SOCA IIUM

1. MODERNIZATION r,cr,--1, ,. r, -,, .,,, , r11
Modernization is the process by 'Which agrarian societies are transformed
into industrial. societies) This transition entails the development of ad-
vanceg@dustr~al technologr)~nd th(political, cultural, and social arrange-
menf.appropriate _to ~ust~mmg, dire~ting, and utilizing that technology.)
The aim of modern1zahon 1s to approxrmate the characteristics of economi-
cally developed and relatively stable nations (Chirot, 1985; Germani,
1981:10-14; Moore, 1974:,94). This transition seldom, if ever, takes place
smoothly or evenly (see, for example, Tilly, 1997). Still, it affects every social
institution, touches every community, and is felt in all walks of life (see, for
example, Savelsberg, 2002). Evidence from both objective and subjective
measures indicates that modernization is associated with an improved qual-
ity of life for most people (Inkeles, 1993).(Modernization is a comprehensive
term that describes many simultaneous changes at several levels. Industrial-
ization, urbanization, and bureaucratization are closely related·to modern-
ization. For the purpose of analysis, however, these interrelated change
patterns will be discussed separately.
In a sense, modernization is a form of imitation, emulation, and trans-
plantation of patterns1 products, and technologies from Western countries to
less developed countries. Thus1 a prerequisite of n1odernization is commu-
nication and contact among the various cultures and societies. It is usually
the leaders of developing countries who set the plans and policies for i
changing a particular society in motion in the direction of contemporary so- J
cieties. Industrialization is not always a crucial factor in modernization. For {
example, African and Asian nations usually start the process of modemiza- . ..J
tion with nation building and the development of modern political systems.
The object is the transformation of their social structure and the dissemina-
tion of new norms and values through education. The development of in-
dustry usually follows later.

2. 104 Chap. 3 Patterns of Change
(B
. . E · the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries in,
y contrast, m ,.._urope in - .- . d - k 1973·259· ·K- 1'
d t · 1· t· b. th to moaernizat1on (Cho a , · , err, 983)us r1a 1za 10n gave 1r . f h , • ·
For some theorists modernization is seen in terms O umans Increased
knowledge and m;stery of the environment. Cyril E. Black (l967) Suggests
that modern_societies are characterized by the growth of new knowledge,
and this presumes the existence of an individual with an increasing capacity
to understand the secrets of nature and to apply this new knowledge to
human affairs. Robert N . Bellah (1965) regards modernization as the ability
of "learning to learn" and the jncreased capacity of a community to process
information in a society and to respond to it appropriately. From a different
perspective, Marion Levy, Jr. (1966:35) considers 1nodernization as gradable
because it appears in different forms. "A society will be considered more or
less modernized to the extent that its men1bers use inanimate sources of
power and/or use tools to multiply the effects of their efforts. Neither of
these elements is either totally absent from or exclusively present in any so-
ciety." Even though a contint1um of modernization may not be established,
~evy sugge_sts that one can sa!ely distinguish between relatively.modern-
ized co~ntnes, such_ as the Umted States and England, and relatively non-
modernized countries, such as India and some of the Latin American
countries.

3. In The Politics of Modernization, David E. Apter considers moderniza-
tion as a particular case of development. In his words:
Modernization implies three condition~_-a community that can constantly in-
novate without falling apart (and that includes among its essential beliefs the
acceptability of change); differentiated, flexible social structures; and a spdal
framework to provide the skills and knowledge necessary for living in a tech-
nologically-advanced world. Industrialization, a special aspect of moderniza-
tion, may be defined as the period in a society in which the strategic functional
roles are related to manufacturing. It is possible to attempt the modernization
of a given country without much industry, but it is not possible to industrialize
without modernization. (1965: 67)
Based on historical phenomena and moder11ization processes in developing
I
countries, it is possible, according to Szymon Chodal< (1973:261), to general-
ize that moderni~a!ion ~cc~r~d_in one of three ways: (1) as a__result of in-
d.11stri_~lization of a country, which, in turn, generates changes in attitudes
and behavior, producing~ new value orientation, which sets the motivation
to generate further industrialization; (2) spontaneously, as a result of contact
between-the more developed and less developed societies and cultures;
a11d (3) as a consequence of purposeful planned governmental activity to
giodernize the economy. On the basis of these generalizations, Chod~k
(1973:263-271) identified !__hree patterns of modernization that occurred in
sub-Saharan Africa: industrial, acculturative, and induced.

4. Chdp 3 p
cill<:rns Of lha
. - nge 105
1 J11d11slnal Modernization The
. . d ' . . P.rocess of . d .
materia l con 1t1ons and needs cont~b . in u lizatio
11c'' l · . ' ' n outes totne~fnrm....~ ~ creates
ftJcJcs ,,nd Vil uc ~ncnt~tions, and increases the d ► - - ~ mation of ne~
r (crdcpcndeDCC Jn ~OCJety and new roles or a _1v1s~on oOaEiur. It increases
''.,,·tvbecome more differentiated. Ch d, k g ruzations, and systems of -
ti' J , • f h o a states that "M ac
t,.'s type arises out o t e necessity to ad t h . odernization of
~~irernents of industry" (1973:263). ap t e sooal organization to the re-
2. Acculturative Modernization Th· .
d.ff . lS process ts bas d h
ence of two I erent cultures and is .f e on t e conver-
g ~.-----~u":".::=-::--:· -r:: - - marn ested through th -
'e},avior patterns, miormation about l'f tyt e acceptance of
t)t'JI C I Th l es es, and educan ·-
different cu ture. e selective transplantation of onal practices of a
Jead to the replacement of traditionafinstituti - bcu~ ral eleme~ts do~ot
• po,1'erishment, deformation ~d-. 1
- _?!15 ut very often 1t leads to its
JJ1l . . - - , m some instances to all kind f ul al
and 50,9_~- abriorrnalities" (1973:263). Ch d k I s O
~ tur
- f 1 · 1· · · 0 a 5uggests that durmg the
Process o co orua 1zahon of Africa accultu ti d . .
' ra ve mo erruzahon was typical.
3. Induced Modernization. The third patt f - · .. , . . em o mo erruza on entails
modeling a country s orgaruzahons instituti·ons and 1 . .
f
. , , va ue onentations
after those o Western countnes. "Induced moderruz· ti. · f ·. ___ a on consists o mtro-
aucmg moctenrforms of government and adrninistratio - -;---..,__d ti ··_• · · h · . - . n, eaucanon, u.ru.
vers1he~, re.?ea~c ~ t].~t~s, universal suffrage, and cornmtinications rn;Iia
E1to ~ ~ dustrI_~lly underdeveloped countn'., without havm"gprevfousiy in-
dustna~zed the country: Induced modernization arises primarily .9fil-..Q.L
the desrre to c~~ch up w1t_h t~e more develope~ ocieties, especially in the
spheres of p olitical orgamzahon and education, ancfpartly because of the
desire to have easy accessibility to the products of modern technical
progress" (1973:267). In a sense, in modern-African countries, induced rn;d-
ernization can be equated with nation building through the processes of ed-
ucational, administrative, and governmental reforms. In all cases of induced
modernization, however, it should be noted that the government, the ruling
political party, and the elite are the principal organizers and implementers
(Chirot, 1985).
Each of these forms of modernization develops through a differentia-
tion of roles'. th; Jestablishment of specialized institutions, and the g_rer~-
tlQ_n of sp~ ific_kmds of interdependencies. For example, the key roes m
industrial modernization are those of entrepreneur, worker, inventor, and
innovator; in""-acculturative modernization, the key roies are orthe trades-
~' ffilgdant, student, and liberated me1:1b_':~ of the _tribal❖~ociety; in,e.m::_
duced mo ernization, the roles of Rolitician, intellectual, and the bureaucrat
a_~ import_fill.t (Chodak, 1973:269- 270).
~ odemization gains momenhrm, new characteristics a~c~mpany
it. They include the "development of a high extent of differenhaho~~ the
development of free resources which are not committed to any tixed,

