5
"Night to His Day":
The Social Construction of Gender
Judith Lorber .
Talking about gender for most people is the equivalent of fish talking about water.
Cender is so much the routine ground of everyday activities that questioning its
taken-far-granted assumptions and presuppositions is like thinking about whether
the sun will come up.1 Cender is so pervasive that in our society we assume it is
bred into our genes. Most people find it hard to believe that gender is constantly
created and re-created out of human interaction, out of social life, and is the texture
and order of that social life. Yet gender, like culture, is a human production that de
pends on everyone constantly "doing gender" (West and 'Zimmerman 1987)
An\~ everyone "does gender" without thinking about it. Today, on the subway, I
saw a well-dressed man with a year-old child in a stroller. Yesterday, on a bus, I saw
a man with a tiny baby ina carrier on his chest. Seeing men taking care of small
children in public is increasircgly common-at least in New York City. But both
men were quite obviously stared at-and smiled at, approvingly. Everyone was
doing gender-the men who were changing the role of fathers and the other pas
sengers, who were applauding them silently. But there was more gendering going
on that probably fewer people noticed. The baby was wearing a white crocheted
cap and white clothes. You couldn't tell if it was a boy or a girl. The child in the
stroller was wearing a dark blue T-shirt and dark print pants. As they started to
leave the train, the father put a Yankee baseball cap 011 the child's head. Ah, a boy,
I thought. Then I noticed the gleam of tiny earrings in the child's ears, and as they
got off, I saw the little flowered sneakers and lace-trimmed socks. Not a boy after
all. Cender done.
Cender is such a familiar part of daily life that it usually takes a deliberate dis
ruption of our expectations of how women and men are supposed to act to pay at
tention to how it is produced. Cender signs and signals are so ubiquitous that we
usually fail to note them-unless they are missing or ambiguous. Then we are un
comfortable until we have successfully placed the other person in a gender status;
otherwise, we feel socially dislocated....
From" 'Night to His Day': The Social ComtLlction of Gender," in Paradoxes or Gender, pp. 13-36.
Copyright 1994. Reprinted by permission of Yale University Press.
5 Lorber! "Night to His Day" 55
For the individual, gender construction starts with assignment to a sex categorYI
on the basis of what the genitalia look like at birth Z Then babies are dressed orl
adorned in a way that displays !Iw category because parents don't want to be con-,
stantly askee; whether their baby IS a girl or a boy. A sex category becomes a gender
status through naming, dress, and the use of other gender markers. Once a child's
gender is evident, others treat those in one gender differently from those in the.
Gender Communication Stereotypes: A Depiction of the Mass Mediaiosrjce
IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Science is a double blind peer reviewed International Journal edited by International Organization of Scientific Research (IOSR).The Journal provides a common forum where all aspects of humanities and social sciences are presented. IOSR-JHSS publishes original papers, review papers, conceptual framework, analytical and simulation models, case studies, empirical research, technical notes etc.
Gender Communication Stereotypes: A Depiction of the Mass Mediaiosrjce
IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Science is a double blind peer reviewed International Journal edited by International Organization of Scientific Research (IOSR).The Journal provides a common forum where all aspects of humanities and social sciences are presented. IOSR-JHSS publishes original papers, review papers, conceptual framework, analytical and simulation models, case studies, empirical research, technical notes etc.
Questions On Gender Identity And Gender Essay
Gender Identity Essay
Gender, Gender And Gender
Gender Equality Essay
Sociology Of Sex And Gender Essay
Gender : Culture And Gender Essay
Gender Roles Essay
Gender And Gender Issues
What Defines Gender? Essay
Sex and Gender Essay
Gender Identity
gender Essays
Gender And Gender Essay
Gender and Sexuality Essay
Gender and Relationships Essay
gender Essay
Gender, Gender And Social Class Essay
Gender Identity Transition Essay
Gender Theory Essay
Christian Schussele Men of ProgressOil on canvas, 1862Coope.docxtroutmanboris
Christian Schussele Men of Progress
Oil on canvas, 1862
Cooper Union, New York, New York
Transfer from the National Gallery of Art; gift of Andrew W. Mellon, 1942
NPG.65.60
Edward Sorel, “People of Progress” 1999, Cooper Union, New York, New York
Syllabus
The clerks of the Department of State of the United States may be called upon to give evidence of transactions in the Department which are not of a confidential character.
The Secretary of State cannot be called upon as a witness to state transactions of a confidential nature which may have occurred in his Department. But he may be called upon to give testimony of circumstances which were not of that character.
Clerks in the Department of State were directed to be sworn, subject to objections to questions upon confidential matters.
Some point of time must be taken when the power of the Executive over an officer, not removable at his will, must cease. That point of time must be when the constitutional power of appointment has been exercised. And the power has been exercised when the last act required from the person possessing the power has been performed. This last act is the signature of the commission.
If the act of livery be necessary to give validity to the commission of an officer, it has been delivered when executed, and given to the Secretary of State for the purpose of being sealed, recorded, and transmitted to the party.
In cases of commissions to public officers, the law orders the Secretary of State to record them. When, therefore, they are signed and sealed, the order for their being recorded is given, and, whether inserted inserted into the book or not, they are recorded.
When the heads of the departments of the Government are the political or confidential officers of the Executive, merely to execute the will of the President, or rather to act in cases in which the Executive possesses a constitutional or legal discretion, nothing can be more perfectly clear than that their acts are only politically examinable. But where a specific duty is assigned by law, and individual rights depend upon the performance of that duty, it seems equally clear that the individual who considers himself injured has a right to resort to the laws of his country for a remedy.
The President of the United States, by signing the commission, appointed Mr. Marbury a justice of the peace for the County of Washington, in the District of Columbia, and the seal of the United States, affixed thereto by the Secretary of State, is conclusive testimony of the verity of the signature, and of the completion of the appointment; and the appointment conferred on him a legal right to the office for the space of five years. Having this legal right to the office, he has a consequent right to the commission, a refusal to deliver which is a plain violation of that right for which the laws of the country afford him a remedy.
To render a mandamus a proper remedy, the officer to whom it is directed must be one to who.
Christian EthicsChristian ethics deeply align with absolutism. E.docxtroutmanboris
Christian Ethics
Christian ethics deeply align with absolutism. Ethical absolutism claims that moral principles do exist. According to Christians, God created moral absolutes. These absolutes can be seen in God’s revelation. God’s special and general revelation reveal his moral truths. This does not mean that only Christians can understand moral truths. Because humans are made in God’s image, they can recognize moral truths even if they do not believe in God
[1]
. These absolutes were instated by God. Therefore, they apply to all of humanity. This worldview is in direct opposition to the idea of relativism. Christian ethics cannot be viewed through a relativistic point of view. According to relativism, there is no moral truths. There is no absolute distinction between right and wrong within this way of thinking. Right and wrong can be decided by individuals or groups of people. Cultures decide what is right for themselves and their way of life. Even individuals have the ability to decide their own personal moral code. This can seem somewhat reasonable at times. Some things that were considered moral or immoral in the past are viewed differently today. Even with this understanding, Christians deny the idea of relativism. Christians hold to the belief that moral truths come from God. Therefore, these truths do not change. God himself never changes; therefore, his moral truths remain the same. According to Christian ethics, mankind is expected to hold to the moral absolutes mandated by God himself. This understanding is not compatible with relativism. Relativism makes no place of a God. From a relativistic point of view, mankind decides their own morality. Right and wrong are not fixed. In Christian ethics, right and wrong are permanently decided by the God of the universe.
The subjective aspects of Christian ethics can look similar to relativism. The areas that are somewhat subjective in Christian aspects are referred to as the liberties of a Christian. There are some matters that are not said to be morally wrong in the Bible. Some see these issues to be wrong; therefore, they are. Others do not find certain issues to be morally wrong. These individuals are claiming their Christian liberty. One of these issues is drinking alcohol. Some Christians believe that ingesting any amount of alcohol is morally wrong. According to the idea of Christian liberty, it would be wrong for the individuals who hold to this belief to drink alcohol. Others do not have this conviction and are not doing wrong by consuming alcohol. On the surface, the idea of Christian liberty can seem to be related to relativism, but upon closer inspection these ideas are not closely related. Christian liberty is a Biblical concept that harmonize well with the overall message of the Bible. Relativism is nowhere found in the Bible. The Bible is clear that there are universal moral laws. These laws are placed upon humanity by God himself. There are some areas where the Bible remain.
Christian Ethics BA 616 Business Ethics Definiti.docxtroutmanboris
Christian Ethics
BA 616 Business Ethics
Definition of Christian Ethics
A system of values based upon the Judeo/Christian Scriptures
Principles of behavior in concordance with the behaviors of Christian teachings
Standards of thought and behavior as taught by Jesus.
Discussion
What are some of the “ethical” attributes presented in the teachings of Jesus?
What are some ethical attributes presented in the teachings of other religious persons?
Quotes about Christian Ethics
Quotes on Christian Ethics
Recognize the value of work
“And when you reap the harvest of your land, you shall not reap your field right up to its edge, nor shall you gather the gleanings after your harvest. You shall leave them for the poor and for the sojourner: I am the Lord your God.” (Leviticus 23:22).
Do not give the poor the food, rather allow the poor to work for themselves
Discussion
What are examples of the value of work?
Today, some U.S. state governors are trying to get those “able bodied” individuals to work for welfare. They are meeting great resistance politically, why do you think this is?
The value of work
Confirmed by Elton Mayo
Fulfills social, psychological and economic needs of the individual
“If a man will not work, he shall not eat” (2 Thessalonians 3:10)
Christian Ethics
The fruit of a people that have inwardly committed their lives to Christ and are outwardly aligning their actions with His teachings.
“May the favor of the Lord our God rest on us; establish the work of our hands for us— yes, establish the work of our hands” (Psalms. 90:17).
Employees with a Christian Code of Ethics
Welcome accountability
Happy to show their efforts
A system of checks and balances
Sees possible training moment
Fosters collaboration with management
“Those who work their land will have abundant food, but those who chase fantasies have no sense” (Proverbs 12:11)
Employees with a Christian Code of Ethics
Not motivated by greed
Work is its own reward
Measure success in a non-monetary way
Seek payment for the work they do
Money is second to obedience
“Whatever you do, work at it with all your heart, as working for the Lord, not for human masters” (Colossians 3:23).
Employees with a Christian Code of Ethics
Are highly productive
Are work focused
Work hard throughout the day
Find value in completing assigned tasks
Understand that they are there to work
“Diligent hands will rule, but laziness ends in forced labor” (Proverbs 12:24).
Employees with a Christian Code of Ethics
Have a strong work ethic
Believe in a Biblical perspective of work
Reliable
Recognize the value of work
Relate their job to their faith
“All hard work brings a profit, but mere talk leads only to poverty” (Proverbs 14:23)
Employees with a Christian Code of Ethics
Bring a cooperative spirit to the workplace
Supportive of management
Strong contribu.
CHPSI think you made a really good point that Howard lacks poli.docxtroutmanboris
CH/PS
I think you made a really good point that Howard lacks political aspects-especially for presidency. I have no heard his speeches quite yet (since I tend to stray away from politics altogether because people are so aggressive), do you think he is a great leader-type and is he charismatic at all? Great leaders, especially for presidency, should be honest, charismatic, and not only cater to the audience's needs but to the entire country's needs without sugar coating things.
Also, I am not sure what you mean by "In order to improve his leadership style, Jeff should change his model of carrying out business activities. This is because it can be copied and imitated by other companies (Mauri, 2016)".- how can it be imitted by other companies? In what way?
Do you think Jeff Bezos is a bad leader? and why?
CH/AR
I found your comparison of Howard Schultz and Jeff Bezos interesting and compelling. When I was looking at the list of leaders to select from, it was staggering to me how many of the corporate leaders have run or are planning to run for political office. I'm not sure, given our current political environment, that running a large corporation is the right background and experience for the leader of the United States. We'll see what happens in the next year and a half!
Amazon is an amazing, transformative company to watch. I work in the financial services industry and one of our leaders recently described our competition not as other financial services firms but as Amazon. Financial services firms pretty much all offer the same products and services and at a very reasonable price point. Amazon, however, has excelled in service delivery. I would imagine that at sometime in the future, Amazon will partner with a financial service firm to deliver products and services. I'll admit that I was and still am skeptical about Amazon's purchase of Whole Foods, but Bezos seems to be up for trying just about anything.
In your analysis of the two leaders, you didn't mention directly the challenges faced by either the leaders or the organization. Last year, Starbucks was all over the news regarding the incident involving two African American gentlemen and how they were treated by a manger at Starbucks. I'm curious how you or others in the class through about how Schultz led the organization through that crisis. Bezos, as well, has not been immune to controversy with his recent affair and divorce becoming public. How do the personal lives and behaviors of leader impact the organizations they lead? Should it matter?
SO
The first leader I chose to research is Sundar Pichai, the CEO of Google. Sundar began to show in interest in technology at an early age, and eventually earned a degree in Metallurgy, and an M.B.A from the Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania. He then began working at Google in 2004 as the head of product management and development (Shepherd). From there, he assisted in the development of many different departme.
Chosen brand CHANELStudents are required to research a fash.docxtroutmanboris
Chosen brand:
CHANEL
Students are required to research a fashion brand of their choice and analyze its positioning strategy in the market.
● The report will assess students’ ability to collect data, in an efficient manner and use this data to scrutinise the marketing aspects of a fashion brand.
● The report will be covering the following subjects:
1. Analysis Of The Macro And Micro-environment of the brand.
2. Positioning Strategy Of The Brand: Target Customer(Pen Portrait)
3. Competitor Analysis.
4. Critical evaluation of the marketing communications strategy of the brand
supporting the development of the individual report, using relevant PRIMARY and SECONDARY RESEARCH.
NB: Please kindly devise a survey (Google forms) and make up some responses to it so as to then incorporate PRIMARY results into the report. Thanks
see attached file
word count: 2000 words
.
Chose one person to reply to ALBORES 1. Were Manning’s acti.docxtroutmanboris
Chose one person to reply to:
ALBORES
1. Were Manning’s actions legal under the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act, and what are the possible penalties for violating the act?
The Foreign Corrupt Practices Act states (1977) “It shall be unlawful for any issuer...to offer, payment, promise to pay, or authorization of the payment of any money, or offer, gift, promise to give... “. Manning assumed the duty of an issuer because he attended dinner with the prime minister to discuss the contract. Then, Manning offered to fly the prime minister to New York, which he then promised to pay for all of the prime minister's expenses. However, according to the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (1977) a promise or offer is acceptable if the expense was ”reasonable and bona fide expenditure, such as travel and lodging expenses, incurred by or on behalf of a foreign official… was directly related to the promotion, demonstration, or explanation of products or services”. Manning promised to fly out the prime minister because he wanted to “discuss business further” (UMUC, 2019). Further, Manning used company funds to take the prime minister to luxurious activities and restaurants because he wanted to retain the contract from the prime minister.
Even though Manning did not directly give money to the prime minister, he authorized payment for the prime minster’s two-week stay, which did not involve discussing the contract. Out of the two weeks, business was only conducted for a day. In addition, Manning can be held responsible for bribing the customs officials at Neristan. According to the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (1977), it is unlawful to influence “any act or decision of such foreign official in his official capacity... omit to do any act in violation of the lawful duty of such official”. Manning influenced the customs officials because Manning gave each custom official $100 to clear the shipment. Custom officials act on behalf of the Neristan government and sometimes require large shipments to be inspected. Manny will likely be held responsible for offering payment to the customs officials in exchange for expediting the company’s shipment.
If Manning violated the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act, he could face imprisonment. Also, the company may have to pay the penalty. The penalty for violating the act is “a fine of up to $2 million per violation. Likewise, an individual may face up to five years in prison and/or a fine of $250,000 per violation of the anti-bribery provision” (Woody, 2018, p. 275).
2. Were Manning’s actions legal under the UK Bribery Act and what are the possible penalties for violating the act?
Based on the UK Bribery Act (2010), an individual is guilty of bribing an official if “intention is to influence F (government official) in F's capacity as a foreign public official...intend to obtain or retain business, or an advantage in the conduct of business.”. Manning bribed the prime minister because he stated: “If, after we are done conducting busi.
Choosing your literary essay topic on Disgrace by J. M. Coetzee .docxtroutmanboris
Choosing your literary essay topic on
Disgrace
by J. M. Coetzee is the first step to writing your literary analysis paper.
After reading the novel, you should be able to decide in which direction you'd like to take your paper.
Topics/ approaches
(Focus on only one of the following, though some may overlap):
Analyze one of the minor characters, such as Petrus.
Example
: Analyze not only the chosen characters' personality but also what role they played in advancing the overall theme of the novel.
The protagonist's conflict, the hurdles to be overcome, and how he resolves it.
Examples:
It could be hope for change, both in South Africa and in David Lurie. OR: the disgrace David Lurie has suffered over the affair with a student and how that matches the disgrace South Africa has suffered through apartheid.
The function of setting to reinforce theme and characterization.
Example
: post-apartheid South Africa is a setting arguably more important than anything else in the novel. Your outside sources would be a bit of history concerning apartheid.The use of literary devices to communicate theme: imagery, metaphor, symbolism, foreshadowing, irony
Symbolism in the novel--
Examples:
Determine if David Lurie represents the old, white authorities of South Africa, while Lucy represents the new white people of South Africa. OR: Analyze what dogs symbolize in this story. Another example: What is symbolized by the opera David Lurie is writing on Byron?
