The EuroMaidan started in Kyiv on the evening of November 21st 2013. Throughout the subsequent weeks it turned into a true revolution – one that changed Ukraine’s political system and its geopolitical vector. Less known, however, is the fact that EuroMaidan went beyond the Independence Square in Kyiv. It also took place in eastern Ukraine.
Pocket guidebook elections in ukraine ukr crisimediacentre-052014Dmytro Lysiuk
The document provides a historical overview of key dates in modern Ukrainian history from independence in 1991 through 2014. It then summarizes recent public opinion polls showing strong Ukrainian support for national unity and ties to Europe over Russia, despite Russian claims. Finally, it outlines some tangible achievements of Ukraine's interim government since February 2014, including signing an EU Association Agreement and reforms.
Mariupol: Living with conflict and post-conflict prospectsDonbassFullAccess
Mariupol is a large industrial city in the south of the Donetsk region. The city is one of the most important industrial centres in Ukraine, since it is home to two major metallurgical companies. The Port of Mariupol is the largest and most well-equipped port on the Sea of Azov, one of Ukraine’s four biggest ports. After armed conflict broke out in the Donetsk and Luhansk regions in 2014, Mariupol became the most important strategic point in the country, a target of clashes between the two opposing sides.
This research looks at the views of the inhabitants of Mariupol and its environs on the local consequences of the conflict, to understand the expectations of citizens, businesses and government officials in terms of minimising the impact of the conflict, and to identify areas of dialogue and cooperation that may be possible among the community, businesses and local authorities in order to address the most pressing local issues.
The research was conducted by the Mariupol Youth Union and commissioned by International Alert with the financial support of the European Union.
Final sprawozdanie merytoryczne 2015 eng_fin_done_finodfoundation
The Open Dialog Foundation is a non-profit organization based in Warsaw, Poland that was established in 2010. In 2015, the Foundation monitored the situation in eastern Ukraine, providing humanitarian aid and publishing reports on internally displaced persons and Ukrainian volunteer battalions. It also organized numerous public assemblies in solidarity with Ukraine and maintained the Ukrainian World Centre in Warsaw to provide services and classes for Ukrainians in Poland. The Foundation sought to foster Polish-Ukrainian dialogue and cooperation while addressing problems faced by Ukrainians in Poland.
A lecture introducing the Bronze Night revolution that occurred in Estonia. The event is what many scholars consider the first cyber warfare between nations.
The Ukraine has experienced large migrations of people throughout its history. In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, over 200,000 Ukrainians emigrated to places like the US, Canada, and Argentina due to poverty and political discrimination under Austrian-Hungarian rule. After World War 2 and the fall of the Soviet Union, migration increased further as Ukrainians left unsatisfied with economic and political conditions or due to conflicts. Surveys in the 1990s found that over 10% wanted to permanently emigrate and over 50% would temporarily work abroad. While intentions to emigrate were high, actual emigration numbers were lower due to political and bureaucratic barriers. Ukraine also experiences transit migration as people pass through on their way to Western countries.
The Open Dialogue Foundation is a non-profit organization based in Warsaw, Poland that works to promote human rights, democracy, and the rule of law. In 2018, the Foundation supported Polish-Ukrainian solidarity and defended activists in Ukraine facing harassment. It opposed the use of force against protesters in Kiev and demanded investigations into attacks on journalists and activists. The Foundation also works to support reforms and protect human rights in Ukraine through research, advocacy, and cooperation with other organizations.
This document provides an overview of the political situation in Ukraine from November 2013 to January 2014. It summarizes that mass protests erupted after Ukraine's president rejected an EU trade deal in favor of closer ties with Russia. The government responded with violent crackdowns, leaving several protesters dead. Meanwhile, the president pushed through anti-protest laws while protesters continued demanding his resignation and new elections. The situation remained volatile as the government alternated between concessions and continued violence against protesters.
The document summarizes the tensions between Russia and Ukraine since Ukrainian independence in 1991. It discusses Ukraine's divisions along ethnic, linguistic, and religious lines that have complicated its national identity. It describes Russian influence on Ukrainian politics and opposition by pro-Western groups, such as during the 2004 Orange Revolution. The conflict escalated after Russia annexed Crimea in 2014 and supported separatists in eastern Ukraine. Resolving the conflict will require addressing issues like Russian influence over post-Soviet states, Ukraine's sovereignty, the status of disputed regions, Ukrainian national identity, and international alliances.
Pocket guidebook elections in ukraine ukr crisimediacentre-052014Dmytro Lysiuk
The document provides a historical overview of key dates in modern Ukrainian history from independence in 1991 through 2014. It then summarizes recent public opinion polls showing strong Ukrainian support for national unity and ties to Europe over Russia, despite Russian claims. Finally, it outlines some tangible achievements of Ukraine's interim government since February 2014, including signing an EU Association Agreement and reforms.
Mariupol: Living with conflict and post-conflict prospectsDonbassFullAccess
Mariupol is a large industrial city in the south of the Donetsk region. The city is one of the most important industrial centres in Ukraine, since it is home to two major metallurgical companies. The Port of Mariupol is the largest and most well-equipped port on the Sea of Azov, one of Ukraine’s four biggest ports. After armed conflict broke out in the Donetsk and Luhansk regions in 2014, Mariupol became the most important strategic point in the country, a target of clashes between the two opposing sides.
This research looks at the views of the inhabitants of Mariupol and its environs on the local consequences of the conflict, to understand the expectations of citizens, businesses and government officials in terms of minimising the impact of the conflict, and to identify areas of dialogue and cooperation that may be possible among the community, businesses and local authorities in order to address the most pressing local issues.
The research was conducted by the Mariupol Youth Union and commissioned by International Alert with the financial support of the European Union.
Final sprawozdanie merytoryczne 2015 eng_fin_done_finodfoundation
The Open Dialog Foundation is a non-profit organization based in Warsaw, Poland that was established in 2010. In 2015, the Foundation monitored the situation in eastern Ukraine, providing humanitarian aid and publishing reports on internally displaced persons and Ukrainian volunteer battalions. It also organized numerous public assemblies in solidarity with Ukraine and maintained the Ukrainian World Centre in Warsaw to provide services and classes for Ukrainians in Poland. The Foundation sought to foster Polish-Ukrainian dialogue and cooperation while addressing problems faced by Ukrainians in Poland.
A lecture introducing the Bronze Night revolution that occurred in Estonia. The event is what many scholars consider the first cyber warfare between nations.
The Ukraine has experienced large migrations of people throughout its history. In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, over 200,000 Ukrainians emigrated to places like the US, Canada, and Argentina due to poverty and political discrimination under Austrian-Hungarian rule. After World War 2 and the fall of the Soviet Union, migration increased further as Ukrainians left unsatisfied with economic and political conditions or due to conflicts. Surveys in the 1990s found that over 10% wanted to permanently emigrate and over 50% would temporarily work abroad. While intentions to emigrate were high, actual emigration numbers were lower due to political and bureaucratic barriers. Ukraine also experiences transit migration as people pass through on their way to Western countries.
The Open Dialogue Foundation is a non-profit organization based in Warsaw, Poland that works to promote human rights, democracy, and the rule of law. In 2018, the Foundation supported Polish-Ukrainian solidarity and defended activists in Ukraine facing harassment. It opposed the use of force against protesters in Kiev and demanded investigations into attacks on journalists and activists. The Foundation also works to support reforms and protect human rights in Ukraine through research, advocacy, and cooperation with other organizations.
This document provides an overview of the political situation in Ukraine from November 2013 to January 2014. It summarizes that mass protests erupted after Ukraine's president rejected an EU trade deal in favor of closer ties with Russia. The government responded with violent crackdowns, leaving several protesters dead. Meanwhile, the president pushed through anti-protest laws while protesters continued demanding his resignation and new elections. The situation remained volatile as the government alternated between concessions and continued violence against protesters.