5. ofCh~nge
106 cI1,1p J P,t1terns development of sp .
s. the ec:1a1.
. . . . . orial, etc.) g~oup ' . the development of Wide i;,,C:J
ascripti ve (kin!,hip, tcrnt . 1organization,
1
oup identification· tc)11,
crnd divcr~ified types of socian supranation~ gt~onal spheres of sp'ea~d_ th~
. . , • I ' or eve . ·nst1tu 1 c1a]·
tr,1d1t1onal, nationa' . all rnaJor I
t· e mechanisms and
1
Z~q
. d I ment in ' d ]]oca 1v org
conc<1m1tant eve op . , ulative an a . life voting and atii,
d
f ial wider reg . conomlC , Party
roles an o spec echanisrns in e . nizations and mech . ac,
zations, such as market~ burea ucratic orga an1srns
tivities in politics, and d,ver,~e . tadt, 1973:23)- . .
in most institutional spheres (E1si:itantly with basic changes m all Illajot
These have developed cone these developments were characterized.
institutions. In the economic sphere, ·c activities, the influx of external cap·
· f econom1 996) d th 1
-
by a greater specialization o d bt (Pattnayak, 1 ' an e growth of
tal and the resulting external .e . 1 markets-markets for goods, labo
· f the pnncipa th f h r,
scope and complexity o . . ·t resulted in the grow o t e popul
. I anizat10n, i f . a-
and money. In sooa org specialized types o economic pr
. . · hich the more ' 0
-
twn m urban areas in ~ . . d nterprises became concentrated and
d
· · ct1v1ties an e • ·
fessional, an ov1c a h from traditional ascnphve status to th
• ·se to a c ange . e
expanded. This gave n f f stratification, with greater opportun·
f re open orm o . 1-
developmento a ~o bTt through economic, occupational, and educa-
ties for upward sooal m? i 1
Y
tional channels (Germani, 1981:l73-l9S).. . • db
. .
1
h modernizat10n 1s charactenze y a develop-
In the poltttca sp ere, . .
t f d
·fferentiated political structure; by a growing extension of
men o a more 1 · · 1 · · · b h
h f t 11 gal administrative and pohtica activities; y t econ-
t e scope o cen ra e , . . , . . . .
tinuous spread of potential political power to wider groups 1n society, and
by the weakening of traditional elites. .
In the cultural sphere, modernization is charactenzed by a greater dif-
ferentiation between principal aspects of major cultural and value systems
such as religion, philosophy, ideology; by an increased secularization and,
concomitantly, the weakening of traditional, cultural elites; by an increase
in literacy and secular education; and by the rise of a new secular
intelligentsia.
These developments have been closely related to an extension of print
and electronic communications and their penetration of various local
groups..The resulting growing awareness among the various strata of the
population has created greater participation in social life and increased con-
sumption of "culture" (Eisenstadt, 1973:23-25).
. !hes~ institutional changes are accompanied by marked transforma-
tions 1n attitudes and personal'ty hi h h d
ern" · th rt 1
'w c ave been characterized as "mo ·
d
m e I ~ratur~. According to Alex Inkeles and David H Smith, "The
mo ern man is not Just a construct in th . . . . . He
exists and he can be identified. . ,, e ~md of sociological t~eonsts.
that the modem individual' h. · (1974-290). Inkeles and Smith propose
major headings: s c aracter may be summed up under fotLI

6. t II, 11 , 1
I
I I
I I Ii' 1ll' ~ II ' I H l lll lllltll'IIH'd l'•" 'lld 1, I I ·Ill, I II 1 / I ' l l
] , 1l,1~ ,1 111,11 h.1•d :a•11:,1• 1111 11 •1'H1111,il 1•1l l,·,11·y ,
1 1~ highIv l11dl'p1·111 l, ·,,1 ,11,d ,1111 111111111 , '
l',111 1•11 1•, 1t1 f I
I, IJ" l' . 107
, , 1· 11 11111 11 lh lt1 · I..,0 ur1·t•~ P 111 ll ' 111 ·,, 111 11•1· ,.,l.ll l, Hi• 1 1, ' ' 11 1-.1dl t lu 11,1 I
I h n•,1d y t11r ,ww ,.,,,,,r1,,,,.....,1111
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1'' . ' H... l I l 'llll' ti I I
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11,•11-1 111111.lt-d 1111d 1'1l•J11liv,•ly ll,--II I (I :, '11 11, llw lnd lvld, 1 11 1,1 1•.
1 11 1M ., I I ' , •,1,1:·.t'lll) ' I I ' ,l Vl' y
A._ ,111 inf11rnwd p.irli1·ip.1li11)' l'ili; ,,11 II ,
1
. ,1' · • ) • , w 11l 1v1d111I · I · ··
I,n~cr ,,spcd s ol rq.;io11~,11 ,d ~,.,11•
1
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1 . 1
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11
,1.·11l1f1l'H with IWWL' I',
• r . . ' ' " q•1-1 in p11hl1 , ·ifI · · · ·
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,1inn,1I oq..;,1111;.,..1IHH1s, vol,•s ·u,d k .
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' •
111 !-l, 10111s lt)l".11 and
I • ' ' , . l'l'PH Ill 01'11lL1d II . ,1
l
b()UI 11i.1jor l'Vt'nls. / Sl'llst• of dfk,, , , , , 110uh 1 llw mal-is fflL'dia
• . •lY IS Sl'l'll 1ll th,•, ·, · .
lividu;1I L'.111 t;1kl1
,ll'l1ons that ·iffl'<'I 11.
1 1
. . 11111v 11
lH>n th.it lhl' 1n-
l • IH ()I' l'I' Ill' ') 1 I II ' f I
l
,ity. Onl' knows lht1t ,lll individ,nl t··,,,. '11 1•11 o l ll' commu-
. • ' l I 1mprt)Vl' Olll'':-l C rt· ' . ' ' , I
. -1result, n.'jl'rls pass,vily n• ·i , . L' . . . <>Ill
I
tons 1n lie ,nl ,
,,~.'. . . . .. , . · ' s g ll,l Hill , .tlld f.1t ..1lism. Thl' adv in• of ublic
official:-; <,nd t1,,dl -lll11011 lt'<Hh•rs l'01W1..•rnin, l I' , .,, , . P
f I . . g p11 1 it issues 1s followed rather
1h.in that o t 1l' pncsts or vii l.igv vld1..·rs ()i , .
. . . . . · · H's op1..•111wss to rww experience
is rdlectcd in llw ex plor,1110n ol Iornw rly s·,crl'Ll •)•.1 i·l,'l · . J ti . d' .:i I', • • ,L l: S,lno ' l l'II' IVILU .1 S
willingness lo ml'l'l slr,rngl'rs ,llld lo ·111ow W' )I"'" l 1. k , 1 ·
< . . • • , 11 l'n o n l' ,1uvant.igc ot op-
portunities outside of llw home.
In c1ddilion, as cvidl'l1l'l'd by lh1..· w,··,L·11-. 0L· 1,1· M w b I-' d'n •, t1x e er ,ilgen an
McClcllc1nd in Ch.iplcr _2, llw modern individual is ..1lso efficient, diligent,
orderly, P111Clu,ll, and Irug,1 I. 0 1w is ralion,11 in decisions on action, and is
prcpt1rcd f-or_ ch,1ngc ,1 nd alert lo opporlunilies ilS they arise in a changing
world. One fin ds lh,1l scrupulous honesty pays in the long run and is a con-
dition for im prov ing dficiency in ,111 social ,ind economic reh1tions (Myrdal,
]968:6]). One is ,1 lso energetic zi nd cooperative; one zilso accepts responsibil-
ity for the welfo re or both the community nnd the nation and is willing to
take the long view ;_1nd forgo short-term profiteering. One fa vors the subor-
dination of spcculcition to invcstrnent and of commerce and finance to pro-
duction. ln a sense, "the hallmark of modernity is an existential conviction
that man can select c1nd can achieve his own future; that he has indeed
many futures, that all he must do--to begin with.- is to write his own sce-
nario of the future as he himself drean1s it and then to live his drama"
(Meadows, 1971:21 ).
In su1n, n1odernization has no end product. To embark on the modern-
ization process is to accept the fact of continual and prolonged change. lts
uniqueness lies in the fact that it is based on the assumptions of the possibil-
ity of the active creation by humans of a new social and political order, an
order based on premises of universalism and equality, and the ~pread of
these assumptions is combined with the development of far-reaching s~r_uc-
tural and organizational changes, especially in the economic and pol_ihc~l
fields (Eisenstadt, 1973:209). ln the next section, industrialization, whtch ts
;in in,n,whnt- l"'r'fY'lnr,n0nt nf modernization, will be examined.