Careful examination of one or more central scenes and its/their crucial role in plot development, resolution of conflict, and exposition of the theme.
Example:
Analyze one or more scenes in which hope that change for the better is possible through a character's remorse and subsequent action, for example, the scene in which David Lurie apologizes to the parents OR the scene in which Lucy gets raped.
The possible issue to be addressed in introduction or conclusion:
Characteristics that make the work typical (or atypical) of the period, the setting, or the author that produced it. For this information, you must go to a library database (you must read "How to Access Miami Dade Databases" if you don't know how) or a valid search site, such as Google Scholar (there is often a fee for this one).
Do
not
open or close with biographical material on the author. Biographical material is important as it influences the author’s writing only and should not be a focus of your paper.
Guidelines for Literary Essay
Be aware that you will be writing about a novel, which in its broadest sense is any extended fictional narrative almost always in prose, in which the representation of character is often the focus. Good authors use the elements of fiction, such as plot, theme, setting etc. purposefully, with a very clear goal in mind. One of the paths to literary analysis is to discover what the author's purpose is with each of his choices. Avoid the problem th.
Choosing your Philosophical Question The Final Project is an opp.docxtroutmanboris
Choosing your Philosophical Question
The Final Project is an opportunity for you to investigate one of the discussion questions to a much greater degree than in the forums. For your Final Project you will choose a philosophical question (stage 1), conduct an analysis of the claims and arguments relevant to the question by reading the primary texts of the philosopher (stage 2), and then take a position on the chosen question and offer an argument in support of your position (stage 3).
For this first stage of your Final Project assignment, (a) choose a question that appears as a discussion question (listed below, with some exceptions). You may choose one that you have previously begun to answer in the discussion forums, or one that you have yet to consider, then (b) explain briefly why you are interested in exploring this philosopher, the primary text and the question further. Submit this assignment on a Word .docx.
Week Four: Philosopher: Thomas Aquinas, Primary Text: Summa Theologica, Part 1, Question 2, Article 1-3
Q1. Does God really exist?
Question to write on, and answer the question fully in all its parts. Be mindful of the question. You are making a claim about something and offering support for it. Try to use examples from the Primary Texts you have read and/or your own experiences in that support.
DISCUSSION QUESTION CHOICE #1: Philosophy of Religion. Study Aquinas' five "ways" of demonstrating God's existence in the learning resources then engage in the study of ontology by examining your belief in God:
Answer the question: Does God really exist?
Use Aquinas and your own reasoning in your argument.
Kreeft, Peter. A Shorter Summa: The Essential Philosophical Passages of St. Thomas Aquinas'
Summa Theologica, Ignatius Press (San Francisco, 1993), chapter II.
Summa Theologica, Part 1, Question 2, Articles 1-3
The Existence of God
Because the chief aim of sacred doctrine is to teach the knowledge of God, not only as He is in
Himself, but also as He is the beginning of things and their last end, and especially of rational
creatures, as is clear from what has been already said, therefore, in our endeavor to expound this
science, we shall treat: (1) Of God; (2) Of the rational creature’s advance towards God; (3) Of
Christ, Who as man, is our way to God.
In treating of God there will be a threefold division: For we shall consider (1) Whatever concerns
the Divine Essence; (2) Whatever concerns the distinctions of Persons; (3) Whatever concerns the
procession of creatures from Him
Concerning the Divine Essence, we must consider: (1) Whether God exists? (2) The manner of His
existence, or, rather, what is not the manner of His existence; (3) Whatever concerns His
operations — namely, His knowledge, will, power.
Concerning the first, there are three points of inquiry: (1) Whether the proposition “God exists” is
self-evident? (2) Whether it is demonstrable? (3) Whether God exists?-
FIRST ARTICLE
Whether the Existence .
Choosing Your Research Method in a NutshellBy James Rice and.docxtroutmanboris
Choosing Your Research Method in a Nutshell
By James Rice and Marilyn K. Simon
Research Method Brief Type
Action research Participatory ‐ problem identification, solution,
solution review
III
Appreciative inquiry Helps groups identify solutions III, IV
Case Study research Group observation to determine how and why a
situation exists
III
Causal‐comparative research Identify causal relationship among variable that
can't be controlled
IV
Content analysis Analyze text and make inferences IV
Correlational research Collect data and determine level of correlation
between variables
I
Critical Incident technique Identification of determining incident of a critical
event
III
Delphi research Analysis of expert knowledge to forecast future
events
I, IV
Descriptive research Study of "as is" phenomena I
Design based research/ decision analysis Identify meaningful change in practices II
Ethnographic Cultural observation of a group
Evaluation research Study the effectiveness of an intervention or
program
IV
Experimental research Study the effect of manipulating a variable or
variables
II
Factor analysis Statistically assess the relationship between large
numbers of variables
I
Grounded Theory Produce a theory that explains a process based on
observation
III, IV
Hermeneutic research Study the meaning of subjects/texts (exegetics is
text only) by concentrating on the historical
meaning of the experience and its developmental
and cumulative effects on the individual and society
III
Historical research historical data collection and analysis of person or
organization
IV
Meta‐analysis research Seek patterns in data collected by other studies and
formulate principals
Narrative research Study of a single person's experiences
Needs assessment Systematic process of determine the needs of a
defined demographic population
Phenomenography Answer questions about thinking and learning
Phenomenology Make sense of lived experiences of participants
regarding a specified phenomenon.
III, IV
Quasi‐experimental Manipulation of variables in populations without
benefit of random assignment or control group.
II
Q‐method A mixed‐method approach to study subjectivity ‐
patterns of thought
I
Regression‐discontinuity design (RD) Cut‐off score assignment of participants to group
(non‐random) used to study effectiveness of an
intervention
II
Repertory grid analysis Interview process to determine how a person
interprets the meaning of an experience
I
Retrospective record review Study of historic data collected about a prior
intervention (both effected and control group)
II
Semiology Studies the meaning of symbols II, III
Situational analysis Post‐modernist approach to grounded theory
(holistic view rather than isolated variables) by
studying lived experiences around a phenomenon
Trend Analysis research Formulate a f.
Choose two of the systems (education, work, the military, and im.docxtroutmanboris
Choose
two
of the systems (education, work, the military, and immigration). Explain how they fit into the domain of social work and the social justice issues social workers should be aware of in these systems.
How does the education, military, workplace, or immigration system rely on social workers?
What is one social justice issue found in education, the military, the workplace, or immigration that influences the practice of social work?
.
Choose two disorders from the categories presented this week.C.docxtroutmanboris
Choose
two disorders from the categories presented this week.
Create
a 15- to 20-slide Microsoft® PowerPoint® presentation that includes the following:
Describes the disorders and explains their differences
Discusses how these disorders are influenced by the legal system
Discusses how the legal system is influenced by these disorders
Include
a minimum of two peer-reviewed sources.
Format
your presentation consistent with APA guidelines.
Submit
your assignment.
*3 slides on How is the legal system influenced by schizophrenia with speaker notes*
.
Choose ONE of the following topics Length 750-900 words, .docxtroutmanboris
Choose
ONE
of the following topics
Length:
750-900 words, double spaced, 12 pt. font
Identify the different forms of religious groups that are comprised in the typology outlined by the classic sociologists of religion. Explain the basic characteristics of each and provide examples.
Establish a distinction between the popular misuses of the term "myth" and its meaning in the scholarly context of Religious Studies. Explain the functions of myth according to the scholar Joseph Campbell.
.
Choose one of the following topicsAmerica A Narrative.docxtroutmanboris
Choose
one
of the following topics
America: A Narrative History
notes Thomas Jefferson's election to the presidency set the tone of "republican simplicity". In what ways was this still true in 1850 following the "Market Revolution" and in what ways was it not?
Connect the technological improvements in water transportation of the early 19th century to the territory acquired in the LA Purchase.
.
Choose one of the following topics below. Comparecont.docxtroutmanboris
Choose
one
of the following topics below.
Compare/contrast the role women played in Puritan Society in colonial Massachusetts with their role in the Great Awakening of the 18th century.
Why is the Declaration of Independence considered historically as a product of the Age of Enlightenment?
500 words
.
More Related Content
Similar to 5 Night to His Day The Social Construction of Gender .docx
Questions On Gender Identity And Gender Essay
Gender Identity Essay
Gender, Gender And Gender
Gender Equality Essay
Sociology Of Sex And Gender Essay
Gender : Culture And Gender Essay
Gender Roles Essay
Gender And Gender Issues
What Defines Gender? Essay
Sex and Gender Essay
Gender Identity
gender Essays
Gender And Gender Essay
Gender and Sexuality Essay
Gender and Relationships Essay
gender Essay
Gender, Gender And Social Class Essay
Gender Identity Transition Essay
Gender Theory Essay
Christian Schussele Men of ProgressOil on canvas, 1862Coope.docxtroutmanboris
Christian Schussele Men of Progress
Oil on canvas, 1862
Cooper Union, New York, New York
Transfer from the National Gallery of Art; gift of Andrew W. Mellon, 1942
NPG.65.60
Edward Sorel, “People of Progress” 1999, Cooper Union, New York, New York
Syllabus
The clerks of the Department of State of the United States may be called upon to give evidence of transactions in the Department which are not of a confidential character.
The Secretary of State cannot be called upon as a witness to state transactions of a confidential nature which may have occurred in his Department. But he may be called upon to give testimony of circumstances which were not of that character.
Clerks in the Department of State were directed to be sworn, subject to objections to questions upon confidential matters.
Some point of time must be taken when the power of the Executive over an officer, not removable at his will, must cease. That point of time must be when the constitutional power of appointment has been exercised. And the power has been exercised when the last act required from the person possessing the power has been performed. This last act is the signature of the commission.
If the act of livery be necessary to give validity to the commission of an officer, it has been delivered when executed, and given to the Secretary of State for the purpose of being sealed, recorded, and transmitted to the party.
In cases of commissions to public officers, the law orders the Secretary of State to record them. When, therefore, they are signed and sealed, the order for their being recorded is given, and, whether inserted inserted into the book or not, they are recorded.
When the heads of the departments of the Government are the political or confidential officers of the Executive, merely to execute the will of the President, or rather to act in cases in which the Executive possesses a constitutional or legal discretion, nothing can be more perfectly clear than that their acts are only politically examinable. But where a specific duty is assigned by law, and individual rights depend upon the performance of that duty, it seems equally clear that the individual who considers himself injured has a right to resort to the laws of his country for a remedy.
The President of the United States, by signing the commission, appointed Mr. Marbury a justice of the peace for the County of Washington, in the District of Columbia, and the seal of the United States, affixed thereto by the Secretary of State, is conclusive testimony of the verity of the signature, and of the completion of the appointment; and the appointment conferred on him a legal right to the office for the space of five years. Having this legal right to the office, he has a consequent right to the commission, a refusal to deliver which is a plain violation of that right for which the laws of the country afford him a remedy.
To render a mandamus a proper remedy, the officer to whom it is directed must be one to who.
Christian EthicsChristian ethics deeply align with absolutism. E.docxtroutmanboris
Christian Ethics
Christian ethics deeply align with absolutism. Ethical absolutism claims that moral principles do exist. According to Christians, God created moral absolutes. These absolutes can be seen in God’s revelation. God’s special and general revelation reveal his moral truths. This does not mean that only Christians can understand moral truths. Because humans are made in God’s image, they can recognize moral truths even if they do not believe in God
[1]
. These absolutes were instated by God. Therefore, they apply to all of humanity. This worldview is in direct opposition to the idea of relativism. Christian ethics cannot be viewed through a relativistic point of view. According to relativism, there is no moral truths. There is no absolute distinction between right and wrong within this way of thinking. Right and wrong can be decided by individuals or groups of people. Cultures decide what is right for themselves and their way of life. Even individuals have the ability to decide their own personal moral code. This can seem somewhat reasonable at times. Some things that were considered moral or immoral in the past are viewed differently today. Even with this understanding, Christians deny the idea of relativism. Christians hold to the belief that moral truths come from God. Therefore, these truths do not change. God himself never changes; therefore, his moral truths remain the same. According to Christian ethics, mankind is expected to hold to the moral absolutes mandated by God himself. This understanding is not compatible with relativism. Relativism makes no place of a God. From a relativistic point of view, mankind decides their own morality. Right and wrong are not fixed. In Christian ethics, right and wrong are permanently decided by the God of the universe.
The subjective aspects of Christian ethics can look similar to relativism. The areas that are somewhat subjective in Christian aspects are referred to as the liberties of a Christian. There are some matters that are not said to be morally wrong in the Bible. Some see these issues to be wrong; therefore, they are. Others do not find certain issues to be morally wrong. These individuals are claiming their Christian liberty. One of these issues is drinking alcohol. Some Christians believe that ingesting any amount of alcohol is morally wrong. According to the idea of Christian liberty, it would be wrong for the individuals who hold to this belief to drink alcohol. Others do not have this conviction and are not doing wrong by consuming alcohol. On the surface, the idea of Christian liberty can seem to be related to relativism, but upon closer inspection these ideas are not closely related. Christian liberty is a Biblical concept that harmonize well with the overall message of the Bible. Relativism is nowhere found in the Bible. The Bible is clear that there are universal moral laws. These laws are placed upon humanity by God himself. There are some areas where the Bible remain.
Christian Ethics BA 616 Business Ethics Definiti.docxtroutmanboris
Christian Ethics
BA 616 Business Ethics
Definition of Christian Ethics
A system of values based upon the Judeo/Christian Scriptures
Principles of behavior in concordance with the behaviors of Christian teachings
Standards of thought and behavior as taught by Jesus.
Discussion
What are some of the “ethical” attributes presented in the teachings of Jesus?
What are some ethical attributes presented in the teachings of other religious persons?
Quotes about Christian Ethics
Quotes on Christian Ethics
Recognize the value of work
“And when you reap the harvest of your land, you shall not reap your field right up to its edge, nor shall you gather the gleanings after your harvest. You shall leave them for the poor and for the sojourner: I am the Lord your God.” (Leviticus 23:22).
Do not give the poor the food, rather allow the poor to work for themselves
Discussion
What are examples of the value of work?
Today, some U.S. state governors are trying to get those “able bodied” individuals to work for welfare. They are meeting great resistance politically, why do you think this is?
The value of work
Confirmed by Elton Mayo
Fulfills social, psychological and economic needs of the individual
“If a man will not work, he shall not eat” (2 Thessalonians 3:10)
Christian Ethics
The fruit of a people that have inwardly committed their lives to Christ and are outwardly aligning their actions with His teachings.
“May the favor of the Lord our God rest on us; establish the work of our hands for us— yes, establish the work of our hands” (Psalms. 90:17).
Employees with a Christian Code of Ethics
Welcome accountability
Happy to show their efforts
A system of checks and balances
Sees possible training moment
Fosters collaboration with management
“Those who work their land will have abundant food, but those who chase fantasies have no sense” (Proverbs 12:11)
Employees with a Christian Code of Ethics
Not motivated by greed
Work is its own reward
Measure success in a non-monetary way
Seek payment for the work they do
Money is second to obedience
“Whatever you do, work at it with all your heart, as working for the Lord, not for human masters” (Colossians 3:23).
Employees with a Christian Code of Ethics
Are highly productive
Are work focused
Work hard throughout the day
Find value in completing assigned tasks
Understand that they are there to work
“Diligent hands will rule, but laziness ends in forced labor” (Proverbs 12:24).
Employees with a Christian Code of Ethics
Have a strong work ethic
Believe in a Biblical perspective of work
Reliable
Recognize the value of work
Relate their job to their faith
“All hard work brings a profit, but mere talk leads only to poverty” (Proverbs 14:23)
Employees with a Christian Code of Ethics
Bring a cooperative spirit to the workplace
Supportive of management
Strong contribu.
CHPSI think you made a really good point that Howard lacks poli.docxtroutmanboris
CH/PS
I think you made a really good point that Howard lacks political aspects-especially for presidency. I have no heard his speeches quite yet (since I tend to stray away from politics altogether because people are so aggressive), do you think he is a great leader-type and is he charismatic at all? Great leaders, especially for presidency, should be honest, charismatic, and not only cater to the audience's needs but to the entire country's needs without sugar coating things.
Also, I am not sure what you mean by "In order to improve his leadership style, Jeff should change his model of carrying out business activities. This is because it can be copied and imitated by other companies (Mauri, 2016)".- how can it be imitted by other companies? In what way?
Do you think Jeff Bezos is a bad leader? and why?
CH/AR
I found your comparison of Howard Schultz and Jeff Bezos interesting and compelling. When I was looking at the list of leaders to select from, it was staggering to me how many of the corporate leaders have run or are planning to run for political office. I'm not sure, given our current political environment, that running a large corporation is the right background and experience for the leader of the United States. We'll see what happens in the next year and a half!
Amazon is an amazing, transformative company to watch. I work in the financial services industry and one of our leaders recently described our competition not as other financial services firms but as Amazon. Financial services firms pretty much all offer the same products and services and at a very reasonable price point. Amazon, however, has excelled in service delivery. I would imagine that at sometime in the future, Amazon will partner with a financial service firm to deliver products and services. I'll admit that I was and still am skeptical about Amazon's purchase of Whole Foods, but Bezos seems to be up for trying just about anything.