The document summarizes the tensions between Russia and Ukraine since Ukrainian independence in 1991. It discusses Ukraine's divisions along ethnic, linguistic, and religious lines that have complicated its national identity. It describes Russian influence on Ukrainian politics and opposition by pro-Western groups, such as during the 2004 Orange Revolution. The conflict escalated after Russia annexed Crimea in 2014 and supported separatists in eastern Ukraine. Resolving the conflict will require addressing issues like Russian influence over post-Soviet states, Ukraine's sovereignty, the status of disputed regions, Ukrainian national identity, and international alliances.
J.B. Rudnyckyj was a Ukrainian linguist who immigrated to Canada after World War 2 and had a significant impact on both academia and politics. He founded the Slavic Studies department at the University of Manitoba and advocated for the recognition of non-British and non-French ethnic groups in Canada. This led to the adoption of official multiculturalism in Canada. Rudnyckyj made valuable contributions to the study of Ukrainian language and folklore in Canada through his research and teaching. He played a key role in the establishment of Ukrainian Canadian studies as an academic field.
cultural and social assimilation of immigrants, and systemic solutions – Pol...Przegląd Politologiczny
: The article presents the problem of migration and assimilation of newcomers in the countries
of residence. One of the main reasons for migration are economic and social considerations, this applies
to both non-European arrivals and internal migration. The aim of this study, conducted by scholars from
Norway and Poland, is to compare systemic solutions both within the social legislation and the functioning of the labor market with respect to Poles and Ukrainians, confronting them with existing barriers regarding the possibility of assimilation and obstacles related to the transformation of economic into
settlement migration. The methodological and theoretical basis of the team’s research is comparative
methods, including comparative politics. The research on immigrants was conducted using both quantitative methods – statistical and qualitative data analysis – and research using the in-depth interview
method. Poles and Ukrainians are not at the same stage of formal migration due to the formal plane. According to the analysis, Ukrainians have much greater opportunities for actual assimilation than Poles in
Norway. Smaller cultural differences and linguistic barriers to the Ukrainians in Poland are conducive
to this process. If the state and Polish society take advantage of this situation and enable the settlement
of Ukrainians and make their job offers more attractive, there is a chance that they will fill the emerging
demographic gap. It would be for the benefit of both societies.
Maidan is an online community formed in 2000 by Ukrainian activists united to protest the murder of a journalist. It operates a major platform for activism and crowdsources information from volunteers. It played a key role in disseminating information during the 2004 Orange Revolution, handling up to 500,000 visitors per day. Maidan verifies reports and crowdsources books on dissent to promote civic participation and human rights.
The document summarizes:
1) John McCormick, a professor of European politics at IUPUI, was recently awarded the prestigious Jean Monnet Chair by the European Commission, one of only four conferred in the US in 2010.
2) The award comes with €45,000 over three years to support McCormick's work in European Union studies, which he plans to use for teaching initiatives, revising textbooks, and hosting conferences and lectures.
3) McCormick's research focuses on shared values among Europeans like multiculturalism, which accepts cultural differences within tolerance of nationalism, in contrast to the American "melting pot" model of assimilation.
Vladimir Kaye-Kysilewskyj in Europe, Canada, and BritainThomas M. Prymak
This article is a brief description of the life and work of a major forerunner of Multiculturalism in Canada. Of Ukrainian background from Poland, he fought for recognition of the Ukrainian nationality in Europe and for national and ethnic tolerance in Canada. He was especially important in Canada during the Second World War, where he helped to protect vulnerable ethnic groups from the negative effects of wartime hysteria. And during the postwar period, he did much academic research about such groups, especially the Ukrainians.
Mass anti-government protests spread across Ukraine's regions in late January 2014. In several cities, including Dnepropetrovsk, Zaporozhye, and Cherkasy, protesters faced opposition from local authorities and were attacked by unidentified masked men. In Dnepropetrovsk, over 80 protesters were injured and at least 27 were arrested. In Zaporozhye, around 100 were injured as police and masked men dispersed protesters. In Cherkasy, a protester was severely injured when a flower pot was thrown from a government building, and around 110 people were arrested after storming the building.
Politburo 2.0 works as a network structure. It is an informal agency and there is no formalization of its functions, such as general meetings.
Sectoral branches are distributed among its members, who offer their management schemes within their competence.
This six-point appeal has been signed by 40 Ukrainian civil society
organisations in Kyiv and other cities under siege of the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine.
This document provides a summary of Thomas Prymak's visit to the Oseredok Ukrainian Museum and Library in Winnipeg, Manitoba. Some key points:
- Prymak, a Ukrainian Canadian scholar, was familiar with Oseredok's collection from previous research and was eager to revisit.
- At the library, he discovered many rare titles including early 20th century editions of Shevchenko and Franko's works. He also found books on Ukrainian history and literature that were difficult to access elsewhere.
- Prymak met with local scholars including a filmmaker working on a documentary about Ukrainian Canadians in World War 2.
- He learned that the library was considering reducing its space and
- Orest Subtelny was a historian who specialized in Ukrainian history. He studied under Omeljan Pritsak at Harvard, who focused on Central Asian history, but Subtelny was more interested in Ukraine.
- Subtelny's early works focused on Ukrainian Cossack history and sources, revealing his interest in Ukrainian national history rather than Pritsak's "territorial" views. These works were published by Ukrainian American institutions.
- Subtelny emerged as a master of multiple European languages in his writing and translations, which was unusual for American scholars at the time. He brought attention to understudied historical sources about Ukraine.
This illustrated article describes the history of Ukrainian Studies in North America during the Cold War and after. It's major thesis is that the popularity of multiculturalism in Canada led to a different tone to Ukrainian Studies in that country as opposed to the United States. Major institutions such as the Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute and the Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies are compared and contrasted and the careers of many important scholars are discussed.
An investigation into the provenance and history of one of the most popular stories of medieval Europe, which had its origins in the life of the Buddha, as recounted in Buddhist literature. The paper details its transmission through various languages and religions from India to the Iranians of Central Asia, to Abbasid Baghdad, Georgia, Greece and Palestine, to Eastern and Western Europe. The religions include Buddhism, Manichaeanism, Shia Islam, Judaism, and Eastern and Western Christianity. The author argues that the tale is an early expression of values that today can be considered ecumenical and interfaith in scope.
Report on IOM's assistance to conflict-affected people in Ukraine, September-...DonbassFullAccess
The IOM provided assistance to over 116,000 vulnerable internally displaced persons and conflict-affected individuals in Ukraine between September and October 2016. A survey found that many IDPs have low levels of well-being, with 29% having to cut food expenses and 42% only able to afford food. The IOM distributed hygiene and winter supplies to over 1,500 people in eastern Ukraine. Additionally, the IOM trained over 450 community members in Donbas to promote social cohesion and inclusion of IDPs.
This document provides an overview of the Ukraine Crisis Media Center (UCMC) in 2016. It discusses the organization's background, vision, mission, values, target groups, tools, signature projects, setup, key staff, and departments. The UCMC was launched in 2014 to defend Ukraine's sovereignty during the Russian occupation of Crimea. It has since evolved into a strategic communications hub with outreach in Ukraine and abroad. The organization aims to consolidate Ukrainian society, maintain Ukraine's presence on the global map, and ensure reforms through generating demand from civil society. It utilizes daily press briefings, reports, training, and regional media centers to achieve these goals.
The document appears to be a quiz about events in various European countries in the 1960s. It includes questions about the role of the FU-University in protests in Germany in 1968, reasons for student anger against a German publishing company, and ideas of the Commune 1 students. It also includes questions about the beginning of de-Stalinization in the USSR, a famous song in Estonia, and events in Hungary that affected Estonia. Further questions cover protests in Sweden against the Vietnam War, feminist and anti-nuclear movements, as well as events in Spain, Italy, France, and Poland during this time period.