7. _, iut,-', .J I '--l llL"I I I~ l ) I ._I /Cll 1':JL
INDUSTRIALIZATION , . bstituted for rn
. :
•,.
Y1s su •qat.
. . . . . h technolog ost commonly Us
lnd11stnnl1:nt1011 1s the process by whic ds The rn ,
1
bor fo ~d
ual labor as the basis of production of _goo f·the nation 5
~ --~ ~
index of industrialization is the propordt1onlJ.I1'
0
es a nation canl e co1:8d1dereq
· ec , mp e cons1 er ·
gaged in agr_icJ!lture. As the proport10n 1983:5), for exa l;bor for s lt-
as becoming more industrial. Clark Kerr ( t or less of the. . ce en.
dustrialized nations as those with 25 per~~:ever, that this 1~ an index anct
gaged in agriculture. It should be nq_ted, • in the agricultural labor
. . • · The reduction f hn 1 · 1" not a measure ot industnahzahon. '-: quence o tee o ogica, ec0•
. t 1' as a conse . 1· ti' ~force can be seen more appropna e } ing industna 1za on,; as is
nomic, and organizational changes.acco~pan~t al., 2002). As indicated in
the case, for example, in today's China (~ian~zation is a more comprehen-
the preceding section, ~~~t ~i~~w~na other concepts such as
si·e ter~1 that subsumes mdustnahz~e olitical, social, religious, educa-
econonuc grm,vth or development and P pany industrialization.
. 1 d th . . ti' 1changes that accom
tiona , an o er mstitu o~a . d th classic case of industrial-
Great Britain is considered t~e f~rst anseenethe development of work-
ization (Kerr et al., 1964:14). By 18.::iO, it had . . d "''ere able to mo
ers who were acclimatized to factory conditions an . . ve
f 1 1 t. lovment to employment, as required. Pnor torom p ace to p ace, rom emp ; . d h
World !Tar I, industrialization had spread widely trom Englan to t e ~est-
ern ,vorld and to Japan. It spread largely_by ~iffusion_ ra_ther th~_by ~d~-
pendent social iff,·entions. Today, much ot the u:terest m 1ndustnahzation1s
focused on the ci1anges taking place in econon11call:,' u~derdeveloped a~ s
where the pattern of industrialization is based on flexible, sn1~ ~
duction, rather than on the more typical large-sec-1le technology of mass pro-
duction (Jan1es & Bhalla, 1993).
There are many descriptions in the literature of the various patterns of
industrialization (see, for example, Gulati, 1992; Hall, 1993; Kerr, 1983; and
Lenski, Nolan, & Lenski, 1999).The n1ost c01nn1only used distinctions entail
the differences am~g_preindustrial, e~rly industrial, and mature industri~
societies, occasionally '"'ith the term postindustrial added to account for
highly advanced societies such as the United States or certain Western Euro-
pean countries. They all have in common very developed international
commodity, capital, and labor markets; a disciplined industrial labor force;a
highly developed technology; and sophisticated professional, technical, and
managerial personnel.
~n~~strialization is accompanied by a growing degree of complexity in
the division of labor and the concomitant distribution of the labor force
a~ong occupations. At the most general level, industrialization involves a
sh1~t from l~or force concentration~ gricultural _empJQy~ to manu~ac-
tu~mg employment and eventually to employment in service industnes.
Wilbert Moore (1969) describes·some of the factors that result in increased
ka l c- ' -;, ' q" -::> .. f " °'K() n~-:_:;;~ L f ,~ ·,
. f",.1 7I Y) l~O fl..,._C.I U I ,i'("
£ .' ~'''11' • -- .

8. Ch,1p. l Pc1ti-crm ol Cl 1c1n~JC 109
... ,11 lll' l.tl'1.'r O,w of tlw~t.' co ·d . • . {i)
1li' 1:-
11
•.
1- • l . · 11st crntinns ts the gfowth in siz~of eco-
. , llt'~,1111 :t,1 llH:- I IL'h Cll(Ol · .,. ) ... · ---- ---
11111lll ' . .· 1. . lla~s t le clf1c1encics that result from ~-
Ii )1,d :--pl'll,11.1.,1twn. Anoth ,. · ). h . .
l·111'·' l • l:t is cc nolog,cal change which brings
t new n((ttp,1llonal Sf)Cci,1lti ' , . I - '-L._--- '
,,1,1)1
1
. , . • , . , - . ~~, suc 1 as computer progrnmmer, and can
I·11 t'~ult 111 thL tu, the, subd1v1sion of skills . th f . 1· d.1 :- t
1
' , ns 1s e cnse o specia 1ze
11,.1l'hit1l' l;,11
l'tl llrs ""
10
re~)laced the skilled dressmaker. A third considera-
. ·~th~l''L'll)pment ot ne'"' n • i t. d · · ·tn'" 1. . . r- lOl uc_~ ani servic.es, resulting m o..ccup.a-
til'"~ th,1t P1
~'·
1
t.'usly dtd 11_<..?t exist. ~ changes in the size and complexity
· I , 1bnr torn' l'm...,w-c~d 111 man t· t · - · ·
1,1 t ll ' - - -- 0 . o: . . ' u ac urmg and service are usually accom-
1'·'"icd b'.· ",~'.m"th ~.
1
lll)
1
ons_~nd mana_ge1nent µowcrillld <1.gg,wth lfuclass
l'i'n~(Wtt:--11.L ~~ amono worket s. The d1v1s1on of labor is also related t ccu-
~,.1til1n,1l and geographic mobility as well as to higher levels of educational
,1tt,1innwnt that are more closely related to industrial functions. There is also
.1 rel,1tiln:ship bet~een industrialization and racial inequality. A ,study of
:,;t,,·ent:·-tln:' Brazilian metropolitan areas concluded that industrialized
,m',b hc1Ye lmver occupational inequality, especially in blue-collar occupa-
tiN1~; at higher occupational levels, racial inequality is either greath or is
unaffected by industrialization (Telles, 1994).
Change in population patterns (birth, death, marriages, migration) is
also closely linked "vith industrialization. The sequence of events, often reT
ferred to as the "demographic transition," first occurred and proceeded to
the greatest degree during the industrialization of Europe. The essence of
the demographic transition is a move from a situation in which both birth
rates and death rates are high to a situation in which both of these are low.
Thus, many of the first European countries to industrialize (for example,
England and France) have been characterized by low population growth for
a number of years, in which replacement through fertility equals population
losses tlu-ough deaths. Contemporary developing societies, however, pre-
sent a different picture. Demographic changes are taking a very different-
and highly problematic-form. This is due to the fact that reduction in
death rates has been brought about relatively rapidly, whereas a corre-
sponding drop in birth rates lags far behind (Daugherty & Kammeyer, 1995).
Rapid reductions in death rates can be achieved through such rela-
tively simple procedures as us~g in~~ctic_iq_es Jo_control _m.9s_guitQ.~-11@,,
an.d_other--disease-transmitting i.Dsects. For example, dramatic reductions in
,vorld deaths from malaria have been achieved in this fashion. Widespread
immunization programs and the greater availability of antibiotic drugs also
contributed to the lowering of mortality rates. ~irth control, however, is a
different matter. In many societies, fertility is a source of social prestige. In
the context of industrialization, traditional attitudes may remain a strong
positive sanction for bearing children, possibly in keeping with religious
values, possibly for practical considerations, such as the economic value of
children; or possibly for other complex interrelated reasons. Such societies
are generally characterized by a high fertility rate and low or rapidly foiling