In your analysis of the two leaders, you didn't mention directly the challenges faced by either the leaders or the organization. Last year, Starbucks was all over the news regarding the incident involving two African American gentlemen and how they were treated by a manger at Starbucks. I'm curious how you or others in the class through about how Schultz led the organization through that crisis. Bezos, as well, has not been immune to controversy with his recent affair and divorce becoming public. How do the personal lives and behaviors of leader impact the organizations they lead? Should it matter?
SO
The first leader I chose to research is Sundar Pichai, the CEO of Google. Sundar began to show in interest in technology at an early age, and eventually earned a degree in Metallurgy, and an M.B.A from the Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania. He then began working at Google in 2004 as the head of product management and development (Shepherd). From there, he assisted in the development of many different departme.
Chosen brand CHANELStudents are required to research a fash.docxtroutmanboris
Chosen brand:
CHANEL
Students are required to research a fashion brand of their choice and analyze its positioning strategy in the market.
● The report will assess students’ ability to collect data, in an efficient manner and use this data to scrutinise the marketing aspects of a fashion brand.
● The report will be covering the following subjects:
1. Analysis Of The Macro And Micro-environment of the brand.
2. Positioning Strategy Of The Brand: Target Customer(Pen Portrait)
3. Competitor Analysis.
4. Critical evaluation of the marketing communications strategy of the brand
supporting the development of the individual report, using relevant PRIMARY and SECONDARY RESEARCH.
NB: Please kindly devise a survey (Google forms) and make up some responses to it so as to then incorporate PRIMARY results into the report. Thanks
see attached file
word count: 2000 words
.
Chose one person to reply to ALBORES 1. Were Manning’s acti.docxtroutmanboris
Chose one person to reply to:
ALBORES
1. Were Manning’s actions legal under the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act, and what are the possible penalties for violating the act?
The Foreign Corrupt Practices Act states (1977) “It shall be unlawful for any issuer...to offer, payment, promise to pay, or authorization of the payment of any money, or offer, gift, promise to give... “. Manning assumed the duty of an issuer because he attended dinner with the prime minister to discuss the contract. Then, Manning offered to fly the prime minister to New York, which he then promised to pay for all of the prime minister's expenses. However, according to the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (1977) a promise or offer is acceptable if the expense was ”reasonable and bona fide expenditure, such as travel and lodging expenses, incurred by or on behalf of a foreign official… was directly related to the promotion, demonstration, or explanation of products or services”. Manning promised to fly out the prime minister because he wanted to “discuss business further” (UMUC, 2019). Further, Manning used company funds to take the prime minister to luxurious activities and restaurants because he wanted to retain the contract from the prime minister.
Even though Manning did not directly give money to the prime minister, he authorized payment for the prime minster’s two-week stay, which did not involve discussing the contract. Out of the two weeks, business was only conducted for a day. In addition, Manning can be held responsible for bribing the customs officials at Neristan. According to the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (1977), it is unlawful to influence “any act or decision of such foreign official in his official capacity... omit to do any act in violation of the lawful duty of such official”. Manning influenced the customs officials because Manning gave each custom official $100 to clear the shipment. Custom officials act on behalf of the Neristan government and sometimes require large shipments to be inspected. Manny will likely be held responsible for offering payment to the customs officials in exchange for expediting the company’s shipment.
If Manning violated the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act, he could face imprisonment. Also, the company may have to pay the penalty. The penalty for violating the act is “a fine of up to $2 million per violation. Likewise, an individual may face up to five years in prison and/or a fine of $250,000 per violation of the anti-bribery provision” (Woody, 2018, p. 275).
2. Were Manning’s actions legal under the UK Bribery Act and what are the possible penalties for violating the act?
Based on the UK Bribery Act (2010), an individual is guilty of bribing an official if “intention is to influence F (government official) in F's capacity as a foreign public official...intend to obtain or retain business, or an advantage in the conduct of business.”. Manning bribed the prime minister because he stated: “If, after we are done conducting busi.
Choosing your literary essay topic on Disgrace by J. M. Coetzee .docxtroutmanboris
Choosing your literary essay topic on
Disgrace
by J. M. Coetzee is the first step to writing your literary analysis paper.
After reading the novel, you should be able to decide in which direction you'd like to take your paper.
Topics/ approaches
(Focus on only one of the following, though some may overlap):
Analyze one of the minor characters, such as Petrus.
Example
: Analyze not only the chosen characters' personality but also what role they played in advancing the overall theme of the novel.
The protagonist's conflict, the hurdles to be overcome, and how he resolves it.
Examples:
It could be hope for change, both in South Africa and in David Lurie. OR: the disgrace David Lurie has suffered over the affair with a student and how that matches the disgrace South Africa has suffered through apartheid.
The function of setting to reinforce theme and characterization.
Example
: post-apartheid South Africa is a setting arguably more important than anything else in the novel. Your outside sources would be a bit of history concerning apartheid.The use of literary devices to communicate theme: imagery, metaphor, symbolism, foreshadowing, irony
Symbolism in the novel--
Examples:
Determine if David Lurie represents the old, white authorities of South Africa, while Lucy represents the new white people of South Africa. OR: Analyze what dogs symbolize in this story. Another example: What is symbolized by the opera David Lurie is writing on Byron?
Careful examination of one or more central scenes and its/their crucial role in plot development, resolution of conflict, and exposition of the theme.
Example:
Analyze one or more scenes in which hope that change for the better is possible through a character's remorse and subsequent action, for example, the scene in which David Lurie apologizes to the parents OR the scene in which Lucy gets raped.
The possible issue to be addressed in introduction or conclusion:
Characteristics that make the work typical (or atypical) of the period, the setting, or the author that produced it. For this information, you must go to a library database (you must read "How to Access Miami Dade Databases" if you don't know how) or a valid search site, such as Google Scholar (there is often a fee for this one).
Do
not
open or close with biographical material on the author. Biographical material is important as it influences the author’s writing only and should not be a focus of your paper.
Guidelines for Literary Essay
Be aware that you will be writing about a novel, which in its broadest sense is any extended fictional narrative almost always in prose, in which the representation of character is often the focus. Good authors use the elements of fiction, such as plot, theme, setting etc. purposefully, with a very clear goal in mind. One of the paths to literary analysis is to discover what the author's purpose is with each of his choices. Avoid the problem th.
Choosing your Philosophical Question The Final Project is an opp.docxtroutmanboris
Choosing your Philosophical Question
The Final Project is an opportunity for you to investigate one of the discussion questions to a much greater degree than in the forums. For your Final Project you will choose a philosophical question (stage 1), conduct an analysis of the claims and arguments relevant to the question by reading the primary texts of the philosopher (stage 2), and then take a position on the chosen question and offer an argument in support of your position (stage 3).
For this first stage of your Final Project assignment, (a) choose a question that appears as a discussion question (listed below, with some exceptions). You may choose one that you have previously begun to answer in the discussion forums, or one that you have yet to consider, then (b) explain briefly why you are interested in exploring this philosopher, the primary text and the question further. Submit this assignment on a Word .docx.
Week Four: Philosopher: Thomas Aquinas, Primary Text: Summa Theologica, Part 1, Question 2, Article 1-3
Q1. Does God really exist?
Question to write on, and answer the question fully in all its parts. Be mindful of the question. You are making a claim about something and offering support for it. Try to use examples from the Primary Texts you have read and/or your own experiences in that support.
DISCUSSION QUESTION CHOICE #1: Philosophy of Religion. Study Aquinas' five "ways" of demonstrating God's existence in the learning resources then engage in the study of ontology by examining your belief in God:
Answer the question: Does God really exist?
Use Aquinas and your own reasoning in your argument.
Kreeft, Peter. A Shorter Summa: The Essential Philosophical Passages of St. Thomas Aquinas'
Summa Theologica, Ignatius Press (San Francisco, 1993), chapter II.
Summa Theologica, Part 1, Question 2, Articles 1-3
The Existence of God
Because the chief aim of sacred doctrine is to teach the knowledge of God, not only as He is in
Himself, but also as He is the beginning of things and their last end, and especially of rational
creatures, as is clear from what has been already said, therefore, in our endeavor to expound this
science, we shall treat: (1) Of God; (2) Of the rational creature’s advance towards God; (3) Of
Christ, Who as man, is our way to God.
In treating of God there will be a threefold division: For we shall consider (1) Whatever concerns
the Divine Essence; (2) Whatever concerns the distinctions of Persons; (3) Whatever concerns the
procession of creatures from Him
Concerning the Divine Essence, we must consider: (1) Whether God exists? (2) The manner of His
existence, or, rather, what is not the manner of His existence; (3) Whatever concerns His
operations — namely, His knowledge, will, power.
Concerning the first, there are three points of inquiry: (1) Whether the proposition “God exists” is
self-evident? (2) Whether it is demonstrable? (3) Whether God exists?-
FIRST ARTICLE
Whether the Existence .
Choosing Your Research Method in a NutshellBy James Rice and.docxtroutmanboris
Choosing Your Research Method in a Nutshell
By James Rice and Marilyn K. Simon
Research Method Brief Type
Action research Participatory ‐ problem identification, solution,
solution review
III
Appreciative inquiry Helps groups identify solutions III, IV
Case Study research Group observation to determine how and why a
situation exists
III
Causal‐comparative research Identify causal relationship among variable that
can't be controlled
IV
Content analysis Analyze text and make inferences IV
Correlational research Collect data and determine level of correlation
between variables
I
Critical Incident technique Identification of determining incident of a critical
event
III
Delphi research Analysis of expert knowledge to forecast future
events
I, IV
Descriptive research Study of "as is" phenomena I
Design based research/ decision analysis Identify meaningful change in practices II
Ethnographic Cultural observation of a group
Evaluation research Study the effectiveness of an intervention or
program
IV
Experimental research Study the effect of manipulating a variable or
variables
II
Factor analysis Statistically assess the relationship between large
numbers of variables
I
Grounded Theory Produce a theory that explains a process based on
observation
III, IV
Hermeneutic research Study the meaning of subjects/texts (exegetics is
text only) by concentrating on the historical
meaning of the experience and its developmental
and cumulative effects on the individual and society
III
Historical research historical data collection and analysis of person or
organization
IV
Meta‐analysis research Seek patterns in data collected by other studies and
formulate principals
Narrative research Study of a single person's experiences
Needs assessment Systematic process of determine the needs of a
defined demographic population
Phenomenography Answer questions about thinking and learning
Phenomenology Make sense of lived experiences of participants
regarding a specified phenomenon.
III, IV
Quasi‐experimental Manipulation of variables in populations without
benefit of random assignment or control group.
II
Q‐method A mixed‐method approach to study subjectivity ‐
patterns of thought
I
Regression‐discontinuity design (RD) Cut‐off score assignment of participants to group
(non‐random) used to study effectiveness of an
intervention
II
Repertory grid analysis Interview process to determine how a person
interprets the meaning of an experience
I
Retrospective record review Study of historic data collected about a prior
intervention (both effected and control group)
II
Semiology Studies the meaning of symbols II, III
Situational analysis Post‐modernist approach to grounded theory
(holistic view rather than isolated variables) by
studying lived experiences around a phenomenon
Trend Analysis research Formulate a f.
Choose two of the systems (education, work, the military, and im.docxtroutmanboris
Choose
two
of the systems (education, work, the military, and immigration). Explain how they fit into the domain of social work and the social justice issues social workers should be aware of in these systems.
How does the education, military, workplace, or immigration system rely on social workers?
What is one social justice issue found in education, the military, the workplace, or immigration that influences the practice of social work?
.
Choose two disorders from the categories presented this week.C.docxtroutmanboris
Choose
two disorders from the categories presented this week.
Create
a 15- to 20-slide Microsoft® PowerPoint® presentation that includes the following:
Describes the disorders and explains their differences
Discusses how these disorders are influenced by the legal system
Discusses how the legal system is influenced by these disorders
Include
a minimum of two peer-reviewed sources.
Format
your presentation consistent with APA guidelines.
Submit
your assignment.
*3 slides on How is the legal system influenced by schizophrenia with speaker notes*
.
Choose ONE of the following topics Length 750-900 words, .docxtroutmanboris
Choose
ONE
of the following topics
Length:
750-900 words, double spaced, 12 pt. font
Identify the different forms of religious groups that are comprised in the typology outlined by the classic sociologists of religion. Explain the basic characteristics of each and provide examples.
Establish a distinction between the popular misuses of the term "myth" and its meaning in the scholarly context of Religious Studies. Explain the functions of myth according to the scholar Joseph Campbell.
.
Choose one of the following topicsAmerica A Narrative.docxtroutmanboris
Choose
one
of the following topics
America: A Narrative History
notes Thomas Jefferson's election to the presidency set the tone of "republican simplicity". In what ways was this still true in 1850 following the "Market Revolution" and in what ways was it not?
Connect the technological improvements in water transportation of the early 19th century to the territory acquired in the LA Purchase.
.
Choose one of the following topics below. Comparecont.docxtroutmanboris
Choose
one
of the following topics below.
Compare/contrast the role women played in Puritan Society in colonial Massachusetts with their role in the Great Awakening of the 18th century.
Why is the Declaration of Independence considered historically as a product of the Age of Enlightenment?
500 words
.
Choose one of the following topics below. Comparecon.docxtroutmanboris
Choose
one
of the following topics below.
Compare/contrast the role women played in Puritan Society in colonial Massachusetts with their role in the Great Awakening of the 18th century.
Why is the Declaration of Independence considered historically as a product of the Age of Enlightenment?
requirement of this assignment
Write a 500 word essay
.
Choose one of the states of RacialCultural Identity Development.docxtroutmanboris
Choose one of the states of Racial/Cultural Identity Developmental Model and reflect on how you will intervine with a client in that stage.
Stages:
Conformity
Dissonance and Appreciating
Resistance and immersion
Introspection
Integrative Awareness
.
Choose one of the following topicsNative AmericansWomenEnvi.docxtroutmanboris
Choose
one of the following topics:
Native Americans
Women
Environment
Latin Americans
Sexual liberation
Read
at least three different newspaper articles between 1968 and 1980 that cover important changes affecting your topic. In the University Library, use the ProQuest
®
historical newspaper archive (available under
General Resources > ProQuest >
Advanced Search
>
Search Options
>
Source Type
), which includes the following major newspapers, among others:
New York Times
Washington Post
Wall Street Journal
Los Angeles Times
Christian Science Monitor
Write
a 700- to 1,050-word paper in which you describe the status of the chosen group or idea and how that group or idea was affected by the changes brought about during the 1960s. Include information gleaned from the newspaper articles as well as other material.
.
Choose one of the following films for review (with faculty’s appro.docxtroutmanboris
Choose
one of the following films for review (with faculty’s approval). Put yourself in the movie by choosing one character to follow. What cultural issues would you face? What are cultural challenges? Write a short paper describing the film and your observations. Present your findings in class.
•
Secret Lives of Bees
•
Chocolate
•
Under the Same Moon
•
Maid in Manhattan
•
Walk in the Clouds
•
Get Rich or Die Trying (Gang Culture
) "I like this one"
•
Mu
lan
•
Mississippi Burning
•
A Time to Kill - "
I Also like this one
"
•
Only Fools Rush In
.
Choose and complete one of the two assignment options.docxtroutmanboris
Choose
and
complete
one of the two assignment options:
Option 1: Forecasting Comparison Presentation
Identify
a state, local, or federal policy that impacts your organization or community.
Create
an 8- to 10-slide Microsoft® PowerPoint® presentation in which you complete the following:
Describe how forecasting can be used to implement this policy and highlight any limitations of the usage of forecasting.
Compare and contrast the different forms of forecasting used to aid decision-makers when evaluating policy outcomes.
Discuss the types of information needed to ensure forecasts are accurate.
Analyze the relationship between forecasting, monitoring of observed policy outcomes, and normative futures in goals and agenda setting.
Include
speaker notes with each slide. The presentation should also contain and at least four peer-reviewed references from the University Library.
I live in Lawrence, KS if you can find a policy within this community.
.
2024.06.01 Introducing a competency framework for languag learning materials ...Sandy Millin
http://sandymillin.wordpress.com/iateflwebinar2024
Published classroom materials form the basis of syllabuses, drive teacher professional development, and have a potentially huge influence on learners, teachers and education systems. All teachers also create their own materials, whether a few sentences on a blackboard, a highly-structured fully-realised online course, or anything in between. Despite this, the knowledge and skills needed to create effective language learning materials are rarely part of teacher training, and are mostly learnt by trial and error.
Knowledge and skills frameworks, generally called competency frameworks, for ELT teachers, trainers and managers have existed for a few years now. However, until I created one for my MA dissertation, there wasn’t one drawing together what we need to know and do to be able to effectively produce language learning materials.
This webinar will introduce you to my framework, highlighting the key competencies I identified from my research. It will also show how anybody involved in language teaching (any language, not just English!), teacher training, managing schools or developing language learning materials can benefit from using the framework.
Operation “Blue Star” is the only event in the history of Independent India where the state went into war with its own people. Even after about 40 years it is not clear if it was culmination of states anger over people of the region, a political game of power or start of dictatorial chapter in the democratic setup.
The people of Punjab felt alienated from main stream due to denial of their just demands during a long democratic struggle since independence. As it happen all over the word, it led to militant struggle with great loss of lives of military, police and civilian personnel. Killing of Indira Gandhi and massacre of innocent Sikhs in Delhi and other India cities was also associated with this movement.