Newsletter «Pulse of Peace in Donbas», September-December 2017DonbassFullAccess
Civil society organizations from Ukraine, Russia, and other European countries have come together to form a joint international platform called CivilM+ to promote peace in eastern Ukraine. The platform aims to coordinate efforts in areas like human rights, peacebuilding, education, humanitarian aid, and rebuilding territories in Donetsk and Luhansk as peaceful, integrated regions of Ukraine. CivilM+ seeks to involve local populations as well as refugees and displaced people in these activities. The platform also provides opportunities for cooperation, developing joint positions, mutual support, and improving skills to better coordinate work.
Newsletter «Pulse of Peace in Donbas», November 2018DonbassFullAccess
This document provides a summary of the November 2018 issue of the CivilM+ newsletter, which reports on civil society efforts to address the ongoing conflict in eastern Ukraine. The newsletter covers political developments in the conflict zone, public initiatives for peacebuilding and dialogue, legal analyses of the conflict, humanitarian assistance, and opinions. Key topics discussed include Russia firing on and capturing Ukrainian ships, martial law being imposed in parts of Ukraine, and public discussions on reconciliation and human rights in the region.
The document summarizes the ongoing protests in Ukraine against President Viktor Yanukovych. Protesters took to the streets in November 2013 after Yanukovych abandoned an EU integration pact and instead accepted a aid package from Russia. Yanukovych then passed laws restricting media and protests, exacerbating public anger. The protests in Independence Square call for Yanukovych's resignation and focus on issues of corruption, media suppression, and democratic rights. The outcome of the clashes between protesters and police remains uncertain.
The Orange Revolution was a series of protests and political events that took place in Ukraine from late November 2004 to January 2005. It was in response to claims of electoral fraud committed by authorities in the run-off vote of the 2004 Ukrainian presidential election. Widespread acts of civil disobedience and non-violent protest in Kiev, Ukraine's capital, resulted in the annulment of the run-off election results and the call for a second run-off. The second run-off took place on December 26, 2004 and led to the election of Viktor Yushchenko as President of Ukraine.
This document is Razom's 2014 annual report. It summarizes Razom's humanitarian aid efforts in Ukraine over the past year, which included providing medical support to hospitals treating Maidan protesters and victims of conflicts in eastern Ukraine, organizing a toy drive for families affected by the war, and distributing water filters. It also discusses Razom's advocacy work in support of the Ukraine Freedom Support Act, efforts to educate the public about the Ukrainian crisis through events and publications, and organizing over 100 community events. Razom's work over the past year demonstrates the power of citizens working together to support democracy, justice and human rights in Ukraine.
J.B. Rudnyckyj was a Ukrainian linguist who immigrated to Canada after World War 2 and had a significant impact on both academia and politics. He founded the Slavic Studies department at the University of Manitoba and advocated for the recognition of non-British and non-French ethnic groups in Canada. This led to the adoption of official multiculturalism in Canada. Rudnyckyj made valuable contributions to the study of Ukrainian language and folklore in Canada through his research and teaching. He played a key role in the establishment of Ukrainian Canadian studies as an academic field.
cultural and social assimilation of immigrants, and systemic solutions – Pol...Przegląd Politologiczny
: The article presents the problem of migration and assimilation of newcomers in the countries
of residence. One of the main reasons for migration are economic and social considerations, this applies
to both non-European arrivals and internal migration. The aim of this study, conducted by scholars from
Norway and Poland, is to compare systemic solutions both within the social legislation and the functioning of the labor market with respect to Poles and Ukrainians, confronting them with existing barriers regarding the possibility of assimilation and obstacles related to the transformation of economic into
settlement migration. The methodological and theoretical basis of the team’s research is comparative
methods, including comparative politics. The research on immigrants was conducted using both quantitative methods – statistical and qualitative data analysis – and research using the in-depth interview
method. Poles and Ukrainians are not at the same stage of formal migration due to the formal plane. According to the analysis, Ukrainians have much greater opportunities for actual assimilation than Poles in
Norway. Smaller cultural differences and linguistic barriers to the Ukrainians in Poland are conducive
to this process. If the state and Polish society take advantage of this situation and enable the settlement
of Ukrainians and make their job offers more attractive, there is a chance that they will fill the emerging
demographic gap. It would be for the benefit of both societies.
Maidan is an online community formed in 2000 by Ukrainian activists united to protest the murder of a journalist. It operates a major platform for activism and crowdsources information from volunteers. It played a key role in disseminating information during the 2004 Orange Revolution, handling up to 500,000 visitors per day. Maidan verifies reports and crowdsources books on dissent to promote civic participation and human rights.
The document summarizes:
1) John McCormick, a professor of European politics at IUPUI, was recently awarded the prestigious Jean Monnet Chair by the European Commission, one of only four conferred in the US in 2010.
2) The award comes with €45,000 over three years to support McCormick's work in European Union studies, which he plans to use for teaching initiatives, revising textbooks, and hosting conferences and lectures.
3) McCormick's research focuses on shared values among Europeans like multiculturalism, which accepts cultural differences within tolerance of nationalism, in contrast to the American "melting pot" model of assimilation.
Vladimir Kaye-Kysilewskyj in Europe, Canada, and BritainThomas M. Prymak
This article is a brief description of the life and work of a major forerunner of Multiculturalism in Canada. Of Ukrainian background from Poland, he fought for recognition of the Ukrainian nationality in Europe and for national and ethnic tolerance in Canada. He was especially important in Canada during the Second World War, where he helped to protect vulnerable ethnic groups from the negative effects of wartime hysteria. And during the postwar period, he did much academic research about such groups, especially the Ukrainians.
Mass anti-government protests spread across Ukraine's regions in late January 2014. In several cities, including Dnepropetrovsk, Zaporozhye, and Cherkasy, protesters faced opposition from local authorities and were attacked by unidentified masked men. In Dnepropetrovsk, over 80 protesters were injured and at least 27 were arrested. In Zaporozhye, around 100 were injured as police and masked men dispersed protesters. In Cherkasy, a protester was severely injured when a flower pot was thrown from a government building, and around 110 people were arrested after storming the building.
Politburo 2.0 works as a network structure. It is an informal agency and there is no formalization of its functions, such as general meetings.
Sectoral branches are distributed among its members, who offer their management schemes within their competence.
This six-point appeal has been signed by 40 Ukrainian civil society
organisations in Kyiv and other cities under siege of the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine.
This document provides a summary of Thomas Prymak's visit to the Oseredok Ukrainian Museum and Library in Winnipeg, Manitoba. Some key points:
- Prymak, a Ukrainian Canadian scholar, was familiar with Oseredok's collection from previous research and was eager to revisit.
- At the library, he discovered many rare titles including early 20th century editions of Shevchenko and Franko's works. He also found books on Ukrainian history and literature that were difficult to access elsewhere.
- Prymak met with local scholars including a filmmaker working on a documentary about Ukrainian Canadians in World War 2.
- He learned that the library was considering reducing its space and
- Orest Subtelny was a historian who specialized in Ukrainian history. He studied under Omeljan Pritsak at Harvard, who focused on Central Asian history, but Subtelny was more interested in Ukraine.
- Subtelny's early works focused on Ukrainian Cossack history and sources, revealing his interest in Ukrainian national history rather than Pritsak's "territorial" views. These works were published by Ukrainian American institutions.
- Subtelny emerged as a master of multiple European languages in his writing and translations, which was unusual for American scholars at the time. He brought attention to understudied historical sources about Ukraine.
This illustrated article describes the history of Ukrainian Studies in North America during the Cold War and after. It's major thesis is that the popularity of multiculturalism in Canada led to a different tone to Ukrainian Studies in that country as opposed to the United States. Major institutions such as the Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute and the Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies are compared and contrasted and the careers of many important scholars are discussed.
An investigation into the provenance and history of one of the most popular stories of medieval Europe, which had its origins in the life of the Buddha, as recounted in Buddhist literature. The paper details its transmission through various languages and religions from India to the Iranians of Central Asia, to Abbasid Baghdad, Georgia, Greece and Palestine, to Eastern and Western Europe. The religions include Buddhism, Manichaeanism, Shia Islam, Judaism, and Eastern and Western Christianity. The author argues that the tale is an early expression of values that today can be considered ecumenical and interfaith in scope.