9. rnortalit' rall~, rec;,uJt1 ,,. · • b ,
change~ in the l"'<-'O ng m tl rapid population growth c1nd su "lC~Utnt
population s ·l nom1Gilly dependent or nonproducti ve <,egments tn the
I d
, UL , a.;; the very voung or tho old
n ustn I · , '" · · f Tdition
1
· . ~ lZnhon 15 also accompanied bv changes in family_ Erm. ra-
But tha sonehes are tvpically characteri1ed bv an extended f;uni_lYsystem,
t . e more mdustrialized a ,;;ocictv becomes: the more likely it is to move
iard the nuclear familv (hu~banl wife and their children) (Goode, 1963;
erm~, 1981:87-90). The nuclear famil~ form presents numerous ad~an-
t~ges tro~1 the perspecti,·e of geographic;l mobility al]_d i~~reased urban1z~-
hon, Khich are associated with industrialization. Traditwnal patterns tn
mate selechon and parent-child relationships have been rep!aced by con-
temporary torms; and, as the familv ceases to be an econorn1~ally produc-
ti·e unit, the social position of w~men has changed. _Th~re
15
also
50
1:1e
eY!clence to indicate that the rate of divorce and other mclICators of family
breakcio,·n increase ,·ith industrialization. However, it would be erroneous
to sa~- that "family disorganization" is a concomitant o~ industrialization.
Instead, at least in the Cnited States, the modern family has undergone
major changes-changes associated with urbanization and industrializa-
tion, although these are not signs of deterioration. Parsons (1955) a:gues
that the family has become a more specialized structureLEven though 1t has
lost some of its functions, such as producing economic goods and services
and educating the children, it has also become a more exclusive guardian of
other functions, such as socializing the very young and providing a setting
for emotional tension management for adults. Furthermore, the roles of the
husband-father and ,,·ife-mother have become more specialized relative to
one another. Parsons contends that these new features of the family signify
the opposite of disintegration and concludes that the nuclear family is more
effecti·e than its predecessor in socializing children for adult roles in indus-
trial societY.,
. ,.Industrial~z~tion is related to the increased need for literacy, for educa-
hon 1s a determining factor in labor force participation and for social mobil-
ity. There_ is a gre~ter reliance on mass commu;ication channels both as a
so~rce o! informatw~ ~nd _as a means for breaking down the previous forms
of 1solat10n. I~dustnahzation also ~e.sults in the d e·velopment of _§_popular
culture, r~p~a~mg some of the trad1t10nal forms of recreation. There is-also
a ~ha1? d1v1s1?n betwe~n "work" and "leisure," a distinction that did not
exist in agranan or tnbal societies. Time becomes d'ty
(
Szalai 1972) Th • . a scarce commo 1
, . ere 1s an mcreased t· · • .
an increase in secular attitudes par ~cipation 1n voluntary associatio_ns,
and administrative structures. ' a
nd th
e nse of clearly differentiated pofilical
In sum, industrialization is an ·
ing it, we often find it difficult t unp_o~tant pattern of~hange. In an~ly~~
Any examination of th• 0
determine where best to "d.rflW th~lJJ1e,
tended in continuing tisd~attern of change can be almost indefinitely ex·
o 1scover wa · h' . ·t elfys in w 1ch 1ts presence makes 15

10. Chap. 3 Patterns of Change , , ,
known . In the next section, a close associate of industrialization, urbaniza-
ticin, w ill be considered.
URBANIZATION
~he term 11rbanii;atio11}refers to the process by which an increasing propor-
tion o~ountry's.,population comes to live in cities, with a coU£9mita!1t
c_oncentration of e~on?mic actiyit¼ _administrative a~d political orga11iza-
tion, an~ commurncation networks in these urban areas (Friedmann, 2002;
~ermarn, 1981:203;_ Iverson, 1984). The term population implosi911 is some-
times used to describe this increased concentration of the worla's peoples in
urban or met_ropolitan areas (Hauser, 1973:430). Urbanization also refers to
how people hve-that is, their patterns of behavior and social relationships.
These two aspects-where people live and how they live-are interrelated
(see, for example, Feagin, 1997). Modernization, industrialization, and ur-
banization often occur in combination. It is clear, however, that the city and
the factory systems are separable. Large urban areas existed in antiquity,
and many factories are located in otherwise rural areas (Sjoberg, 1960). The
world's earliest cities appeared some 5,000 to 6,000 years ago in Sumer, the
southern part of Mesopotamia, and various types of ceremonial cities such
as Mecca existed long before the advent of modernization and industrializa-
tion (Pfeiffer, 1977:149-170). Even today, urbanization is taking place in less
developed societies without simultaneous industrialization (Brown, L.,
2001; Hardoy, 1975:xi). For example, in Latin America, urbanization has not
been accompanied by simultaneous industrialization or by better distribu-
tion of opportunity, income, and consumption (Germani, 1981:231-261;
Linn, 1983). Consequently, most Latin American countries are not in a posi-
tion to provide the employment opportunities, or even the basic urban in-
frastructure such as housing, sewer and utility services, medical care, and
education, necessary to maintain an extremely large urban population.
In 2002, the world's population was over 6.25 billion, and 48 percent
lived in urban areas (Population Reference Bureau, 2003). "Urban place" is
defined somewhat differently from one country to another, with the bottom
limit usually in the range of 2,500 to 5,000 people. Still, the percentage of the
population that dwells in urban places would not change by more than
5 percentage points even if the bottom limit were 10,000 (Davis, 1972:31).
Urbanization as a process clearly has a beginning and an end. For example,
three-fourths of the United States' population of close to 260 million is now
urban and the maximum level of urbanization for any country is probablyI •
about 90 percent. Even after a nation ac~ieves a high le~el_ of ur~aniz~tw~,
its cities and metropolitan areas can continue to grow. T_h1s 1s_ th_e situation m
North America and Western Europe. Although there 1s a hm1t to the ~er-
centage of urbanization possible, there is not yet agreement on the pract1Cal