Biological screening of herbal drugs: Introduction and Need for
Phyto-Pharmacological Screening, New Strategies for evaluating
Natural Products, In vitro evaluation techniques for Antioxidants, Antimicrobial and Anticancer drugs. In vivo evaluation techniques
for Anti-inflammatory, Antiulcer, Anticancer, Wound healing, Antidiabetic, Hepatoprotective, Cardio protective, Diuretics and
Antifertility, Toxicity studies as per OECD guidelines
June 3, 2024 Anti-Semitism Letter Sent to MIT President Kornbluth and MIT Cor...Levi Shapiro
Letter from the Congress of the United States regarding Anti-Semitism sent June 3rd to MIT President Sally Kornbluth, MIT Corp Chair, Mark Gorenberg
Dear Dr. Kornbluth and Mr. Gorenberg,
The US House of Representatives is deeply concerned by ongoing and pervasive acts of antisemitic
harassment and intimidation at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT). Failing to act decisively to ensure a safe learning environment for all students would be a grave dereliction of your responsibilities as President of MIT and Chair of the MIT Corporation.
This Congress will not stand idly by and allow an environment hostile to Jewish students to persist. The House believes that your institution is in violation of Title VI of the Civil Rights Act, and the inability or
unwillingness to rectify this violation through action requires accountability.
Postsecondary education is a unique opportunity for students to learn and have their ideas and beliefs challenged. However, universities receiving hundreds of millions of federal funds annually have denied
students that opportunity and have been hijacked to become venues for the promotion of terrorism, antisemitic harassment and intimidation, unlawful encampments, and in some cases, assaults and riots.
The House of Representatives will not countenance the use of federal funds to indoctrinate students into hateful, antisemitic, anti-American supporters of terrorism. Investigations into campus antisemitism by the Committee on Education and the Workforce and the Committee on Ways and Means have been expanded into a Congress-wide probe across all relevant jurisdictions to address this national crisis. The undersigned Committees will conduct oversight into the use of federal funds at MIT and its learning environment under authorities granted to each Committee.
• The Committee on Education and the Workforce has been investigating your institution since December 7, 2023. The Committee has broad jurisdiction over postsecondary education, including its compliance with Title VI of the Civil Rights Act, campus safety concerns over disruptions to the learning environment, and the awarding of federal student aid under the Higher Education Act.
• The Committee on Oversight and Accountability is investigating the sources of funding and other support flowing to groups espousing pro-Hamas propaganda and engaged in antisemitic harassment and intimidation of students. The Committee on Oversight and Accountability is the principal oversight committee of the US House of Representatives and has broad authority to investigate “any matter” at “any time” under House Rule X.
• The Committee on Ways and Means has been investigating several universities since November 15, 2023, when the Committee held a hearing entitled From Ivory Towers to Dark Corners: Investigating the Nexus Between Antisemitism, Tax-Exempt Universities, and Terror Financing. The Committee followed the hearing with letters to those institutions on January 10, 202
A Strategic Approach: GenAI in EducationPeter Windle
Artificial Intelligence (AI) technologies such as Generative AI, Image Generators and Large Language Models have had a dramatic impact on teaching, learning and assessment over the past 18 months. The most immediate threat AI posed was to Academic Integrity with Higher Education Institutes (HEIs) focusing their efforts on combating the use of GenAI in assessment. Guidelines were developed for staff and students, policies put in place too. Innovative educators have forged paths in the use of Generative AI for teaching, learning and assessments leading to pockets of transformation springing up across HEIs, often with little or no top-down guidance, support or direction.
This Gasta posits a strategic approach to integrating AI into HEIs to prepare staff, students and the curriculum for an evolving world and workplace. We will highlight the advantages of working with these technologies beyond the realm of teaching, learning and assessment by considering prompt engineering skills, industry impact, curriculum changes, and the need for staff upskilling. In contrast, not engaging strategically with Generative AI poses risks, including falling behind peers, missed opportunities and failing to ensure our graduates remain employable. The rapid evolution of AI technologies necessitates a proactive and strategic approach if we are to remain relevant.
Introduction to AI for Nonprofits with Tapp NetworkTechSoup
Dive into the world of AI! Experts Jon Hill and Tareq Monaur will guide you through AI's role in enhancing nonprofit websites and basic marketing strategies, making it easy to understand and apply.
How to Make a Field invisible in Odoo 17Celine George
It is possible to hide or invisible some fields in odoo. Commonly using “invisible” attribute in the field definition to invisible the fields. This slide will show how to make a field invisible in odoo 17.
Read| The latest issue of The Challenger is here! We are thrilled to announce that our school paper has qualified for the NATIONAL SCHOOLS PRESS CONFERENCE (NSPC) 2024. Thank you for your unwavering support and trust. Dive into the stories that made us stand out!
5 Night to His Day The Social Construction of Gender .docx
1. 5
"Night to His Day":
The Social Construction of Gender
Judith Lorber .
Talking about gender for most people is the equivalent of fish
talking about water.
Cender is so much the routine ground of everyday activities that
questioning its
taken-far-granted assumptions and presuppositions is like
thinking about whether
the sun will come up.1 Cender is so pervasive that in our
society we assume it is
bred into our genes. Most people find it hard to believe that
gender is constantly
created and re-created out of human interaction, out of social
life, and is the texture
and order of that social life. Yet gender, like culture, is a human
production that de-
pends on everyone constantly "doing gender" (West and
'Zimmerman 1987)
An~ everyone "does gender" without thinking about it. Today,
on the subway, I
saw a well-dressed man with a year-old child in a stroller.
Yesterday, on a bus, I saw
a man with a tiny baby ina carrier on his chest. Seeing men
taking care of small
children in public is increasircgly common-at least in New York
City. But both
men were quite obviously stared at-and smiled at, approvingly.
2. Everyone was
doing gender-the men who were changing the role of fathers and
the other pas-
sengers, who were applauding them silently. But there was more
gendering going
on that probably fewer people noticed. The baby was wearing a
white crocheted
cap and white clothes. You couldn't tell if it was a boy or a girl.
The child in the
stroller was wearing a dark blue T-shirt and dark print pants. As
they started to
leave the train, the father put a Yankee baseball cap 011 the
child's head. Ah, a boy,
I thought. Then I noticed the gleam of tiny earrings in the
child's ears, and as they
got off, I saw the little flowered sneakers and lace-trimmed
socks. Not a boy after
all. Cender done.
Cender is such a familiar part of daily life that it usually takes a
deliberate dis-
ruption of our expectations of how women and men are
supposed to act to pay at-
tention to how it is produced. Cender signs and signals are so
ubiquitous that we
usually fail to note them-unless they are missing or ambiguous.
Then we are un-
comfortable until we have successfully placed the other person
in a gender status;
otherwise, we feel socially dislocated....
From" 'Night to His Day': The Social ComtLlction of Gender,"
in Paradoxes or Gender, pp. 13-36.
Copyright 1994. Reprinted by permission of Yale University
Press.
3. 5 Lorber! "Night to His Day" 55
For the individual, gender construction starts with assignment to
a sex categorYI
on the basis of what the genitalia look like at birth Z Then
babies are dressed orl
adorned in a way that displays !Iw category because parents
don't want to be con-,
stantly askee; whether their baby IS a girl or a boy. A sex
category becomes a gender
status through naming, dress, and the use of other gender
markers. Once a child's
gender is evident, others treat those in one gender differently
from those in the
other, and the children respond to the different treatment by
feeling different and
behaving differently. As soon as they can talk, they start to
refer to themselves as
members of their gender. Sex doesn't corne into play again until
puberty, but by
that time, sexual feelings and desires and practices have been
shaped by gendered
norms and expectations. Adolescent boys and girls approach and
avoid each other
in an elaborately scripted and gendered mating dance. Parenting
is gendered, with
different expectations for mothers and for fathers, and people of
different genders
work at different kinds of jobs. The work adults do as mothers
ar;,1 fathers and as
low-level workers and high-level bosses, shapes women's and
men's life experi-
ences, and these experiences produce different feelings,
consciousness, relation-
ships, skills-ways of being that we call feminine or masculine 3
All of these
4. processes constitute the social construction of gender.
Cendered roles change-today fathers are taking care of little
children, girls
and boys are wearing unisex clothing and getting the same
education, women and
men are working at the same jobs. Although many traditional
social groups are
quite strict about maintaining gender differences, in other socia!
groups they seem
to be blurring. Then why the one-year-old's earrings? Why is it
still so important to
mark a child as a girl or a boy, to make sure she is not taken for
a boy or he for a
girl? What would happen if they were? They would, quite
literally, have changed
places in their social world.
To explain why gendering is done from birth, constantly and by
everyone, we
have to look not only at the way individuals experience gender
but at gender as a so-
CIal institution. As a social institution, gender is one of the
major ways that human
beings organize their lives. Human society depends on a
predictable division of
labor, a designated allocation of SCarce goods, assigned
responsibility for children
and others who cannot care for themselves, common values and
their systematic
transmission to new members, legitimate leadership, music, art,
stories, garnes, and
other symbolic productions. One way of choosing people for the
different tasks of
society is on the basis of their talents, motivations, and
competence-their demon-
5. strated achievements. The other way is on the basis of gender,
race, ethnicity-as-
cribed membership in a category of people. Although societies
vary in the extent to
which they use one or the other of these ways of allocating
people to work and to
carry out other responsibilities, every society uses gender and
age grades. Every soci-
ety classifies people as "girl and boy children," "girls and boys
ready to be married,"
and "fully adult women and men," constructs similarities among
them and differ-
ences between them, and assigns them to different roles and
responsibilities.
Personality characteristics, feelings, motivations, and ambitions
flow from these
different life experiences so that the me/nbers of these different
groups become
56 I The Social Construction of Difference: Race, Class,
Gender, and Sexuality
different kinds of people. The process of gendering and its
outcome are legitimated
by religion, law, science, and the society's entire set of values
....
Western society's values legitimate gendering by claiming that
it all comes
from physiology-female and male procreative differences. But
gender and sex are
not equivalent, and gender as a social construction does not
flow automatically
from genitalia and reproductive organs, the main physiological
6. differences of fe-
males and males. In the construction of ascribed social statuses,
physiological dif-
ferences such as sex, stage of development, color of skin, and
size are crude
marke,s. They are not the source of the social statuses of
gender, age grade, and
race. Social statuses are carefully constructed through
prescribed processes of
teaching, learning, emulation, and enforcement. Whatever
genes, hormones, and
biological evolution contribute to human social institutions is
materially as well as
qualitatively transformed by social practices. Evcry social
institution has a material
base, but culture and social practices transform that base into
something with qual-
itatively different patterns and constraints. The economy is
much more than pro-
ducing food and goods and distributing them to eaters and
users; family and
kinship are not the equivalent of having sex and procreating;
morals and religions
cannot be equated with the fears and ecstasies of the brain;
language goes far be-
yond the sounds produced by tongue and larynx. No one eats
"money" or "credit";
the concepts of "god" and "angels" are the subjects of
theological disquisitions; not
only words but objects, such as their flag, "speak" to the
citizens of a country.
Similarly, gcnder cannot be equated with biological and
physiological differ-
ences between human females and males. The building blocks of
gender are so-
7. cially constructed statuses. Western socIeties have only two
genders, "man" and
"woman." Some societies have three genders- men, women, and
berdaches or
hiiras or xaniths. Berdaches, hijras, and xaniths are biological
males who behave,
dress, work, and are treated in most respects as social women;
they are therefore not
men, nor are they female women; they are, in our language,
"male women."4 There
are Mrican and American Indian societies that have a gender
status called manly
hearted Women- biological females who work, marry, and
parent as men; their so-
cial status is "female men" (Amadiume 1987; Blackwood 1984).
They do not have
to behave or dress as men to have the social responsibilities and
prerogatives of hus-
bands and fathers; what makes them men is enough wealth to
buy a wife.
Modern Western societies' transsexuals and transvestites are the
nearcst equiva-
lent of these crossover genders, but they are not
institutionalized as third genders
(Bolin 1987). Transsexuals are biological males and females
who have sex-change
operations to alter their genitalia. They do so in order to bring
their physical
anatomy in congruence with the way they want to live and with
their own sense of
gender identity. They do not become a third gender; they change
genders.
Transvestites are males who live as women and females who
live as men but do not
intend to have sex-change surgery. Their dress, appearance, and
8. mannerisms fall
within the range of what is expected from members of the
opposite gender, so that
they "pass." They also change genders, sometimes temporarily,
some for most of
their lives. Transvestite women have fought in wars as men
soldiers as recently as
5 Lorber / "Night to His Day" 57
the nineteenth century; some married women, and others went
back to being
women and married men once the war was over.' Some were
discovered when
their wounds were treated; others not until they died. In order to
work as a jazz
musician, a man's occupation, Billy Tipton, a woman, lived
most of her life as a
man. She died recently at seventy-four, leaving a wife and three
adopted sons for
whom she was husband and father, and musicians with whom
she had played and
traveled, for whom she was "one of the boys" (New York Times
1989).6 There have
been many other such occurrences of women passing as men to
do more presti-
gious or lucrative men's work (Matthaei 1982, 192-93).7
Genders, therefore, are not attached to a biological substratum.
Gender
boundaries are breachablc, and individual and socially
organized shifts from one
gender to another call attention to "cultural, social, or aesthetic
dissonances"
(Garber 1992, 16). These odd or deviant or third genders show
us what we ordinar-
9. ily take for granted-that people have to learn to be women and
men ....
For Individuals, Gender Means Sameness
Although the possible combinations of genitalia, body shapes,
clothing, manner-
isms, sexuality, and roles could produce infinite varieties in
human beings, the so-
cial institution of gcndcr depends on the production and
maintenance of a limited
number of gender statuses and of making the members of these
statuses similar to
each other. Individuals are born sexed but not gendered, and
they have to be
taught to be masculine or feminineS As SImone de Beauvoir
saId: "One is not
born, but rather becomes, :3 woman ... ; it is civilization as a
whole that produces
this creature ... which is described as feminine." (1953, 267).
Children learn to walk, talk, and gesture the way their social
group says gnls
and boys should. Ray Birdwhistell, in his analysis of body
motion as human com-
munication, calls these learned gender displays tertiary sex
characteristics and ar-
gues that they are needed to distinguish genders because
humans are a weakly
dimorphic species-their only sex markers are genitalia (1970,
39-46). Clothing,
paradoxically, often hides the sex but displays the gender.
In early childhood, humans develop gendered personality
structures and sexual
orientations through their interactions with parents of the same
10. and opposite gen-
der. As adolescents, they conduct their sexual behavior
according to gendered
scripts. Schools, parents, peers, and the mass media guide
young people into gen-
dered work and family roles. As adults, they take on a gendered
social status in
their society's stratification system. Gender is thus both
ascribed and achieved
(West and Zimmerman 1987). ..
Gender norms are inscribed in the way people move, gesture,
and even eat. In
one African society, men were supposed to eat with their "whole
mouth, whole-
heartedly, and not, like women, just with the lips, that is
halfheartedly, with reser-
vation and restraint" (Bourdieu [1980] 1990, 70). Men and
women in this society
learncd to walk in ways that proclaimed their different positions
in the society:
51> I The Social Construction of Difference: Race, Class,
Gender, and Sexuality
The manly man, , , stands up straight into the face of the person
he approaches, or
wishes to welcome, Ever on the alert, because ever threatened,
he misses nothing of
what happens around him, , , , Conversely, a well brought-up
woman, , , is expected
to walk with a slight stoop, avoiding every misplaced movement
of her body, her
head or her arms, looking down, keeping her eyes on the spot
11. where she will next
put her foot, especially if she happens to have to walk past the
men's assembly, (70)
, , , For human beings there is no essential femaleness or
maleness, femininity
or masculinity, womanhood or manhood, but once gender is
ascribed, the social
order constructs and holds individuals to strongly gendered
norms and expecta-
tions, Individuals may vary on many of the components of
gender and may shift
genders temporarily or permanently, but they must fit into the
limited number of
gender statuses their society recognizes. In the process, they re-
create their society's
version of women and men: "If we do gender appropriately, we
simultaneously sus-
tain, reproduce, and render legitimate the institutional
arrangements. , .. If we fail
to do gender appropriately, we as individuals-not the
institutional arrange-
ments-may be called to account (for our character, motives, and
predisposi-
tions)" (West and Zimmerman 1987, 146).
The gendered practices of everyday life reproduce a society's
view of how
women and men should act (Bourdieu [1980] 1990). Gendered
social arrange-
ments are justified by religion and cultural productions and
backed by law, but the
most powerful means of sustaining the moral hegemony of the
dominant gender
ideology is that the process is made invisible; any possible
alternatives are Virtually
12. unthinkable (Foucault 1972; Gramsci 1971)9
For Society, Gender Means Difference
The pervasiveness of gender as a way of structuring social life
demands that gender
statuses be clearly differentiated. Varied talents, sexual
preferences, identities, per-
sonalities, interests, and ways of interacting fragment the
individual's bodily and
social experiences. Nonetheless, these are organized in Western
cultures into two
and only two socially and legally recognized gender statuses,
"man" and
"woman."lO In the social construction of gender, it does not
matter what men and
women actually do; it does not even matter if they do exactly
the same thing. The
social institution of gender insists only that what they do is
perceived as different.
If men and women are doing the same tasks, they are usually
spatially segre-
gated to maintain gender separation, and often the tasks are
given different job ti-
tles as well, such as executive secretary and administrative
assistant (Reskin 1988).