Report on IOM's assistance to conflict-affected people in Ukraine, September-...DonbassFullAccess
The IOM provided assistance to over 116,000 vulnerable internally displaced persons and conflict-affected individuals in Ukraine between September and October 2016. A survey found that many IDPs have low levels of well-being, with 29% having to cut food expenses and 42% only able to afford food. The IOM distributed hygiene and winter supplies to over 1,500 people in eastern Ukraine. Additionally, the IOM trained over 450 community members in Donbas to promote social cohesion and inclusion of IDPs.
This document provides an overview of the Ukraine Crisis Media Center (UCMC) in 2016. It discusses the organization's background, vision, mission, values, target groups, tools, signature projects, setup, key staff, and departments. The UCMC was launched in 2014 to defend Ukraine's sovereignty during the Russian occupation of Crimea. It has since evolved into a strategic communications hub with outreach in Ukraine and abroad. The organization aims to consolidate Ukrainian society, maintain Ukraine's presence on the global map, and ensure reforms through generating demand from civil society. It utilizes daily press briefings, reports, training, and regional media centers to achieve these goals.
The document appears to be a quiz about events in various European countries in the 1960s. It includes questions about the role of the FU-University in protests in Germany in 1968, reasons for student anger against a German publishing company, and ideas of the Commune 1 students. It also includes questions about the beginning of de-Stalinization in the USSR, a famous song in Estonia, and events in Hungary that affected Estonia. Further questions cover protests in Sweden against the Vietnam War, feminist and anti-nuclear movements, as well as events in Spain, Italy, France, and Poland during this time period.
Newsletter «Pulse of Peace in Donbas», September-December 2017DonbassFullAccess
Civil society organizations from Ukraine, Russia, and other European countries have come together to form a joint international platform called CivilM+ to promote peace in eastern Ukraine. The platform aims to coordinate efforts in areas like human rights, peacebuilding, education, humanitarian aid, and rebuilding territories in Donetsk and Luhansk as peaceful, integrated regions of Ukraine. CivilM+ seeks to involve local populations as well as refugees and displaced people in these activities. The platform also provides opportunities for cooperation, developing joint positions, mutual support, and improving skills to better coordinate work.
Newsletter «Pulse of Peace in Donbas», November 2018DonbassFullAccess
This document provides a summary of the November 2018 issue of the CivilM+ newsletter, which reports on civil society efforts to address the ongoing conflict in eastern Ukraine. The newsletter covers political developments in the conflict zone, public initiatives for peacebuilding and dialogue, legal analyses of the conflict, humanitarian assistance, and opinions. Key topics discussed include Russia firing on and capturing Ukrainian ships, martial law being imposed in parts of Ukraine, and public discussions on reconciliation and human rights in the region.
The document summarizes the ongoing protests in Ukraine against President Viktor Yanukovych. Protesters took to the streets in November 2013 after Yanukovych abandoned an EU integration pact and instead accepted a aid package from Russia. Yanukovych then passed laws restricting media and protests, exacerbating public anger. The protests in Independence Square call for Yanukovych's resignation and focus on issues of corruption, media suppression, and democratic rights. The outcome of the clashes between protesters and police remains uncertain.
The Orange Revolution was a series of protests and political events that took place in Ukraine from late November 2004 to January 2005. It was in response to claims of electoral fraud committed by authorities in the run-off vote of the 2004 Ukrainian presidential election. Widespread acts of civil disobedience and non-violent protest in Kiev, Ukraine's capital, resulted in the annulment of the run-off election results and the call for a second run-off. The second run-off took place on December 26, 2004 and led to the election of Viktor Yushchenko as President of Ukraine.
This document is Razom's 2014 annual report. It summarizes Razom's humanitarian aid efforts in Ukraine over the past year, which included providing medical support to hospitals treating Maidan protesters and victims of conflicts in eastern Ukraine, organizing a toy drive for families affected by the war, and distributing water filters. It also discusses Razom's advocacy work in support of the Ukraine Freedom Support Act, efforts to educate the public about the Ukrainian crisis through events and publications, and organizing over 100 community events. Razom's work over the past year demonstrates the power of citizens working together to support democracy, justice and human rights in Ukraine.
This section documents numerous violations of human rights and public safety that occurred in Ukraine between November 2013 and March 2014, during the period of violent protests. It describes clashes between protesters and police, as well as acts of vandalism, unlawful seizures of buildings, and training in violent tactics. Right-wing nationalist groups like Pravyi Sektor and Svoboda were involved in many of these illegal and aggressive acts, including attempts to break through police lines, seize government buildings, and destroy a monument to Lenin. The timeline shows a progression over this period towards more widespread violence and disregard for the rule of law.
1) In November 2013, the Ukrainian government decided not to sign an EU association agreement, sparking large pro-European integration protests in Kiev.
2) Over several months, the protests in Independence Square (Maidan) grew to involve several million participants. A tent camp was established despite court bans.
3) In late November, police cracked down on protesters, injuring many and radicalizing the movement's demands beyond just European integration to include government resignation. Clashes continued between police and more nationalist groups outside the main protest area.
Russian anarchist and anti-war movement in the third year of full-scale warAntti Rautiainen
Anarchist group ANA Regensburg hosted my online-presentation on 16th of May 2024, in which I discussed tactics of anti-war activism in Russia, and reasons why the anti-war movement has not been able to make an impact to change the course of events yet. Cases of anarchists repressed for anti-war activities are presented, as well as strategies of support for political prisoners, and modest successes in supporting their struggles.
Thumbnail picture is by MediaZona, you may read their report on anti-war arson attacks in Russia here: https://en.zona.media/article/2022/10/13/burn-map
Links:
Autonomous Action
http://Avtonom.org
Anarchist Black Cross Moscow
http://Avtonom.org/abc
Solidarity Zone
https://t.me/solidarity_zone
Memorial
https://memopzk.org/, https://t.me/pzk_memorial
OVD-Info
https://en.ovdinfo.org/antiwar-ovd-info-guide
RosUznik
https://rosuznik.org/
Uznik Online
http://uznikonline.tilda.ws/
Russian Reader
https://therussianreader.com/
ABC Irkutsk
https://abc38.noblogs.org/
Send mail to prisoners from abroad:
http://Prisonmail.online
YouTube: https://youtu.be/c5nSOdU48O8
Spotify: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/libertarianlifecoach/episodes/Russian-anarchist-and-anti-war-movement-in-the-third-year-of-full-scale-war-e2k8ai4
The Story of One City. Occupation and Liberation of SeverodonetskDonbassFullAccess
The document summarizes the occupation and liberation of Severodonetsk, Ukraine by pro-Russian separatist forces in 2014. It describes how separatists illegally seized voter rolls in April 2014 and held a sham referendum on May 11th declaring an independent "Lugansk People's Republic". During the occupation from May to July, the city faced shelling, food and water shortages, and lawlessness as separatists controlled checkpoints and detained and tortured civilians. Witnesses provided evidence of attacks on residential buildings and reports of rape and abuse. The Ukrainian military liberated Severodonetsk on July 22nd, ending the occupation.
Summary of the UHHRU report «Story of a City. Occupation and Liberation of Se...DonbassFullAccess
The document summarizes the occupation and liberation of Severodonetsk, Ukraine by pro-Russian separatist forces in 2014. It describes how in April 2014, armed pro-Russian groups took control of the city and held an illegitimate referendum on independence. The occupation caused food, water and communication shortages for residents. The separatists also shelled the city with heavy weapons in order to blame the Ukrainian army and extort money. Residents witnessed rapes and saw Russian military vehicles and uniforms. By July 2014, the city was liberated by Ukrainian forces.