11. 112
Chap. 3 Pc..1tterns of Ch,-ingc f the next ccn-
thc start o ..
r · • areas. By ·Jd 's ten rncgnc1ti,,1-4
m11 t concerning the size of metropoJitan .
1
t f the wot . 5,:. f)
1t • d · e1g 1 ° · 0 c,ty, ,,o au c,ury, eveloping countries wiJI contam ·th Mcxic . '
(cities with 10 million or more in11abitants), wh•· list. Dy 201 5, thc_rc will b1·
B b . h top of t e · dcvclop•n~ c<iunom ay, Calcutta and Shanghai at t·e ty-three in -
h:enty-seven such metropolitan centers, twen . , ,
tnes (Piel 1997) . f Homo ::;apten!> has or-
' · ·zat1on ° · Id
Historically, it seems that the urbant
O
no country in the wor Was
curred almost overnight. As recently a~ 185 ' Only about 2 per~cnt of_the
as urbanized as the world as a whole 15 now. JOO 000 inhabitants. The
Id' . . f more than ' S t d .wor s population lived in cities o he United ta cs occurrc 1n
most rapid urbanization of both England and t has witnessed nn accclera-
t~e ninetf:enth cent~iry, and the twentietl~ ce~~:~s are growing because they
hon of this process m many other countries. ic benefits than do rural
. . l and econom
provrde, on the average, greater socia in the nature and scale of cco-
areas and they reflect the enormous c~a_nges ver efficient, they optimize
nomic activity worldwide. Basically, cities are ra~s ortation, they provide
the use of energy;, they allow for fast and cheap t Ph d'ff • f d
d f ·1itate t e 1 us,on o pro -flexible and productive labor markets, an aci . t
1999
.
10ucts, ideas, and human resources (World Resources Inst1tu e, . · . ).
It is possible to depict both the level and rates of urbaniza ti~n on a
continuum. At the lower end of an urbanization level are the countnes that
have less than 10 percent of their populations located in cities; for example,
countries such as Yemen, Saudi Arabia, Afghanistan, Chad, and Uganda. On
the other end of the continuum, there are countries such as Belgium, Aus- '
tralia, and Uruguay that have more than 80 percent of their populations in
urban areas. In terms of the rate of urbanization, the highest rates are found
in Japan and Uruguay, whereas the lowest rates are in Israel and the United
Kingdom, where much of the countryside has been already devoured by the
urban sprawl (Pearce, 1993).
Urbanization has been a highly significant factor in both moderniza-
tion and industrialization, and the three forces, different as they are, contain
a number of parallel features, many of which have already been discussed
under the headings of modernization and industrialization. For present
purposes, the emphasis will be on how people live in urban areas. The ques-
tion is this: Is there something inherent in the settlement patterns of cities
that produces a distinctive "urban way of life"?
Well over six decad~s ago, Louis Wirth (1938:9) answered affirma·
tively. He started by assuming that "the larger, the more densely populated,
and the more heterogeneous a community, the tu t d the charac·. . , more accen a e
teristics associated with urbanism will be" p hi ·ty . errnanent. . or m, a c1 1s a p .
settlement, charactenzed by large size d •t d h ·tu wJuch. , ens1 y, an eterogene1 r,
leads to correspondingly more transitory, f li d ~d spt'
• · d · I · hi , anonymous, orma ze , ,
ciahze 1nterre ahons ps-that is to a b . f
1
.f Hert'•1
, more ur aruzed way o 1 e. ,
saned that the greater the number of
1
. . h reiter th1
peop e mteracting, t e g '

12. l I1,11 l , I I',,11, •1,1, 1 r' <
1'
1
h II It Ir' 113
mtinl for diffl'rl'nti,1titlll, hrin~l"M nh1.1u 1 k-1-1111.•1· d1.•t •t•nd , ,
P(lt1; , • • , l 111 I' Ill J)1ll'II!' Iii II'
··ons, less intlmntl:' relnt1r,11~, llhH' lrel•1.Jt1111 fr, 1111 lht• 11..
1
l
Pen, - • . 1 1nu11n 1111d i·11u,
. ,al control ot mhinntl:' group~, nnd 110 l11dlvldt1nl t1l11n11 , ,
1uo1 . 1 . .
1
j • •• u.: ,, n ►1 lt1th'
Up Density resu ts m turt ,~,· 01tt-crc11tlntlo11 nnd Hf1~•dnll,-,,t1 i '
gro . . f ' I I I, II llt·p,,I'll•
. 11 of residence rom the workplntL', nnd llw funcl1011nl 1'1l)"('li,ll· 11t10 . .
1
. , 1,11 1H1 ol
·eas in the city. T1e city thus bl'crnnc~ "u 11w~nk of 1-1odol w• ,r1,1., ,, 1,
a1 . , . . . ' "'· >l'l'Ot1Hc
of a high deg1ee of ht::te1ogcn~1ty, no cnmmnn t-id ,..ii vnluL•Hcxl1-1l.HIn lht- dly
and money tends to become the meni-;t1t'l' of nil thln~:;i,,. Cltlct-1 bcconw "hct:
eropolises" with a diverse blend of ethnic groupt-1, cconon1lc nl'tivllicHnnJ
lifestyles (Jencks, 1996). Formnl control~rcplncc informnl conlrolH, nnd ll be-
comes necessary to adhere to predictnbk• rnutincs.
As a consequence of these factors, urban dwclll'ri-; develop charnctcri1-1-
tic personality attributes and attitudes. UeGwse of tlw many llft•1-1tyleH nnJ
kinds of people, they develop n rclativislic ~wrspcct ivl'. Thl'y become Hccu-
larized and free of intimate tics; they lnck a slrnnM Sl'nSl' of inlcgrnlion and
participati~n.. Thus, ~he city is characterized by anomic; in the middle of the
crowd, ind1v1duals teel lonely, sense friction .ind irrit;ilion, ;ind experience
personal frustration and nervous tension. Bcc~wse of the mobility rind diver-
sity in the city, they accept instability c1nci insecurity in the world nt large as
a norm because of their segmental roles and nllinnccs. Their pcn,onnl in-
tegrity is constantly threatened, and they arc vulnerable to manipulation by
the mass media. For these reasons, Wirth suggested that the incidence
of personal disorganization, mental breakdown, suicide, delinquency,
crime, corruption, and disorder tend to be higher in cities than in rural
communities.
Obviously, other factors have an impact on social patterns in urban
areas in addition to heterogeneity, density, and large size (Rosen, 1986:
68-73). However, there is not yet enough evidence to prove or disprove that
number, density, and heterogeneity have the social consequences Wirth ob-
served. In fact, social isolation and insularity similar to what has been de-
scribed above has been found within the cultural and ethnic enclaves of
contemporary American cities. Herbert Gans (1982) found that the Italians
of Boston's North End formed a tight and homogeneous folk group having
minimal contact with the remainder of the metropolitan area. In this tradi-
tionally based subculture, primary groups still retain a dominant social po-
sition. In spite of their cosmopolitan residence, people in this area of the city
remain urban villagers. A similar pattern of cultural isolation is portrayed in
Elliot Liebow's (1967) study of black street-corner men in Washington, DC.
Robert Redfield (1941) argues that all occasions of urbanization repeat
a particular series of events-that there is a unilinear continuum from a folk
to an urban form of organization. He describes folk societies as small, iso-
lated, and homogeneous, with no division of labor except accord ing to sex
and age roles. Face-to-face communications prevail and these societ,e!> an.·
marked by a high degree of solidarity. Religion is important, and '-tOddl