If the differences between women and men begin to blur,
society's "sameness
taboo" goes into action (Rubin 1975, 178). At a rock and roll
dance at West Point
in 1976, the year women were admitted to the prestigious
military academy for the
first time, the school's administrators "were reportedly
perturbed by the sight of
mirror-image couples dancing in short hair and dress gray
13. trousers," and a rule was
5 Lorber / "Night to His Day" 59
established that women cadets could dance at these events only
if they wore skirts
(Barkalow and Raab 1990, 53).11 Women recruits in the U,S.
Marine Corps are re-
quired to wear makeup-at a minimum, lipstick and eye shadow-
and they have
to take classes in makeup, hair care, poise, and etiquette. This
feminization is part
of a deliberate policy of making them clearly distinguishable
from men Marines.
Christine Williams quotes a twenty-five-year-old woman drill
instructor as saying:
"A lot of the recruits who come here don't wear makeup; they're
tomboyish or ath-
letic. A lot of them have the preconceived idea that going into
the military means
they can still be a tomboy. They don't realize that you are a
Woman Marine"
(1989,76-77)12
If gender differences were genetic, physiological, or hormonal,
gender bending
and gender ambiguity would occur only in hermaphrodites, who
are born with
chromosomes and genitalia that are not clearly female or male.
Since gender dif-
ferences are socially constructed, all men and all women can
enact the behavior of
the other, because they know the other's social script: " 'Man'
and 'woman' are at
once empty and overflowing categories. Empty because they
have no ultimate,
14. transcendental meaning. Overflowing because even when they
appear to be fixed,
they still contain within them alternative, denied, or suppressed
definitions,"
(Scott 1988,49)....
For one transsexual man-to-woman, the experience of living as
a woman
changed hislher whole personality. As James, Morris had been a
soldier, foreign
correspondent, and mountain climber; as Jan, Morris is a
successful travel writer.
But socially, James was superior to Jan, and so Jan developed
the "learned helpless-
ness" that is supposed to characterize women in Western
society:
We are told that the social gap between the sexes is narrowing,
but I can only report
that having, in the second half of the twentieth century,
experienced life in both
roles, there seems to me no aspect of existence, no moment of
the day, no contact,
no arrangement, no response, which is not different for men and
for women, The
very tone of voice in which I was now addressed, the very
posture of the person next
in the queue, the very feel in the air when I entered a room or
sat at a restaurant
table, constantly emphasized my change of status.
And if other's responses shifted, so did my own. The more I was
trea ted as
woman, the more woman I became. I adapted willy-nilly. If I
was assumed to be
incompetent at reversing cars, or opening bottles, oddly
15. incompetent I found my-
self becoming. If a case was thought too heavy for me,
inexplicably I fouIld it so
myself,. . Women treated me with a frankness which, while it
was one of the
happiest discoveries of my metamorphosis, did imply
membership of a camp, a
faction, or at least a school of thought; so I found myself
gravitating always towards
the female, whether in sharing a railway compartment or
supporting a political
cause, Men treated me more and more as junior, , .. and so,
addressed every day
of my life as an inferior, involuntarily, month by month I
accepted the condition.
I discovered that even now men prefer women to be less
informed, less able, less
talkative, and certainly Jess self-centered than they are
themselves; so I gerrerally
obliged them. (1975,165-66)]1
60 I The Social Construction o(Difference: Race, Class, Gender,
and Sexuality
Gender as Process, Stratification, and Structure
As a social institution, gender is a process of creating
distinguishable social statuses
for the assignment of rights and responsibilities. As part of a
stratification system
that ranks these statuses unequally, gender is a major building
block in the social
structures built on these unequal statuses.
16. As a process, gender creates the social differences that define
"woman" and
"man." In social interaction throughout their lives, individuals
learn what is ex-
pected, see what is expected, act and react in expected ways,
and thus simultane-
ously construct and maintain the gender order: "The very
injunction to be a
given gender takes place through discursive routes: to be a good
mother, to be a
heterosexually desirable object, to be a fit worker, in sum, to
signify a multiplicity
of guarantees in response to a variety of different demands all at
once" (Butler
1990, 145). Members of a social group neither make up gender
as they go along
nor exactly replicate in rote fashion what was done before. In
almost every en-
counter, human beings produce gender, behaving in the ways
they learned were
appropriate for their status, or resisting or rebelling against
these norms,
Resistance £lDd rebellion have altered gender norms, but so far
they have rarely
eroded the statuses.
Gendered patterns of mteraction acquire additional layers of
gendered sexual-
ity, parenting, and work behaviors in childhood, adolescence,
and adulthood.
Gendered norms and expectations are enforced through informal
sanctions of
gender-inappropriate behavior by peers and by formal
punishment or threat
of punishment by those in authority should behavior deviate too
far from socially
17. imposed standards for women and men ....
As part of a stratification system, gender ranks men above
women of the same
race and class. Women and men could be diffcrent but equal. [n
practice, the
process of creating difference depends to a great extent on
differential evaluation,
As .f';ancy Jay (1981) says: "That which is defined, separated
out, isolated from all
else is A and pure. Not-A is necessarily impure, a random
catchall, to which noth-
ing is external except A and the principle of order that separates
it from Not-A"
(45). From the individual's point of view, whichever gender is
A, the other is Not- G~:
A; gender boundaries tell the individual who is like him or her,
and all the rest are ~,
,::;
unlike. From society's point of view, however, one gender is
usually the touch-
stone, the normal, the dominant, and the other is different,
deViant, and subordi-
nate, In Western society, "man" is A, "wo-man" is Not-A.
(Consider what a society
would be like where woman was A and man NotA)
The further dichotomization by race and class constructs the
gradations of a
heterogeneous society's stratification scheme. Thus, in the
United States, white is
A, African American is Not-A; middle class is A, working class
is Not-A, and
"African-American women occupy a position whereby the
18. inferior half of a series
of these dichotomies converge" (Collins 1990, 70). The
dominant categories are
the hegemonic ideals, taken so for granted as the way things
should be that white is
not ordinarily thought of as a race, middle class as a class, or
men as a gender. The
5 Lorber I "Night to His Day" 61
characteristics of these c::ltegories define the Other as that
which lacks the valuable
qualities the dominants exhibit.
In a gender-stratified society, what men do is usually v::llued
more highly than
wh8t women do because men do it, even when their activities
are very similar or
the same. In different regions of southern India, for example,
harvesting rice is
men's work, shared work, or women's work: "Wherever a task is
done by women It
is considered easy, and where it is done by [men] it is
conSIdered difficult"
(Mencher 1988, 104). A gathering and hunting society's survival
Llsually depends
on the nuts, grubs, ::Ind small animals brought in by the
women's foraging trips,
but when the mcn's hunt is successful, it is the occasion for a
celebration,
Conversely, bec::luse they are the superior group, white men do
not have to do the
"dirty work," such ::IS housework; the most inferior group does
it, usually poor
19. women of color (Palmer 1989) ... ,
Societies vary in the extent of the inequality in social status of
their women and
men members, but where there is inequality, the status "woman"
(and its atten-
dant behavior and role allocations) is usually held in lesser
esteem than the status
"man," Since gender is also intertwined with a society's other
constructed statuses
of differential evaluation-race, religion, occupation, class,
country of origin, and
so on-men and women members of the favored groups
comm::lnd more power,
more prestige, and more property than the members of thc
disfavored groups
Within many social groups, however, men are advantaged over
women. The more
economic resources, such as educ::ltion and job opportunities,
are available to a
group, the more they tend to be monopolized by men. In poorer
groups that have
few resources (such as working-c1::1ss Mrican Americans in the
United States),
women and men are more nearly equ::ll, and the women may
even outstrip the
men in education ::Ind occupational status (Almquist 1987).
As a structure, gender divides work in the home and in
economic production,
legitimates those in authority, and organizes sexuality and
emotional life (Connell
1987, 91-142). As primary parents, women significantly
influence children's psy-
chological development and emotiol18l attachments, in the
20. process reproducing
gender. Emergent sexuality is shaped by heterosexual,
homosexual, bisexual, and
sadomasochistic patterns that are gendered -different for girls
and boys, and for
women and men-so that sexual statuses reflect gender statuses.
Wnen gender is a major componcnt of structured inequality, the
devalued gen-
ders have less power, prestige, and economic rewards than the
valued genders. In
countries that discouwge gender discrimination, many m::ljor
roles are still gendered;
women still do most of the domestic labor and child rearing,
even while doing full-
time paid work; women and men are segregated on the job and
each does work con-
sidered "appropriate"; women's work is usually paid less than
men's work. IvIen
dominate the positions of authority and leadership in
government, the military, and
the law; cultural productions, religions, and sports reflect men's
interests.
In societies that create the gre~test gender difference, such as
Saudi Arabia,
women are kept out of sight behind walls or veils, have no ciVil
rights, and often
cultural ::Ind emotional world of their own (Bernard 1981) But
even in
62 I The Social Construction of Difference: Race, Class,
Gender, and Sexuality
21. societies with less rigid gender boundaries, women and men
spend much of their
time with people of their own gender because of the way work
and family are orga-
nized. This spatial separation of women and men reinforces
gt:ndered different-
ness, identity, and ways of thinking and behaving (Coser 1986),
Gender inequality-the devaluation of "women" and the social
domination of
"men" -has social functions and a social history. It is not the
result of sex, procre-
ation, physiology, anatomy, hormones, or genetic
predispositions, It is produced
and maintained by identifiable social processes and built into
the general social
structure and individual identities deliberately and purposefully.
The social order
as we know it in Western societies is organized around racial
ethnic, class, and
gender inequality. I contend, therefore, that the continuing
purpose of gender as a
modern social institution is to construct women as a group to be
the subordinates
of men as a group, The life of everyone placed in the status
"woman" is "night to
his day-that has forever been the fantasy, Black to his white.
Shut out of his sys-
tem's space, she is the repressed that ensures the system's
functioning" (Cixous and
Clement [1975] 1986,67).
NOTES
I, Gender is, in Erving Goffman's words, an aspect of Felicity's
22. Condition: "any
arrangement which leads us to judge an individual's. , . acts not
to be a manifestation of
strangeness, Behind Felicity's Condition is our sense of what it
is to be sane" (1983, 27).
Also see Bern 1993; Frve 1983, 17-40; Goffman 1977,
2, In cases of a~biguity in countries with modern medicine,
surgery is usually per-
formed to make the genitalia more clearly male or female.
3. See Butler 1990 for an analySIS of how doing gender is
gender Identity,
4. On the hijras of India, see Nanda 1990; on the xaniths of
Oman, Wikan 1982,
168-86; on the American lndian berdaches, W. L. Williams
1986, Other societies that have
similar institutionalized third-gender men are the Koniag of
Alaska, the Tanala of
Madagascar, the Mesakin of Nuba, and the Chukchee of Siberia
(Wikan 1982, 170),
5. Durova 1989; Freeman and Bond 1992; Wheelwright 1989.
6. Gender segregatiol~ of work in popular music still has not
changed very much, ac-
cording to Groce and Cooper 1990, despite considerable
androgyny in some very popular
figures. See Garber 1992 on the androgyny. She discusses
Tipton on pp. 67-70,
7, In the nineteenth century, not only did these women get men's
wages, but they also
"had male privileges and could do all manner of things other
women could not: open a
23. bank account, write checks, own property, go anywhere
unaccompanied, vote in elections"
(Faderman 1991,44),
8. For an account of how a potential man-to-woman transsexual
learned to be femi-
nine, see Garfinkel 1967, 116-85,285-88, For a gloss on this
account that points out how,
throughout his encounters with Agnes, Garfinkel failed to see
how he himself was con-
structing his own masculinity, see Rogers 1992.
9, The concepts of moral hegemony, the effects of everyday
activities (praxis) on
thought and personality, and the necessity of consciousness of
these processes before politi-
cal change can occur are all based on Marx's analysis of class
relations,
5 Lorber / "Night to His Day" 63
10. Other societies recognize more than two categories, but
usually no more than three
or four (Jacobs and Roberts 1989).
11. Carol Barkalow's book has a photograph of eleven first-year
West Pointers in a math
class, who are dressed in regulation pants, shirts, and sweaters,
with short haircuts. The cap-
tion challenges the reader to locate the only woman in the room.
12. The taboo on males and females looking alike reflects the
U.S. militJ';'s homopho-
bia (Berube 1989). If you can't tell those with a penis from
24. those with a vagina, how are you
going to determine whether their sexual interest is heterosexual
or homosexual unless you
watch them having sexual relations?
13. See Bolin 1988, 149-50, for transsexual men-to-women's
discovery of the dangers
of rape and sexual harassment. Devor's "gender blenders" went
in the opposite direction.
Because they found that it was an advantage to be taken for
men, they did not deliberately
cross-dress, but they did not feminize themselves either (1989,
126-40).
REFERENCES
Almquist, Elizabeth M, 1987. Labor market gendered inequality
iC) minority groups
Gender 6 Society 1:400-14.
Amadiume, Ifi, 1987, Male daughters, female husbands: Gender
and sex in an African
society. London: Zed Books.
Barkalow, Carol, with Andrea Raab. 1990, In the men's house.
New York: Poseidon Press.
Bem, Sandra Lipsitz, 1993. The lenses of gender: Transfonning
the debate on sexual in-
equality. New Haven: Yale University Press.
Bernard, Jessie, 1981. The female world. New York: Free Press,
Berube, Allan. 1989. Marching to a different drummer: Gay and
lesbian GIs m World
War II. In Duberman, Vicinus, and Chauncey.
25. Birdwhistell, Ray L. 1970. Kinesics and context: Essays on
body motion communication
Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.
Blackwood, Evelyn. 1984. Sexu81ity and gender in certain
Native American tribes: The
case of cross-gender females. Signs: ioumal of Women in
Culture and Society 10:27-42,
Bolin, Anne. 1987. Transsexualism and the limits of traditional
analysis. American
Behavioral Scientist 31 :41-65.
1988. In s~arch of Eve: Transsexual rites of passage. South
Hadley, Mass.: Bergin
& Garvey.
Bourdieu, Pierre, [1980] 1990, The logic of practice. Stanford,
Calif.: Stanford University
Press.
Butler, Judith. 1990. Gender trouble: Feminism and the
subversion of identity. New York
and London: Routledge,
Cixous, Helene, and Catherine Clement. [1975J 1986. The
newly bam woman, tr8ns-
lated by Betsy Wing. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota
Press,
Collins, Patricia Hill. 1990. Black feminist thought: Knowledge,
consciousness, and the
politics of empowennent. Boston: Unwin Hyman.
Connell, R.[Robert] W. 1987. Gender and power: Societ)', the
person, and sexual poli-
26. tics. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press. '.: Coser, Rose
Laub, 1986. Cognitive structure and the use of social space.
Sociological
Fon.1m 1: 1-26
4
64 The Social Construction of Difference: Race, Class, Gender,
and Sexuality
De Beauvoir, Simone. 1953. The second sex, translated by H.
M. Parshley. New York:
Knopf.
Devor, Holly. 1989. Gender blending: Confronting the limits of
duality. Bloomington:
Indiana Un iversity Press.
Duberman, Martin Bauml, Martha Vicinus, and George
Chauncey, Jr. (eds.). 1989.
Hidden from
Library.
history: Reclaiming the gay and lesbian past. New York: New
American
Durova, Nadezhda. 1989. The cavalry maiden: Journals of a
Russian officer in the
Napoleonic Wars,
Press.
translated by Mary Fleming Zirin. Bloomington: Indiana
University
27. Dwyer, Daisy, and Judith Bruce (eds.). 988. A home divided:
Women and income in the
Third World. Palo Alto, Calif.: Stanford University Press.
Faderman, Lillian. 1991. Odd girls and twilight lovers: A
histoT)' of lesbian life in
J
twentieth-century America. New York: Columbia University
Press.
Foucault, Michel. 1972. The archeology of knowledge and the
discourse on language,
translated by A.M. Sheridan Smith. New York: Pantheon.
Freeman, Lucy, and Alma Halbert Bond. 1992. America's first
woman warrior: The
courage of Deborah Sampson. rew York: Paragon.
Frye, Marilyn. 1983. The politics of reality: Essays in feminist
theory. Trumansburg,
N.Y.: Crossing Press.
Garber, Marjorie. 1992. Vested interests: Cross-dressing and
cultural anxiety. New York
and London: Routledge.
Garfinkel, Harold. 1967. Studies in ethnomethodology.
Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-
Hall.
Goffman, Erving. 1977. The arrangement between the sexes.
Theory and Society
4:301-33.
28. __. 1983. Felicity's condition. American Journal of Sociology
89: 1-53.
Gramsci, Antonio. 1971. Selections from the prison notebooks,
translated and edited by
Quintin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith. New York:
International Publishers.
Groce, Stephen B., and Margaret Cooper. 1990. Just me and the
boys? Women in
local-level rock and roll. Gender 6 Society 4:220-29.
Jacobs, Sue-Ellen, and Christine Roberts. 1989. Sex, sexuality,
gender, and gender vari-
ance. III Gender and anthropology, edited by Sandra Morgen.
Washington, D.C.: American
Anthropological Association.
Jay, Nancy. 1981. Gender and dichotomy. Feminist Studies
7:38-56.
Matthaei, Julie A. 1982. An economic history of women's work
in America. New York:
Schocken.
Mencher, Joan. 1988. Women's work and poverty: Women's
contribution to household
maintenance in South India. In Dwyer and Bruce.
Morris, Jan. 1975. Conundrum. New York: Signet.