100 YEARS OF STRUGGLE. THE UKRAINIAN REVOLUTION 1917-1921Юрій Марченко
The brochure tells the reader in a concise and engaging way about the events of the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917-1921, namely state building processes, Ukrainian nation’s development, the revival of scientific, educational, cultural and spiritual life of Ukraine. Much attention is paid to the leaders of the Ukrainian Revolution, such as Mykhailo Hrushevsky, Volodymyr Vynnychenko, Symon Petliura, Pavlo Skoropadsky, Yevhen Petrushevych, Noman Chelebidzhikhan and others who developed its ideological principles, set the agenda and led the people’s crusade for freedom. It reveals the institutional development, the creation of legislative, executive and judicial branches of power, building an army, financial system and diplomacy. The photographs and testimonies of contemporaries create the atmosphere of that time, shed light on everyday life of an ordinary person in a revolutionary upheaval.
The brochure is prepared by the Ukrainian Institute of National Remembrance and includes materials of information and education campaign held in commemoration of the 100th anniversary of the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917-1921. During that event a number of photo-documentary exhibitions, sets of postcards, informational materials, a children’s board game and a specialized web page (www.UNR.memory.gov.ua) were prepared.
This document summarizes the political situation in Ukraine after the government suspended preparations to sign an association agreement with the EU at a November 2013 summit. Large protests erupted among citizens supporting European integration. The government came under pressure from Russia to align with the Russian-led customs union instead. An agreement between Russia and Ukraine eased economic issues but tied Ukraine closer to Russia and failed to satisfy opposition demands for early elections. Protests continued with many demanding the president's resignation. The events highlighted divisions in Ukrainian identity and foreign policy orientation.
The document summarizes information about the Hungarian Freedom Monument located in Los Angeles' MacArthur Park. It was a gift from Hungarian veterans of the 1956 Hungarian Revolution to memorialize comrades and celebrate freedoms in their adopted country. The 60-foot tall monument, the tallest in LA, was designed by Gyula Bogar and sculpted by Arpad Domjan. Magyar House Research, a Hungarian-American nonprofit, now maintains the monument and educates the public about its significance in commemorating the Hungarian Revolution and struggle for freedom.
The document summarizes information about the Hungarian Freedom Monument located in Los Angeles' MacArthur Park. It was a gift from Hungarian veterans of the 1956 Hungarian Revolution to memorialize comrades and celebrate freedoms in their adopted country. The 60-foot tall monument, the tallest in LA, was designed by Gyula Bogar and sculpted by Arpad Domjan. Magyar House Research, a Hungarian-American nonprofit, now maintains the monument and educates the public about its significance in commemorating the Hungarian Revolution and struggle for freedom.
The document summarizes information about the Hungarian Freedom Monument located in Los Angeles' MacArthur Park. It was a gift from Hungarian veterans of the 1956 Hungarian Revolution to memorialize comrades and celebrate freedoms in their adopted country. The 60-foot tall monument, the tallest in LA, was designed by Gyula Bogar and sculpted by Arpad Domjan. Magyar House Research, a Hungarian-American nonprofit, now maintains the monument and educates the public about its significance in commemorating the Hungarian Revolution and struggle for freedom.
The document summarizes information about the Hungarian Freedom Monument located in Los Angeles' MacArthur Park. It was a gift from Hungarian veterans of the 1956 Hungarian Revolution to memorialize comrades and celebrate freedoms in their adopted country. The 60-foot tall monument, the tallest in LA, was designed by Gyula Bogar and sculpted by Arpad Domjan. Magyar House Research, a Hungarian-American nonprofit, now maintains the monument and educates the public about its significance in commemorating the Hungarian Revolution and struggle for freedom.
This document provides a summary of a lecture on Gene Sharp and nonviolent resistance movements. It discusses Sharp's theory of power, which centers on the idea that rulers derive power from the consent of subjects. It then summarizes Sharp's influence on several nonviolent "colored revolutions" in Eastern Europe and elsewhere since the late 20th century that utilized strategies and methods from his writings. These movements tended to be youth-driven and aimed at replacing authoritarian regimes with democracies.
Monitoring "What is happening to freedom of speech in Ukraine. State censorship and crackdown on dissent"
In Ukraine, people are judged for dissent.
You can get acquainted with the situation with freedom of speech in Ukraine, state censorship and crackdown on dissent, which was prepared by a human rights group "Uspishna Varta".
Report about Orange Revolution from Denis BohushDenis Bohush
1. Victor Yushchenko ran for president of Ukraine in 2002 and 2004, using innovative political technologies and messaging strategies. His campaigns emphasized his record of reform and portrayed him as the candidate of democracy and change.
2. Yushchenko's opposition party won elections in 2002 despite facing censorship and obstacles from the ruling party. His popularity remained high over the four-year period leading up to the 2004 presidential election.
3. In 2004, Yushchenko's campaign developed pyramid-shaped key messages focusing on democracy, reform, and positive change. His supporters held massive rallies, coining the term "Orange Revolution." After allegations of poisoning and vote rigging, protests erupted and a third round of voting was held
The aim of the paper is to explore the cultural context of the conflict in
eastern Ukraine. From this perspective, the conflict in Donbas has to be seen not
only in the context of a political game, socio-economic transition and geopolitical
interests, but also in the light of a cultural conflict rooted in history. According to
Ukrainian researcher Mykola Riabchuk, Ukraine is divided, not between ethnic Russians and Ukrainians, but between two different types of Ukrainian identity. These
profound differences have been exacerbated by the events of the “Euromaidan” and,
subsequently, the violent conflict between the separatist forces of the self-declared
Donetsk and Luhansk People’s Republics on the one hand and the post-revolutionary
Ukrainian government on the other. This article focuses on how the cultural divisions
of Ukrainian society have been used since the beginning of Ukrainian independence
by the political elite as a tool of symbolic politics, contributing to the mass mobilization of Ukrainian society and the outbreak of a violent conflict.
Analytical report of the examined stereotypes about IDPs in UkraineLiterature group STAN
Analytical report of the examined stereotypes about the internally displaced persons in Ukraine report was created after six months of fieldwork in 10 Ukrainian cities all over country. Research on the emerging stereotypes towards the Internally Displaced Persons in Ukraine was conducted within the framework of the project «Promoting dialogue and reconciliation in the regions of Ukraine». Project was coordinated by Literature group "STAN" (Luhansk/Ivano-Frankivsk) in cooperation with initiative "Cultural Dialogue" (Kremenchuk) and supported by National Endowment for Democracy, Embassy of the United States in Ukraine - the Democracy Grants Program.
(Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the participants of the project and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. government)
Про необхідність ментального кордону з РФ наша організація говорить з 2015 року. Досі велика кількість людей в Україні не розуміє різницю між українцями і громадянами РФ, в них в голові панує інформація, пісні, жарти, сенси, кіно, спогади про РФ.
Презентація Наталії Зубар показує наше бачення ментального кордону.
This certificate recognizes that Nataliya Zubar completed British Academy Ukraine writing workshops held in November 2021. It is signed by Dr. Sergej Ljubownikow of Sheffield University, Dr. Viktoriya Sereda of the Ethnology Institute of National Academy of Sciences of Ukrain, and Professor Jo Crotty, Director of the ISR at Edge Hill University.
One Minute Academy recognizes Nataliya Zubar for training a cohort of students in a 5-day virtual video production workshop sponsored by the US Embassy Kyiv in March 2021. The workshop was part of the "We Love Short Videos" virtual storytelling program conceptualized and funded by the U.S. Department of State and implemented by One Minute Academy.
"One Minute Academy: Secrets of 1-Minute Video Storytelling" video production workshop, led by trainer Christoph A. Geiseler
One of the greatest learning experiences in my life!
Nataliya Zubar successfully completed the online, non-credit course "Medical Neuroscience" authorized by Duke University and offered through Coursera. The course certificate is signed by the course instructor, Leonard E. White, an Associate Professor at Duke University School of Medicine and Duke Institute for Brain Sciences, and can be verified on Coursera's website.
