s pro-
posed solution of harsher individ-
ual sanctions may suffer from the
same challenges that they identify
with respect to harsh organization-
al fines. If the commission adopts
Ginsburg and Wright’s proposal,
future critics may well conclude,
as Ginsburg and Wright do about
high organizational fines, that harsh
penalties against individuals deter
efficient conduct and generate no
empirical evidence of successful
cartel deterrence. Imposing harsh
antitrust penalties on individuals,
particularly individuals who took
no part in the conduct at issue but
who are adjudged negligently culpa-
ble and debarred on such grounds,
may also stoke inefficient zeal for
compliance programs.
tuesday, september 9, 2014
Broader questions arise about
whether increased antitrust
sanctions are truly the most ef-
fective way to deploy govern-
ment resources in pursuit of
improved cartel deterrence.