13. 114 (/1.ip l lll t<'ll l t1l ( ll,llll)<'
, , I )1 tlll' f l1S ,lrl' b.t ~l
1
d ''P11
nmtnil i:-,; l' t'rCiSl'd th rough tlw s,l l'l't'd . l 1111111 ·1
f
1
,,._ ll·,·lrnolo,,y· st~l 11
' . · •' ' I h l l'( llnf1 L n ' ' " l l",
:--entmwnt ,1 11d 11-.1di tio11; tlwn' 1:-- mi wi11111h.' .
11
N ft1ll..w,1ys uncritir,
1
11
· · · 1· ti , · 1ril'I V In O ·· Y1:-- ,1scnhl'd ,11 brrth; ,rnd mt'lllhl'rs n l l st .·
1
,rni,
1
1 . lfrdl1t'ld 1n,,i)
. . . . I, ., trtl snl1,1 h . 1-
,rnd spnnt.1,wou:--ly. nw l.rn,ilv IS Ill l ( II 'r ,. .Hlllllllllily 111to ,lll llrhnn
. , 11 , -fo"U
lain:-- th,1t thl' tr,rnsforn1,1tion nl ,lll isn •.1.ll. ., . frolll till' l,1fll'r, rL~sulting
. • •· 1 mtl11t•11u s . . .
sncwtv nccur:-,; through ,1 lr,rn:--nussH)ll () I· .·. if i()n ,111d 111d1vrduati
011. • . . . I. sen I "r Iz, ,
111 cul tu1-.1l lwkrogl'tll'rty, d1:--org,mii.,1 Hlll , ·. . .,ml for him lht' tri1nsf
01
._
. I . I) .. I J I ' Ill.. l'VllllltlOll,11 y, t . t' .
tntlL'l orrnl'r. L'df1L'u S ,lppn1,H s . ' 'l'i of Ul' J,llllZ,I 1011 into
I. I i by thl' spH,,motion of thl' wClrld is .iccnrnp 1s H'l ·
morl' and more h.1rkw.1rd ,H'L'<lS. .. . lion initiatl'd .i long-terrn
.. . I ., , tint urb,1111:1.,1 .
Both Rl'dhL'ld ,rnd Wirt 1,HgllL ' . thl' comF1relwns1vt• ilnd fa-
. . . •1 • · :i'vi iunls Irom . . .
h1stonc:il pmcl'ss l)t dL'taL 1111g lllL .' L l J J, :i in rurnl l·olk commun1t1cs
. . k t' . t' .. +1tllll1S (' 1111Clll1Cl . I .
rrnltc1 r sh,1rl'd rwtwor o 111
cr ic ' · . :i •iTrcc of funct1onc1 intcrde-
. . ·k i b)' -1 1rrc.i tcr c <. n
t1 nd tht1t urbc1n society 1s lllill CL ' " J C'W conditions suggest thnt
f. ti p , ' h t1 n<rl's .inu n
pendcnce. The nature o icsL c ' " · . l . bly incrt'c1scd the prob-. . . ., . i . i.i I ch,rngcs pi (n,1 .
urba111z.i t1on ,rnd its .issocicltcL soc . . . t· lt1ss intl'rcst ,111d conflict, and
. . b·i · . ·, i ·ond1t1onso c, ..
lems ofsocral 111s tc1 11ty, raiscc ~ .. Ct' of new and competing
d . . t . the il nncc1 r,1nbegan to lay the foun c1t10ns or ' r r
ideologies. . 1. 1I)' ,,i·s,i·blc in the underdeveloped·b · t· 1s more 11g 1 . • -
Currently, ui arnza ion ~. ..
1 1
r, h,1ve generated as much
. t f . ternat10md soc1,1 c 1c111gc '
nations. Few aspec s
O 111
. . .
1
, ti · ·:i world (Kasa rda & Cren-
1 h. tt - of urbamzat1on m t1c rn c. .
scho ars 1p as pa eins . 1 ve alre'ldy laive proportions of urban
shaw, 1991). Many of these nations 1a ' ' o . . . . . .
. . I Id b t d that the recent pattern ot U1 barnzat10n mpopulat1ons,but1t s 1ou e noe c . E . Th
· . t ·ti the ea rlier cxperrence of Western u1 ope. . ethese countnes cont1 as s w1 1 ' f
1· · f h d d lo ed 11 ations have grown by the transfer o t1e ruralc1ties o t e un er eve p c: , • •
l d d del·employed to the cities which have offered littleunemp oye an un . '. . ..
more than the countryside in the way ot economic oppo1tun1tles. : he Euro..:.
pean experience was more a pheno_rnenon ~f. urba n grow ~h reflecting a g:n-
eral pattern of industrialization, with the cities charactenzed by expandmg
economic opportunities (DeVries, 1984).
The rapid rate oLui-banization in developing countries gave .riseJ o,.tlle
' concept of '~.ovenuban.ization" (Graves & Sexton, 1984). 1t im plies the belief
that a particular developing country has tQo_.rugh .a proportion of its pQ.l'.2llla-
tion residing_in ~ities, where high densities are considered detrj rnent_illo
h~th and general well-being. The t~rban population of developing coun-
tries will exceed 4 billion by 2015, and five years later half of them-80 per-
cent in Latin America-will be living in cities, and about a fourth of them in
poverty (Annez & Friendly, 1996; Piel, 1997).
Moreove1~ overurbanization is often indicative of the fact that the
urp_~~-~~_lati~ nation is too- large jl.l reJation to the extent of its
ecolJ,.O.IlUc.. de~elopment. There are already some calls in the literature for
rural d~velopment programs to prevent rural-urban migration and reduce
population growth rates in urban areas (see, for example, Aman i, 1992)

14. Chrtp { P,Htr rn <f (1
hr1ncw 115
, .,,·urbanization is usually the result of migr"t· f
0,L . . " ion rom r I
. ,t,cr th,111 tl1<:_cxpa_!1s1on of cinplo)l.lllent onport 1
·t· .ura_arr.as at a rate
I ~ t db high r Ln1 1es in th . .
tion 1~ promp e Y rurcll dcnsiti(!.) and l"ck f e city.This mi-
~r,1 - L'f ~ . . ~c• o ccono .
.. for peasants. 1 e seems difficult in the •t micopportuni-
tiL 5 ---:"" . . b c1y, and for -
.Trr1nts 1t 1s not etter than the countryside H ' many of the
r111g ' ' l . owevcr at least . h .
I
ere is always 1ope and the possibility of someth' 'b ' int e c1ty,
t 1 . . . mg etter. All O th
orld peasants are voting with their feet in favor of •t 1
.f ver e
'" , . f b . . . c1 y I e. Jt may b
ued that mso ar as ur arnzat1on is associated with tl d I ear-
g · d d f l'f ,e eve opment of a
rnodernize mo e o I e and general economic progress the bl .
,.,,uch of the developing world is not overurbanization but' rbrlo em mI', . . , poss1 y under-
urban1zahon.
As migrants flock to urban areas in developing countries the d' •
· f b , 1vers1ty
and heterogeneity o ur an areas further.increase. Ways of life in th -ty
- I · h . - - - e c1
differ ~normous Y m t e vanous areas. ~raditional lifestyles exist side by
side with Western wa~s, and they often mmgle. In Asian countries, occiden-
tal technology sometimes clashes with oriental mentality. New arrivals
often identify more closely with their native villages or with such sociocul-
tural groupings as caste, tribe, race, or religion than with the city and what
the city can offer. They have the bare necessities for.sur..viYal, but some do
not have even those. Their culture is primarily a cult~f-pe-~ rather
than a distinctively urban way of life. This phenomenon is referred to by
Joel Halpern (1967:34-35) as the Y'peasantization ofl:he cities:'jFor example,
in cities of former Yugoslavia, rural migrants constructed new houses iden-
tical to those they left behind, with a garden, a chicken coop, and (despite
city ordinances) a pig or two. For at least a couple of generations, they re-
tained ties to their villages. If they lived in modern apartment buildings,
they created maintenance problems, being unfamiliar with plumbing and
central heating, and kept domestic animals inside. In most cases, the assimi-
lation of migran ts into the urban culture and way of life is a long and te-
dious process.
Kingsley Davis argues that the recent trend in world urbanization
"cannot have existed very Jong in the past and certainly will not endure
long in the future." It began somewhat slowly "in the 16th and 17th
centuries, with the entire world probably between one and two percent
urban ... The pace picked up some in the 18th century, but r~ally g~t
under way rapidly in the 19th, continuing and perhaps accelerating a_ bit
around the middle of the 20th century. Within another century-certainly
by the year 21.00-the entire process of world urbanization should be fin-
ished" (Davis, 1972:48, 52-53). In vie!" of Peter H~ll'.01996) argument t~:the current growth of cities is determmed by four fimte factors-(1) _the 5
•
from manufacturing to the service factor, (2) the use of information as a
basis of the economy (3) the spatial separation of comma~d-co!.lt~ol func-
. , • • •• c-. •- d informa-
tions from production and (4) innovat10ns m manwacturmg an . b
. , . D • , · may 1ust e
hon that keep the economy active-Kingsley av1s view