This course offered a practical approach to moving teaching and student support online rapidly. Learners reflected on their own work, adapted their approaches, and connected with a global community of educators in order to get started and keep going with online teaching in uncertain times.
Кремлівська політика «соотечественников» як інструмент гібридного впливу.
Влад Кобєц (Польща / Білорусь) – виконавчий директор, The International Strategic Action Network for Security (iSANS)
Другий Харківський Міжнародний Безпековий Форум
“Боротьба за людей в умовах гібридної війни”
29 листопада, 2019
Смислова війна РФ проти України: інструменти, засоби, досвід протидії.
Юлія Лапутіна (Київ) – кандидат психологічних наук, полковник СБУ, займається контррозвідкою у сфері захисту інформації, заступник начальника Департаменту контррозвідувального захисту інтересів держави у сфері інформаційної безпеки СБУ.
Другий Харківський Міжнародний Безпековий Форум
“Боротьба за людей в умовах гібридної війни”
29 листопада, 2019
Russian propaganda uses cognitive biases to promote misinformation in Ukraine and Europe. It overloads people with information to make discerning truth difficult. It exploits biases like availability, frequency, salience, confirmation, negativity, and recency to make false claims more available, frequent, emotionally charged and believable. Pictures and false analogies also influence perceptions. Debiasing efforts can help reduce the impact of propaganda by increasing awareness of biases and encouraging slower, more rational thinking.
Державна російська пропагандистська машина систематично використовує когнітивні упередження для просування штучних соціальних норм в Україні, Європі та скрізь, куди вони можуть досягнути.
K-Wustrow is a German organization that promotes nonviolent social change through supporting social movements and nonviolent conflict transformation. It was founded in 1980 by activists working against issues like nuclear weapons, environmental destruction, and social injustice. K-Wustrow aims to end injustice through nonviolent means without violating human rights. It supports movements that focus on human rights issues and employs various nonviolent action strategies, like protests, boycotts, and civil disobedience, to raise awareness and encourage political and social change. However, K-Wustrow recognizes the complexities and dilemmas involved in supporting social movements as an outside organization.
Certificate for practitioner training from 19th March to 23'd March 2018 at KURVE Wustrow Centre for Training and Networking in Nonviolent Action
in Wustrow, Germany
Scale-free social networks maintain the crucial role in sustainability of democratic movement in Ukraine since the establishment of Ukrainian Helsinki Group in 1976.
З травня по жовтень 2017 року наша організація Інформаційний центр «Майдан Моніторинг» у співпраці з Міністерством Тимчасово окупованих територій та державними адміністраціями Донецької та Херсонської області організували та провели 5 інтеграційних організаційно ділових ігор «Формула змін». В іграх взяли участь державні службовці, військові, поліцейські, працівники органів місцевого самоврядування, бізнесмени, освітяни, громадянські активісти.
Розроблена нами оригінальна технологія гри «Формула змін» дозволяє створити спільний продукт – формулу змін – в будь яких групах створених будь яким чином.
В результаті ігор були виявлені типові комунікаційні проблеми, які можуть стати на заваді реінтеграції окупованих територій і вже зараз є перешкодою для проведення системних реформ в Україні.
Сучасна російсько-українська війна є певною лабораторією, де агресор випробує різні форми, інструменти, концепції новітніх воєн. До списку концептів, які було покладено в основу стратегічного планування і розгортання тактичних дій як до 2014 р., так і у наступному, належать: 1) ідея нетринітарної гібридної війни, 2) концепція мережевої війни, 3) теорія керованого хаосу, 4) ідея рефлексивного управління, 5) концепт когнітивної війни. В деяких аспектах вказані новації перехрещуються, але кожна має своє специфічне концептуальне ядро. Усі без винятку «революційні ідеї» мають спільне джерело: розробки американських вчених, військових експертів, політологів або інституцій на кшталт Інституту критичної складності чи Ренд-корпорейшн. Але українці знайомляться з вказаними концепціями у тому вигляді, як їх засвоїли і використали на театрі воєнних дій стратеги Російської Федерації.
В українців і поляків є багато спільного, в тому числі - суспільні проблеми. Одна з них – мало розвинута культура конфлікту і загальний брак конфліктологічної освіти. Суспільні і особливо політичні конфлікти дуже часто перебувають або в стані «війна до переможного кінця», або «зробимо вигляд, що конфлікту нема і він сам пройде», іншими словами конфлікти розглядаються як гра з нульовою чи негативною сумою, або їх намагаються уникати.
В наших мовах і культурах немає навіть назви для англомовного «agree to disargee» (домовитися про те, що ми не домовилися) і практично відсутня така переговорна практика, як всередині наших суспільств, так і в україно-польських стосунках.
Presentation shown at the International Conference
Revolutions, maidans and protests in contemporary Ukraine. The current state of research and future directions.
20 June 2016 at the Natolin campus of the College of Europe in Warsaw
The document summarizes the work of the Social Intermediaries School in Ukraine, which trains practitioners in conflict resolution and dialogue practices. The School was founded in 2015 and has since trained 44 practitioners in its first year and 24 in 2016. It provides training in conflict management, consensus building, and best practices for reconciliation. The alumni have organized dialogue events and clubs to facilitate discussions around local conflicts. Practical outcomes include establishing public spaces, maintaining green areas, and creating a joint educational center for displaced universities from eastern Ukraine. The goal is to establish social intermediary practices and skills as an institution in Ukraine.
More from Maidan Monitoring Information Center (20)
Here is Gabe Whitley's response to my defamation lawsuit for him calling me a rapist and perjurer in court documents.
You have to read it to believe it, but after you read it, you won't believe it. And I included eight examples of defamatory statements/
El Puerto de Algeciras continúa un año más como el más eficiente del continente europeo y vuelve a situarse en el “top ten” mundial, según el informe The Container Port Performance Index 2023 (CPPI), elaborado por el Banco Mundial y la consultora S&P Global.
El informe CPPI utiliza dos enfoques metodológicos diferentes para calcular la clasificación del índice: uno administrativo o técnico y otro estadístico, basado en análisis factorial (FA). Según los autores, esta dualidad pretende asegurar una clasificación que refleje con precisión el rendimiento real del puerto, a la vez que sea estadísticamente sólida. En esta edición del informe CPPI 2023, se han empleado los mismos enfoques metodológicos y se ha aplicado un método de agregación de clasificaciones para combinar los resultados de ambos enfoques y obtener una clasificación agregada.
04062024_First India Newspaper Jaipur.pdfFIRST INDIA
Find Latest India News and Breaking News these days from India on Politics, Business, Entertainment, Technology, Sports, Lifestyle and Coronavirus News in India and the world over that you can't miss. For real time update Visit our social media handle. Read First India NewsPaper in your morning replace. Visit First India.
CLICK:- https://firstindia.co.in/
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Essential Tools for Modern PR Business .pptxPragencyuk
Discover the essential tools and strategies for modern PR business success. Learn how to craft compelling news releases, leverage press release sites and news wires, stay updated with PR news, and integrate effective PR practices to enhance your brand's visibility and credibility. Elevate your PR efforts with our comprehensive guide.
Acolyte Episodes review (TV series) The Acolyte. Learn about the influence of the program on the Star Wars world, as well as new characters and story twists.
An astonishing, first-of-its-kind, report by the NYT assessing damage in Ukraine. Even if the war ends tomorrow, in many places there will be nothing to go back to.
1. Beyond Maidan
Nezalezhnosti
NATALIYA ZUBAR, VITALII OVCHARENKO
The EuroMaidan started in Kyiv on the evening of November
21st 2013. Throughout the subsequent weeks it turned into
a true revolution – one that changed Ukraine’s political
system and its geopolitical vector. Less known, however, is
the fact that EuroMaidan went beyond the Independence
Square in Kyiv. It also took place in eastern Ukraine.