Nanda, Serena. 1990. Neither man nor woman: The hijras of
India. Belmont, Calif.:
Wadsworth.
New York Times. 1989. Musician's death at 74 reveals he was a
woman. 2 February.
Palmer, Phyllis. 1989. Domesticity and dirt: HOllsewives and
29. domestic servants in the
United States, 1920-1945. Philadelphia: Temple University
Press.
Reskin, Barbara F. 1988. Bringing the men back in: Sex
differentiation and the devalua-
,~i
tion of women's work. Gender 6 Society 2:58-81.
6 Hubbard! The Social Construction of Sexuality 65
Rogers, Mary F. 1992. They were all passing: Agnes, Garfinkel,
and company Gender
6 Society 6: 169-91.
Rubin, Gayle. 1975. The traffic in women: Notes on the
political economy of sex. In
Toward an anthropology of women, edited by Rayna R[ app]
Reiter. New York: Monthly
ReVIew Press.
Scott, Joan Wallach. 1988. Gender and the politics of history.
New York: Columbia
University Press
West, Candace, and Don Zimmerman. 1987 Doing gender.
Gender 6 Societ)'
1:125-51.
Wheelwright, Julie. 1989. Amazons and military maids: Women
who cross-dressed in
pursuit of life, liberty and happiness. London: Pandora Press.
30. Wikan, Unni. 1982. Behind the veil in Arabia: Women in Oman.
Baltimore, Md: Johns
Hopkins University Press.
Williams, Christine L. 1989. Gender differences at work:
Women and men in nontradi-
tionaloccupations. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Williams, Walter L. 1986. The spirit and the flesh: Sexual
diversity in American Indian
culture. Boston: Beacon Press.
6
The Socia~ Construction
of Sexual ity
Ruth Hubbard
There is no "natural" human sexuality. This is not to say that
our sexual feelings
are "unnatural" but that whatever feelings and activities our
society interprets as
sexual are channeled from birth into socially acceptable forms
of expression.
Western thinking about sexuality is based on the Christian
equation of sexual-
ity with sin, which must be redeemed through making babies.
To fulfill the
Christian mandate, sexuality must be intended for procreation,
and thus all forms
of sexual expression and enjoyment other than heterosexuality
are invalidated.
Actually, for most Christians nowadays just plain
heterosexuality wdl do, irrespec-
32. are not linked in societies like ours. On the contrary, we expect
youngsters to be
heterosexually active from their teens on but to put off having
children until they
are economically independent and married, and even then to
have only two or,
at most, three children.
Other contradictions: This society, on the whole, accepts
Freud's assumption
that children are sexual beings from birth and that society
channels their polymor-
phously perverse childhood sexuality into the accepted forms.
Yet we expect our
children to be asexual. We raise girls and boys together more
than is done in marlY
societies while insisting that they rrust not explore their own or
each other's sexual
parts or feelings.
What if we acknowledged the sep::Jration of sexuality from
procreation and en-
couraged our children to express themselves sexually if they
were so inclined?
What if we, further, encouraged them to explore their own
bodies as well as those
of friends of the some and the other sex when they felt like it?
They might then be
able to feel at home with their sexuality, have some sense of
their own and other
people's sexual needs, and know how to talk about sexuality and
procreation with
their friends and sexual partners before their ability to procreate
becomes an issue
for them. In this age of AIDS and other serious sexually
transmitted infections,
33. such a course of action seems like essential preventive hygiene.
Without the em-
barrassment of unexplored and unacknowledged sexual needs,
contraceptive needs
would be much easier to confront when they arise. So, of
course, would same-sex
Jove relationships.
Such a more open and accepting approach to sexuality would
rnake life easIer
for children and adolescents of either sex, but it would be
especially advantageous
for girls. VI/hen a boy discovers his penis as an organ of
pleasure, it is the same
organ he is taught about as his organ of procreation. A girl
exploring her pleasur-
able sensations finds her clitoris, but when she is taught about
making babies, she
hears about the functions of the vagina in sex and birthing.
Usually, the clitoris
goes unmentioned, and she doesn't even learn its name until
much later.
Therefore for boys there is an obvious link between
procre::ltion and their own
pleasurable, erotic explorations; for most girls, there isn't.
6 Hubbard / The Social Construction of Sexuality 67
Individual Sexual Scripts
Each of us writes our own sexual script out of the range of our
experiences. None
of this script is inborn or biologically given. We construct it oul
of our diverse life
situations, limited by wh::lt we are taught or what we can
imagine to be permissible
34. and correct. There is no unique female sexual experience, no
male sexual experi-
ence, no unique heterosexual, lesbian, or gay male experience.
'I'Ve take the expe-
riences of different people and sort and lump them according to
sociully
significant categories. When I hear generalizations about the
sexuu] experience of
some particular group, exceptions immediately come to mind.
Except that I refuse
to call them exceptions: They are part of the range of our sexual
experiences. Of
course, the similar circumstances in which members of a
particular group find
themselves will give rise to group similarities. But we tend to
exaggerate them
when we go looking for similarities within groups or differences
between them.
This exaggeration is easy to see when we look at the dichotomy
between "thc
heterosexual" and "the homosexual." The concept of "the
homosexual," along
with many other human typologies, originated toward the end of
the nineteenth
century. Certain kinds of behavior stopped being attributed to
particular persons
::md came to define them. A persoll who had sexual relations
with someone of the
S::lme sex became a certain kind of person, a "homosexual"; a
person who had sex-
ual relations with people of the other sex, a different kind, a
"heterosexu::ll."
This way of categorizing people obscured the hitherto ::lccepted
fact that many
35. people do not have sexual relations exclusively with persons of
one or the other sex.
(None of us has sex with a kind of person; we have sex with a
person.) This catego-
rization created the stereotypes that were popularized by the sex
reformers, such as
Havelock Ellis ond Edward Carpenter, who biologized the
"difference." "The ho-
mosexual" became ::l person who is different by nature and
therefore should not be
made responsible for his or her so-called deviance. This
definition served the pur-
pose of the reformers (although the laws have been slow to
change), but it turned
same-sex love into a medical problem to be treated by doctors
rather tha n punished
by judges -an improvement, perhaps, but not acceptance or
liber::ltion....
Toward a Nondeterministic Model of Sexuality
... Some gay men and lesbians feel that they were born
"different" and have al-
ways been homosexual. They recall feeling strongly attracted to
ITlembers of their
own sex when they were children and udoJescents. But many
womer:. who live
with men and think of themselves as heterosexual also had
strong affective and
erotic ties to girls and women while they were growing up. If
they were now in lov-
ing relationships with women, they might look back on their
earlier loves as proof
36. • "0 eJVCWI loonstruction of Difference: Race, Class, Gender,
and Sexuality
that they were always lesbiafls, But if they are now involved
with men, they may be
tempted to devalue their former feeliflgs as "puppy love" or
"crushes,"
Even withifl the preferred sex, most of us feel a greater affinity
for certain
"types" than for others, Not any man or woman will do, No Ofle
has seriously sug-
gested that something ifl our inflate makeup makes us light up
ifl the presence of
only certain women or men, "lYe would think it absurd to look
to hormone levels
or any other simplistic biological cause for our preference for a
specific "type"
within a sex, In fact, scientists rarely bother to ask what in our
psychosocial experi-
ence shapes these kinds of tastes anc! preferences, "lYe assume
it must have some-
thing to do with our relationship to our parents or with other
experiences, but we
do not probc deeply unless people prefer the "Wroflg" sex,
Then, suddenly, scien-
tists begin to look for specific causes.
Because of our recent history and political experiences,
feminists tend to reject
simplistic, causal models of how our sexuality develops, Many
women who have
thought of themselves as hetcrosexual for much of their life and
who have been
marricd and have had children have fallen in love with a woman
(or women)
37. when they have had thc opportunity to rethink, refeel, and
restructure their lives.
The society in which we live chanflels, guides, and limits our
imaginatiofl in
sexual as well as other matters. Why some of us give ourselves
permission to love
people of our own sex whereas others cannot even imagifle
doing so is an iflterest-
ing question, But I do not think it will be amwered by
measuring our hormone
levels or by trying to unearth our earliest affectional tics, A:s
women begin to speak
freely about our sexual experiences, we are getting a varied
range of iflformation
with which we can reexamine, reevaluate, and change ourselves,
Lately, increas-
ing numbers of women have begun to acknowledge their
"bisexuality" -the fact
that they can love women and men in :succession or
simultaneously, People fall in
love with individuals, not with a sex, Gender fleed not be a
significant factor in our
choicc, although for some of us it may be,
5
"Night to His Day":
The Social Construction of Gender
Judith Lorber .
Talking about gender for most people is the equivalent of fish
talking about water.
38. Cender is so much the routine ground of everyday activities that
questioning its
taken-far-granted assumptions and presuppositions is like
thinking about whether
the sun will come up.1 Cender is so pervasive that in our
society we assume it is
bred into our genes. Most people find it hard to believe that
gender is constantly
created and re-created out of human interaction, out of social
life, and is the texture
and order of that social life. Yet gender, like culture, is a human
production that de-
pends on everyone constantly "doing gender" (West and
'Zimmerman 1987)
An~ everyone "does gender" without thinking about it. Today,
on the subway, I
saw a well-dressed man with a year-old child in a stroller.
Yesterday, on a bus, I saw
a man with a tiny baby ina carrier on his chest. Seeing men
taking care of small
children in public is increasircgly common-at least in New York
City. But both
men were quite obviously stared at-and smiled at, approvingly.
Everyone was
doing gender-the men who were changing the role of fathers and
the other pas-
sengers, who were applauding them silently. But there was more
gendering going
on that probably fewer people noticed. The baby was wearing a
white crocheted
cap and white clothes. You couldn't tell if it was a boy or a girl.
The child in the
stroller was wearing a dark blue T-shirt and dark print pants. As
they started to
leave the train, the father put a Yankee baseball cap 011 the
39. child's head. Ah, a boy,
I thought. Then I noticed the gleam of tiny earrings in the
child's ears, and as they
got off, I saw the little flowered sneakers and lace-trimmed
socks. Not a boy after
all. Cender done.
Cender is such a familiar part of daily life that it usually takes a
deliberate dis-
ruption of our expectations of how women and men are
supposed to act to pay at-
tention to how it is produced. Cender signs and signals are so
ubiquitous that we
usually fail to note them-unless they are missing or ambiguous.
Then we are un-
comfortable until we have successfully placed the other person
in a gender status;
otherwise, we feel socially dislocated....
From" 'Night to His Day': The Social ComtLlction of Gender,"
in Paradoxes or Gender, pp. 13-36.
Copyright 1994. Reprinted by permission of Yale University
Press.
5 Lorber! "Night to His Day" 55
For the individual, gender construction starts with assignment to
a sex categorYI
on the basis of what the genitalia look like at birth Z Then
babies are dressed orl
adorned in a way that displays !Iw category because parents
don't want to be con-,
stantly askee; whether their baby IS a girl or a boy. A sex
category becomes a gender
status through naming, dress, and the use of other gender
markers. Once a child's
40. gender is evident, others treat those in one gender differently
from those in the
other, and the children respond to the different treatment by
feeling different and
behaving differently. As soon as they can talk, they start to
refer to themselves as
members of their gender. Sex doesn't corne into play again until
puberty, but by
that time, sexual feelings and desires and practices have been
shaped by gendered
norms and expectations. Adolescent boys and girls approach and
avoid each other
in an elaborately scripted and gendered mating dance. Parenting
is gendered, with
different expectations for mothers and for fathers, and people of
different genders
work at different kinds of jobs. The work adults do as mothers
ar;,1 fathers and as
low-level workers and high-level bosses, shapes women's and
men's life experi-
ences, and these experiences produce different feelings,
consciousness, relation-
ships, skills-ways of being that we call feminine or masculine 3
All of these
processes constitute the social construction of gender.
Cendered roles change-today fathers are taking care of little
children, girls
and boys are wearing unisex clothing and getting the same
education, women and
men are working at the same jobs. Although many traditional
social groups are
quite strict about maintaining gender differences, in other socia!
groups they seem
to be blurring. Then why the one-year-old's earrings? Why is it
still so important to
41. mark a child as a girl or a boy, to make sure she is not taken for
a boy or he for a
girl? What would happen if they were? They would, quite
literally, have changed
places in their social world.
To explain why gendering is done from birth, constantly and by
everyone, we
have to look not only at the way individuals experience gender
but at gender as a so-
CIal institution. As a social institution, gender is one of the
major ways that human
beings organize their lives. Human society depends on a
predictable division of
labor, a designated allocation of SCarce goods, assigned
responsibility for children
and others who cannot care for themselves, common values and
their systematic
transmission to new members, legitimate leadership, music, art,
stories, garnes, and
other symbolic productions. One way of choosing people for the
different tasks of
society is on the basis of their talents, motivations, and
competence-their demon-
strated achievements. The other way is on the basis of gender,
race, ethnicity-as-
cribed membership in a category of people. Although societies
vary in the extent to
which they use one or the other of these ways of allocating
people to work and to
carry out other responsibilities, every society uses gender and
age grades. Every soci-
ety classifies people as "girl and boy children," "girls and boys
ready to be married,"
and "fully adult women and men," constructs similarities among
them and differ-
42. ences between them, and assigns them to different roles and
responsibilities.
Personality characteristics, feelings, motivations, and ambitions
flow from these
different life experiences so that the me/nbers of these different
groups become
56 I The Social Construction of Difference: Race, Class,
Gender, and Sexuality
different kinds of people. The process of gendering and its
outcome are legitimated
by religion, law, science, and the society's entire set of values
....
Western society's values legitimate gendering by claiming that
it all comes
from physiology-female and male procreative differences. But
gender and sex are
not equivalent, and gender as a social construction does not
flow automatically
from genitalia and reproductive organs, the main physiological
differences of fe-
males and males. In the construction of ascribed social statuses,
physiological dif-
ferences such as sex, stage of development, color of skin, and
size are crude
marke,s. They are not the source of the social statuses of
gender, age grade, and
race. Social statuses are carefully constructed through
prescribed processes of
teaching, learning, emulation, and enforcement. Whatever
genes, hormones, and
biological evolution contribute to human social institutions is
43. materially as well as
qualitatively transformed by social practices. Evcry social
institution has a material
base, but culture and social practices transform that base into
something with qual-
itatively different patterns and constraints. The economy is
much more than pro-
ducing food and goods and distributing them to eaters and
users; family and
kinship are not the equivalent of having sex and procreating;
morals and religions
cannot be equated with the fears and ecstasies of the brain;
language goes far be-
yond the sounds produced by tongue and larynx. No one eats
"money" or "credit";
the concepts of "god" and "angels" are the subjects of
theological disquisitions; not
only words but objects, such as their flag, "speak" to the
citizens of a country.
Similarly, gcnder cannot be equated with biological and
physiological differ-
ences between human females and males. The building blocks of
gender are so-
cially constructed statuses. Western socIeties have only two
genders, "man" and
"woman." Some societies have three genders- men, women, and
berdaches or
hiiras or xaniths. Berdaches, hijras, and xaniths are biological
males who behave,
dress, work, and are treated in most respects as social women;
they are therefore not
men, nor are they female women; they are, in our language,
"male women."4 There
are Mrican and American Indian societies that have a gender
status called manly
44. hearted Women- biological females who work, marry, and
parent as men; their so-
cial status is "female men" (Amadiume 1987; Blackwood 1984).
They do not have
to behave or dress as men to have the social responsibilities and
prerogatives of hus-
bands and fathers; what makes them men is enough wealth to
buy a wife.
Modern Western societies' transsexuals and transvestites are the
nearcst equiva-
lent of these crossover genders, but they are not
institutionalized as third genders
(Bolin 1987). Transsexuals are biological males and females
who have sex-change
operations to alter their genitalia. They do so in order to bring
their physical
anatomy in congruence with the way they want to live and with
their own sense of
gender identity. They do not become a third gender; they change
genders.
Transvestites are males who live as women and females who
live as men but do not
intend to have sex-change surgery. Their dress, appearance, and
mannerisms fall
within the range of what is expected from members of the
opposite gender, so that
they "pass." They also change genders, sometimes temporarily,
some for most of
their lives. Transvestite women have fought in wars as men
soldiers as recently as
5 Lorber / "Night to His Day" 57
the nineteenth century; some married women, and others went
back to being
45. women and married men once the war was over.' Some were
discovered when
their wounds were treated; others not until they died. In order to
work as a jazz
musician, a man's occupation, Billy Tipton, a woman, lived
most of her life as a
man. She died recently at seventy-four, leaving a wife and three
adopted sons for
whom she was husband and father, and musicians with whom
she had played and
traveled, for whom she was "one of the boys" (New York Times
1989).6 There have
been many other such occurrences of women passing as men to
do more presti-
gious or lucrative men's work (Matthaei 1982, 192-93).7
Genders, therefore, are not attached to a biological substratum.
Gender
boundaries are breachablc, and individual and socially
organized shifts from one
gender to another call attention to "cultural, social, or aesthetic
dissonances"
(Garber 1992, 16). These odd or deviant or third genders show
us what we ordinar-
ily take for granted-that people have to learn to be women and
men ....
For Individuals, Gender Means Sameness
Although the possible combinations of genitalia, body shapes,
clothing, manner-
isms, sexuality, and roles could produce infinite varieties in
human beings, the so-
cial institution of gcndcr depends on the production and
maintenance of a limited
number of gender statuses and of making the members of these
46. statuses similar to
each other. Individuals are born sexed but not gendered, and
they have to be
taught to be masculine or feminineS As SImone de Beauvoir
saId: "One is not
born, but rather becomes, :3 woman ... ; it is civilization as a
whole that produces
this creature ... which is described as feminine." (1953, 267).