15. 116 Chap. 3 Patterns of Change
are that the next chang
• ti Chances . e
P
rescient about the end of urbamza_ on. ..,,,ined in the next section, Will
. . h' h will be exau.•
pattern, bureaucratization, w. ic
be here longer than urbanization.
BUREAUCRATIZATION
. r did not improve the image of_bureauc-
The onset of the twenty-first centu y . s strong negative connotatio.ll&-1-t-is
racy. The word bureaucracy s_ti~l _earned .eneral inhumanity (Heckscher &
. • inf1 x1b1hty, an g f ff· ·
blamed for ineff1oe~cy, e 2002). It conjures up images o Q ic!9USIJ.ess,
Dorn1ellon, 1994; Keiser et ~l.: out of forms-such as one or more of the
red tape, and the endless.fillmh~-f--d 1government (Time, 1978). For soci-
--- - k' d sed by t e e era . l
4,987 different m s u . 1 means a bjerarchjcal sooa __strJ.1cture
ologists, t~~rmJ!ureaucralcy s@nPi.[ati~~ rationally, efficiently, effediye]y,
d . . t mg large-sea e orga . . f
for a ll}InIS er . . . f th: section bureaucrahzat10n, re ers to
. 11 The topic o is ' .
and Iffipersona Y. . . bl·c or pri·vate toward greater rationality
· hin rgamzat10n pu 1 '
changes wit an ° . d' atm·g efficiency and more effective at-
. d . . aking improve aper ' -.---
111 eoswn m '
1
(L h 1987) As the size and complexity of an
tainment of common goa s orsc ' . . . 'f ff' .
. :-----. - - th re is a greater need for coordmat10n i e iciency
organizat10n mcrease, e . . • 1 .
· t be maintained or improved. Organizahona_ eff1-
and effectiveness are o . . . . - .
. b · · ed when there is a hierarchical hne ot authonty, with
ciency can e maximiz . . _ .
each role in the chain having clearly defmed and stated duh~s and responsi-
bilities; when all decisions are made on the basi_s of teclu1ical knowledg~,
not personal considerations; when members are J~1dged solely on the basis
of technical knowledge, and discipline is impartially enforced; and when
the members are recruited on the basis of their abilities and there is a system
of assured tenure and promotion based on merit (VVeber, 1947:329-341).
In a truly fascinating book, The Bureaucratization of the World, Henry
Jacoby (1973:9) cites Alfred Weber~ who wrote that "the history of all gn~at cjv-
ilizations begins with the formation of a bureaucracy which supports and
shapes men's whole existence." In ancient Egypt and Babylon, it was the
priestly, hierarchically organized class of scribes who created and guarded the
magic and sacred character of life. "This class, founded on the economic pro-
ductivity of the canal system, was probably the most totalitarian bureaucracy
ever to have existed in history" (Jacoby, 1973:9-10). The early civilizations of
China and India also exhibited similar strong bureaucratic tendencies, and
the Inca Empire used a bureaucratic system to administer the construction of
agricultural terracing and established a rather efficient communication
network that was d~pendent on suspension bridges. When the Spaniards in-
~aded ~eru, ~hey discovered a well-organized system of statistical informa-
tio~ usmg differently colored twines to indicate objects and knots in the
twines to represent numbe R d k · · t. rs. ecor eepmg was also present in anc1en
Egypt, and taxation was determined by record offices with centrc1lized

16. ( Il,lf I l IJ II
. . . " i•rr 1·, ,,ir l1,1rvi1• 117
. formation nbout c1l1zcns nnd ti ,· . .
1n b ti l c tr l1vinv C I' ,
w<1S wken y ll' ~ovcrnrncnt ond ,, II f ~>nl it1onH. l'<.•ri"dicnlly, n ccm11.,1"'
197
1·10). J11 of this obviously . . n ° l~gyrt W i1H invcn toril•c.l" (Ja b~ · · rcqu ,rcJ nn . en y,
reaucracy whose structure Wi:ls Hubjcct ·d ~ cx ~l·rtt•nreJ aJminh,trn t·ivc bu-
As early as the thirteenth , , c t~, vnnous cl 1:1ngeH.
d tl , . . , . . l:cntury in Pm ,
arne un er le JU nsd1ct1on of th , . . 'nee, a number of functiom,
c . . . c slc1 le and , ·
Whose pos1t1on in society was d l . gave rise lo " class of people
l! ermined b ff
tatus. By the end of the sixt.... , th Y O 1cc rather than by ascribed
s '-'en centur th b
F
ourth Estate. The bureaucracy 6 Y, cy ccamc known as the
ecarnc a scp t l
special long gowns (Jacoby, 1973:l9) A h .ara c c ass, recognizable by
ted with absolute monarchy "It .
6
· t t. at time, bureaucracy was associ-
a · 1s ureaucr h' 'h
U
thori"', the monarch being the , b
1
_acy w ic represents absolute
a ·1· sym o at its h d Wh
P
olitical leaders occupy the thr f · .ea · · · • en powerful
one O an absolute h h h
selves are the bureaucratic heads" (Fr l' h monarc y t ey t em-
that time, the state bureaucracy neve~od~ub~~o!~dtbyllJacoby, 1_973:2~): ~y
controllable. In 1577 . d a a economic achv1hes
were . ' m .ustry and commerce became regulated by a
royal decree 1n France. New industries were t d d h 1.. crea e , an t e qua 1ty and
quantity of goods produced were controlled Wage d · 1
d
. •. an pnce contro s were
introduced an severe sa~chons were imposed to maintain them. A new de-
partme~t w~s created to mspect and supervise these activities.
It 1s evident from the above historical sketch that the origin of the state
and the development of the bureaucracy are closely intertwined. While ex-
amining A~_encan democracy in 1832, Alexis de Tocqueville also looked
into the ong1n of the bureaucratic state. He concluded that the disappear-
ance of traditional institutions and the development of an economy under
which individuals concentrated exclusively on their own affairs led to
greater state control of economic and social functions. General apathy to-
ward public affairs "must almost compulsorily concentrate the direction
of all men and the management of all things in the hands of the administra-
tion" (de Tocqueville, quoted by Jacoby, 1973:53). Marx shared de Tocque-
ville's observation that although the forms of government changed,
administrations continued uninterruptedly to accumulate more functions
and responsibilities.
Not everyone looked upon the growth of bureaucratization favorably.
For example, the RevoluJion of 1917 in Russia brought the entire adminis-
trative machine to a standstill and gave rise to an optimistic idea that a new
way of organizing society is possible without the hated bureaucracy.:_ Le_nin
predicted that the principle of sound government would be carried so far in
the future that any cook could govern the state. "Since everyone was to par-
t~ipate in the government, everyone would become a temporary 'bureau-
crat,' and thus no one would be a real bureaucrat" Qacoby, 1973:124). Thus
he- predicted that bureaucracy would die out. But this dream of Lenin_'s
never came true. In 1917, approximately 1 million peopl~ were employed m
administrative offices in Russia. By 1921, this number of increased to almo5t