The Maidan movement in Ukraine began in 1990 with student protests in Kyiv
which became known as the Revolution on Granite. It continued with the Orange
Revolution in 2004 and culminated with EuroMaidan in 2013 – 2014. The move-
ment continues today as part of the process of building a new Ukrainian nation
but it has roots in the centuries-long tradition of Ukrainian resistance to Russian
aggression. Equally important, the Maidan movement continues the tradition of
the Ukrainian Helsinki Group (founded in 1976) that aims to protect and promote
human rights and civil liberties. It includes a right to live, non-discrimination,
freedom of peaceful gatherings, freedom of speech and freedom of association.
Through its activity, the group built a certain distance between Ukraine and the
Kremlin and undertook the process of bringing Ukraine back to the western world.
Courage and fear
The EuroMaidan, a protest against the decision of Ukrainian authorities to halt
the process of Ukraine’s integration with Europe, began in Kyiv on the evening of
2. 39
November 21st 2013. Throughout the subsequent weeks, it turned into a true
revolution; one that changed Ukraine’s political system and geopolitical vector.
What is less known, however, is that the first EuroMaidan assemblies in Donetsk
and Kharkiv took place on the very same day as the protest in Kyiv. Demonstra-
tions were organised in Luhansk three days later. This is proof that EuroMaidan
went beyond the Independence Square in Kyiv. It also took place in eastern Ukraine,
a region where outrageous violations of human rights occurred – incidents that
received very little media coverage.
It is common knowledge that the Donbas region
(which includes Donetsk and Luhansk oblasts) was a
stronghold for the Party of Regions and its leader Vik-
tor Yanukovych. This group, popularly known as “the
family”, had tight control over the region. It could crush
any form of dissent, brutally and recklessly. Hence, all
demonstrations that were organised in eastern cit-
ies at the time were acts of great courage. Such were
the 150-plus protests recorded between 2011 and 2013. They mostly consisted of
people who were against the closing of schools, environmental pollution and the
deterioration of public transport infrastructure. Miners and firefighters, who faced
serious health problems due to the 1986 Chernobyl disaster, also protested against
restrictions of their social benefits. They tried to set up a tent camp in Donetsk in
November 2011, but were quickly dispersed by police. Sadly a 68-year-old miner,
named Gennady Konoplyov, paid the highest price – he was killed by the police raid.
Not surprisingly, the way in which protesters were brutally treated by authori-
ties created an omnipresent sense of fear. A group of students, for example, in
2008 proposed renaming the Donetsk National University after Vasyl Stus – a
famous Ukrainian poet, human rights activist and political prisoner. Not only did
the university administration refuse the students’ petition, but they also reported
the leaders of the initiative to the police. Interrogation and intimidation tactics
were used against the students. It took eight years (including a relocation to Vin-
nytsia) for the university to change its name. Unfortunately one of the initiators,
Yuriy Marushchak, did not live to see it. He was killed in the Ilovaisk offensive in
August 2014.
Fear also explains why EuroMaidan assemblies in Donbas were very few in num-
bers: people were being intimidated and dispersed from gatherings by authorities.
In January 2014, for example, protesters in Donetsk became targets of attack coor-
dinated by Armen Sarkisyan, a top gangster from the neighbouring town. Similarly,
in Luhansk, EuroMaidan was attacked by “Afghan war veterans” – groups that later
joined Russian occupation forces.
In eastern Ukraine
outrageous violations
of human rights have
occurred – incidents
that received very
little media coverage.
Beyond Maidan Nezalezhnosti, Nataliya Zubar,Vitalii Ovcharenko Opinion & Analysis
3. 40
In spring 2014 after Russia’s annexation of Crimea and the launching of the “Rus-
sian Spring” offensive, people rallied throughout the country to express support
for a united Ukraine. They were outraged by the war. In Donbas these assemblies
were violently dispersed by criminals who had arrived in buses from neighbour-
ing Russia. In March, during a peaceful assembly at the central Lenin Square in
Donetsk, a local Ukrainian youth activist named Dmytro Cherniavsky was killed.
His death was followed by three other protesters who were also killed by Russian
aggressors. Their deaths, however, were never reported by the terrorised relatives.
Breakthrough in Kharkiv
Kharkiv is Ukraine’s second largest city. It is located 40 kilometres from the Rus-
sian-Ukrainian border, which made it an easy target for Russian aggression. Here,
the methods used by the aggressors were similar to those seen in Donbas. How-
ever, the outcome differed. Protests in Kharkiv, historically speaking, have been
numerous and regular. They would usually peak with huge rallies involving tens
of thousands to hundreds of thousands of people. They were as large as the anti-
communist protests in 1990, the 2004 protests against rigged elections, and the
February 22th rally in 2014 (when Yanukovych fled to Russia). In between these
large-scale events, there were some smaller street protests against police impunity,
corrupt courts, environmental dangers, cruelty to animals, demolition of histori-
cal monuments, and restrictions on entrepreneurial freedom. Despite the protests
being relatively small-scale, city government (controlled by the Party of Regions)
restricted the number of peaceful assemblies nationwide between 2011 and 2013.
A breakthrough moment was thus the November
2013 assembly called “For a European Kharkiv”. Their
message to authorities was that a departure away from
European integration would lead to a disaster. As a mat-
ter of fact, this gathering initiated daily protests from
November to the following March. Attendances var-
ied between 200 to 500 people on weekdays and be-
tween 2,000 to 15,000 people on weekends. Based on
the photos, videos and Google Analytics it can be es-
timated that at least 70,000 individuals took part in the Kharkiv protests, which is
around five per cent of the city’s population – the lowest threshold for social change.
The uniqueness of Kharkiv’s EuroMaidan was that all the major opposition par-
ties refused to take responsibility. Activities were coordinated by a public coun-
cil (consisting of 40 members representing NGOs, the Democratic Alliance par-
The assembly “For a
European Kharkiv”,
held on November
19th 2013, was
the biggest event
since 2010.
Opinion & Analysis Beyond Maidan Nezalezhnosti, Nataliya Zubar,Vitalii Ovcharenko
4. 41
ty and a number of individuals). The Maidan Monitoring Information Center was
one of the NGOs involved. Most importantly, information about the undertaken
activities and the council’s members were transparent and presented to the pub-
lic. Facts and information on fundraising and spending were published daily, while
plans for future action were announced. Virtually anyone could speak into the mi-
crophone during the weekday rallies. The coordinating committee supplied health
and safety equipment, printed flags and flyers, and sponsored trips for those who
wanted to go to the EuroMaidan in Kyiv. Music and poetry festivals were also or-
ganised and were attended by artists from other cities. The objective of the coordi-
nating committee was to promote the idea of a European Ukrainian Kharkiv, and
to say that nobody should be fearful in expressing their political views in public.
Forum of Maidans
EuroMaidan protests were not limited to Kyiv and Kharkiv. They were also
held regularly in other Ukrainian towns. For this reason, EuroMaidan Kharkiv
decided, by unanimous vote of the public assembly, to establish a Forum of all the
EuroMaidans. It first gathered in Kharkiv in January 2014 and was attended by
delegates from 42 cities. Shockingly, the opposition leaders in Kyiv labelled the
forum a provocation of the ruling regime, which resulted in not a single politician
attending. However, many activists, experts from Kyiv, politicians from Poland and
US diplomats were present.
The forum received more coverage in international media than Ukrainian
national media. A local branch of the ruling Party of Regions tried to obstruct
the event by organising bandits who tried to break down the doors of the church
where the opening session was being held. Other examples of violence included:
grenades being thrown at a bookstore where artists were discussing joint projects;
a volunteer guard who was savagely beaten by a gangster; and electricity outages
in the streets during the march. Such acts, not surprisingly, caught the attention
of the foreign media. Despite the total national media blackout, the events still
became known across the country. In general, people left Kharkiv with a greater
determination to fight government oppression and a willingness to coordinate ef-
forts on a nationwide scale.