Children learn to walk, talk, and gesture the way their social
group says gnls
and boys should. Ray Birdwhistell, in his analysis of body
motion as human com-
munication, calls these learned gender displays tertiary sex
characteristics and ar-
gues that they are needed to distinguish genders because
humans are a weakly
dimorphic species-their only sex markers are genitalia (1970,
39-46). Clothing,
paradoxically, often hides the sex but displays the gender.
In early childhood, humans develop gendered personality
structures and sexual
orientations through their interactions with parents of the same
and opposite gen-
der. As adolescents, they conduct their sexual behavior
according to gendered
scripts. Schools, parents, peers, and the mass media guide
young people into gen-
dered work and family roles. As adults, they take on a gendered
social status in
their society's stratification system. Gender is thus both
ascribed and achieved
(West and Zimmerman 1987). ..
Gender norms are inscribed in the way people move, gesture,
47. and even eat. In
one African society, men were supposed to eat with their "whole
mouth, whole-
heartedly, and not, like women, just with the lips, that is
halfheartedly, with reser-
vation and restraint" (Bourdieu [1980] 1990, 70). Men and
women in this society
learncd to walk in ways that proclaimed their different positions
in the society:
51> I The Social Construction of Difference: Race, Class,
Gender, and Sexuality
The manly man, , , stands up straight into the face of the person
he approaches, or
wishes to welcome, Ever on the alert, because ever threatened,
he misses nothing of
what happens around him, , , , Conversely, a well brought-up
woman, , , is expected
to walk with a slight stoop, avoiding every misplaced movement
of her body, her
head or her arms, looking down, keeping her eyes on the spot
where she will next
put her foot, especially if she happens to have to walk past the
men's assembly, (70)
, , , For human beings there is no essential femaleness or
maleness, femininity
or masculinity, womanhood or manhood, but once gender is
ascribed, the social
order constructs and holds individuals to strongly gendered
norms and expecta-
tions, Individuals may vary on many of the components of
gender and may shift
48. genders temporarily or permanently, but they must fit into the
limited number of
gender statuses their society recognizes. In the process, they re-
create their society's
version of women and men: "If we do gender appropriately, we
simultaneously sus-
tain, reproduce, and render legitimate the institutional
arrangements. , .. If we fail
to do gender appropriately, we as individuals-not the
institutional arrange-
ments-may be called to account (for our character, motives, and
predisposi-
tions)" (West and Zimmerman 1987, 146).
The gendered practices of everyday life reproduce a society's
view of how
women and men should act (Bourdieu [1980] 1990). Gendered
social arrange-
ments are justified by religion and cultural productions and
backed by law, but the
most powerful means of sustaining the moral hegemony of the
dominant gender
ideology is that the process is made invisible; any possible
alternatives are Virtually
unthinkable (Foucault 1972; Gramsci 1971)9
For Society, Gender Means Difference
The pervasiveness of gender as a way of structuring social life
demands that gender
statuses be clearly differentiated. Varied talents, sexual
preferences, identities, per-
sonalities, interests, and ways of interacting fragment the
individual's bodily and
social experiences. Nonetheless, these are organized in Western
cultures into two
49. and only two socially and legally recognized gender statuses,
"man" and
"woman."lO In the social construction of gender, it does not
matter what men and
women actually do; it does not even matter if they do exactly
the same thing. The
social institution of gender insists only that what they do is
perceived as different.
If men and women are doing the same tasks, they are usually
spatially segre-
gated to maintain gender separation, and often the tasks are
given different job ti-
tles as well, such as executive secretary and administrative
assistant (Reskin 1988).
If the differences between women and men begin to blur,
society's "sameness
taboo" goes into action (Rubin 1975, 178). At a rock and roll
dance at West Point
in 1976, the year women were admitted to the prestigious
military academy for the
first time, the school's administrators "were reportedly
perturbed by the sight of
mirror-image couples dancing in short hair and dress gray
trousers," and a rule was
5 Lorber / "Night to His Day" 59
established that women cadets could dance at these events only
if they wore skirts
(Barkalow and Raab 1990, 53).11 Women recruits in the U,S.
Marine Corps are re-
quired to wear makeup-at a minimum, lipstick and eye shadow-
and they have
to take classes in makeup, hair care, poise, and etiquette. This
feminization is part
50. of a deliberate policy of making them clearly distinguishable
from men Marines.
Christine Williams quotes a twenty-five-year-old woman drill
instructor as saying:
"A lot of the recruits who come here don't wear makeup; they're
tomboyish or ath-
letic. A lot of them have the preconceived idea that going into
the military means
they can still be a tomboy. They don't realize that you are a
Woman Marine"
(1989,76-77)12
If gender differences were genetic, physiological, or hormonal,
gender bending
and gender ambiguity would occur only in hermaphrodites, who
are born with
chromosomes and genitalia that are not clearly female or male.
Since gender dif-
ferences are socially constructed, all men and all women can
enact the behavior of
the other, because they know the other's social script: " 'Man'
and 'woman' are at
once empty and overflowing categories. Empty because they
have no ultimate,
transcendental meaning. Overflowing because even when they
appear to be fixed,
they still contain within them alternative, denied, or suppressed
definitions,"
(Scott 1988,49)....
For one transsexual man-to-woman, the experience of living as
a woman
changed hislher whole personality. As James, Morris had been a
soldier, foreign
correspondent, and mountain climber; as Jan, Morris is a
successful travel writer.
51. But socially, James was superior to Jan, and so Jan developed
the "learned helpless-
ness" that is supposed to characterize women in Western
society:
We are told that the social gap between the sexes is narrowing,
but I can only report
that having, in the second half of the twentieth century,
experienced life in both
roles, there seems to me no aspect of existence, no moment of
the day, no contact,
no arrangement, no response, which is not different for men and
for women, The
very tone of voice in which I was now addressed, the very
posture of the person next
in the queue, the very feel in the air when I entered a room or
sat at a restaurant
table, constantly emphasized my change of status.
And if other's responses shifted, so did my own. The more I was
trea ted as
woman, the more woman I became. I adapted willy-nilly. If I
was assumed to be
incompetent at reversing cars, or opening bottles, oddly
incompetent I found my-
self becoming. If a case was thought too heavy for me,
inexplicably I fouIld it so
myself,. . Women treated me with a frankness which, while it
was one of the
happiest discoveries of my metamorphosis, did imply
membership of a camp, a
faction, or at least a school of thought; so I found myself
gravitating always towards
the female, whether in sharing a railway compartment or
supporting a political
cause, Men treated me more and more as junior, , .. and so,
52. addressed every day
of my life as an inferior, involuntarily, month by month I
accepted the condition.
I discovered that even now men prefer women to be less
informed, less able, less
talkative, and certainly Jess self-centered than they are
themselves; so I gerrerally
obliged them. (1975,165-66)]1
60 I The Social Construction o(Difference: Race, Class, Gender,
and Sexuality
Gender as Process, Stratification, and Structure
As a social institution, gender is a process of creating
distinguishable social statuses
for the assignment of rights and responsibilities. As part of a
stratification system
that ranks these statuses unequally, gender is a major building
block in the social
structures built on these unequal statuses.
As a process, gender creates the social differences that define
"woman" and
"man." In social interaction throughout their lives, individuals
learn what is ex-
pected, see what is expected, act and react in expected ways,
and thus simultane-
ously construct and maintain the gender order: "The very
injunction to be a
given gender takes place through discursive routes: to be a good
mother, to be a
heterosexually desirable object, to be a fit worker, in sum, to
signify a multiplicity
53. of guarantees in response to a variety of different demands all at
once" (Butler
1990, 145). Members of a social group neither make up gender
as they go along
nor exactly replicate in rote fashion what was done before. In
almost every en-
counter, human beings produce gender, behaving in the ways
they learned were
appropriate for their status, or resisting or rebelling against
these norms,
Resistance £lDd rebellion have altered gender norms, but so far
they have rarely
eroded the statuses.
Gendered patterns of mteraction acquire additional layers of
gendered sexual-
ity, parenting, and work behaviors in childhood, adolescence,
and adulthood.
Gendered norms and expectations are enforced through informal
sanctions of
gender-inappropriate behavior by peers and by formal
punishment or threat
of punishment by those in authority should behavior deviate too
far from socially
imposed standards for women and men ....
As part of a stratification system, gender ranks men above
women of the same
race and class. Women and men could be diffcrent but equal. [n
practice, the
process of creating difference depends to a great extent on
differential evaluation,
As .f';ancy Jay (1981) says: "That which is defined, separated
out, isolated from all
else is A and pure. Not-A is necessarily impure, a random
catchall, to which noth-
54. ing is external except A and the principle of order that separates
it from Not-A"
(45). From the individual's point of view, whichever gender is
A, the other is Not- G~:
A; gender boundaries tell the individual who is like him or her,
and all the rest are ~,
,::;
unlike. From society's point of view, however, one gender is
usually the touch-
stone, the normal, the dominant, and the other is different,
deViant, and subordi-
nate, In Western society, "man" is A, "wo-man" is Not-A.
(Consider what a society
would be like where woman was A and man NotA)
The further dichotomization by race and class constructs the
gradations of a
heterogeneous society's stratification scheme. Thus, in the
United States, white is
A, African American is Not-A; middle class is A, working class
is Not-A, and
"African-American women occupy a position whereby the
inferior half of a series
of these dichotomies converge" (Collins 1990, 70). The
dominant categories are
the hegemonic ideals, taken so for granted as the way things
should be that white is
not ordinarily thought of as a race, middle class as a class, or
men as a gender. The
5 Lorber I "Night to His Day" 61
characteristics of these c::ltegories define the Other as that
which lacks the valuable
55. qualities the dominants exhibit.
In a gender-stratified society, what men do is usually v::llued
more highly than
wh8t women do because men do it, even when their activities
are very similar or
the same. In different regions of southern India, for example,
harvesting rice is
men's work, shared work, or women's work: "Wherever a task is
done by women It
is considered easy, and where it is done by [men] it is
conSIdered difficult"
(Mencher 1988, 104). A gathering and hunting society's survival
Llsually depends
on the nuts, grubs, ::Ind small animals brought in by the
women's foraging trips,
but when the mcn's hunt is successful, it is the occasion for a
celebration,
Conversely, bec::luse they are the superior group, white men do
not have to do the
"dirty work," such ::IS housework; the most inferior group does
it, usually poor
women of color (Palmer 1989) ... ,
Societies vary in the extent of the inequality in social status of
their women and
men members, but where there is inequality, the status "woman"
(and its atten-
dant behavior and role allocations) is usually held in lesser
esteem than the status
"man," Since gender is also intertwined with a society's other
constructed statuses
of differential evaluation-race, religion, occupation, class,
country of origin, and
56. so on-men and women members of the favored groups
comm::lnd more power,
more prestige, and more property than the members of thc
disfavored groups
Within many social groups, however, men are advantaged over
women. The more
economic resources, such as educ::ltion and job opportunities,
are available to a
group, the more they tend to be monopolized by men. In poorer
groups that have
few resources (such as working-c1::1ss Mrican Americans in the
United States),
women and men are more nearly equ::ll, and the women may
even outstrip the
men in education ::Ind occupational status (Almquist 1987).
As a structure, gender divides work in the home and in
economic production,
legitimates those in authority, and organizes sexuality and
emotional life (Connell
1987, 91-142). As primary parents, women significantly
influence children's psy-
chological development and emotiol18l attachments, in the
process reproducing
gender. Emergent sexuality is shaped by heterosexual,
homosexual, bisexual, and
sadomasochistic patterns that are gendered -different for girls
and boys, and for
women and men-so that sexual statuses reflect gender statuses.
Wnen gender is a major componcnt of structured inequality, the
devalued gen-
ders have less power, prestige, and economic rewards than the
valued genders. In
countries that discouwge gender discrimination, many m::ljor
57. roles are still gendered;
women still do most of the domestic labor and child rearing,
even while doing full-
time paid work; women and men are segregated on the job and
each does work con-
sidered "appropriate"; women's work is usually paid less than
men's work. IvIen
dominate the positions of authority and leadership in
government, the military, and
the law; cultural productions, religions, and sports reflect men's
interests.
In societies that create the gre~test gender difference, such as
Saudi Arabia,
women are kept out of sight behind walls or veils, have no ciVil
rights, and often
cultural ::Ind emotional world of their own (Bernard 1981) But
even in
62 I The Social Construction of Difference: Race, Class,
Gender, and Sexuality
societies with less rigid gender boundaries, women and men
spend much of their
time with people of their own gender because of the way work
and family are orga-
nized. This spatial separation of women and men reinforces
gt:ndered different-
ness, identity, and ways of thinking and behaving (Coser 1986),
Gender inequality-the devaluation of "women" and the social
domination of
"men" -has social functions and a social history. It is not the
58. result of sex, procre-
ation, physiology, anatomy, hormones, or genetic
predispositions, It is produced
and maintained by identifiable social processes and built into
the general social
structure and individual identities deliberately and purposefully.
The social order
as we know it in Western societies is organized around racial
ethnic, class, and
gender inequality. I contend, therefore, that the continuing
purpose of gender as a
modern social institution is to construct women as a group to be
the subordinates
of men as a group, The life of everyone placed in the status
"woman" is "night to
his day-that has forever been the fantasy, Black to his white.
Shut out of his sys-
tem's space, she is the repressed that ensures the system's
functioning" (Cixous and
Clement [1975] 1986,67).
NOTES
I, Gender is, in Erving Goffman's words, an aspect of Felicity's
Condition: "any
arrangement which leads us to judge an individual's. , . acts not
to be a manifestation of
strangeness, Behind Felicity's Condition is our sense of what it
is to be sane" (1983, 27).
Also see Bern 1993; Frve 1983, 17-40; Goffman 1977,
2, In cases of a~biguity in countries with modern medicine,
surgery is usually per-
formed to make the genitalia more clearly male or female.
3. See Butler 1990 for an analySIS of how doing gender is
59. gender Identity,
4. On the hijras of India, see Nanda 1990; on the xaniths of
Oman, Wikan 1982,
168-86; on the American lndian berdaches, W. L. Williams
1986, Other societies that have
similar institutionalized third-gender men are the Koniag of
Alaska, the Tanala of
Madagascar, the Mesakin of Nuba, and the Chukchee of Siberia
(Wikan 1982, 170),
5. Durova 1989; Freeman and Bond 1992; Wheelwright 1989.
6. Gender segregatiol~ of work in popular music still has not
changed very much, ac-
cording to Groce and Cooper 1990, despite considerable
androgyny in some very popular
figures. See Garber 1992 on the androgyny. She discusses
Tipton on pp. 67-70,
7, In the nineteenth century, not only did these women get men's
wages, but they also
"had male privileges and could do all manner of things other
women could not: open a
bank account, write checks, own property, go anywhere
unaccompanied, vote in elections"
(Faderman 1991,44),
8. For an account of how a potential man-to-woman transsexual
learned to be femi-
nine, see Garfinkel 1967, 116-85,285-88, For a gloss on this
account that points out how,
throughout his encounters with Agnes, Garfinkel failed to see
how he himself was con-
structing his own masculinity, see Rogers 1992.
60. 9, The concepts of moral hegemony, the effects of everyday
activities (praxis) on
thought and personality, and the necessity of consciousness of
these processes before politi-
cal change can occur are all based on Marx's analysis of class
relations,
5 Lorber / "Night to His Day" 63
10. Other societies recognize more than two categories, but
usually no more than three
or four (Jacobs and Roberts 1989).
11. Carol Barkalow's book has a photograph of eleven first-year
West Pointers in a math
class, who are dressed in regulation pants, shirts, and sweaters,
with short haircuts. The cap-
tion challenges the reader to locate the only woman in the room.
12. The taboo on males and females looking alike reflects the
U.S. militJ';'s homopho-
bia (Berube 1989). If you can't tell those with a penis from
those with a vagina, how are you
going to determine whether their sexual interest is heterosexual
or homosexual unless you
watch them having sexual relations?
13. See Bolin 1988, 149-50, for transsexual men-to-women's
discovery of the dangers
of rape and sexual harassment. Devor's "gender blenders" went
in the opposite direction.
Because they found that it was an advantage to be taken for
men, they did not deliberately
61. cross-dress, but they did not feminize themselves either (1989,
126-40).
REFERENCES
Almquist, Elizabeth M, 1987. Labor market gendered inequality
iC) minority groups
Gender 6 Society 1:400-14.
Amadiume, Ifi, 1987, Male daughters, female husbands: Gender
and sex in an African
society. London: Zed Books.
Barkalow, Carol, with Andrea Raab. 1990, In the men's house.
New York: Poseidon Press.
Bem, Sandra Lipsitz, 1993. The lenses of gender: Transfonning
the debate on sexual in-
equality. New Haven: Yale University Press.
Bernard, Jessie, 1981. The female world. New York: Free Press,
Berube, Allan. 1989. Marching to a different drummer: Gay and
lesbian GIs m World
War II. In Duberman, Vicinus, and Chauncey.
Birdwhistell, Ray L. 1970. Kinesics and context: Essays on
body motion communication
Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.