17. I• -
. at a very rapid pace until the demise of
2.5 million and kept grow1;~g the Sa,
viet system in the early
19
. s. stable and efficient system of taxauo .
· countries, a . n1s ti-
In developing t existence of bureaucratic administ .tte
f the permanen . h' . ratio
precond~tion or . hl interdependent relations 1p exists between b11
(Eco11on11st, 1997). A_hig "~he efficiency of the burea~cracy depends u i-
reaucracy and taxation. . stem· and the effectiveness of the taxapt· 11
• f ·ts taxation sy ' . 1011
the effectiveness
O 1
ff' . y of the bureaucratic apparatus" (Lo k
d d n the e 1c1enc . c _
system epen
5 0
t· system cannot provide adequate supp
d 1976 380) When a taxa 10n ort
woo , : · . a develo ing country, members of bureaucratic orga-
for the bure~ucracy m ft pd corruption to supplement their incorn
nizations will rel~ ?n 1ra thanconcept of white-collar crime is simply no~
(Ock~y, 1994). This isfwth1~se :ocieties. Public servants, police, custom offi-
apphcable to many O f d · "
. d h • eneral are dependent on gra t, an , 1n a sense, the
c1als an ot ers m g I · d d 11
' . t t a labyrinth of informally ev1e an co ectedsystem 1s tantamoun o . ,,
h · b t'tuti·on of formal taxation and accounting (Hetzlersure arges m su s 1 ,
1969:47). . · d 1
When there is a more or less stable form of taxation system 1n eve op-
ing countries, the bureaucracy can facilitate econom!~ development by ren-
dering the needed legal and public service precon~1t10~s for developme~t,
including law and order, money and banking orgarnzahons, and the admin-
istrative apparatus essential for economic enterprises. "The bureaucracy can
help modify 'the resource-structure of a country, together with its exploita-
tion, as to make it more favorable to economic growth' . . . can form pub-
lic corporations or other types of enterprises that wil1 furnish the initiative
for economic development, [and] ... can fashion tax, fiscal, and invest-
ment policies that will sustain and enhance economic growth" (Spengler,
quoted by Lauer, 1982:324).
In contemporary societies, bureaucracies represent significant concen-
trations of resources and power without being directly accountable to the
public at large. Even though this concentration of power and resources is es-
sential to the business of modern industrial society, there is also a sense in
which such concentrations raise public anxieties. In third-world countries
bureaucr~cies are c~a~acterized by high salaries and interdependent struc~
ture, makmg the officials dependent on the system for survival. When their
positions are threatened, they will often support a coup d'etat in order to
maintain ~h_e bureaucratic struct~re on w~ich they depend (Riggs, 1993).
Not surpnsmgly, there are questions occas10nally raised as to what extent
bureaucracy is compatible with democracy. There is a tendency in bureau-
cratic organizations for power to be concentrated in the hands of a few, ex-
emplified by what Roberto Michel (1949) calls the_ "iron law of oligarchy."
Admittedly, as demonstrated by Seymour M. Lipset and his associates
(1956), under some conditions democratic processes can be maintained in
large bureaucratic organizations, but still the relationship between bureauc-
racy and democracy is an uncomfortable one. In an age of increasing "hig-

18. Chap. 3 p
" . .atterns of Change 119
11ess of government, business (M
,ery kind of organization) eyer, 1985:34-40) and . . .
e, . , one may s 1
' uruverstty (mdeed
th~ Je1.nocrahc process fit into th . pecu ate on how the • d. .d 1 '
· · · b e picture It . m 1v1 ua and
light ot mcreasmg ureaucratizat' . is a growing con . h
Although the efficiencies ofilon, which pervades all aspects ~~;nif m t e
d arge-scale · e·
ble the w1prece ented material organizations have mad .
· d . growth of th t . e poss1-
of their power an influence has c e wenheth century the scope
t. 1 1 · d' ome to threat b · 'values, p~r icu ar y m ividual freedom (Fi en _a~1c social and political
a disturbing growth of centralized b sche~ & S1nanni, 1984:3). There is
surveillance and centralized dat b ur~aucrahc control with technological
(1980) characterizes as "friendly af ~n s resembling what Bertram Gross
asc1sm " Th •
gence because organizations use onl · ere is also a waste of intelli-
members as a result of the practice olsr :~allfractio~ of the capacity of its
a failure to control informal organi·z t.
0
hng people mto predefined offices,
a 10ns, and a pr d
resist change (Heckscher, 1994:20-24). onounce tendency to
In sum, as Otto Hintze writes 11
u. .
.
1
. , u.ureaucrahc organi t' . f'
class soc10 og1cal work of art whi h h ~ . za 10n 1s a ust-
- . • • . c as-1:1een-fash1oned
tunes. It is an illusion to maintain that it c ld b over .many_cen-
by- 'self government' "o · J ou e suppressed and replaced
· · · · r, m oseph Schum t , d, h pe er s wor s bureaucracy
' ... grows everyw ere, whatever the political method , f
adopt. Its expansion is the one certain thing about f tua ~a(Hi~n mayour u re mtze &
Schumpeter, quoted by Jacoby, 1973:199, 191).
SUMMARY
In thi~ chapter,_se:'eral change patterns were considered. The object was to
descnbe the pnncipal forms that change can take. Evolution was seen in the
context of directionality, novelty, increased variety, and complexity. Such
change patterns are cumulative. These patterns can be investigated both
qualitatively, as illustrated by the evolution of legal systems and religion,
and quantitatively, as in the case of stratification and food production or en-
ergy consumption.
Diffusion theory developed as an alternative to evolutionary theories.
It deals with the spread of cultural elements. Historically, it was posited that
ancient Egypt was the source of civilization, and from there elements spread
to all parts of the world. The process of diffusion refers to the acquisition of
elements from other culhues or social groups. The diffusion process in-
cludes the stages of awareness, interest, evaluation, trial, and the adoption
of an innovation. It is conditioned by the perception of relative advantage,
compatibility, complexity, tryability, and observability of an element by
members of a culture. The adopter categories include innovators, early
adopters, early and late majority, and laggards. The center-~eriph~ry a_nd
the proliferation-of-centers are the principal models of diffusion. Diffusion
is considered an important component of planned social change.

19. 1 tion which is a result of co t
Diffusion is subsumed under accu tura ' ltu t . n act
. t t seldom accu ra e rec1proc II
among cultures. However cultures 1n con ac A ltu t'
1
a Y,
. ' . · ans ccu ra 10n can a so b
as illustrated by the case of Native Americ · .
1
. . c
·· d · Af ica during co on1zahon. lmn-.·planned and involuntary, as happene m r . "'lll-
grants in the United States undergo selective acculturation. The process ofac-
culturation can be rapid and nondisruptive, as evidenced by the Manus.
Revolution usually entails rapid and fw1damental cha~~CS,. 6,ut such
changes may or may not be violent. Several patterns ~ ere discussed, such
as the Jacquerie, the Millenarian and Anarchi~tic Rebelho.n_s, J~cobean Com-
munist Revolution, Conspirational Coup d'Etat, and Mtl~tan z~d Mass In-
surrection. Most revolutionary forms bring about altcr,1tions in the c.lass,
status, and power systems, and the intensity of changes can be ascertc11ned
in a continuum.
Modernization refers to the transition fron1 tr<iditionl, I to conternpo-
rary society and mc1y take place Nithout indu"'lrit1li1l1tion. 1hrt'l1
types were
identified: industrial, c1ccul turc1tive, <1nd inducl'd. ttodl'rni1t1!ion ic., <1ccom-
parued by increased d iffcrentic1lion in thL' l'cono1nic, 01')..;,1ni1l1tion,1l, po-
litical, and cul turaI sphere~. ModL'rn pl'npIL' t1 l'l' portrtl l'd tl"- infornied,
efficient, and indcpcndcnl bl'ing~ " iII ing ln L'pL·rirnl'n t.
Industrialization in,·ol'c~ lhL' l1L' L'lup1nl'nl ul c1 Lll lnr~ "'Y"'lcn1 under
mechanical povcr. An indc, of indu--.tri,1li1c1liun j.., thl' proportion of the
labor force in agriculture. lndustrii1li1t1tinn j.., accon1pc1nied by ,1 grot.ving di-
vision of labor, a shift fron1 ,igriculturL' to n1c1nut,1cturing and ...en ice indus-
tries, the creation of ne' speci,1ltie~ ancl occupc1ticHl"-, grl',1 k r Jiterac), and
demographic changes.
As ,vith n1odernizc1tion, urbc1niLation n1a~ take place ,vithout ind ustri-
alization. Living in oties produce~ a distinct1, e ··urban ,, av of life." The
process of urbanizat1on can be dl'pictcd on the folk-urban co;1tinuum. Cur-
rently, urbanization is 1nost rapiL1 1n de, eloping countric~, 'here it is as~oci-
ated with distinct lifestyles and ,,·ith the concept of o,·erurbanization.
The final change pattern e:an1ined in this chapter is bureaucratization.
It refers to greater rationalit~' in decision making and increased efficienc' in
the attainment of organizational goals. The section concluded vith a ~ot-
too-cheerful note that bureaucracy, regardless of the form of go·ernment, 15
here to stay. In the next chapter, a series of specific spheres of change vill be
considered.