One evening in February 2014 Yanukovych fled Kyiv and arrived in Kharkiv,
where the Party of Regions attempted to organise an assembly of representatives
from eastern and southern Ukraine. To everyone’s surprise, a large number of
EuroMaidan supporters surrounded the Palace of Sports where the assembly was
taking place. At that time, Kharkiv had no police forces capable of managing large
Beyond Maidan Nezalezhnosti, Nataliya Zubar,Vitalii Ovcharenko Opinion & Analysis
5. 42
crowds, as many units had been relocated to Kyiv. As Yanukovych fled to Russia,
the assembly finished before the planned time, but without any decision. Partici-
pation in this rally was estimated to be around 30,000 people.
In addition, many people who did not take part in the EuroMaidan-Kharkiv
activities during that revolutionary winter still watched the developments unfold
very closely. Some understood the EuroMaidan cause much better after the an-
nexation of Crimea; others when 106 people were hospitalised in March 2014 fol-
lowing the beating by Russians in the city’s central square. For others it was after
piles of Ukrainian books were burned on the street; while for some others it was
when they witnessed the refugees arriving from the self-proclaimed “Donetsk and
Luhansk people’s republics”.
A stronghold of Ukraine
There is no doubt that Russia tried to inspire anti-Ukrainian activity in Kharkiv,
which included waves of mass violence, explosions, provocations and various acts
of terror. They even bused criminals into the city to wreak havoc. Kharkiv, how-
ever, remains a stronghold of Ukraine, largely thanks to the social mobilisation of
EuroMaidan. Characteristically, starting on March 1st 2014, the Kharkiv law en-
forcement did not counteract Russian terrorists for 40 days. They acted as if they
were on an Italian strike, waiting to see which side would win. This passivity led
civilians to organise voluntary defence units, such as Kharkiv-1 and Slobozhansh-
chyna, which is said to have prevented the old corrupt police force from defecting
to the Russians (as was the case in Donbas).
Clearly, the first volunteer military units needed equipment, clothes, food and
medication, but the Ukrainian state could only supply them with old armaments.
As a result, all the supplies that volunteers obtained came from friends and col-
leagues who mostly launched grassroots fundraising campaigns. The fundraisers
copied the transparent financial reporting procedures (introduced by EuroMaidan-
Kharkiv), and thus initiated a new trend that spread across Ukraine. The fundraisers
published a list of needs, expenses and even copies of invoices, which built trust
and ensured that donations covered necessities like boots, binoculars, fuel and
tyres. A young woman from Kharkiv’s “Help Army” group said at a press confer-
ence that “After I have fixed an armoured vehicle with my own hands I started to
believe that I am capable of anything.”
It took more than a year for the Ukrainian government to equip the military
and provide adequate supplies. The volunteer-based assistance that was organised
turned into a countrywide movement, with most of the supplies going through
Opinion & Analysis Beyond Maidan Nezalezhnosti, Nataliya Zubar,Vitalii Ovcharenko
6. 43
Kharkiv. The success of this operation would not have been possible without the
co-operation of activists from different towns that were established during Euro-
Maidan.
The volunteers also organised a special meeting place at the Kharkiv railway
station to welcome the inflow of internally displaced persons (IDPs) from Donbas
as a result of the war. The “Station Kharkiv” group helped newcomers find food,
clothing and shelter. It also offered assistance during the adaptation process and
helped those seeking employment. Again, the state was in no position to tackle
the situation and it took almost one year before appropriate institutions were set
up. The military hospital in Kharkiv was able to accommodate a large number of
wounded soldiers from the frontlines, but it lacked proper equipment, medication,
clothes and food. As a response, local volunteers organised a 24/7 patrol in the
hospital by helping out with the transportation of wounded soldiers and acquiring
expensive medical equipment.
EuroMaidan activists protesting in Donetsk in January 2014. The EuroMaidan assemblies in
Donbas were brutally dispersed by the authorities and protesters became targets of attack.
Photo courtesy of Nataliya Zubar
Beyond Maidan Nezalezhnosti, Nataliya Zubar,Vitalii Ovcharenko Opinion & Analysis
7. 44
Uniquely Ukrainian
Assistance to the Ukrainian Army expanded beyond the Ukrainian border. The
diaspora organised fundraisers in the United States, Canada, Israel and a number
of EU states. It was during EuroMaidan and its aftermath that many people be-
gan to feel, for the first time in their lives, that they were truly Ukrainian. By July
2014 the Ukrainian Army liberated a large part of Donbas. At that time most ac-
tivists from Kharkiv were helping refugees from the regained territories. Many
people started to realise that it was not enough to protect the region, but safety
depended on peaceful relations among people in Donbas. The first Ukrainian as-
sembly in the liberated city of Kramatorsk, which became the administrative cen-
tre of the Donetsk region, was organised on July 27th 2014. It was the work of a
hundred Kharkiv activists who travelled there and taught the locals how to organ-
ise peaceful gatherings. Many people in Donbas were asking for Ukrainian flags,
and Kharkiv businesses began producing them. The huge demand for flags was
only met by the end of 2015.
Performance artists regularly entertained the frontline military regiments. A
well-known poet, Serhiy Zhadan, one of the coordinators of EuroMaidan-Kharkiv,
collected and delivered books to the military and children of Donbas. This human-
itarian traffic has never stopped. Even today EuroMaidan-Kharkiv and the people
it has inspired continue to promote Ukraine and Eu-
rope in these areas.
Another unique phenomenon during EuroMaidan
was the participation of football fans, or Ultras. As most
EuroMaidan activists were not prepared to physically
fight they were easy targets of organised crime. With
succours came the Ultras, who actually had experi-
ence of resisting the police as they routinely fought
each other. The Ultras of Donetsk came to protect
the EuroMaidan in January 2014 after two activists
had been beaten by strangers. The beatings happened on the watch of the passive
Donetsk police. In Luhansk and Kharkiv local Ultras also started to protect peace-
ful protesters. Thanks to the Ultras of Donetsk and Mariupol Russia’s first attempt
to occupy the Mariupol City Hall in April 2014 failed.
By the end of February the Ultras of all Ukrainian clubs declared a truce, vow-
ing not to fight each other and to defend Ukraine. They have never broken this
pledge. Violence at football matches stopped and new traditions were established:
patriotic choirs, banners during matches, and joint club marches before matches.
In March 2014 a Vladimir Putin chant – by the Ultras of Metalist Kharkiv and
Serhiy Zhadan, one
of the coordinators
of EuroMaidan-
Kharkiv, collected
and delivered books
for the military and
children of Donbas.
Opinion & Analysis Beyond Maidan Nezalezhnosti, Nataliya Zubar,Vitalii Ovcharenko
8. 45
Shakhtar Donetsk clubs in Kharkiv – was first heard; it became the most vocal
symbol of resistance to Russian aggression. Most Ultras from Donetsk, Luhansk
and Kharkiv joined the army as volunteers. The legendary trainer of several Ukrain-
ian clubs, Myron Markevych, regularly visits the Ultras in the army to show his
support and encouragement.
The most important, uniquely Ukrainian, transformation that has been taking
place since EuroMaidan is the continued work of volunteers who have stepped in
where the state has failed, and they are performing the functions of the public au-
thorities without being part of the old corrupt system. They are the true creators of
the new Ukrainian state. Some of them have joined the government to implement
the practices they developed as volunteers.
And yet, the war in Donbas continues. The position of the Ukrainian army is
continuously under attack. They have become a true shield, restraining a foreign
offensive against Ukraine. Ukrainians are continuing to fight for the values they
expressed their commitment to on that chilly night on November 21st 2013.
Nataliya Zubar is the chair of the Maidan Monitoring Information Center
and a member of EuroMaidan Kharkiv coordinating council.
Vitaliі Ovcharenko is a coordinator of the Donbas branch of the Maidan Monitoring
Information Center and a EuroMaidan activist from Donetsk. He has a PhD in history.
Beyond Maidan Nezalezhnosti, Nataliya Zubar,Vitalii Ovcharenko Opinion & Analysis