Blackwood, Evelyn. 1984. Sexu81ity and gender in certain
Native American tribes: The
case of cross-gender females. Signs: ioumal of Women in
Culture and Society 10:27-42,
Bolin, Anne. 1987. Transsexualism and the limits of traditional
analysis. American
62. Behavioral Scientist 31 :41-65.
1988. In s~arch of Eve: Transsexual rites of passage. South
Hadley, Mass.: Bergin
& Garvey.
Bourdieu, Pierre, [1980] 1990, The logic of practice. Stanford,
Calif.: Stanford University
Press.
Butler, Judith. 1990. Gender trouble: Feminism and the
subversion of identity. New York
and London: Routledge,
Cixous, Helene, and Catherine Clement. [1975J 1986. The
newly bam woman, tr8ns-
lated by Betsy Wing. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota
Press,
Collins, Patricia Hill. 1990. Black feminist thought: Knowledge,
consciousness, and the
politics of empowennent. Boston: Unwin Hyman.
Connell, R.[Robert] W. 1987. Gender and power: Societ)', the
person, and sexual poli-
tics. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press. '.: Coser, Rose
Laub, 1986. Cognitive structure and the use of social space.
Sociological
Fon.1m 1: 1-26
4
64 The Social Construction of Difference: Race, Class, Gender,
and Sexuality
63. De Beauvoir, Simone. 1953. The second sex, translated by H.
M. Parshley. New York:
Knopf.
Devor, Holly. 1989. Gender blending: Confronting the limits of
duality. Bloomington:
Indiana Un iversity Press.
Duberman, Martin Bauml, Martha Vicinus, and George
Chauncey, Jr. (eds.). 1989.
Hidden from
Library.
history: Reclaiming the gay and lesbian past. New York: New
American
Durova, Nadezhda. 1989. The cavalry maiden: Journals of a
Russian officer in the
Napoleonic Wars,
Press.
translated by Mary Fleming Zirin. Bloomington: Indiana
University
Dwyer, Daisy, and Judith Bruce (eds.). 988. A home divided:
Women and income in the
Third World. Palo Alto, Calif.: Stanford University Press.
Faderman, Lillian. 1991. Odd girls and twilight lovers: A
histoT)' of lesbian life in
J
twentieth-century America. New York: Columbia University
Press.
64. Foucault, Michel. 1972. The archeology of knowledge and the
discourse on language,
translated by A.M. Sheridan Smith. New York: Pantheon.
Freeman, Lucy, and Alma Halbert Bond. 1992. America's first
woman warrior: The
courage of Deborah Sampson. rew York: Paragon.
Frye, Marilyn. 1983. The politics of reality: Essays in feminist
theory. Trumansburg,
N.Y.: Crossing Press.
Garber, Marjorie. 1992. Vested interests: Cross-dressing and
cultural anxiety. New York
and London: Routledge.
Garfinkel, Harold. 1967. Studies in ethnomethodology.
Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-
Hall.
Goffman, Erving. 1977. The arrangement between the sexes.
Theory and Society
4:301-33.
__. 1983. Felicity's condition. American Journal of Sociology
89: 1-53.
Gramsci, Antonio. 1971. Selections from the prison notebooks,
translated and edited by
Quintin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith. New York:
International Publishers.
Groce, Stephen B., and Margaret Cooper. 1990. Just me and the
boys? Women in
local-level rock and roll. Gender 6 Society 4:220-29.
Jacobs, Sue-Ellen, and Christine Roberts. 1989. Sex, sexuality,
65. gender, and gender vari-
ance. III Gender and anthropology, edited by Sandra Morgen.
Washington, D.C.: American
Anthropological Association.
Jay, Nancy. 1981. Gender and dichotomy. Feminist Studies
7:38-56.
Matthaei, Julie A. 1982. An economic history of women's work
in America. New York:
Schocken.
Mencher, Joan. 1988. Women's work and poverty: Women's
contribution to household
maintenance in South India. In Dwyer and Bruce.
Morris, Jan. 1975. Conundrum. New York: Signet.
Nanda, Serena. 1990. Neither man nor woman: The hijras of
India. Belmont, Calif.:
Wadsworth.
New York Times. 1989. Musician's death at 74 reveals he was a
woman. 2 February.
Palmer, Phyllis. 1989. Domesticity and dirt: HOllsewives and
domestic servants in the
United States, 1920-1945. Philadelphia: Temple University
Press.
Reskin, Barbara F. 1988. Bringing the men back in: Sex
differentiation and the devalua-
,~i
tion of women's work. Gender 6 Society 2:58-81.
6 Hubbard! The Social Construction of Sexuality 65
66. Rogers, Mary F. 1992. They were all passing: Agnes, Garfinkel,
and company Gender
6 Society 6: 169-91.
Rubin, Gayle. 1975. The traffic in women: Notes on the
political economy of sex. In
Toward an anthropology of women, edited by Rayna R[ app]
Reiter. New York: Monthly
ReVIew Press.
Scott, Joan Wallach. 1988. Gender and the politics of history.
New York: Columbia
University Press
West, Candace, and Don Zimmerman. 1987 Doing gender.
Gender 6 Societ)'
1:125-51.
Wheelwright, Julie. 1989. Amazons and military maids: Women
who cross-dressed in
pursuit of life, liberty and happiness. London: Pandora Press.
Wikan, Unni. 1982. Behind the veil in Arabia: Women in Oman.
Baltimore, Md: Johns
Hopkins University Press.
Williams, Christine L. 1989. Gender differences at work:
Women and men in nontradi-
tionaloccupations. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Williams, Walter L. 1986. The spirit and the flesh: Sexual
diversity in American Indian
culture. Boston: Beacon Press.
68. Gender, and Sexuality
These ideas about sexuality set up a major contradiction in what
we tell chil-
dren about sex and procreation. We teach them that sex and
sexuality are about
becoming mommies and daddies and warn them not to explore
sex by them-
selves or with playmates of either sex until they are old enough
to have babies.
Then, when they reach adolescence and the entire culture
pressures them into
heterosexual activity, whether they themselves feel ready for it
or not, the more
"enlightened" among us tell them how to be sexually (meaning
heterosexually)
active without having babies. Surprise: It doesn't work very
well. Teenagers do
not act "responsibly" -teenage pregnancies and abortions are on
the rise and
teenage fathers do not acknowledge and support their partners
and babies.
Somewhere we forget that we have been telling lies. Sexuality
and procreation
are not linked in societies like ours. On the contrary, we expect
youngsters to be
heterosexually active from their teens on but to put off having
children until they
are economically independent and married, and even then to
have only two or,
at most, three children.
Other contradictions: This society, on the whole, accepts
Freud's assumption
that children are sexual beings from birth and that society
channels their polymor-
69. phously perverse childhood sexuality into the accepted forms.
Yet we expect our
children to be asexual. We raise girls and boys together more
than is done in marlY
societies while insisting that they rrust not explore their own or
each other's sexual
parts or feelings.
What if we acknowledged the sep::Jration of sexuality from
procreation and en-
couraged our children to express themselves sexually if they
were so inclined?
What if we, further, encouraged them to explore their own
bodies as well as those
of friends of the some and the other sex when they felt like it?
They might then be
able to feel at home with their sexuality, have some sense of
their own and other
people's sexual needs, and know how to talk about sexuality and
procreation with
their friends and sexual partners before their ability to procreate
becomes an issue
for them. In this age of AIDS and other serious sexually
transmitted infections,
such a course of action seems like essential preventive hygiene.
Without the em-
barrassment of unexplored and unacknowledged sexual needs,
contraceptive needs
would be much easier to confront when they arise. So, of
course, would same-sex
Jove relationships.
Such a more open and accepting approach to sexuality would
rnake life easIer
for children and adolescents of either sex, but it would be
especially advantageous
70. for girls. VI/hen a boy discovers his penis as an organ of
pleasure, it is the same
organ he is taught about as his organ of procreation. A girl
exploring her pleasur-
able sensations finds her clitoris, but when she is taught about
making babies, she
hears about the functions of the vagina in sex and birthing.
Usually, the clitoris
goes unmentioned, and she doesn't even learn its name until
much later.
Therefore for boys there is an obvious link between
procre::ltion and their own
pleasurable, erotic explorations; for most girls, there isn't.
6 Hubbard / The Social Construction of Sexuality 67
Individual Sexual Scripts
Each of us writes our own sexual script out of the range of our
experiences. None
of this script is inborn or biologically given. We construct it oul
of our diverse life
situations, limited by wh::lt we are taught or what we can
imagine to be permissible
and correct. There is no unique female sexual experience, no
male sexual experi-
ence, no unique heterosexual, lesbian, or gay male experience.
'I'Ve take the expe-
riences of different people and sort and lump them according to
sociully
significant categories. When I hear generalizations about the
sexuu] experience of
some particular group, exceptions immediately come to mind.
Except that I refuse
to call them exceptions: They are part of the range of our sexual
experiences. Of
71. course, the similar circumstances in which members of a
particular group find
themselves will give rise to group similarities. But we tend to
exaggerate them
when we go looking for similarities within groups or differences
between them.
This exaggeration is easy to see when we look at the dichotomy
between "thc
heterosexual" and "the homosexual." The concept of "the
homosexual," along
with many other human typologies, originated toward the end of
the nineteenth
century. Certain kinds of behavior stopped being attributed to
particular persons
::md came to define them. A persoll who had sexual relations
with someone of the
S::lme sex became a certain kind of person, a "homosexual"; a
person who had sex-
ual relations with people of the other sex, a different kind, a
"heterosexu::ll."
This way of categorizing people obscured the hitherto ::lccepted
fact that many
people do not have sexual relations exclusively with persons of
one or the other sex.
(None of us has sex with a kind of person; we have sex with a
person.) This catego-
rization created the stereotypes that were popularized by the sex
reformers, such as
Havelock Ellis ond Edward Carpenter, who biologized the
"difference." "The ho-
mosexual" became ::l person who is different by nature and
therefore should not be
made responsible for his or her so-called deviance. This
definition served the pur-
72. pose of the reformers (although the laws have been slow to
change), but it turned
same-sex love into a medical problem to be treated by doctors
rather tha n punished
by judges -an improvement, perhaps, but not acceptance or
liber::ltion....
Toward a Nondeterministic Model of Sexuality
... Some gay men and lesbians feel that they were born
"different" and have al-
ways been homosexual. They recall feeling strongly attracted to
ITlembers of their
own sex when they were children and udoJescents. But many
womer:. who live
with men and think of themselves as heterosexual also had
strong affective and
erotic ties to girls and women while they were growing up. If
they were now in lov-
ing relationships with women, they might look back on their
earlier loves as proof
• "0 eJVCWI loonstruction of Difference: Race, Class, Gender,
and Sexuality
that they were always lesbiafls, But if they are now involved
with men, they may be
tempted to devalue their former feeliflgs as "puppy love" or
"crushes,"
Even withifl the preferred sex, most of us feel a greater affinity
for certain
"types" than for others, Not any man or woman will do, No Ofle
has seriously sug-
73. gested that something ifl our inflate makeup makes us light up
ifl the presence of
only certain women or men, "lYe would think it absurd to look
to hormone levels
or any other simplistic biological cause for our preference for a
specific "type"
within a sex, In fact, scientists rarely bother to ask what in our
psychosocial experi-
ence shapes these kinds of tastes anc! preferences, "lYe assume
it must have some-
thing to do with our relationship to our parents or with other
experiences, but we
do not probc deeply unless people prefer the "Wroflg" sex,
Then, suddenly, scien-
tists begin to look for specific causes.
Because of our recent history and political experiences,
feminists tend to reject
simplistic, causal models of how our sexuality develops, Many
women who have
thought of themselves as hetcrosexual for much of their life and
who have been
marricd and have had children have fallen in love with a woman
(or women)
when they have had thc opportunity to rethink, refeel, and
restructure their lives.
The society in which we live chanflels, guides, and limits our
imaginatiofl in
sexual as well as other matters. Why some of us give ourselves
permission to love
people of our own sex whereas others cannot even imagifle
doing so is an iflterest-
ing question, But I do not think it will be amwered by
measuring our hormone
levels or by trying to unearth our earliest affectional tics, A:s
74. women begin to speak
freely about our sexual experiences, we are getting a varied
range of iflformation
with which we can reexamine, reevaluate, and change ourselves,
Lately, increas-
ing numbers of women have begun to acknowledge their
"bisexuality" -the fact
that they can love women and men in :succession or
simultaneously, People fall in
love with individuals, not with a sex, Gender fleed not be a
significant factor in our
choicc, although for some of us it may be,
5
"Night to His Day":
The Social Construction of Gender
Judith Lorber .
Talking about gender for most people is the equivalent of fish
talking about water.
Cender is so much the routine ground of everyday activities that
questioning its
taken-far-granted assumptions and presuppositions is like
thinking about whether
the sun will come up.1 Cender is so pervasive that in our
society we assume it is
bred into our genes. Most people find it hard to believe that
gender is constantly
created and re-created out of human interaction, out of social
life, and is the texture
and order of that social life. Yet gender, like culture, is a human
production that de-
75. pends on everyone constantly "doing gender" (West and
'Zimmerman 1987)
An~ everyone "does gender" without thinking about it. Today,
on the subway, I
saw a well-dressed man with a year-old child in a stroller.
Yesterday, on a bus, I saw
a man with a tiny baby ina carrier on his chest. Seeing men
taking care of small
children in public is increasircgly common-at least in New York
City. But both
men were quite obviously stared at-and smiled at, approvingly.
Everyone was
doing gender-the men who were changing the role of fathers and
the other pas-
sengers, who were applauding them silently. But there was more
gendering going
on that probably fewer people noticed. The baby was wearing a
white crocheted
cap and white clothes. You couldn't tell if it was a boy or a girl.
The child in the
stroller was wearing a dark blue T-shirt and dark print pants. As
they started to
leave the train, the father put a Yankee baseball cap 011 the
child's head. Ah, a boy,
I thought. Then I noticed the gleam of tiny earrings in the
child's ears, and as they
got off, I saw the little flowered sneakers and lace-trimmed
socks. Not a boy after
all. Cender done.
Cender is such a familiar part of daily life that it usually takes a
deliberate dis-
ruption of our expectations of how women and men are
supposed to act to pay at-
tention to how it is produced. Cender signs and signals are so
76. ubiquitous that we
usually fail to note them-unless they are missing or ambiguous.
Then we are un-
comfortable until we have successfully placed the other person
in a gender status;
otherwise, we feel socially dislocated....
From" 'Night to His Day': The Social ComtLlction of Gender,"
in Paradoxes or Gender, pp. 13-36.
Copyright 1994. Reprinted by permission of Yale University
Press.
5 Lorber! "Night to His Day" 55
For the individual, gender construction starts with assignment to
a sex categorYI
on the basis of what the genitalia look like at birth Z Then
babies are dressed orl
adorned in a way that displays !Iw category because parents
don't want to be con-,
stantly askee; whether their baby IS a girl or a boy. A sex
category becomes a gender
status through naming, dress, and the use of other gender
markers. Once a child's
gender is evident, others treat those in one gender differently
from those in the
other, and the children respond to the different treatment by
feeling different and
behaving differently. As soon as they can talk, they start to
refer to themselves as
members of their gender. Sex doesn't corne into play again until
puberty, but by
that time, sexual feelings and desires and practices have been
shaped by gendered
norms and expectations. Adolescent boys and girls approach and
avoid each other
77. in an elaborately scripted and gendered mating dance. Parenting
is gendered, with
different expectations for mothers and for fathers, and people of
different genders
work at different kinds of jobs. The work adults do as mothers
ar;,1 fathers and as
low-level workers and high-level bosses, shapes women's and
men's life experi-
ences, and these experiences produce different feelings,
consciousness, relation-
ships, skills-ways of being that we call feminine or masculine 3
All of these
processes constitute the social construction of gender.
Cendered roles change-today fathers are taking care of little
children, girls
and boys are wearing unisex clothing and getting the same
education, women and
men are working at the same jobs. Although many traditional
social groups are
quite strict about maintaining gender differences, in other socia!
groups they seem
to be blurring. Then why the one-year-old's earrings? Why is it
still so important to
mark a child as a girl or a boy, to make sure she is not taken for
a boy or he for a
girl? What would happen if they were? They would, quite
literally, have changed
places in their social world.
To explain why gendering is done from birth, constantly and by
everyone, we
have to look not only at the way individuals experience gender
but at gender as a so-
CIal institution. As a social institution, gender is one of the
major ways that human
78. beings organize their lives. Human society depends on a
predictable division of
labor, a designated allocation of SCarce goods, assigned
responsibility for children
and others who cannot care for themselves, common values and
their systematic
transmission to new members, legitimate leadership, music, art,
stories, garnes, and
other symbolic productions. One way of choosing people for the
different tasks of
society is on the basis of their talents, motivations, and
competence-their demon-
strated achievements. The other way is on the basis of gender,
race, ethnicity-as-
cribed membership in a category of people. Although societies
vary in the extent to
which they use one or the other of these ways of allocating
people to work and to
carry out other responsibilities, every society uses gender and
age grades. Every soci-
ety classifies people as "girl and boy children," "girls and boys
ready to be married,"
and "fully adult women and men," constructs similarities among
them and differ-
ences between them, and assigns them to different roles and
responsibilities.
Personality characteristics, feelings, motivations, and ambitions
flow from these
different life experiences so that the me/nbers of these different
groups become
56 I The Social Construction of Difference: Race, Class,
Gender, and Sexuality